title: Sarah Kane

text: Kane was then taken to London's King's College Hospital where she was resuscitated and assessed by two psychiatrists. One of the psychiatrists, Nigel Tunstall, said that "it was very clearly the case that [Kane] was intending to kill herself and she was surprised and upset that she had not succeeded" and that she "said she had no intention of killing herself while she remained at King's College Hospital, but in abstract terms she said that at some point she would certainly kill herself." Because of this, Dr Tunstall ordered that Kane should be detained under the Mental Health Act if she attempted to leave the hospital.


title: Sarah Kane

text: Kane was admitted to the Brunel ward of the King's College Hospital, which was a general ward and not a psychiatric wing.


title: Sarah Kane

text: While in hospital, she was visited by her agent Mel Kenyon. Kane told Kenyon that her attempted suicide by overdose had been unsuccessful because she had eaten pizza. Kenyon recalled that when she visited Kane "She was extraordinary. She looked happy, healthy. She was very funny. She was brimming with self confidence. I took her 200 cigarettes which we hid under the bed. We talked about everything under the sun. We did talk about suicide. We did talk about God. We did talk about plays. We did talk about friendship.[…] And then after I had given her the fags I just kissed her on her forehead and I said 'I love you' and she said 'I love you too' and that was the last time I saw her."


title: Sarah Kane

text: Shortly after 3:30am on 20 February a nurse discovered that Kane was not in her hospital bed. The nurse forced open the door to the Brunel ward's toilets where she found Kane's dead body. Kane had been hanged by her neck with her own shoelaces from the hook on the inside of the toilet door. She was 28 years old when she died. At the inquest into her death, it was stated that she probably died within three minutes.


title: Sarah Kane

text: An inquest was held at Southwark coroner's court to determine the circumstances that resulted in Kane's death.


title: Sarah Kane

text: The coroner delivered a verdict of death by suicide. The coroner commented that Kane "was plagued with mental anguish and tormented by thoughts of suicide" and that she "made her choice and she made it at a time when she was suffering from a depressive illness [and while] the balance of her mind was disturbed".


title: Sarah Kane

text: The inquest heard how Kane had not been observed by nurses between 2am and 3:30am on 20 February, which was the timeframe when she left her room in the hospital and went to the toilets where she killed herself. One of the psychiatrists who assessed Kane, Dr Nigel Tunstall, told the inquest how he "took it as read" that Kane would be "constantly observed" by nurses because of the notes from psychiatrist Dr Sedza Mujic who had also assessed Kane. However, nurses were unaware that Kane needed continuous supervision. Dr Tunstall also wrote in his notes that Kane did not require one-to-one care from a psychiatric nurse. It was stated that one of the reasons this was not requested was because it was felt that such a measure could be counter-productive, as Kane was ambivalent towards psychiatric treatment.


title: Sarah Kane

text: A review panel that investigated Kane's death recommended that the communication between medical staff be improved by formalising the procedures that related to the risk assessment of patients. However, a spokesperson from the hospital said that none of these procedures would have prevented her death.


title: Sarah Kane

text: After the inquest Sarah Kane's father, Peter Kane, considered taking legal action against the hospital for "criminal negligence". He stated that "The hospital has admitted there was not enough communication between the doctors of these departments and the nurses" and that "I am not seeking financial compensation for the death of my daughter. I want answers as to why she was not given proper care in order that this does not happen to somebody else's daughter."


title: Sarah Kane

text: It has been reported that in response to Kane's death there was a minute's silence held on radio in Germany and that theatres in the country dimmed their lights as a mark of respect.


title: Sarah Kane

text: Kane's agent, Mel Kenyon, stated that "I don't think she was depressed, It was deeper than that. I think she felt something more like existential despair – which is what makes many artists tick." Kenyon's words were challenged by playwright Anthony Neilson who In a letter to "The Guardian" wrote that "No one in despair “ticks”" and that "Truth didn't kill her, lies did: the lies of worthlessness and futility whispered by an afflicted brain". Neilson suggested that Kane's depression was the result of "crazy and irregular tides of chemicals that crash through the brain" and that "Far from enhancing talent these neurological storms waste time, narrow vision and frequently lead, as here, to that most tragic, most selfish actions".


title: Sarah Kane

text: Eight days after Kane's death "The Independent" published an essay written by Paul Gordon titled "You don't have to be suicidal to be an artist, and it doesn't help". In the essay Gordon commented on the negative impact of how "our culture romanticises creativity and depression". He wrote that "The tragic suicide of the young playwright Sarah Kane is already finding its place in the mythology of the creative depressive: the artist - young or old, but preferably young - who creates public beauty out of personal suffering." He concluded his piece writing that "Only those who knew Sarah Kane personally can mourn her. Perhaps the rest of us could be less in thrall to the romantic ideas of which her death is prey and think more of the thousands of “nameless” suicides whose deaths each year shames us, as individuals and as a society."


title: Sarah Kane

text: The playwright Harold Pinter knew Kane personally and remarked how he was not surprised to hear the news of her suicide: "She talked about it a great deal. She just said it was on the cards, you know, and I had to say, 'Come on! For God's sake!' I remember a line in [her play] Crave: 'Death is my lover, and he wants to move in.' That's quite a line, isn't it? She felt man's inhumanity to man so profoundly. I believe that's what finally killed her. She couldn't stand the bloody thing any more." Pinter spoke at Kane's memorial and is reported to have just said the following four words: "She was a poet".


title: Sarah Kane

text: The artistic director of The Bush Theatre, Dominic Dromgoole, had previously known Kane when she was the theatre's literary associate. Dromgoole wrote that Kane's death "left a long black cloud hanging over many. A huge amount of anger was felt. Anger at her for robbing us of what we so loved. Anger at those who maltreated her. […] anger directed inward for failing to help her." Dromgoole wrote that he was angry with how Kane had been mistreated by others. He stated that this anger was not aimed at "the press" who he saw as being "held up so easily as scapegoats" but rather it was directed at "certain people in the profession" who he claimed to have taken advantage of her: "There were a lot of timid souls who dared not, who forced Sarah to dare on their behalf. She enacted their fantasies of outrage for them. There is always one child in the class who will do the things others fear to. That is what marks them out, their courage, and their will. The good friends of that child will help her to harness it for her own benefit. The bad friends will use it as a form of entertainment. ‘Go on, jump over that’, ‘Say that to the bully’, ‘Go on cut yourself’. Sarah was that child, and where some reined her back, others let her go, even encouraged her." He also said that "We all behaved a bit strangely after Sarah's death. It awoke old despairs, and morbidities, and adolescent terrors."


title: Sarah Kane

text: The playwright Edward Bond knew Kane personally and had a correspondence with her. Bond has referred to Kane's suicide in various essays he has written about theatre. In an essay from 1999 (revised in 2000) Bond wrote "Sarah Kane had to confront the implacable. You can postpone the confrontation only when you are certain that at some time it will take place. Otherwise it will slip away. Everything Sarah Kane did had authority. If she thought that perhaps the confrontation could not take place in our theatre, because it was losing the understanding and the means – she could not risk waiting. Instead she staged it elsewhere. Her means to confront the implacable are death, a lavatory and shoelaces. They are her comment on the meaningless of our theatre and our lives, and on our own false gods."


title: Sarah Kane

text: In 2000 Bond wrote that "Her suicide has to be understood. She was the most gifted dramatist of her generation. It is said that she killed herself because she was clinically depressed. What does that mean of a writer? Not that her death had a cause, but that her life had no inducement. She saw no future for theatre and so none for herself. But it is possible to see such a future for theatre. Her plays present the need for such a theatre." In 2021 Bond wrote "[Kane] had personal problems but she was destroyed by the theatre industry. Drama had been her umbilical lifeline but the theatre industry tuned it into the rope with which she hanged herself."


title: Sarah Kane

text: Kane originally wanted to be a poet, but decided that she was unable to convey her thoughts and feelings through poetry. She wrote that she was attracted to the stage because "theatre has no memory, which makes it the most existential of the arts. No doubt that is why I keep coming back in the hope that someone in a dark room somewhere will show me an image that burns itself into my mind".


title: Sarah Kane

text: Kane's first play was "Blasted". Kane wrote the first two scenes while a student in Birmingham, where they were given a public performance. The agent Mel Kenyon was in the audience and subsequently represented Kane, suggesting she should show her work to the Royal Court Theatre in London. The completed play, directed by James Macdonald, opened at the Royal Court Theatre Upstairs in 1995. The action is set in a room of a luxurious hotel in Leeds where Ian, a racist and foul-mouthed middle-aged journalist, first tries to seduce and later rapes Cate, an innocent, simple-minded young woman. From its opening in a naturalistic—though troubling—world, the play takes on different, nightmarish dimensions when a soldier, armed with a sniper's rifle, appears in the room. The narrative ultimately breaks into a series of increasingly disturbing short scenes. Its scenes of anal rape, cannibalism, and other forms of brutality, created one of the biggest theatre scandals in London since Edward Bond's "Saved" in 1965. Kane admired Bond's work, and he in turn publicly defended Kane's play and talent. Other dramatists whom Kane particularly liked and who could be seen as influences include Samuel Beckett, Howard Barker, and Georg Büchner, whose play "Woyzeck" she later directed (Gate Theatre, London 1997).


title: Sarah Kane

text: "Blasted" was fiercely attacked in the British press. "Blasted" was, however, praised by fellow playwrights Martin Crimp, Harold Pinter (who became a friend), Caryl Churchill, who considered it "rather a tender play". It was later seen to be making parallels between domestic violence and the war in Bosnia, and between emotional and physical violence. Kane said, "The logical conclusion of the attitude that produces an isolated rape in England is the rape camps in Bosnia and the logical conclusion to the way society expects men to behave is war."


title: Sarah Kane

text: "Blasted" was produced again in 2001 at the Royal Court. The assistant director of this production, Joseph Hill-Gibbins, suggests that "The argument is made through form, through the shifts in styles in "Blasted". That's how she constructs the argument, by taking this setting in an English Northern industrial town and suddenly transporting the action to a war zone." The critical realism that the first scene sets up is "literally blasted apart" in Scene Two. The critic Ken Urban says that "for Kane, hell is not metaphysical: it is hyperreal, reality magnified".


title: Sarah Kane

text: "Skin" was an eleven-minute film written for Channel 4, a British TV station, depicting a violent relationship between a black woman and a racist skinhead. It was first shown at the London Film Festival in October 1995 and televised by Channel 4 in 1997. The film is directed by Vincent O'Connell and stars Ewen Bremner, Marcia Rose, Yemi Ajibade and James Bannon.


title: Sarah Kane

text: Kane was then commissioned by the Gate Theatre, London, to write a play inspired by a classic text. "Phaedra's Love" was loosely based on the classical dramatist Seneca's play "Phaedra", but given a contemporary setting. In this reworking of the myth of Phaedra's doomed love for her stepson Hippolytus, it is Hippolytus, rather than Phaedra, who takes the central role. It is Hippolytus' emotional cruelty which pushes Phaedra to suicide. Kane reversed classical tradition by showing, rather than describing, violent action on stage. The play contains some of Kane's wittiest and most cynical dialogue. Kane described it as "my comedy". Directed by Kane, it was first performed at the Gate Theatre in 1996.


title: Sarah Kane

text: "Cleansed" premiered at the Royal Court's theatre downstairs in April 1998, and was directed by James Macdonald. This was at the time the most expensive production in the Royal Court's history. Kane stated that the play was partly inspired from reading a part of Roland Barthes's work "A Lover’s Discourse" where "[Barthes] says the situation of a rejected lover is not unlike the situation of a prisoner in Dachau." "Cleansed" is set in what Kane in her stage directions described as a "university" but which functions more as a torture chamber or concentration camp, overseen by the sadistic Tinker. It places a young woman and her brother, a disturbed boy, a gay couple and a peepshow dancer within this world of extreme cruelty in which declarations of love are viciously tested. It pushes the limits of what can be realised in the theatre: stage directions include "a sunflower pushes through the floor and grows above their heads" and "the rats carry Carl's feet away". The play was presented at the National Theatre in London in 2016, the first time any of Kane's work had been performed there.


title: Sarah Kane

text: A change in critical opinion occurred with Kane's fourth play, "Crave", which was directed by Vicky Featherstone and presented by Paines Plough at the Traverse Theatre in Edinburgh in 1998. The play was performed under the pseudonym of Marie Kelvedon, partly because the notion amused Kane, but also so that the play could be viewed without the taint of its author's notorious reputation. "Marie" was Kane's middle name and she was brought up in the town of Kelvedon Hatch in Essex.


title: Sarah Kane

text: "Crave" marks a break from the on-stage violence of Kane's previous works and a move to a freer, sometimes lyrical writing style, at times inspired by her reading of the Bible and T. S. Eliot's "The Waste Land". It has four characters, each identified only by a letter of the alphabet. It dispenses with plot and unlike her earlier work, with its highly specific stage directions, gives no indication what actions, if any, the actors should perform on stage, nor does it give any setting for the play. As such, it may have been influenced by Martin Crimp's 1997 play "Attempts on Her Life", which similarly dispenses with setting and overall narrative. Kane had written of her admiration for Crimp's formal innovations. The work is highly intertextual. At the time, Kane regarded it as the "most despairing" of her plays, written when she had lost "faith in love".


title: Sarah Kane

text: Her last play, "4.48 Psychosis", was completed shortly before she died and was performed in 2000, at the Royal Court, directed by James Macdonald. This, Kane's shortest and most fragmented theatrical work, dispenses with plot and character, and no indication is given as to how many actors were intended to voice the play. Written at a time when Kane was suffering from severe depression, it has been described by her fellow-playwright and friend David Greig as having as its subject the "psychotic mind". According to Greig, the title derives from the time—4:48 a.m.—when Kane, in her depressed state, frequently woke in the morning.


title: Sarah Kane

text: In 1998, Kane was included in the "Evening Standard"s list of 'London's Top 100 women', which was a list of "The most influential women in the capital". In the same year she was also featured in the newspaper's list of "London's fifty brightest young things".


title: Sarah Kane

text: Though Kane's work never played to large audiences in the UK and was at first dismissed by many newspaper critics, her plays have been widely performed in Europe, Australia and South America. In 2005, the theatre director Dominic Dromgoole wrote that she was "without doubt the most performed new writer on the international circuit". Fellow playwright Mark Ravenhill has said her plays "have almost certainly achieved canonical status". At one point in Germany, there were 17 simultaneous productions of her work. In November 2010, the theatre critic Ben Brantley of the "New York Times" described the SoHo Rep's "shattering production" of Kane's "Blasted" (which had opened two years previously) as "one of the most important New York premieres of the decade".


title: Sarah Kane

text: In December 2011, the playwright David Eldridge wrote that "For any playwright of my generation the spirit and experiential theatre of Sarah Kane casts a long shadow. Sarah believed passionately that form ought to be expressive and carry meaning as powerfully as the story of a play. "Blasted" markedly influenced my adaptation of the film "Festen" for the stage".


title: Sarah Kane

text: Playwright Robert Askins, who received a 2015 Tony Award nomination for Best Play for "Hand to God", has cited Kane as a major inspiration.


title: Sarah Kane

text: In Ukraine, director Roza Sarkisyan chose to produce an excerpt of one of Kane's plays for the British Council in 2017, and cites Kane as an inspiration.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: The Moroccan dirham (, ; ; sign: DH; code: MAD) is the official monetary currency of Morocco. It is issued by the Bank Al-Maghrib, the central bank of Morocco. One Moroccan dirham is subdivided into 100 "santimat" (singular: santim; ).


title: Moroccan dirham

text: The word "dirham" derives from the Greek currency, the "drachma". The Idrissid dirham, a silver coin, was minted in Morocco under the Idrisid dynasty from the 8th to 10th centuries.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: Before the introduction of a modern coinage in 1882, Morocco issued copper coins denominated in "falus", silver coins denominated in "dirham", and gold coins denominated in "benduqi". From 1882, the dirham became a subdivision of the Moroccan rial, with 500 Mazunas = 10 dirham = 1 rial.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: When most of Morocco became a French protectorate in 1912 it switched to the Moroccan franc. The dirham was reintroduced on 16 October 1960. It replaced the franc as the major unit of currency but, until 1974, the franc continued to circulate, with 1 dirham = 100 francs. In 1974, the centime replaced the franc.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: In 1960, silver 1 dirham coins were introduced. These were followed by nickel 1 dirham and silver 5 dirham coins in 1965. In 1974, with the introduction of the santim, a new coinage was introduced in denominations of 1, 5, 10, 20 and 50 santimat and the 1 and 5 dirham coins. The 1 santim coins were aluminium, the 5 up to 20 santimat were minted in brass, with the highest three denominations in cupro-nickel. New cupro-nickel 5 dirham coins were added in 1980 and changed to a bi-metal coin in 1987. The bi-metal coins bear two year designations for the issue date—1987 in the Gregorian calendar and the 1407 in the Islamic calendar.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: The 1 santim was only minted until 1987 when new designs were introduced, with a dirham replacing the 50 santimat without changing the size or composition. The new 5 dirham coin was bimetallic, as was the 10 dirham coin introduced in 1995. Cupro-nickel 2 dirham coins were introduced in 2002. In 2012, a new series of coins has been issued, with the 5 and 10 dirham coin utilizing a latent image as a security feature.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: The first notes denominated in dirham were overprints on earlier franc notes, in denominations of 50 dirhams (on 5,000 francs) and 100 dirhams (on 10,000 francs). In 1965, new notes were issued for 5, 10 and 50 dirhams. 100 dirham notes were introduced in 1970, followed by 200 dirham notes in 1991 and 20 dirham notes in 1996. 5 dirham notes were replaced by coins in 1980, with the same happening to 10 dirham notes in 1995. In mid-October 2009, Bank Al-Maghrib issued four million 50-dirham banknotes to commemorate the bank's 50th anniversary. The commemorative note measures 147 × 70 mm and features the portraits of Kings Mohammed VI, Hassan II, and Mohammed V. The back of the notes features the headquarters of Bank Al-Maghrib in Rabat. The speech delivered in 1959 by Mohammed V at the opening of Bank Al-Maghrib is microprinted on the back.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: In December 2012, Bank Al-Maghrib issued a 25-dirham banknote to commemorate the 25th anniversary of banknote production at the Moroccan State Printing Works, Dar As-Sikkah. It is the first banknote in the world to be printed on Durasafe, a paper-polymer-paper composite substrate produced by Fortress Paper. The front of the commemorative note features an intaglio vignette and a watermark of King Mohammed VI, and a magenta-green color shift security thread. The thread, like the watermark, is embedded inside the banknote yet visible behind a one-sided Viewsafe polymer window. It also has a fully transparent polymer window embossed with the King's royal crest. The back of the note carries a print vignette commemorating 25 years of banknote printing at the Moroccan State Printing Works, Dar As-Sikkah. The windows in Durasafe are formed by die cutting each side of the three layer composite substrate separately. One-sided Viewsafe windows give a clear view inside the substrate where the thread and the watermark of King Mohammed VI are protected, but fully visible behind the polymer core. The transparent Thrusafe window is created by die-cutting both the outer paperlayers to reveal only the transparent polymer core.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: On August 15, 2013, Bank Al-Maghrib has announced a new series of banknotes. The notes feature a portrait of King Mohammed VI and the royal crown. Each of the notes show a Moroccan door to the left of the portrait, demonstrating the richness of the country's architectural heritage, and symbolizing the openness of the country.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: In 2019, Bank Al-Maghrib issued a 20-dirham banknote produced on polymer substrate to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the accession of Mohammed VI to the Moroccan throne.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: Popular denominations are words widely used in Morocco to refer to different values of the currency; they are not considered official by the state. Those include the "rial" (), equivalent to 5 santimat, and the "franc" , equivalent to 1 santim. Usually, when dealing with goods with a value lower than a dirham, it is common to use the rial or santim. For very high priced goods, such as cars, it is normal to refer to the price in santimat. However, rial is used when speaking in Arabic and "centime" when speaking in French.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: Though not used by the young generation, the denomination 1,000, 2,000, up to 100,000 francs will be used by people who lived during the French colonial period when referring to 10, 20 and 1,000 dirham. Likewise, the rial is also used for higher value goods than portions of the dirham, reaching 5,000 dhs (100,000 rial). This denomination is used in a Moroccan Arabic speaking context.


title: Moroccan dirham

text: The Moroccan dirham is also accepted in trade markets in Ceuta, despite the prices being displayed in euros.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: The Ilyushin Il-38 "Dolphin" (NATO reporting name: May) is a maritime patrol aircraft and anti-submarine warfare aircraft designed in the Soviet Union. It was a development of the Ilyushin Il-18 turboprop transport.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: The Il-38 is an adaptation of the four-engined turboprop Ilyushin Il-18 for use as a maritime patrol aircraft for the Soviet Navy. It met a requirement to counter American ballistic missile submarines. The Communist Party Central Committee and the Council of Ministers issued a joint directive on 18 June 1960, calling for a prototype to be ready for trials by the second quarter of 1962. The fuselage, wing, tail unit and engine nacelles were the same as the Il-18 and it had the same powerplant and flight deck. An aerodynamic prototype of the Il-38 first flew on 28 September 1961, with the first production aircraft following in September 1967. Production continued until 1972, when the longer-range and more versatile Tupolev Tu-142 derivative of the Tupolev Tu-95 strategic bomber had entered service.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: The airframe is based on the Il-18, with the wings moved forward 3 m (9.84 ft). Unlike the Il-18, only the forward fuselage of the Il-38 is pressurised. The tail contains a MAD, while under the forward fuselage a "Berkut" ("Golden Eagle") search radar (named "Wet Eye" by NATO) is housed in a bulged radome. There are two internal weapons bays, one forward of the wing, housing sonobuoys and one behind the wing housing weapons.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: Some Western sources state that 58 were produced; the commander of the ASW squadron at Ostrov has stated that Soviet Naval Aviation received 35, of which about thirty remain in service with Russian Naval Aviation. Five were passed to India in 1977/8. In the mid-1990s it seems the Tu-204/Tu-214 airliner won a competition against the Beriev A-40/Be-42 amphibious plane to replace the Il-38 in Russian service, but a lack of funds crippled the project. More recently an A-40 variant seems to be under development to replace the Il-38.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: India received three ex-Soviet Naval Aviation Il-38s in 1977, with two more arriving in 1983. Indian modifications included fitting pylons to the fuselage side to carry the Sea Eagle anti-ship missile. The Il-38s of the Indian Navy have been sent back to Russia for upgrades. They will incorporate the new Sea Dragon avionic suite, incorporating a new radar, a Forward looking infrared turret under the nose and an electronic intelligence system housed in a box-like structure mounted on struts above the forward fuselage. Three upgraded aircraft, designated Il-38 SD, have been delivered to the Indian Navy. Indian Il-38 can also fire Kh-35E missiles.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: The Il-38 was operated by units in the Soviet Northern, Pacific and Baltic fleets. In March 1968 a squadron of Il-38s deployed to Cairo in Egypt, flown by Soviet crews but in Egyptian markings, until withdrawn in 1972. Il-38s continued to deploy overseas through the Cold War, flying from Aden in South Yemen, Asmara in what was then Ethiopia, Libya and Syria. Two Il-38s were attacked on the ground in a commando raid and at least one was destroyed by Eritrean People's Liberation Front fighters in 1984 at Asmara. After the Cold War and the breakup of the Soviet Union, Il-38s continue in service with the Russian Navy's Arctic and Pacific Fleets.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: The type made its first visit to a NATO base in 1995, at NAS Jacksonville in United States. Its first appearance at an airshow in the West was at the 1996 Royal International Air Tattoo in United Kingdom.


title: Ilyushin Il-38

text: A midair collision occurred on 1 October 2002, during the Indian squadron's silver jubilee celebrations. IN302 and IN304, which were flying parallel to each other, collided above the Dabolim airport in Goa. All twelve aircrew (six aboard each aircraft) were killed and both aircraft were destroyed.


title: Kokutai

text: "Kokutai" originated as a Sino-Japanese loanword from Chinese "guoti" (; "state political system; national governmental structure"). The Japanese compound word joins and . According to the "Hanyu Da Cidian", the oldest "guoti" usages are in two Chinese classic texts. The 2nd century BCE "Guliang zhuan" () to the Spring and Autumn Annals glosses "dafu" () as "guoti" metaphorically meaning "embodiment of the country". The 1st century CE "Book of Han" history of Emperor Cheng of Han used "guoti" to mean "laws and governance" of Confucianist officials.


title: Kokutai

text: The historical origins of "kokutai" go back to pre-1868 periods, especially the Edo period ruled by the Tokugawa shogunate (1603–1868).


title: Kokutai

text: Aizawa Seishisai (会沢正志斎, 1782–1863) was an authority on Neo-Confucianism and leader of the Mitogaku (水戸学 "Mito School") that supported direct restoration of the Imperial House of Japan. He popularized the word "kokutai" in his 1825 "Shinron" (新論 "New Theses"), which also introduced the term "Sonnō jōi" ("revere the Emperor, expel the barbarians").


title: Kokutai

text: Aizawa developed his ideas of "kokutai" using the idea that the Japanese national myths in the "Kojiki" and "Nihon Shoki" were historical facts, believing that the Emperor was directly descended from the sun goddess Amaterasu-ōmikami. Aizawa idealized this divinely-ruled ancient Japan as a form of "saisei icchi" (祭政一致 "unity of religion and government") or theocracy. For early Japanese Neo-Confucian scholars, linguist Roy Andrew Miller (1982:93) says, ""kokutai" meant something still rather vague and ill defined. It was more or less the Japanese "nation's body" or "national structure".


title: Kokutai

text: Katō Hiroyuki (1836–1916) and Fukuzawa Yukichi (1835–1901) were Meiji period scholars who analyzed the dominance of Western civilization and urged progress for the Japanese nation.


title: Kokutai

text: In 1874, Katō wrote the "Kokutai Shinron" (国体新論 "New Theory of the National Body/Structure"), which criticized traditional Chinese and Japanese theories of government and, adopting Western theories of natural rights, proposed a constitutional monarchy for Japan. He contrasted between "kokutai" and "seitai" (政体 "government body/structure"). Brownlee explains.


title: Kokutai

text: The "Kokutai-seitai" distinction enabled conservatives to identify clearly as "Kokutai", National Essence, the "native Japanese", eternal, and immutable aspects of their polity, derived from history, tradition, and custom, and focused on the Emperor. The form of government, "Seitai", a secondary concept, then consisted of the historical arrangements for the exercise of political authority. "Seitai", the form of government, was historically contingent and changed through time. Japan had experienced in succession direct rule by the Emperors in ancient times, then the rule of the Fujiwara Regents, then seven hundred years of rule by "shōguns", followed by the allegedly direct rule of the Emperors again after the Meiji Restoration. Each was a "seitai", a form of government. In this understanding, the modern system of government under the Meiji Constitution, derived this time from foreign sources, was nothing more than another form of Japanese government, a new "seitai". The Constitution was nothing fundamental. (2000:5)


title: Kokutai

text: Fukuzawa Yukichi was an influential author translator for the Japanese Embassy to the United States (1860). His 1875 "Bunmeiron no Gairyaku" (文明論の概略 "An Outline of a Theory of Civilization") contradicted traditional ideas about "kokutai". He reasoned that it was not unique to Japan and that every nation could be said to have a "kokutai" "national sovereignty". While Fukuzawa respected the Emperor of Japan, he believed "kokutai" did not depend upon myths of unbroken descent from Amaterasu.


title: Kokutai

text: The Constitution of the Empire of Japan of 1889 created a form of constitutional monarchy with the "kokutai" sovereign emperor and "seitai" organs of government. Article 4 declares that "the Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty", uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the "consent of the Imperial Diet". This system utilized a democratic form, but in practice was closer to an absolute monarchy. The legal scholar Josefa López notes that under the Meiji Constitution, "kokutai" acquired an additional meaning.


title: Kokutai

text: This stemmed from drafter Itō Hirobumi's rejection of some European notions as unfit for Japan, as they stemmed from European constitutional practice and Christianity. The references to the "kokutai" were the justification of the emperor's authority through his divine descent and the unbroken line of emperors, and the unique relationship between subject and sovereign. The "family-state" element in it was given a great deal of prominence by political philosophy. Many conservatives supported these principles as central to "Nihon shugi" ("Nihon gunkoku shugi", Japanese militarism), "Japanism", as an alternative to rapid Westernization.


title: Kokutai

text: From the Xinhai Revolution to the enactment of the Peace Preservation Law (1911–1925), the most important pre-World War II democracy movement "Taishō Democracy" occurred. During the Taishō Democracy, the political theorist Sakuzō Yoshino (1878–1933) rejected Western democracy "minshu shugi" (民主主義 lit. "people rule principle/-ism") and proposed a compromise on imperial democracy "minpon shugi" (民本主義 "people based principle/-ism"). However, as Japanese nationalism grew, questions arose whether the "kokutai" emperor could be limited by the "seitai" government.


title: Kokutai

text: The Peace Preservation Law of 1925 forbade both forming and belonging to any organization that proposed altering the "kokutai" or the abolishment of private property, effectively criminalizing socialism, communism, republicanism, democracy and other anti-Tenno ideologies. The Tokkō ("Special Higher Police") was established as a type of Thought Police to investigate political groups that might threaten Tenno-centered social order of Japan.


title: Kokutai

text: Tatsukichi Minobe (1873–1948), a professor emeritus of law at Tokyo Imperial University, theorized that under the Meiji Constitution, the emperor was an organ of the state and not a sacrosanct power beyond the state. This was regarded as "lèse-majesté". Minobe was appointed to the House of Peers in 1932 but forced to resign after an assassination attempt and vehement criticisms that he was disloyal to the emperor.


title: Kokutai

text: Great efforts were made to foment a "Japanese spirit" even in popular culture, as in the promotion of the "Song of Young Japan."


title: Kokutai

text: The national debates over "kokutai" led the Prime Minister Prince Fumimaro Konoe to appoint a committee of Japan's leading professors to deliberate the matter. In 1937, they issued the "Kokutai no Hongi" (国体の本義, "Cardinal Principles of the National Body/Structure," see Gauntlett and Hall 1949). Miller gives this description.


title: Kokutai

text: The document known as the "Kokutai no Hongi" was actually a pamphlet of 156 pages, an official publication of the Japanese Ministry of Education, first issued in March 1937 and eventually circulated in millions of copies throughout the home islands and the empire. It contained the official teaching of the Japanese state on every aspect of domestic policy, international affairs, culture, and civilization. (1982:92)


title: Kokutai

text: It clearly stated its purpose: to overcome social unrest and to develop a new Japan. From this pamphlet, pupils were taught to put the nation before the self, and that they were part of the state and not separate from it. It also instructed them in the principle of hakkō ichiu ("eight cords, one roof"), which would be used to justify imperialism.


title: Kokutai

text: It is clear that at this stage in history, they were no longer dealing with a concept to generate spiritual unity like Aizawa Seishisai in 1825, or with a political theory of Japan designed to accommodate modern institutions of government, like the Meiji Constitution. The committee of professors from prestigious universities sought to define the essential truths of Japan, which might be termed religious, or even metaphysical, because they required faith at the expense of logic and reason. (2006:13)


title: Kokutai

text: By 1937, "election purification", originally aimed at corruption, required that no candidate set the people in opposition to either the military or the bureaucracy. This was required because voters were required to support imperial rule.


title: Kokutai

text: Some objections to the founding of the "Taisei Yokusankai" or Imperial Rule Assistance Association, came on the grounds that "kokutai" already required all imperial subjects to support imperial rule. Conservative thinkers voiced concerns that the establishment of an empowered class of aides to the emperor was akin to the creation of a new shogunate.


title: Kokutai

text: For the leaders of Japan's "fascist-nationalist clique", writes Miller (1982:93), ""kokutai" had become a convenient term for indicating all the ways in which they believed that the Japanese nation, as a political as well as a racial entity, was simultaneously different from and superior to all other nations on earth."


title: Kokutai

text: This term, and what it meant, were widely inculcated in propaganda. The final letters of kamikaze pilots expressed, above all, that their motivations were gratitude to Japan and to its Emperor as the embodiment of "kokutai". A sailor might give his life to save the picture of the Emperor on a submarine.


title: Kokutai

text: During World War II, intellectuals at an "overcoming modernity" conference proclaimed that prior to the Meiji Restoration, Japan has been a classless society under a benevolent emperor, but the restoration had plunged the nation into Western materialism (an argument that ignored commercialism and ribald culture in the Tokugawa era), which had caused people to forget their nature, which the war would enable them to reclaim.


title: Kokutai

text: "Japanist" unions endeavoured to win support by disavowing violence and pledging support for nation and emperor. Nevertheless, because of the mistrust of unions in such unity, the Japanese went to replace them with "councils" in every factory, containing both management and worker representatives to contain conflict. Like the Nazi councils they were copying, this was part of a program to create a classless national unity.


title: Kokutai

text: Because many religions had figures that distracted from the central emperor, they were attacked, such as the Oomoto sect condemned for worshipping figures other than Amaterasu, and in 1939, the Religious Organization authorized the shutting down of any religion that did not conform to the Imperial Way, which the authorities promptly used.


title: Kokutai

text: Hirohito evoked the "Kokutai" in his surrender broadcast, which announced the Japanese acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration (unconditional surrender).


title: Kokutai

text: By the surrender of Japan in 1945, the significance of "kokutai" diminished. In autumn 1945, GHQ forbade circulation of the "Kokutai no Hongi" and repealed the Peace Preservation Law (15 October 1945). By the enactment of the Constitution of the State of Japan (3 May 1947), Tenno's sovereignty and the "lèse-majesté" were repealed.


title: Kokutai

text: Nevertheless, some authors, including Miller (1982:95), believe that traces of Japanese "kokutai" "are quite as vivid today as they ever were".


title: Kokutai

text: In the 21st century, Japanese nationalists, such as those affiliated with the Nippon Kaigi lobby, have begun using the phrase "kunigara" (国柄, "national character").


title: Transistor computer

text: A transistor computer, now often called a second-generation computer, is a computer which uses discrete transistors instead of vacuum tubes. The first generation of electronic computers used vacuum tubes, which generated large amounts of heat, were bulky and unreliable. A second-generation computer, through the late 1950s and 1960s featured circuit boards filled with individual transistors and magnetic core memory. These machines remained the mainstream design into the late 1960s, when integrated circuits started appearing and led to the third-generation computer.


title: Transistor computer

text: The University of Manchester's experimental Transistor Computer was first operational in November 1953 and it is widely believed to be the first transistor computer to come into operation anywhere in the world. There were two versions of the Transistor Computer, the prototype, operational in 1953, and the full-size version, commissioned in April 1955. The 1953 machine had 92 point-contact transistors and 550 diodes, manufactured by STC. It had a 48-bit machine word. The 1955 machine had a total of 200 point-contact transistors and 1300 point diodes, which resulted in a power consumption of 150 watts. There were considerable reliability problems with the early batches of transistors and the average error-free run in 1955 was only 1.5 hours. The Transistor Computer also used a small number of tubes in its clock generator, so it was not the first "fully" transistorized machine.


title: Transistor computer

text: The design of a full-size Transistor Computer was subsequently adopted by the Manchester firm of Metropolitan-Vickers, who changed all the circuits to use more reliable junction transistors. The production version was known as the Metrovick 950 and was built from 1956 to the extent of six or seven machines, which were "used commercially within the company" or "mainly for internal use".


title: Transistor computer

text: During the mid-1950s a series of similar machines appeared. These included the Bell Laboratories TRADIC, completed in January 1954, which used a single high-power output vacuum-tube amplifier to supply its 1-MHz clock power.


title: Transistor computer

text: The first fully transistorized computer was either the Harwell CADET, which first operated in February 1955, although the price paid for this was that it operated only at the slow speed of 58 kHz, or the prototype IBM 604 transistor calculator. The Burroughs Corporation claimed the SM-65 Atlas ICBM / THOR ABLE guidance computer (MOD 1) that it delivered to the US Air Force at the Cape Canaveral missile range in June 1957 was "the world's first operational transistorized computer". MIT's Lincoln Laboratory started developing a transistorized computer the TX-0 in 1956.


title: Transistor computer

text: Further transistorized computers became operational in Japan (ETL Mark III, July 1956), in Canada (DRTE Computer, 1957), and in Austria, (Mailüfterl, May 1958), these being the first transistorized computers in Asia, Canada and mainland Europe respectively.


title: Transistor computer

text: In April 1955, IBM announced the IBM 608 transistor calculator, which was first shipped in December 1957. IBM and several historians thus consider the IBM 608 the first all solid-state computing machine commercially marketed. The development of the 608 was preceded by the prototyping of an experimental all-transistor version of the 604. This was built and demonstrated in October 1954, but was not commercialized.


title: Transistor computer

text: The Philco Transac models S-1000 scientific computer and S-2000 electronic data processing computer were early commercially produced large-scale all-transistor computers; they were announced in 1957 but did not ship until sometime after the fall of 1958. The Philco computer name "Transac" stands for Transistor-Automatic-Computer. Both of these Philco computer models used the surface-barrier transistor in their circuitry designs, the world's first high-frequency transistor suitable for high-speed computers. The surface-barrier transistor was developed by Philco in 1953.


title: Transistor computer

text: In Italy, Olivetti's first commercial fully transistorized computer was the Olivetti Elea 9003, sold from 1959.


title: Transistor computer

text: IBM, which dominated the data processing industry through most of the 20th century, introduced its first commercial transistorized computers beginning in 1958, with the IBM 7070, a ten-digit-word decimal machine. It was followed in 1959 by the IBM 7090, a 36-bit scientific machine, the highly popular IBM 1401 designed to replace punched card tabulating machines, and the desk-sized 1620, a variable length decimal machine. IBM's 7000 and 1400 series included many variants on these designs, with different data formats, instruction sets and even different character encodings, but all were built using the same series of electronics modules, the IBM Standard Modular System (SMS).


title: Transistor computer

text: Developers of the TX-0 left to form the Digital Equipment Corporation in 1957. Transistorized from the beginning, early DEC products included the PDP-1, PDP-6, PDP-7 and early PDP-8s, the last starting the minicomputer revolution. Later models of the PDP-8 beginning with PDP-8I in 1968 used integrated circuits making them third generation computers


title: Transistor computer

text: In 1964, IBM announced its System/360, a collection of computers covering a wide range of capabilities and prices with a unified architecture, to replace its earlier computers. Unwilling to bet the company on the immature monolithic IC technology of the early 1960s, IBM built the S/360 series using IBM's Solid Logic Technology (SLT) modules. SLT could package several individual transistors and individual diodes with deposited resistors and interconnections in a module one-half inch square, roughly the equivalent logic of the earlier IBM Standard Modular System card, but unlike monolithic IC manufacturing, the diodes and transistors in an SLT module were individually placed and connected at the end of each module's assembly.


title: Transistor computer

text: First generation computers were largely out of reach of schools and hobbyists who wished to build their own, largely because of the cost of the large number of vacuum tubes required (though relay-based computer projects "were" undertaken). The fourth generation (VLSI) was also largely out of reach, too, due to most of the design work being inside the integrated circuit package (though this barrier, too, was later removed). So, second and third generation computer design (transistors and LSI) were perhaps the best suited to being undertaken by schools and hobbyists.


title: Spanning tree

text: In the mathematical field of graph theory, a spanning tree "T" of an undirected graph "G" is a subgraph that is a tree which includes all of the vertices of "G". In general, a graph may have several spanning trees, but a graph that is not connected will not contain a spanning tree (see about spanning forests below). If all of the edges of "G" are also edges of a spanning tree "T" of "G", then "G" is a tree and is identical to "T" (that is, a tree has a unique spanning tree and it is itself).


title: Spanning tree

text: Several pathfinding algorithms, including Dijkstra's algorithm and the A* search algorithm, internally build a spanning tree as an intermediate step in solving the problem.


title: Spanning tree

text: In order to minimize the cost of power networks, wiring connections, piping, automatic speech recognition, etc., people often use algorithms that gradually build a spanning tree (or many such trees) as intermediate steps in the process of finding the minimum spanning tree.


title: Spanning tree

text: The Internet and many other telecommunications networks have transmission links that connect nodes together in a mesh topology that includes some loops.


title: Spanning tree

text: In order to avoid bridge loops and routing loops, many routing protocols designed for such networks—including the Spanning Tree Protocol, Open Shortest Path First, Link-state routing protocol, Augmented tree-based routing, etc.—require each router to remember a spanning tree.<ref name="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Spanning_tree&action=edit#"></ref>


title: Spanning tree

text: A special kind of spanning tree, the Xuong tree, is used in topological graph theory to find graph embeddings with maximum genus. A Xuong tree is a spanning tree such that, in the remaining graph, the number of connected components with an odd number of edges is as small as possible. A Xuong tree and an associated maximum-genus embedding can be found in polynomial time.


title: Spanning tree

text: A tree is a connected undirected graph with no cycles. It is a spanning tree of a graph "G" if it spans "G" (that is, it includes every vertex of "G") and is a subgraph of "G" (every edge in the tree belongs to "G"). A spanning tree of a connected graph "G" can also be defined as a maximal set of edges of "G" that contains no cycle, or as a minimal set of edges that connect all vertices.


title: Spanning tree

text: Adding just one edge to a spanning tree will create a cycle; such a cycle is called a fundamental cycle with respect to that tree. There is a distinct fundamental cycle for each edge not in the spanning tree; thus, there is a one-to-one correspondence between fundamental cycles and edges not in the spanning tree. For a connected graph with "V" vertices, any spanning tree will have "V" − 1 edges, and thus, a graph of "E" edges and one of its spanning trees will have "E" − "V" + 1 fundamental cycles (The number of edges subtracted by number of edges included in a spanning tree; giving the number of edges not included in the spanning tree). For any given spanning tree the set of all "E" − "V" + 1 fundamental cycles forms a cycle basis, i.e., a basis for the cycle space.


title: Spanning tree

text: Dual to the notion of a fundamental cycle is the notion of a fundamental cutset with respect to a given spanning tree. By deleting just one edge of the spanning tree, the vertices are partitioned into two disjoint sets. The fundamental cutset is defined as the set of edges that must be removed from the graph "G" to accomplish the same partition. Thus, each spanning tree defines a set of "V" − 1 fundamental cutsets, one for each edge of the spanning tree.


title: Spanning tree

text: The duality between fundamental cutsets and fundamental cycles is established by noting that cycle edges not in the spanning tree can only appear in the cutsets of the other edges in the cycle; and "vice versa": edges in a cutset can only appear in those cycles containing the edge corresponding to the cutset. This duality can also be expressed using the theory of matroids, according to which a spanning tree is a base of the graphic matroid, a fundamental cycle is the unique circuit within the set formed by adding one element to the base, and fundamental cutsets are defined in the same way from the dual matroid.


title: Spanning tree

text: A spanning forest in a graph is a subgraph that is a forest with an additional requirement. There are two incompatible requirements in use, of which one is relatively rare.


title: Spanning tree

text: To avoid confusion between these two definitions, suggest the term "full spanning forest" for a spanning forest with the same number of components as the given graph (i.e., a maximal forest), while instead call this kind of forest a "maximal spanning forest" (which is redundant, as a maximal forest necessarily contains every vertex).


title: Spanning tree

text: More generally, for any graph "G", the number "t"("G") can be calculated in polynomial time as the determinant of a matrix derived from the graph,


title: Spanning tree

text: Specifically, to compute "t"("G"), one constructs the Laplacian matrix of the graph, a square matrix in which the rows and columns are both indexed by the vertices of "G". The entry in row "i" and column "j" is one of three values:


title: Spanning tree

text: The resulting matrix is singular, so its determinant is zero. However, deleting the row and column for an arbitrarily chosen vertex leads to a smaller matrix whose determinant is exactly "t"("G").


title: Spanning tree

text: If "G" is a graph or multigraph and "e" is an arbitrary edge of "G", then the number "t"("G") of spanning trees of "G" satisfies the "deletion-contraction recurrence"


title: Spanning tree

text: and "G"/"e" is the contraction of "G" by "e". The term "t"("G" − "e") in this formula counts the spanning trees of "G" that do not use edge "e", and the term "t"("G"/"e") counts the spanning trees of "G" that use "e".


title: Spanning tree

text: In this formula, if the given graph "G" is a multigraph, or if a contraction causes two vertices to be connected to each other by multiple edges,


title: Spanning tree

text: then the redundant edges should not be removed, as that would lead to the wrong total. For instance a bond graph connecting two vertices by "k" edges has "k" different spanning trees, each consisting of a single one of these edges.


title: Spanning tree

text: The Tutte polynomial of a graph can be defined as a sum, over the spanning trees of the graph, of terms computed from the "internal activity" and "external activity" of the tree. Its value at the arguments (1,1) is the number of spanning trees or, in a disconnected graph, the number of maximal spanning forests.


title: Spanning tree

text: The Tutte polynomial can also be computed using a deletion-contraction recurrence, but its computational complexity is high: for many values of its arguments, computing it exactly is #P-complete, and it is also hard to approximate with a guaranteed approximation ratio. The point (1,1), at which it can be evaluated using Kirchhoff's theorem, is one of the few exceptions.


title: Spanning tree

text: A single spanning tree of a graph can be found in linear time by either depth-first search or breadth-first search. Both of these algorithms explore the given graph, starting from an arbitrary vertex "v", by looping through the neighbors of the vertices they discover and adding each unexplored neighbor to a data structure to be explored later. They differ in whether this data structure is a stack (in the case of depth-first search) or a queue (in the case of breadth-first search). In either case, one can form a spanning tree by connecting each vertex, other than the root vertex "v", to the vertex from which it was discovered. This tree is known as a depth-first search tree or a breadth-first search tree according to the graph exploration algorithm used to construct it. Depth-first search trees are a special case of a class of spanning trees called Trémaux trees, named after the 19th-century discoverer of depth-first search.


title: Spanning tree

text: Spanning trees are important in parallel and distributed computing, as a way of maintaining communications between a set of processors; see for instance the Spanning Tree Protocol used by OSI link layer devices or the Shout (protocol) for distributed computing. However, the depth-first and breadth-first methods for constructing spanning trees on sequential computers are not well suited for parallel and distributed computers. Instead, researchers have devised several more specialized algorithms for finding spanning trees in these models of computation.


title: Spanning tree

text: In certain fields of graph theory it is often useful to find a minimum spanning tree of a weighted graph. Other optimization problems on spanning trees have also been studied, including the maximum spanning tree, the minimum tree that spans at least k vertices, the spanning tree with the fewest edges per vertex, the spanning tree with the largest number of leaves, the spanning tree with the fewest leaves (closely related to the Hamiltonian path problem), the minimum diameter spanning tree, and the minimum dilation spanning tree.


title: Spanning tree

text: Optimal spanning tree problems have also been studied for finite sets of points in a geometric space such as the Euclidean plane. For such an input, a spanning tree is again a tree that has as its vertices the given points. The quality of the tree is measured in the same way as in a graph, using the Euclidean distance between pairs of points as the weight for each edge. Thus, for instance, a Euclidean minimum spanning tree is the same as a graph minimum spanning tree in a complete graph with Euclidean edge weights. However, it is not necessary to construct this graph in order to solve the optimization problem; the Euclidean minimum spanning tree problem, for instance, can be solved more efficiently in "O"("n" log "n") time by constructing the Delaunay triangulation and then applying a linear time planar graph minimum spanning tree algorithm to the resulting triangulation.


title: Spanning tree

text: A spanning tree chosen randomly from among all the spanning trees with equal probability is called a uniform spanning tree. Wilson's algorithm can be used to generate uniform spanning trees in polynomial time by a process of taking a random walk on the given graph and erasing the cycles created by this walk.


title: Spanning tree

text: An alternative model for generating spanning trees randomly but not uniformly is the random minimal spanning tree. In this model, the edges of the graph are assigned random weights and then the minimum spanning tree of the weighted graph is constructed.


title: Spanning tree

text: Because a graph may have exponentially many spanning trees, it is not possible to list them all in polynomial time. However, algorithms are known for listing all spanning trees in polynomial time per tree.


title: Spanning tree

text: Every finite connected graph has a spanning tree. However, for infinite connected graphs, the existence of spanning trees is equivalent to the axiom of choice. An infinite graph is connected if each pair of its vertices forms the pair of endpoints of a finite path. As with finite graphs, a tree is a connected graph with no finite cycles, and a spanning tree can be defined either as a maximal acyclic set of edges or as a tree that contains every vertex.


title: Spanning tree

text: The trees within a graph may be partially ordered by their subgraph relation, and any infinite chain in this partial order has an upper bound (the union of the trees in the chain). Zorn's lemma, one of many equivalent statements to the axiom of choice, requires that a partial order in which all chains are upper bounded have a maximal element; in the partial order on the trees of the graph, this maximal element must be a spanning tree. Therefore, if Zorn's lemma is assumed, every infinite connected graph has a spanning tree.


title: Spanning tree

text: In the other direction, given a family of sets, it is possible to construct an infinite graph such that every spanning tree of the graph corresponds to a choice function of the family of sets. Therefore,


title: Spanning tree

text: The idea of a spanning tree can be generalized to directed multigraphs. Given a vertex "v" on a directed multigraph "G", an "oriented spanning tree" "T" rooted at "v" is an acyclic subgraph of "G" in which every vertex other than "v" has outdegree 1. This definition is only satisfied when the "branches" of "T" point towards "v".


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Egypt face legal challenges not experienced by non-LGBT residents.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: According to 2013 survey by the Pew Research Center, 95% of Egyptians believe that homosexuality should not be accepted by society.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Contemporary Egyptian law does not explicitly criminalize same-sex sexual acts. Instead, the state uses several morality provisions for the "de facto" criminalization of homosexual conduct. Any behavior, or the expression of any idea that is deemed to be immoral, scandalous or offensive to the teachings of a recognized religious leader may be prosecuted using these provisions. These public morality and public order laws have been used against LGBT people, in addition to the supporters of LGBT-reform.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: According to common interpretations of the Torah, Leviticus 18:3 alludes to the practice that ancient Egypt permitted two women or two men to marry each other. The best known case of possible homosexuality in ancient Egypt is that of the two high officials Nyankh-Khnum and Khnum-hotep. Both men lived and served under pharaoh Niuserre during the 5th Dynasty (c. 2494–2345 BC). Nyankh-Khnum and Khnum-hotep each had families of their own with children and wives, but when they died their families apparently decided to bury them together in one and the same mastaba tomb. In this mastaba, several paintings depict both men embracing each other and touching their faces nose-on-nose. These depictions leave plenty of room for speculation, because in ancient Egypt the nose-on-nose touching normally represented a kiss.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Egyptologists and historians disagree about how to interpret the paintings of Nyankh-khnum and Khnum-hotep. Some scholars believe that the paintings reflect an example of homosexuality between two married men and prove that the ancient Egyptians accepted same-sex relationships. Other scholars disagree and interpret the scenes as an evidence that Nyankh-khnum and Khnum-hotep were twins, even possibly conjoined twins. No matter what interpretation is correct, the paintings show at the very least that Nyankh-khnum and Khnum-hotep must have been very close to each other in life as in death.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: It remains unclear, what exact view the ancient Egyptians fostered about homosexuality. Any document and literature that actually contains sexual orientated stories, never name the nature of the sexual deeds, but instead uses stilted and flowery paraphrases. While the stories about Seth and his sexual behavior may reveal rather negative thoughts and views, the tomb inscription of Nyankh-khnum and Khnum-hotep may instead suggest that homosexuality was likewise accepted. Ancient Egyptian documents never clearly say that same-sex relationships were seen as reprehensible or despicable. No ancient Egyptian document mentions that homosexual acts were set under penalty. Thus it was very likely tolerated, as there has never been proof suggesting otherwise.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The Roman Emperor Constantine in the 4th century AD is said to have exterminated a large number of "effeminate priests" based in Alexandria.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The 6th- or 7th-century Ashmolean Parchment AN 1981.940 provides the only example in Coptic language of a love spell between men. This vellum leaf contains an incantation by a man named Apapolo, the son of Noah, to compel the presence and love of another man Phello, the son of Maure. Phello will be restless until he finds Apapolo and satisfies the latter's desire.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Sunni Islam eventually supplanted Christianity as the dominant religion of Egypt in the centuries following the Muslim conquest of Egypt. Alongside Sunni Islam came a new ruling class: the Arabs, and later, the Mamluks. The cultural dialogue on homosocial and homosexual behaviors in medieval Egypt was usually critical. The native Egyptian population was tolerant of homosexual behaviors, and discussion of the matter was usually spearheaded by legalistic Islamic scholars from the Muslim ruling class. The Western concept of a homosexual, as presently understood, did not exist in medieval Egypt. Words describing homosexual-adjacent acts/behaviors described actions, and not a group of people. Furthermore, there is a lack of historically recorded evidence on homosexuality in Egypt until the 8th century: this marks the entrance of boy-love poetry into the historical record.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The existence of homosexual behaviors in the interim period shortly after the Muslim conquest is not in doubt, however. Medieval Egyptian society, though a Muslim society, did not by default share the same outlook on masculinity, homosexuality, and homoerotic behavior as other lands conquered by the Rashidun Caliphate, especially where Islam's influence was weaker. The cultural norms of homosexuality in medieval Egypt were in line with those of the Eastern Mediterranean; top-down societal pressure from Islam did cause these behaviors to be scrutinized more heavily than they were before, especially by religious officials. Coptic Christianity's interaction with Islam fostered a large Sufi mystic population, that, in turn, had its own cultural views on homoerotic behaviors, in the form of "gazing" at young men who were seen as earthly representations of the beauty of God. Sufi practices were attacked by religious conservatives and viewed as hotbeds of degeneracy.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Volney, a Frenchman who traveled through the later Mamluk Sultanate, said of the Mamluks: "They are, above all, addicted to that abominable wickedness which was at all times the vice of the Greeks ... It is difficult to account for this taste, when we consider that they all have women, unless we suppose they seek in one sex that poignancy of refusal which they do not permit the other." The practice described by Volney as "the vice of the Greeks" is known as pederasty, and this was a visible and tolerated expression of homosexual behaviors in both medieval Egypt and the historical Eastern Mediterranean. The introduction of Islam into the fold did not adversely impact this practice in the general public. In the Egyptian context, it was considered natural for older men to gaze upon younger men seen as desirable and beautiful, with some consideration given to their age, though not always. This attraction to male youth was viewed as natural and compatible with traditional Muslim gender roles; in that regard, pederasty was as natural as heterosexuality. Arab and Turkish poems dedicated to various beautiful young men began to appear in the 8th century in various Muslim countries, including medieval Egypt. The presence of homoerotic literature demonstrates the tolerance of certain same-sex behaviors in Arab and Muslim societies at large, with some cultural differences depending on the country in question. The prevalence of homoerotic behaviors in medieval Egyptian society as they pertain to men who already had wives was a topic of rigorous debate among religious authorities, though it was culturally tolerable in medieval Egypt. Islamic law on the matter of same-sex sexual activity was further expanded after the explosion of homoerotic narratives across the Muslim world in the 8th century. Medieval Egyptian society was tolerant of homosocial, homoerotic, and homosexual behaviors and acts; religious authorities were not. Islamic law tolerated a smaller subsection of behaviors (pederasty), for a time, and described certain acts as deeply dangerous to society and repugnant to the faith. Islam was discouraging of homosexual behaviors and non traditional gender roles, while native Egyptian cultural practices were tolerant of a larger array of homosexual behaviors, acts, and attractions. As such, it is best to consider the intersection of culture and religion at various moments in medieval Egyptian history when discussing the status of, by Western standards, "LGBT" individuals in medieval Egyptian society.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: During the 19th century, the Egyptian public considered homosocial and homosexual relations to be a normal occurrence. "Khawalat" were male cross-dressing dancers who performed in public celebrations. It was typical for "khawalat" to take the place of female dancers. Over time, "khawalat" has since turned into a derogatory term in Egypt. French novelist Gustave Flaubert wrote a letter to a friend in 1850 in which Flaubert wrote how he was shocked by the overall normality and acceptance of homosexuality in Egypt; noting that the subject was freely admitted and discussed in public.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Scott Long notes that "Egypt’s criminalization of consensual, non-commercial sex between men arose partly out of, and partly in reaction to, the colonial regulation of female sex work." In 1883, Khedive Tewfik introduced a legal code in Egypt, which had been occupied by the British a year earlier. The code was modelled after the Napoleonic Code, the civil code introduced by Napoleon Bonaparte in France in 1804, and in part regulated the condition of female prostitutes in Egypt by requiring them to be subject to regular medical examinations, which remained in force until 1949. Political resistance in Egypt to the occupation soon targeted the Egyptian prostitution system, due to the solicitation of prostitutes by British troops and the "privileged status enjoyed by foreign prostitutes over Egyptians", which contributed to "prostitution's association with political subjugation." As noted by Long,


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: An extension to the law in 1951 defined prostitution as "the practice of vice with others with no distinction." As Long notes, "In the absence of the monetary element, the definition in effect criminalized consensual “promiscuity” in general, rendering exchange of money for sex irrelevant."


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The inhabitants of the Siwa Oasis, which have been noted by historians to have been historically accepting of homosexuality, were subject to several studies by anthropologists during the early 20th century. German egyptologist Georg Steindorff explored the Oasis in 1900 and reported that homosexual relations were common and often extended to a form of marriage: "The feast of marrying a boy was celebrated with great pomp, and the money paid for a boy sometimes amounted to fifteen pounds, while the money paid for a woman was a little over one pound." Mahmud Mohammad Abd Allah, writing of Siwan customs for the Harvard Peabody Museum in 1917, commented that although Siwan men could take up to four wives, "Siwan customs allow a man but one boy to whom he is bound by a stringent code of obligations." In the late 1940s, a Siwan merchant told visiting British novelist Robin Maugham that the Siwan women were "badly neglected", but that Siwan men "will kill each other for boy. Never for a woman", although as Maugham noted, marriage to a boy had become illegal by then.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: During the rule of Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian government did not support LGBT-rights legislation at home and objected to attempts, starting in the 1990s, to have the United Nations include LGBT-rights within its human rights mission. While the Mubarak regime did not support LGBT rights, it did not enact an obvious ban on homosexuality or cross-dressing in the criminal code.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Criminal sanctions against gay and bisexual men tended to arise not from the penal code itself, but from a supplemental law, enacted in 1961, to combat prostitution.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The law against prostitution also bans "debauchery", even if the act did not involve trafficking or prostitution.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Egyptian courts interpreted the ban on debauchery to criminalize homosexual relations between consenting adults. Repeat offenders of the law can face even harsher punishment for what the law views as "habitual debauchery".


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In addition to the law on prostitution, other public morality or order-based laws gave the police and judges significant leeway to jail or fine gay and bisexual men. While arrests had been periodically occurring under these laws for decades, a more systematic crackdown appeared to have begun in the early part of the twenty-first century.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Beginning in 2000, under Hosni Mubarak, these laws were used to engage in a more sophisticated and systematic crackdown on gay or bisexual men, or indeed anyone deemed by the government to be supportive of LGBT rights.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2000, police arrested an Egyptian gay couple and charged them with, "violation of honor by threat" and "practising immoral and indecent behavior". Their lawyer asked that the charges be dropped because homosexuality was not a crime, but the judge refused on the grounds that two men had in fact "offended" religious and moral standards. The incident became a media sensation, promoting various public figures to view homosexuality as a product of Western decadence and demand that the government execute homosexuals or send them to mental institutions to be reformed.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Within a year, the Egyptian government began a public crackdown on Egyptian gay men by raiding private parties, arresting the guests and charging them under the Prostitution and Debauchery law. This crackdown also saw the "Public Order and Public Morals" code being increasingly used to criminalize the sexuality of gay and bisexual men. The code, originally enacted in the 1990s to punish westernized students and liberal intellectuals, was now being used to punish gay and bisexual men.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The first of these raids was at a Cairo boat party, where all the Egyptian gay men, fifty-two, were arrested and charged with violating these vague public morality laws. The "Cairo 52" were arrested and tried on the original Prostitution and Debauchery law, as well as the newer Public Order and Public Morality code.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The impact of these laws on gay and bisexual men were brought to the world's attention by the Human Rights Watch.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: It was during this time that the Human Rights Watch published a report on the laws used by the Egyptian government to criminalize homosexuality, the history of the laws, use of torture against gay and bisexual men by the police, and how such laws violate international human rights standards.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The Cairo 52 were defended by international human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International. However, they had no organized internal support, pleaded innocent, and were tried under the state security courts. Members of the German parliament and the French President called upon the Egyptian government to respect the human rights of its LGBT citizens. Twenty-three of the defendants were sentenced to prison with hard labor, while the others were acquitted. More men have been arrested in various raids on homosexuals, although foreigners tend to be released quickly.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In many recent situations, men are being arrested for meeting or attempting to meet other adult men through various Internet chatrooms and message boards. Trans and gender non conforming people are also harassed this way. One such case, on 20 June 2003, when an "Israeli" tourist in Egypt was jailed for homosexuality for about fifteen days before he was eventually released and allowed to return to occupied Palestine.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: On 24 September 2003, police set up checkpoints at both sides of the Qasr al-Nil Bridge, which spans the Nile in downtown Cairo and is a popular place for adult men to meet other men for sex, and arrested 62 men for homosexuality.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2004, a seventeen-year-old private university student received a 17 years sentence in prison, including 2 years hard labor, for posting a personal profile on a gay dating site.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The Egyptian government's response to the international criticism was either to deny that they were persecuting LGBT people or to defend their policies by stating that homosexuality is a moral perversion.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2009, "Al Balagh Al Gadid", a weekly Egyptian newspaper was banned, and two of its reporters were jailed for printing a news article that accused high-profile Egyptian actors Nour El Sherif, Khaled Aboul Naga and Hamdi El Wazir of being involved in a sexual prostitution sex ring and in bribing government agents to cover up their involvement.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: LGBT-rights issues were not among the reforms demanded by many of the protesters or other dissidents during the 2011 revolution. The provisional constitution, approved by voters in 2011, does not specifically address LGBT-rights and the Egyptian government continued to oppose to join the United Nations' "Joint Statement on Ending Acts of Violence Related Human Rights Violations Based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity", which called for an end to "acts of violence, criminal sanctions and related human rights violations committed against individuals because of their sexual orientation or gender identity".


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2013, Egyptian comedian Bassem Youssef said on "The Daily Show", in an interview with Jon Stewart, that he had been charged with "propagating and promoting homosexuality and obscenity" by the Morsi government.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In November 2014, eight men were sentenced to three years in prison for charges of spreading indecent images, following the circulation of a video of a gay marriage ceremony.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In December 2014, around 26 men were arrested in a public bathhouse (Hammam) after a TV presenter, Mona Iraqi, collaborated with the Egyptian police. The court acquitted them.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The Egyptian revolution of 25 January 2011 provided a political momentum and space for LGBT organizing in Egypt that were exceptionally productive in terms of movement building. In the aftermath of the revolution, Egyptian LGBT individuals, activists and organizations started becoming more visible and more eager to be part of the changing political and social landscapes that seemed promising and empowering. Many of the emerging LGBT activists, back then, started mobilizing not only LGBT rights but other intersecting rights as well. Women's rights, Gender and sexuality rights, Indigenous people's rights, and civic rights were among the main intersecting struggles that shaped the LGBT activism in the post-revolution years. By 2013, a number of online campaigns to fight against homophobia and transphobia started going viral on a number of social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook. No one can claim that such mobilization resulted in successes that a normative legal perspective could translate into legal reforms; however, it was because of such mobilization and the advocacy that resulted from it that defending the rights of people targeted based on their sexuality by the Egyptian state became more of a collective demand within Human Rights groups and organizations in Egypt. Also, thanks to the revolution, the Egyptian public sphere provided a space for the LGBT community, that even at the toughest moments of state sponsored crackdown, they still managed to claim it.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: On 22 September 2017, a number of Egyptian youth raised rainbow flags as a way to advocate LGBT rights in Egypt, during a concert for the Lebanese band Mashrou' Leila that took place in Cairo. Shortly after the concert the pictures and videos of those young people went viral on social media and then on a number of Egyptian news websites. Starting from 23 September and for a number of days, Egyptian TV hosts such as Ahmed Moussa and Mohamed Al Gheity kept inciting against Egyptian LGBT communities generally and against those who raised the flags in specific; moreover, they urged the Egyptian state to take immediate actions against anyone who was involved in the incident of raising the rainbow flags during the concert.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The opinions produced by such TV hosts did not stop there. For example, during his show, Ahmed Moussa shared personal information of some of the young people who raised the flags. As a consequence of this religious campaign by the Egyptian media, the Egyptian state started to arrest a number of individuals based on their actual or perceived sexual orientations/ gender identities, whether from the streets, or dating applications, or even from their homes. Between 25 September and end of November 2017, at least 84 people were arrested and many of them were subjected to humiliating forced anal tests. Two of the people arrested were accused of halting the rule of the constitution and disrupting the security of the state and society, a charge that would have had them imprisoned for 15 years. The two individuals, Sarah Hegazy and Ahmed Alaa, were detained for three months before being released on bail in January 2018.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The consequences of the rainbow flags' incident and the backlash that followed were as severe as those of Cairo 52, if not worse. In addition to the numerous arrests, the crackdown by the Egyptian state, together with the Egyptian media, resulted in a state of trauma and despair among young Egyptian LGBT individuals, resulting in at least one suicide and many attempted suicides by a number of Egyptian LGBT youths. Egyptian LGBT individuals and activists are still recovering from the trauma of that severe backlash. Other Egyptian LGBTs had to leave the country because of the social and political threats. In January 2019, host Mohamed El Gheity was jailed one year for hosting a gay man on his TV show.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: At least two of the persecuted youths, including one who was imprisoned for three months, received refuge in Canada with the aid of the Rainbow Railroad.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: On 13 June 2020 an Egyptian lesbian woman, Sarah Hegazi, who waved the rainbow flag at a concert in Cairo in 2017, died by suicide. She was detained by the Egypt's authority and tortured with electric shocks. She had been charged with "inciting debauchery", and in custody she was molested by female cellmates on police order. She was then transferred to a solitary confinement. After three months of confinement she was bailed upon pressure from Western and South American diplomats. Hegazi then fled to Canada, fearing prosecution, and was granted political asylum. The reason of her suicide was notified as severe depression due to her past trauma.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: A report published by Human Rights Watch elaborates upon the country's treatment towards LGBT people. Titled – “Egypt: Security Forces Abuse, Torture LGBT People”, the report's main findings include entrapment of LGBT people via social media platforms, prolonged detainment and torture of sexual and gender minorities in state custody. As stated by LGBTQ Rights Researcher Rasha Younes, even if legal charges are dismissed, any one accused for an LGBTQ-related offense could be ostracized from family or lose medical care and employment. Trans people often face medical neglect.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: State officials and police routinely harass and abuse LGBT people, and specifically trans people, which leads to regular unfair arrests and further abuse by them in their custody.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: At the peer review mechanism of the UN – the Universal Periodic Review, Egypt refused to acknowledge terms like ‘sexual orientation’ and ‘gender identity’. As per Human Rights Watch, the country is “one of the worst offenders in a context of criminalization, violence and discrimination in all regions of the world, detaining dozens of LGBT people and submitting them to abuses including forced anal exams on a regular basis”.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: An in-depth study of court files conducted by researcher Afsaneh Rigot in association with data rights group Article 19 and Harvard Law School revealed that police forces in Egypt along with other Middle East nations like Tunisia and Lebanon, used digital tools for identifying, trapping, and prosecuting people of the LGBTQ+ community; “intensifying anti-queer surveillance”. The study revealed that the victim could be compromised in such a situation by the digital footprints they leave behind. According to one of the testimonies provided by an anonymous source, in Egypt, one WhatsApp conversation or Facebook selfie of a gay person could get them prosecuted under the pretext of laws prohibiting “debauchery” and “prostitution”.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Personal and family law in Egypt (e.g. the laws of marriage, divorce, and inheritance) are governed by the religious law of the person or persons in question. As the religious law of all officially recognized religions in Egypt (chief among them Islam and Coptic Orthodox Christianity) do not recognize homosexual relationships as legitimate, Egyptian law only recognizes a marriage between a man and a woman. Reports suggest that if such a relationship becomes public, the police may use it as evidence in a criminal indictment for the various laws against Satanism, prostitution and public immorality.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Until 2001, the Egyptian government refused to recognize that homosexuality was the sexual identity for some of its residents, and after 2001, it only did so to brush off criticism from human rights organizations and foreign politicians.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Culturally, most Egyptian citizens are Muslim, which impacts prevailing social biases and attitudes. Traditional Islamic morality does not condone homosexuality. This is similarly seen within traditional Coptic Christian's morality's view on homosexuality. According to Pew Research Center 95% Egyptians believe that homosexuality should not be accepted by society.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Torture, vigilante attacks, beatings and vigilante executions are allowed with police being complicit, joining in or turning a blind eye.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Polling data suggests that only a minority of Egyptians support LGBT rights. This is why Egyptian political parties, human rights NGOs do not express public support for LGBT rights.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: One of the few Egyptians to publicly support LGBT-rights has been Maher Sabry. Along with his human rights efforts on behalf of the Cairo 52, he also wrote a play on homophobia in Egypt and later directed the Egyptian film "All My Life".


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In August 2021, the Central Bank of Egypt was forced to confirm that rainbow holograms due to appear on new E£10 and E£20 banknotes were a secure watermarking feature to prevent counterfeiting, after online critics suggested it was a covert message of support for LGBT rights.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Media depictions of cross-dressing or homosexuality have been negative in keeping with the current cultural and religious values of most Egyptians. In 2017, the Supreme Media Regulatory Council issued an order preventing "the appearance of the homosexuals" or "promoting their slogans" on media.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: More liberal depictions of LGBT issues in films and other forms of media tend to be subjected to government censorship or criticism from conservatives.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 1978, the Egyptian film by Youssef Chahine, "Alexandria... Why?", featured a wealthy Egyptian man who has an affair with a British soldier.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 1999, the public performance of a play by Maher Sabry, which explored homophobia, was shut down by the government after a few performances. In 2008, Sabry directed an award-winning independent film about an Egyptian gay man, which provoked protests from clerics and government officials who wanted the film banned, if not destroyed.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: A weekly newspaper called the "Al Balagh Al Gadid" was shut down, two reporters jailed, for printing a story that accused Egyptian actors Nour El Sherif, Khaled Aboul Naga and Hamdi El Wazir of bribing police officers in order to cover up their involvement with homosexual prostitution.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: Likewise, when an Egyptian film or television program does deal with LGBT-themes it tends to do so in a negative fashion, but even a negative depiction still produces controversy from social conservatives. Films such as "Uncensored" (2009), "Out of Control" (2009), "A Plastic Plate" (2007) and "The Yacoubian Building" (2006) all depict many different taboos within Egyptian society, including homosexuality, which promoted public calls from social conservatives to censor or ban the films' exhibitions.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2013, "Family Secrets" premiered in Egypt and was billed as the first Egyptian and Arab movie about the life of an eighteen-year-old man struggling with his sexual orientation, and the social stigma surrounding homosexuality. The director made international headlines when he refused the Egyptian censorship board request that he delete certain scenes in the film.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In August 2018, Al Sisi's government introduced legislation bringing any social network service user with more than 5,000 followers or subscribers under increased scrutiny, subjecting them to prosecution under media laws as part of a crackdown on "terrorism and political activity".


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: The pandemic first reached Egypt in the 1980s, although public health effort were left to NGOs until the 1990s, when the government began to initiate policies and programs in response to the pandemic.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 1996, the Health Ministry set up a national AIDS hotline. A 1999 "Egypt Today" cover story dealt with the AIDS-HIV pandemic in Egypt and the fact that it commonly seen as something caused by foreigners, homosexuals, or drug users. The article also mentioned that there was talk of a LGBT organization being created to target the Egyptian LGBT community, and while a same-sex safer sex brochure was published, the organization was never created and ignorance about the pandemic is common.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2005, the Egyptian government started to allow for confidential HIV testing, although most people fear that being tested positive will result in being labelled as a homosexual and thus a de facto criminal. Some Egyptians have access to home test kits brought back from the United States, but most Egyptians lack accurate information about the pandemic and quality care if they do become infected.


title: LGBT rights in Egypt

text: In 2007, the Egyptian government aired an educational film about HIV/AIDS in Egypt, with interviews from members of Health Ministry, doctors and nurses.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: Thomas Jefferson University is a private research university in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Established in its earliest form in 1824, the university officially combined with Philadelphia University in 2017. To signify its heritage, the university sometimes carries the nomenclature "Jefferson (Philadelphia University + Thomas Jefferson University)" in its branding. It is classified among "R2: Doctoral Universities – High research activity".


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: Thomas Jefferson University was founded in 1824 and merged with another university located in same city, Philadelphia University, in 2017. Philadelphia University was originally known as Philadelphia Textile School when it was founded in 1884, and then Philadelphia Textile Institute for 20 years (1942 to 1961), Philadelphia College of Textiles & Science for 58 years (1962 to 1999), and Philadelphia University for 18 years (1999 to 2017), its final name before merger with Thomas Jefferson University.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: At the 1876 Centennial Exposition, local textile manufacturers noticed that Philadelphia's textile industry was falling behind its rivals' capacity, technology, and ability. In 1880, they formed the Philadelphia Association of Manufacturers of Textile Fabrics, with Theodore C. Search as its president, to fight for higher tariffs on imported textiles and to educate local textile leaders. Search joined the board of directors of the Philadelphia Museum and School of Industrial Art (now the Philadelphia Museum of Art and the University of the Arts), thinking it the perfect partner for his plans for a school, and began fundraising in 1882.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: In early 1884, Search himself taught the first classes of the Philadelphia Textile School to five students at 1336 Spring Garden Street. The school was officially opened on November 5, 1884. The school moved to 1303-1307 Buttonwood Street in 1891, then moved again in 1893.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: Enrollment had been growing steadily and the school was turning away "bright young fellows" for lack of space. The School acquired the former Philadelphia Institute of the Deaf and Dumb on the corner of Broad and Spruce Streets, which allowed rapid expansion of academic offerings and capacity of students.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: In 1942, the school was granted the right to award baccalaureate degrees and changed its name to the Philadelphia Textile Institute (PTI). In 1949, having decided to break its ties with the museum, PTI moved to its present site in the East Falls section of Philadelphia.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: In 1961, the school changed its name again, to Philadelphia College of Textiles & Science, but was still known as Philadelphia Textile for short. The university's student population doubled between 1954 and 1964, and doubled again by 1978, with programs in the arts, sciences, and business administration being introduced. The college purchased an adjoining property in 1972, doubling the size of its campus. In 1976, it offered its first graduate degree, the Master of Business Administration. The purchase of additional properties in East Falls in 1980 and 1988 nearly doubled the campus again, adding classrooms, research laboratories, student residences, and athletic facilities. In 1992, the Paul J. Gutman Library opened.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: During the 1990s, the college began to offer undergraduate majors in a wider range of fields, resulting in the college being granted university status by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania in 1999. The Board of Trustees voted to change the college's name to Philadelphia University, on July 13, 1999. The school preferred the longer abbreviation of "PhilaU", rather than the simple two-letter abbreviation of "PU", due to the latter's oft-mocked connection with other "PU"-abbreviated schools as an onomatopoetic term for body odor.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: Thomas Jefferson University began as a medical school. During the early 19th century, several attempts to create a second medical school in Philadelphia had been stymied, largely by University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine alumni. In an attempt to circumvent that opposition, a group of Philadelphia physicians led by George McClellan sent an 1824 letter to the trustees of Jefferson College (now Washington & Jefferson College) in Canonsburg, Pennsylvania, asking them to establish a medical department in Philadelphia. The trustees agreed, establishing the Medical Department of Jefferson College in Philadelphia in 1825. In response to a second request, the Pennsylvania General Assembly granted an expansion of Jefferson College's charter in 1826, endorsing the creation of the new department and allowing it to grant medical degrees. An additional 10 Jefferson College trustees, including Joel Barlow Sutherland, were appointed to supervise the new facility from Philadelphia, owing to the difficulty of managing a medical department on the other side of the state. Two years later, this second board was granted authority to manage the Medical Department, while the Jefferson College trustees maintained veto power for major decisions.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: The first class was graduated in 1826, receiving their degrees only after the disposition of a lawsuit seeking to close the school. The first classes were held in the Tivoli Theater on Prune Street in Philadelphia, which had the first medical clinic attached to a medical school. Owing to the teaching philosophy of Dr. McClellan, classes focused on clinical practice. In 1828, the Medical Department moved to the Ely Building, which allowed for a large lecture space and the "Pit," a 700-seat amphitheater to allow students to view surgeries. This building had an attached hospital, the second such medical school/hospital arrangement in the nation, servicing 441 inpatients and 4,659 outpatients in its first year of operation. The future founder of gynecology J. Marion Sims studied there from 1834 to 1835, when he graduated. The relationship with Jefferson College survived until 1838, when the Medical Department received a separate charter, allowing it to operate separately as the Jefferson Medical College. At this time, all instructors, including McClellan, were vacated from the school and the trustees hired all new individuals to teach. This has been considered the time at which the school came to be considered a "legitimate" medical school.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: In 1841, Jefferson Medical College hired what would be dubbed "The Faculty of '41", an influential collection of professors including Charles Delucena Meigs and Mütter Museum founder Thomas Dent Mütter. This collection of professors would institute numerous changes to Jefferson—including providing patient beds over a shop at 10th and Sansom Streets in 1844—and the staff would remain unchanged for 15 years. The graduating class of 1849 included a son of college founder Joel Barlow Sutherland, Charles Sutherland, who went on to serve as Surgeon General of the United States Army.


title: Thomas Jefferson University

text: In 1882, a Philadelphia Press newspaper story sparked a sensational trial after a journalist caught body snatchers stealing corpses and providing them to Jefferson Medical College for use as cadavers by medical students. Four grave robbers were arrested and sentenced to Moyamensing Prison for stealing bodies and selling them to Jefferson Medical College at the rate of $8 a body. After the arrests, it was determined that the body snatching had been going on for nine years and several hundred corpses had been sold to Jefferson Medical College.