title: Protest song

text: Protest songs in Poland were mostly associated with anti-communist movement and developed in the 1970s and 1980s. One of the most important artists was Jacek Kaczmarski, author of such famous songs as "Mury" ("The Walls"), "Przedszkole" ("The Kindergarten") and "Zbroja" ("The Armor"), criticizing both the totalitarian communist government and the opposition. Another famous Polish folk singer, Jan Pietrzak, wrote one of the best-known Polish patriotic protest songs, "Żeby Polska była Polską" ("Make Poland Polish"), in which he reminded the most heroic moments of Polish history, including Kościuszko Uprising, and called people to fight the communists as they fought other enemies of Poland before. He also recorded a musical version of the Jonasz Kofta's poem "Pamiętajcie o ogrodach" ("Remember the Gardens"), protesting against the industrialism of life promoted by the communist propaganda. Other Polish artists well known for writing protest songs include Kazimierz Staszewski and Przemysław Gintrowski.


title: Protest song

text: The most famous source of Russian protest music in the 20th century has been those known locally as bards. The term (бард in Russian) came to be used in the Soviet Union in the early 1960s, and continues to be used in Russia today, to refer to singer-songwriters who wrote songs outside the Soviet establishment. Many of the most famous bards wrote numerous songs about war, particularly The Great Patriotic War (World War II). Bards had various reasons for writing and singing songs about war. Bulat Okudzhava, who actually fought in the war, used his sad and emotional style to illustrate the futility of war in songs such as "The Paper Soldier" ("Бумажный Солдат").


title: Protest song

text: Many political songs were written by bards under Soviet rule, and the genre varied from acutely political, "anti-Soviet" songs, to witty satire in the best traditions of Aesop. Some of Bulat Okudzhava's songs provide examples of political songs written on these themes. Vladimir Vysotsky was perceived as a political songwriter, but later he gradually made his way into more mainstream culture. It was not so with Alexander Galich, who was forced to emigrate—owning a tape with his songs could mean a prison term in the USSR. Before emigration, he suffered from KGB persecution, as did another bard, Yuliy Kim. Others, like Evgeny Kliachkin and Aleksander Dolsky, maintained a balance between outright anti-Soviet and plain romantic material.


title: Protest song

text: Protest rhetoric can also be traced in the works of such rock bands as Grazhdanskaya Oborona, Naive, Tarakany!, Pilot, Noize MC, Lumen and Louna. Later, during the Soviet-Afghan War in the 1980s, Kino (band) released an album, Gruppa krovi, which its main song, "Blood Type" (Группа Крови) is a protest song about the Soviet-Afghan War. In Grand Theft Auto IV, it was part of the soundtrack before its ten-year license expired in 2018. In 2019, twenty-nine years and a day after the group's last performance at Luzhniki Stadium, Metallica held a concert there and sang "Blood Type".


title: Protest song

text: In the 21st century, the feminist punk band Pussy riot in particular has had frequent run-ins with the Putin presidency and the Russian Orthodox Church.


title: Protest song

text: Spain saw a brief period of protest singers in the 1970s, in the final years of Franco's dictatorship, mainly challenging the regime's censorship. They include some mainstream Spanish artists of the era, as Joan Manuel Serrat and Víctor Manuel, but also many others as José Antonio Labordeta, Raimon, Luis Eduardo Aute, Rosa León or Lluís Llach. The Catalan language, then a non-official language in the country, was often used as a vehicle of protest in itself, to highlight the cultural discrimination towards non-Castilian Spanish native speakers in Spain.


title: Protest song

text: Most of the protest songs were in a folk style with social themes, and were popular among the (then banned) left-wing regime's oppositors and their supporters, as well with many young students in main universities. Some notable songs were "Al Alba" ("At Dawn") by Aute, "Al vent" ("To The Wind") by Raimon, and "L'Estaca" ("The Stake") by Llach.


title: Protest song

text: The movement come to an end after the Spanish transition to democracy, years after Franco's death. In 1997, singer Ismael Serrano briefly revamped the style, being his song "Papá cuéntame otra vez" ("Dad, tell me again") a nostalgic hymn to the 1970s protests.


title: Protest song

text: English folk songs from the late medieval and early modern period reflect the social upheavals of their day. In 1944 the Marxist scholar A. L. Lloyd claimed that "The Cutty Wren" song constituted a coded anthem against feudal oppression and actually dated back to the English peasants' revolt of 1381, making it the oldest extant European protest song. He offered no evidence for his assertion, however and no trace of the song has been found before the 18th century. Despite Lloyd's dubious claim about its origins, however, the "Cutty Wren" was revived and used as a protest song in the 1950s folk revival, an example of what may be considered a protest song. In contrast, the rhyme, "When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the gentleman?", is attested as authentically originating in the 1381 Peasant Revolt, though no tune associated with it has survived. Ballads celebrating social bandits like Robin Hood, from the 14th century onwards, can be seen as expressions of a desire for social justice, though although social criticism is implied and there is no overt questioning of the status quo.


title: Protest song

text: The era of civil and religious wars of the 17th century in Britain gave rise to the radical communistic millenarian Levellers and Diggers' movements and their associated ballads and hymns, as, for example, the "Diggers' Song". with the incendiary verse:


title: Protest song

text: The Digger movement was violently crushed, and so it is not surprising if few overt protest songs associated with it have survived. From roughly the same period, however, songs protesting wars and the human suffering they inflict abound, though such songs do not generally explicitly condemn the wars or the leaders who wage them. For example, "The Maunding Souldier" or "The Fruits of Warre is Beggery", framed as a begging appeal from a crippled soldier of the Thirty Years War. Such songs have been known, strictly speaking, as songs of complaint rather than of protest, since they offered no solution or hint of rebellion against the status quo.


title: Protest song

text: The advent of industrialization in the 18th and early 19th centuries was accompanied by a series of protest movements and a corresponding increase in the number of topical social protest songs and ballads. An important example is "The Triumph of General Ludd", which built a fictional persona for the alleged leader of the early 19th century anti-technological Luddite movement in the cloth industry of the north midlands, and which made explicit reference to the Robin Hood tradition. A surprising English folk hero immortalized in song is Napoleon Bonaparte, the military figure most often the subject of popular ballads, many of them treating him as the champion of the common working man in songs such as the "Bonny Bunch of Roses" and "Napoleon's Dream". As labour became more organized songs were used as anthems and propaganda, for miners with songs such as "The Black Leg Miner", and for factory workers with songs such as "The Factory Bell".


title: Protest song

text: These industrial protest songs were largely ignored during the first English folk revival of the later 19th and early 20th century, which had focused on songs that had been collected in rural areas where they were still being sung and on music education. They were revived in the 1960s and performed by figures such as A. L. Lloyd on his album "The Iron Muse" (1963). In the 1980s the anarchist rock band Chumbawamba recorded several versions of traditional English protest songs as "English Rebel Songs 1381–1914".


title: Protest song

text: Colin Irwin, a journalist for "The Guardian", believes the modern British protest movement started in 1958 when the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament organized a 53-mile march from Trafalgar Square to Aldermaston, to protest Britain's participation in the arms race and recent testing of the H-bomb. The protest "fired up young musicians to write campaigning new songs to argue the case against the bomb and whip up support along the way. Suddenly many of those in skiffle groups playing American songs were changing course and writing fierce topical songs to back direct action." A song composed for the march, "The H-Bomb's Thunder", set the words of a poem by novelist John Brunner to the tune of "Miner's Lifeguard":


title: Protest song

text: Folk singer Ewan MacColl was for some time one of the principal musical figures of the British nuclear disarmament movement. A former agitprop actor and playwright. MacColl, a prolific songwriter and committed leftist, some years earlier had penned "The Ballad of Ho Chi Minh" (1953), issued as single on Topic Records, and "The Ballad of Stalin" (1954), commemorating the death of that leader. Neither record has ever been reissued.


title: Protest song

text: According to Irwin, MacColl, when interviewed in the "Daily Worker" in 1958, declared that:There are now more new songs being written than at any other time in the past eighty years—young people are finding out for themselves that folk songs are tailor-made for expressing their thoughts and comments on contemporary topics, dreams, and worries,


title: Protest song

text: In 1965, folk-rock singer Donovan's cover of Buffy Sainte-Marie's "Universal Soldier" was a hit on the charts. His anti-Vietnam War song "The War Drags On" appeared that same year. This was a common trend in popular music of the 1960s and 1970s. The romantic lyrics of pop songs in the 1950s gave way to words of protest.


title: Protest song

text: As their fame and prestige increased in the late 1960s, The Beatles—and John Lennon in particular—added their voices to the Anti-war. In the documentary "The US Versus John Lennon", Tariq Ali attributes the Beatles' activism to the fact that, in his opinion, "The whole culture had been radicalized: [Lennon] was engaged with the world, and the world was changing him." "Revolution", 1968, commemorated the worldwide student uprisings. In 1969, when Lennon and Yoko Ono were married, they staged a week-long "bed-in for peace" in the Amsterdam Hilton, attracting worldwide media coverage. At the second "Bed-in" in Montreal, in June 1969, they recorded "Give Peace a Chance" in their hotel room. The song was sung by over half a million demonstrators in Washington, DC, at the second Vietnam Moratorium Day, on October 15, 1969. In 1972 Lennon's most controversial protest song LP was released, "Some Time in New York City", the title of whose lead single "Woman Is the Nigger of the World", a phrase coined by Ono in the late 1960s to protest sexism, set off a storm of controversy, and in consequence received little airplay and much banning. The Lennons went to great lengths (including a press conference attended by staff from "Jet" and "Ebony" magazines) to explain that they had used the word "nigger" in a symbolic sense and not as an affront to African Americans. The album also included "Attica State", about the Attica Prison riots of September 9, 1971; "Sunday Bloody Sunday" and "The Luck Of The Irish", about the massacre of demonstrators in Northern Ireland and "Angela", in support of black activist Angela Davis. Lennon also performed at the "Free John Sinclair" benefit concert in Ann Arbor, Michigan, on December 10, 1971, on behalf of the imprisoned antiwar activist and poet who was serving 10 years in state prison for selling two joints of marijuana to an undercover cop. On this occasion Lennon and Ono appeared on stage with among others singers Phil Ochs and Stevie Wonder, plus antiwar activists Jerry Rubin and Bobby Seale of the Black Panthers party. Lennon's song "John Sinclair" (which can be heard on his "Some Time in New York City" album), calls on the authorities to "Let him be, set him free, let him be like you and me". The benefit was attended by some 20,000 people, and three days later the State of Michigan released Sinclair from prison.


title: Protest song

text: The 1970s saw a number of notable songs by British acts that protested against war, including "Peace Train" by Cat Stevens (1971), and "War Pigs" by Black Sabbath (1970). Sabbath also protested environmental destruction, describing people leaving a ruined Earth ("Into the Void" including, "Iron Man"). Renaissance added political repression as a protest theme with "Mother Russia" being based on "One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich" and being joined on the second side of their 1974 album "Turn of the Cards" by two other protest songs in "Cold Is Being" (about ecological destruction) and "Black Flame" (about the Vietnam War).


title: Protest song

text: As the 1970s progressed, the louder, more aggressive punk movement became the strongest voice of protest, particularly in the UK, featuring anti-war, anti-state, and anti-capitalist themes. The punk culture, in stark contrast with the 1960s' sense of power through union, concerned itself with individual freedom, often incorporating concepts of individualism, free thought and even anarchism. According to "Search and Destroy" founder V. Vale, "Punk was a total cultural revolt. It was a hardcore confrontation with the black side of history and culture, right-wing imagery, sexual taboos, a delving into it that had never been done before by any generation in such a thorough way." The most significant protest songs of the movement included "God Save the Queen" (1977) by the Sex Pistols, "If the Kids are United" by Sham 69, "Career Opportunities" (1977) (protesting the political and economic situation in England at the time, especially the lack of jobs available to the youth), and "White Riot" (1977) (about class economics and race issues) by The Clash, and "Right to Work" by Chelsea. See also Punk ideology.


title: Protest song

text: War was still the prevalent theme of British protest songs of the 1980s – such as Kate Bush's "Army Dreamers" (1980), which deals with the traumas of a mother whose son dies while away at war. Indeed, the early 1980s was a remarkable period for anti-nuclear and anti-war UK political pop, much of it inspired directly or indirectly by the punk movement: 1980 saw '22 such Top 75 hits, by 18 different artists. For almost th[at] entire year ... (47 weeks), the UK singles charts contained at least one hit song that spoke of antiwar or antinuclear concerns, and usually more than one.' Further George McKay argues that 'it really is quite extraordinary to note that one-third of the year 1984 (17 weeks) had some kind of political pop song at the top of the British charts. Viewed from that lofty perspective, 1984 must be seen as a peak protest music time in Britain, most of it in the context of antiwar and antinuclear sentiment.'


title: Protest song

text: However, as the 1980s progressed, it was British prime minister Margaret Thatcher who came under the greatest degree of criticism from native protest singers, mostly for her strong stance against trade unions, and especially for her handling of the UK miners' strike (1984–1985). The leading voice of protest in Thatcherite Britain in the 1980s was Billy Bragg, whose style of protest song and grass-roots political activism was mostly reminiscent of those of Woody Guthrie, however with themes that were relevant to the contemporary Briton. He summarized his stance in "Between the Wars" (1985), in which he sings: "I'll give my consent to any government that does not deny a man a living wage."


title: Protest song

text: Also in the 1980s the band Frankie Goes to Hollywood released a political pop protest song Two Tribes a relentless bass-driven track depicting the futility and starkness of nuclear weapons and the Cold War. The video for the song depicted a wrestling match between then-President Ronald Reagan and then-Soviet leader Konstantin Chernenko for the benefit of group members and an eagerly belligerent assembly of representatives from the world's nations, the event ultimately degenerating into complete global destruction. This video was played several times at the 1984 Democratic National Convention. Due to some violent scenes ("Reagan" biting "Chernenko"'s ear, etc.), the unedited video could not be shown on MTV, and an edited version was substituted. The single quickly hit the number one spot in the United Kingdom.


title: Protest song

text: Several mixes of the track feature actor Patrick Allen, who recreated his narration from the Protect and Survive public information films for certain 12-inch mixes (the original Protect and Survive soundtracks were sampled for the 7-inch mixes).


title: Protest song

text: A type of Cuban protest music started in the mid-1960s when a movement in Cuban music emerged that combined traditional folk music idioms with progressive and often politicized lyrics. This movement of protest music came to be known as "Nueva trova", and was somewhat similar to that of Nueva canción, however with the advantage of support from the Cuban government, as it promoted the Cuban Revolution – and thus part of revolutionary song.


title: Protest song

text: Though originally and still largely Cuban, nueva trova has become popular across Latin America, especially in Puerto Rico. The movements biggest stars included Puerto Ricans such as Roy Brown, Andrés Jiménez, Antonio Cabán Vale and the group Haciendo Punto en Otro Son.


title: Protest song

text: In response to Telegramgate, Puerto Rican musicians Bad Bunny, Residente, and iLE released the protest song "Afilando los cuchillos" on July 17, 2019. It is a Diss Track calling for the resignation of Ricardo Rosselló.


title: Protest song

text: Indigenous issues feature prominently in politically inspired Australian music and include the topics of land rights, and aboriginal deaths in custody. One of the most prominent Australian bands to confront these issues is Yothu Yindi. Other Australian bands to have confronted indigenous issues include Tiddas, Kev Carmody, Archie Roach, Christine Anu, The Herd, Neil Murray, Blue King Brown, the John Butler Trio, Midnight Oil, Warumpi Band, Paul Kelly, Powderfinger and Xavier Rudd.


title: Protest song

text: In addition to Indigenous issues, many Australian protest singers have sung about the futility of war. Notable anti-war songs include "And The Band Played Waltzing Matilda" (1972) by Eric Bogle, and "A Walk in the Light Green" (1983) by Redgum, most often remembered by its chorus "I was only nineteen".


title: Protest song

text: One of the earliest protest songs in New Zealand was John Hanlon's "Damn the Dam", recorded in 1973 in support of the Save Manapouri Campaign.


title: Protest song

text: During the bitterly divisive 1981 Springbok Tour, Blam Blam Blam's "There Is No Depression in New Zealand" became a favourite among anti-tour protesters. Reggae band Herbs wrote and performed songs criticising French nuclear testing in the Pacific Ocean.


title: Protest song

text: While the protest song was enjoying its Golden Age in America in the 1960s, it also saw many detractors overseas who saw it as having been commercialized. Chilean singer-songwriter Víctor Jara, who played a pivotal role in the folkloric renaissance that led to the "Nueva Canción Chilena" (New Chilean Song) movement, which created a revolution in the popular music of his country, criticized the "commercialized" American protest song phenomenon that had been imported into Chile. He criticized it thus:


title: Protest song

text: The cultural invasion is like a leafy tree which prevents us from seeing our own sun, sky and stars. Therefore in order to be able to see the sky above our heads, our task is to cut this tree off at the roots. US imperialism understands very well the magic of communication through music and persists in filling our young people with all sorts of commercial tripe. With professional expertise they have taken certain measures: first, the commercialization of the so-called 'protest music'; second, the creation of 'idols' of protest music who obey the same rules and suffer from the same constraints as the other idols of the consumer music industry – they last a little while and then disappear. Meanwhile, they are useful in neutralizing the innate spirit of rebellion of young people. The term 'protest song' is no longer valid because it is ambiguous and has been misused. I prefer the term 'revolutionary song'.


title: Protest song

text: Nueva canción (literally "new song" in Spanish) was a type of protest/social song in Latin American music which took root in South America, especially Chile and other Andean countries, and gained extreme popularity throughout Latin America. It combined traditional Latin American folk music idioms (played on the quena, zampoña, charango or cajón with guitar accompaniment) with some popular (esp. British) rock music, and was characterized by its progressive and often politicized lyrics. It is sometimes considered a precursor to rock en español. The lyrics are typically in Spanish, with some indigenous or local words mixed in.


title: Protest song

text: In 2019, "A Rapist in Your Path" () was first performed in Chile to protest rape culture and victim shaming. Videos of the song and its accompanying dance went viral, spreading across the world.


title: ACT UP

text: AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) is an international, grassroots political group working to end the AIDS pandemic. The group works to improve the lives of people with AIDS through direct action, medical research, treatment and advocacy, and working to change legislation and public policies.


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP was formed on March 12, 1987, at the Lesbian and Gay Community Services Center in New York City. Larry Kramer was asked to speak as part of a rotating speaker series, and his well-attended speech focused on action to fight AIDS. Kramer spoke out against the current state of the Gay Men's Health Crisis (GMHC), which he perceived as politically impotent. Kramer had co-founded the GMHC but had resigned from its board of directors in 1983. According to Douglas Crimp, Kramer posed a question to the audience: "Do we want to start a new organization devoted to political action?" The answer was "a resounding yes." Approximately 300 people met two days later to form ACT UP.


title: ACT UP

text: At the Second National March on Washington for Lesbian and Gay Rights, in October 1987, ACT UP New York made their debut on the national stage, as an active and visible presence in both the march, the main rally, and at the civil disobedience at the United States Supreme Court Building the following day. Inspired by this new approach to radical, direct action, other participants in these events returned home to multiple cities and formed local ACT UP chapters in Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, Rhode Island, San Francisco, Washington, D.C., and other locations. ACT UP spread internationally. In many countries separate movements arose based on the American model. For example, the famous gay rights activist Rosa von Praunheim co-founded ACT UP in Germany.


title: ACT UP

text: Much of the documentation chronicling ACT UP's history is drawn from Douglas Crimp's history of ACT UP, the ACT UP Oral History Project, and the online Capsule History of ACT UP, New York.


title: ACT UP

text: On March 24, 1987, 250 ACT UP members demonstrated at Wall Street and Broadway to demand greater access to experimental AIDS drugs and for a coordinated national policy to fight the disease. An op-ed article by Larry Kramer published in "The New York Times" the previous day described some of the issues ACT UP was concerned with. Seventeen ACT UP members were arrested during this civil disobedience.


title: ACT UP

text: On March 24, 1988, ACT UP returned to Wall Street for a larger demonstration in which over 100 people were arrested.


title: ACT UP

text: On September 14, 1989, seven ACT UP members infiltrated the New York Stock Exchange and chained themselves to the VIP balcony to protest the high price of the only approved AIDS drug, AZT. The group displayed a banner that read, "SELL WELLCOME" referring to the pharmaceutical sponsor of AZT, Burroughs Wellcome, which had set a price of approximately $10,000 per patient per year for the drug, well out of reach of nearly all HIV positive persons. Several days following this demonstration, Burroughs Wellcome lowered the price of AZT to $6,400 per patient per year.


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP held their next action at the New York City General Post Office on the night of April 15, 1987, to an audience of people filing last minute tax returns. This event also marked the beginning of the conflation of ACT UP with the Silence=Death Project, which created a poster consisting of a right side up pink triangle (an upside-down pink triangle was used to mark gays in Nazi concentration camps) on a black background with the text "SILENCE = DEATH." Douglas Crimp said this demonstration showed the "media savvy" of ACT UP because the television media "routinely do stories about down-to-the-wire tax return filers." As such, ACT UP was virtually guaranteed media coverage.


title: ACT UP

text: In January 1988, "Cosmopolitan" magazine published an article by Robert E. Gould, a psychiatrist, entitled "Reassuring News About AIDS: A Doctor Tells Why You May Not Be At Risk." The main contention of the article was that in unprotected vaginal sex between a man and a woman who both had "healthy genitals" the risk of HIV transmission was negligible, even if the male partner was infected. Women from ACT UP who had been having informal "dyke dinners" met with Dr. Gould in person, questioning him about several misleading facts (that penis to vagina transmission is impossible, for example) and questionable journalistic methods (no peer review, bibliographic information, failing to disclose that he was a psychiatrist and not a practitioner of internal medicine), and demanded a retraction and apology. When he refused, in the words of Maria Maggenti, they decided that they "had to shut down Cosmo." According to those who were involved in organizing the action, it was significant in that it was the first time the women in ACT UP organized separately from the main body of the group. Additionally, filming the action itself, the preparation and the aftermath were all consciously planned and resulted in a video short directed by Jean Carlomusto and Maria Maggenti, titled, "Doctor, Liars, and Women: AIDS Activists Say No To Cosmo." The action consisted of approximately 150 activists protesting in front of the Hearst Building (parent company of "Cosmopolitan") chanting "Say no to Cosmo!" and holding signs with slogans such as "Yes, the Cosmo Girl CAN get AIDS!" Although the action did not result in any arrests, it brought significant television media attention to the controversy surrounding the article. Phil Donahue, "Nightline", and a local talk show called "People Are Talking" all hosted discussions of the article. On the latter, two women, Chris Norwood and Denise Ribble took the stage after the host, Richard Bey, cut Norwood off during an exchange about whether heterosexual women are at risk from AIDS. Footage from all of these media appearances was edited into "Doctors, Liars, and Women." "Cosmopolitan" eventually issued a partial retraction of the contents of the article.


title: ACT UP

text: Following their participation in the Cosmopolitan protest, ACT UP's Women's Caucus targeted the Center for Disease Control for its narrow definition of what constituted HIV/AIDS. While causes of HIV transmission, like unprotected vaginal or anal sex, were similar among both men and women, the symptoms of the virus varied greatly. As historian Jennifer Brier noted, "for men, full-blown AIDS often caused Kaposi's sarcoma, while women experienced bacterial pneumonia, pelvic inflammatory disease, and cervical cancer." Since the CDC's definition did not account for such symptoms as a result of AIDS, American women in the 1980s were often diagnosed with AIDS Related Complex (or ARC) or HIV. "In this process," Brier explained, "these women effectively were denied the Social Security benefits that men with AIDS had fought hard to secure, and won, in the late 1980s."


title: ACT UP

text: In October 1990, attorney Theresa McGovern filed suit representing 19 New Yorkers who claimed they were unfairly denied disability benefits because of the CDC's narrow definition of AIDS. At an October 2, 1990, protest to raise attention for McGovern's lawsuit, two hundred ACT UP protesters gathered in Washington and chanted "How many more have to die before you say they qualify," and carried posters to the rally with the tagline "Women Don't Get AIDS/ They Just Die From It."


title: ACT UP

text: The CDC's initial reaction to calls of the revising the AIDS definition included setting the threshold of AIDS for both men and women at a T cell count of under 200. However, McGovern dismissed this suggestion. "Lots of women who show up at hospitals don't get T cells taken. No one knows they have HIV. I knew how many of our clients were dying of AIDS and not counted." Rather, McGovern, along with the ACLU and the New Jersey Women and AIDS Network, called for adding fifteen conditions to the list of the CDC's surveillance case definition, which was eventually adopted in January 1993. Six months later, the Clinton administration revised federal criteria for evaluating HIV status and making it easier for women with AIDS to secure Social Security benefits. The Women's Caucus's role in altering the CDC's definition helped to not only drastically increase availability of federal benefits to American women, but helped uncover a more accurate number of HIV/AIDS infected women in the United States; "under the new model, the number of women with AIDS in the United States increased almost 50 percent."


title: ACT UP

text: Members of the ACT UP Women's Caucus collectively authored a handbook for two teach-ins held prior to the 1989 CDC demonstration, where ACT UP members learned about issues motivating the action. The handbook, edited by Maria Maggenti, formed the basis for the ACT UP/New York Women and AIDS Book Group's book titled Women, AIDS and Activism, edited by Cynthia Chris and Monica Pearl, and assembled by Marion Banzhaf, Kim Christensen, Alexis Danzig, Risa Denenberg, Zoe Leonard, Deb Levine, Rachel (Sam) Lurie, Catherine Saalfield (Gund), Polly Thistlethwaite, Judith Walker, and Brigitte Weil. The book was published in Spanish in 1993 titled La Mujer, el SIDA, y el Activismo. Members of the original Women and AIDS Handbook Group included Amy (Jamie) Bauer, Heidi Dorow, Ellen Neipris, Ann Northrop, Sydney Pokorney, Karen Ramspacher, Maxine Wolfe, and Brian Zabcik.


title: ACT UP

text: On October 11, 1988, ACT UP had one of its most successful demonstrations (both in terms of size and in terms of national media coverage) when it successfully shut down the Food & Drug Administration (FDA) for a day. Media reported that it was the largest such demonstration since demonstrations against the Vietnam War.


title: ACT UP

text: Among the protestors was artist David Wojnarowicz, then HIV/AIDS positive, wearing painted jean jacket that read: "If I die of AIDS—forget burial—just drop my body on the steps of the F.D.A."— a nascent meme. At this action, activists demonstrated their thorough knowledge of the FDA drug approval process. ACT UP presented precise demands for changes that would make experimental drugs available more quickly, and more fairly. "The success of SEIZE CONTROL OF THE FDA can perhaps best be measured by what ensued in the year following the action. Government agencies dealing with AIDS, particularly the FDA and NIH, began to listen to us, to include us in decision-making, even to ask for our input."


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP disagreed with Cardinal John Joseph O'Connor on the Roman Catholic Archdiocese's public stand against safe sex education in New York City Public Schools, condom distribution, the Cardinal's public condemnation of homosexuality, as well as the Church's opposition to abortion. This led to the first Stop the Church protest on December 10, 1989, at St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York.


title: ACT UP

text: Originally, the plan was just to be a "die-in" during the homily but it descended into "pandemonium." A few dozen activists interrupted Mass, chanted slogans, blew whistles, "kept up a banchee screech," chained themselves to pews, threw condoms in the air, waved their fists, and lay down in the aisles to stage a "die-in." While O'Connor went on with mass, activists stood up and announced why they were protesting. One protester, "in a gesture large enough for all to see," desecrated the Eucharist by spitting it out of his mouth, crumbling it into pieces, and dropping them to the floor.


title: ACT UP

text: One hundred and eleven protesters were arrested, including 43 inside the church. Some who refused to move had to be carried out of the church on stretchers. The protests were widely condemned by public and church officials, members of the public, the mainstream media, and some in the gay community.


title: ACT UP

text: In the 1980s, as the gay population of Greenwich Village and New York began succumbing to the AIDS virus, Saint Vincent's Catholic Medical Center established the first AIDS Ward on the East Coast and second only to one in San Francisco, and soon became "Ground Zero" for the AIDS-afflicted in NYC. The hospital "became synonymous" with care for AIDS patients in the 1980s, particularly poor gay men and drug users. It became one of the best hospitals in the state for AIDS care with a large research facility and dozens of doctors and nurses working on it.


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP protested the hospital one night in the 1980s due to its Catholic nature. They took over the emergency room and covered crucifixes with condoms. Their intent was both to raise awareness and offend Catholics. Instead of pressing charges, the sisters who ran the hospital decided to meet with the protesters to better understand their concerns.


title: ACT UP

text: On May 21, 1990, around 1000 ACT UP members initiated a choreographed demonstration at the National Institutes of Health (NIH) in Bethesda, Maryland, splitting into sub-groups across the campus. The protest was in part directed at National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease and its director, Anthony Fauci. Activists were angered by what they felt was slow progress on promised research and treatment efforts. According to Kramer, this was their best demonstration, but was almost completely ignored by the media because of a large fire in Washington, D.C., on the same day.


title: ACT UP

text: On January 22, 1991, during Operation Desert Storm, ACT UP activist John Weir and two other activists entered the studio of the CBS Evening News at the beginning of the broadcast. They shouted "AIDS is news. Fight AIDS, not Arabs!" and Weir stepped in front of the camera before the control room cut to a commercial break. The same night ACT UP demonstrated at the studios of the MacNeil/Lehrer Newshour. The next day activists displayed banners in Grand Central Terminal that said "Money for AIDS, not for war" and "One AIDS death every 8 minutes." One of the banners was handheld and displayed across the train timetable and the other attached to bundles of balloons that lifted it up to the ceiling of the station's enormous main room. These actions were part of a coordinated protest called "Day of Desperation."


title: ACT UP

text: In December 1991, ACT UP's Seattle chapter distributed over 500 safer-sex packets outside Seattle high schools. The packets contained a pamphlet titled "How to Fuck Safely," which was photographically illustrated and included two men performing fellatio. The Washington state legislature subsequently passed a "Harmful to Minors" law making it illegal to distribute sexually explicit material to underage persons.


title: ACT UP

text: On November 29, 1991, the Black Friday shopping day, ACT UP activists dressed in Santa Claus costumes chained themselves inside Macy's flagship Herald Square department store to protest the store's decision not to rehire an HIV-positive Santa, Mark Woodley. They sang protest Christmas songs with lyrics such as, ""Santa Claus has HIV, fa-la-la-la-la-la-la-la-la/Macy's won't rehire he, fa-la-la-la-la-la-la-la-la."" Nineteen activists were arrested at the action.


title: ACT UP

text: "In January 1988, [ACT UP/Boston] held its first protest at the Boston offices of the Department of Health and Human Services, regarding delays and red tape surrounding approval of AIDS treatment drugs. ACT UP/Boston's agenda included demands for a compassionate and comprehensive national policy on AIDS; a national emergency AIDS project; intensified drug testing, research, and treatment efforts; and a full-scale national educational program within reach of all. The organization held die-ins and sleep-ins, provided freshman orientation for Harvard Medical School students, negotiated successfully with a major pharmaceutical corporation, affected state and national AIDS policies, pressured health care insurers to provide coverage for people with AIDS, influenced the thinking of some of the nation's most influential researchers, served on the Massachusetts committee that created the nation's first online registry of clinical trials for AIDS treatments, distributed information and condoms to the congregation at Cardinal Bernard Francis Law's Confirmation Sunday services at Holy Cross Cathedral in Boston, and made aerosolized pentamidine an accessible treatment in New England."


title: ACT UP

text: In February 1988 ACT UP Boston, in collaboration with ACT UP New York, Mass ACT OUT, and Cure Aids Now demonstrated at both the Democratic and Republican presidential debates and primaries in New Hampshire, and at other events during the presidential race.


title: ACT UP

text: During an ordination of priests in Boston in 1990, ACT UP and the Massachusetts Coalition for Lesbian and Gay Civil Rights chanted and protested outside during the service. The protesters marched, chanted, blew whistles, and sounded airhorns to disrupt the ceremony. They also threw condoms at people as they left the ordination and were forced to stay back behind police and police barricades. One man was arrested. The demonstration was condemned by Leonard P. Zakim, among others.


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP Los Angeles (ACT UP/LA) was founded December 4, 1987, and continued holding demonstrations until the early 2000s. During their run they tackled healthcare access, political issues related to LGBTQ civil rights, and supported national ACT UP campaigns.


title: ACT UP

text: Some of their more local work focused on policy regarding the migration of HIV-positive people into the U.S., pushing for AIDS clinical trials, promoting needle exchange programs for intravenous drug users, and surveying speaking out against discrimination by health care and insurance providers. They were effective in distributing their research on Antiviral Therapy (AZT), local and international actions, and updates on the different caucuses through their ACT UP/LA newsletter. The newsletter also served as both an educational outreach and fundraising tool.


title: ACT UP

text: Memorable actions by ACT UP/LA are the protests and demonstrations in county-based locations such as the USC county hospital, Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, and the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services. ACT UP/LA and about fifteen other organizations formed an "Alternative Budget Coalition," rented the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors' meeting room, and held a mock hearing on the county's $10+ billion budget, saying it spent too little on fighting AIDS. Prominent activists in this period included Connie Norman, one of the people who led ACT UP's push for a bill (AB101) to protect workers from being fired because of their sexuality, California governor Pete Wilson's veto of which led to the AB101 Veto Riot. ACT UP/LA and its associated Women's Caucus put on a “Week of Outrage” in conjunction with the national organization, which consisted of demonstrations, a teach-in, safe-sex vending event.


title: ACT UP

text: The Women's Caucus (WC) of ACT UP/LA served an important collaboration between men and women who were being affected by HIV and AIDS. WC within the ACT UP/LA organization was unique because in this chapter they had a significant amount of control over how they included women's issues into the organizations larger gay male actions. Men were present in the WC, but only as allies, which harvested a collaboration for effective actions, rallies, and any acts of resistance for the whole organization as a whole. While the collaboration was not always perfect, at the end it created a stronger force against discrimination of HIV+ people in Los Angeles.


title: ACT UP

text: Some of the work that the WC did was distribute statistical information about women who are HIV+, the lack of appropriate screening and health care access, information about safer sex practices (in English and Spanish), as well as acts of action to push for better. Lauren Leary was an integral in the organization because her worked revolved around gathering existing research about HIV and AIDS in women and men and current treatment options. An ACT UP national collective of women came together to create the “Women's Treatment and Research Agenda” in 1991.


title: ACT UP

text: Peter Staley and other activists affiliated with ACT-UP wrapped the Arlington, Virginia home of Senator Jesse Helms in a 15-foot condom on September 5, 1991. The protest condemned the Helms AIDS Amendments, which continued to block funding for education, as well as his ongoing opposition to People With AIDS, including numerous homophobic falsehoods about HIV and AIDS. Helms had actively passed laws stigmatizing the disease, and his staunch attempts to block federal funding for, and education about, HIV and AIDS had significantly increased the death toll. Some of the harmful legislation he enacted is still in place. The condom was inflated and the message on it read: "A CONDOM TO PREVENT UNSAFE POLITICS. HELMS IS DEADLIER THAN A VIRUS." The event was captured live on the news. This was the first action of the affinity ACT group TAG (Treatment Action Guerillas). While the police were called, no one was arrested, and the group was allowed to take the condom down, though they did receive a parking ticket. The event was dramatized, with fictionalized characters, in a 2019 episode of the FX television series "POSE".


title: ACT UP

text: In October 1992 and October 1996, during displays of the NAMES Project AIDS Memorial Quilt and just before presidential elections, ACT UP activists held two Ashes Actions. Inspired by a passage in David Wojnarowicz's 1991 memoir "Close to the Knives", these actions scattered the ashes of people who had died of AIDS, including Wojnarowicz and activist Connie Norman, on the White House lawn, in protest of the federal government's inadequate response to AIDS.


title: ACT UP

text: The AIDS crisis in Montreal was very prominent and is often underrepresented in discussion about the epidemic. ACT UP worked to find an end to the AIDS pandemic and to combat the extreme homophobia that gay men faced as a result of stigma and stereotypes. ACT UP protested the Fifth International AIDS Conference in 1989. They also confronted Montreal prisons about their high rates of HIV, which they suggested were due to condoms not being available to prisoners.


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP was organized as effectively leaderless; there was a formal committee structure. Bill Bahlman recalls there were initially two main committees. There was the Issues Committee that scrupulously studied the issues surrounding an advancement the group wanted to achieve and the Actions Committee that would plan a Zap or Demonstration to achieve that particular goal. This was intentional on Larry Kramer's part: he describes it as "democratic to a fault." It followed a committee structure with each committee reporting to a coordinating committee meeting once a week. Actions and proposals were generally brought to the coordinating committee and then to the floor for a vote, but this wasn't required - any motion could be brought to a vote at any time. Gregg Bordowitz, an early member, said of the process:


title: ACT UP

text: This is how grassroots, democratic politics work. To a certain extent, this is how democratic politics is supposed to work in general. You convince people of the validity of your ideas. You have to go out there and convince people.


title: ACT UP

text: This is not to say that it was in practice purely anarchic or democratic. Bordowitz and others admit that certain people were able to communicate and defend their ideas more effectively than others. Although Larry Kramer is often labeled the first "leader" of ACT UP, as the group matured, those people that regularly attended meetings and made their voice heard became conduits through which smaller "affinity groups" would present and organize their ideas. Leadership changed hands frequently and suddenly.


title: ACT UP

text: Note: As ACT UP had no formal organizing plan, the titles of these committees are somewhat variable and some members remember them differently than others.


title: ACT UP

text: In addition to Committees, there were also Caucuses, bodies set up by members of particular communities to create space to pursue their needs. Among those active in the late 1980s and/or early 1990s were the Women's Caucus (sometimes referred to as the Women's Committee) and the Latino/Latina Caucus.


title: ACT UP

text: Along with committees and caucuses, ACT UP New York relied heavily on "affinity groups." These groups often had no formal structure, but were centered on specific advocacy issues and personal connections, often within larger committees. Affinity groups supported overall solidarity in larger, more complex political actions through the mutual support provided to members of the group. Affinity groups often organized to perform smaller actions within the scope of a larger political action, such as the "Day of Desperation," when the Needle Exchange group presented NY City Health Department officials with thousands of used syringes they had collected through their exchange (contained in water cooler bottles).


title: ACT UP

text: Gran Fury functioned as the anonymous art collective that produced all of the artistic media for ACT UP. The group remained anonymous because it allowed the collective to function as a cohesive unit without any one voice being singled out. The mission of the group was to bring an end to the AIDS Crisis by making reference to the issues plaguing society at large, especially homophobia and the lack of public investment in the AIDS epidemic, through bringing art works into the public sphere in order to reach the maximum audience. The group often faced censorship in their proceedings, including being rejected for public billboard space and being threatened with censorship in art exhibitions. When faced with this censorship, Gran Fury often posted their work illegally on the walls of the streets.


title: ACT UP

text: DIVA-TV, an acronym for "Damned Interfering Video Activist Television," was an affinity group within ACT UP that videotaped and documented AIDS activism. Its founding members are Catherine Gund, Ray Navarro, Ellen Spiro, Gregg Bordowitz, Robert Beck, Costa Pappas, Jean Carlomusto, Rob Kurilla, George Plagianos. One of their early works is "Like a Prayer" (1991), documenting the 1989 ACT UP protests at St. Patrick's Cathedral against New York Cardinal O'Connor's position on AIDS and contraception. In the video, Ray Navarro, an ACT UP/DIVA TV activist, serves as the narrator, dressed up as Jesus. The documentary aims to show mass media bias as it juxtaposes original protest footage with those images shown on the nightly news.


title: ACT UP

text: Although less as a "collective" after 1990, DIVA TV continued documenting (over 700 camera hours) the direct actions of ACT UP, activists, and the community responses to HIV/AIDS, producing over 160 video programs for public access television channels - as the weekly series "AIDS Community Television" from 1991 to 1996 and from 1994 to 96 the weekly call-in public access series "ACT UP Live"; film festival screenings; and continuing on-line documentation and streaming internet webcasts. The video activism of DIVA TV ultimately switched media in 1997 with the establishing and continuing development of the ACT UP (New York) website. The most recent DIVA TV-genre video program documenting the history and activism of ACT UP (New York) is the feature-length documentary: "Fight Back, Fight AIDS: 15 Years of ACT UP" (2002), screened at the Berlin Film Festival and exhibited worldwide. DIVA TV programs and camera-original videotapes are currently re-mastered, archived and preserved, and publicly accessible in the collection of the "AIDS Video Activist Video Preservation Project" at the New York Public Library.


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP had an early debate about whether to register the organization as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit in order to allow contributors tax exemptions. Eventually they decided against it, because as Maria Maggenti said, "they didn't want to have anything to do with the government." This kind of uncompromising ethos characterized the group in its early stages; eventually it led to a split between those in the group who wanted to remain wholly independent and those who saw opportunities for compromise and progress by "going inside [the institutions and systems they were fighting against]."


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP, while extremely prolific and certainly effective at its peak, suffered from extreme internal pressures over the direction of the group and of the AIDS crisis. After the action at NIH, these tensions resulted in an effective severing of the Action Committee and the Treatment and Data Committee, which reformed itself as the Treatment Action Group (TAG). Several members describe this as a "severing of the dual nature of ACT UP."


title: ACT UP

text: ACT UP chapters continue to meet and protest, albeit with a smaller membership. ACT UP/NY and ACT UP/Philadelphia are particularly robust, with other chapters active elsewhere.


title: ACT UP

text: Housing Works, New York's largest AIDS service organization and Health GAP, which fights to expand treatment for people with AIDS throughout the world, are direct outgrowths of ACT UP.


title: ACT UP

text: In 2000, ACT UP/Golden Gate changed its name to Survive AIDS, to avoid confusion with ACT UP/San Francisco (ACT UP/SF). The two had previously split apart in 1990, but continued to share the same essential philosophy. In 1994, ACT UP/SF began rejecting the scientific consensus regarding the cause of AIDS and the connection to HIV, and the two groups became openly hostile to each other, with mainstream gay and AIDS organizations also condemning ACT UP/SF. The group would link up with People For the Ethical Treatment of Animals against animal research into AIDS cures. Restraining orders have been granted after the organization physically attacked AIDS charities that help HIV-positive patients, and activists have been found guilty of misdemeanor charges laid after threatening phone calls to journalists and public health officials.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: In telecommunications, received signal strength indicator (RSSI) is a measurement of the power present in a received radio signal.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: RSSI is usually invisible to a user of a receiving device. However, because signal strength can vary greatly and affect functionality in wireless networking, IEEE 802.11 devices often make the measurement available to users.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: RSSI is often derived in the intermediate frequency (IF) stage before the IF amplifier. In zero-IF systems, it is derived in the baseband signal chain, before the baseband amplifier. RSSI output is often a DC analog level. It can also be sampled by an internal analog-to-digital converter (ADC) and the resulting values made available directly or via peripheral or internal processor bus.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: In an IEEE 802.11 system, RSSI is the relative received signal strength in a wireless environment, in arbitrary units. RSSI is an indication of the power level being received by the receiving radio after the antenna and possible cable loss. Therefore, the greater the RSSI value, the stronger the signal. Thus, when an RSSI value is represented in a negative form (e.g. −100), the closer the value is to 0, the stronger the received signal has been.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: RSSI can be used internally in a wireless networking card to determine when the amount of radio energy in the channel is below a certain threshold at which point the network card is clear to send (CTS). Once the card is clear to send, a packet of information can be sent. The end-user will likely observe an RSSI value when measuring the signal strength of a wireless network through the use of a wireless network monitoring tool like Wireshark, Kismet or Inssider. As an example, Cisco Systems cards have an RSSI maximum value of 100 and will report 101 different power levels, where the RSSI value is 0 to 100. Another popular Wi-Fi chipset is made by Atheros. An Atheros-based card will return an RSSI value of 0 to 127 (0x7f) with 128 (0x80) indicating an invalid value.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: There is no standardized relationship of any particular physical parameter to the RSSI reading. The 802.11 standard does not define any relationship between RSSI value and power level in milliwatts or decibels referenced to one milliwatt (dBm). Vendors and chipset makers provide their own accuracy, granularity, and range for the actual power (measured as milliwatts or decibels) and their range of RSSI values (from 0 to RSSI maximum). One subtlety of the 802.11 RSSI metric comes from how it is sampledRSSI is acquired during only the preamble stage of receiving an 802.11 frame, not over the full frame.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: As early as 2000, researchers were able to use RSSI for coarse-grained location estimates. More recent work was able to reproduce these results using more advanced techniques. Nevertheless, RSSI does not always provide measurements that are sufficiently accurate to properly determine the location. However, RSSI still represents the most feasible indicator for localization purposes as it is available in almost all wireless nodes and it does not have any additional hardware requirements.


title: Received signal strength indication

text: For the most part, 802.11 RSSI has been replaced with received channel power indicator (RCPI). RCPI is an 802.11 measure of the received radio frequency power in a selected channel over the preamble "and" the entire received frame, and has defined absolute levels of accuracy and resolution. RCPI is exclusively associated with 802.11 and as such has some accuracy and resolution enforced on it through IEEE 802.11k-2008. Received signal power level assessment is a necessary step in establishing a link for communication between wireless nodes. However, a power level metric like RCPI generally cannot comment on the "quality" of the link like other metrics such as travel time measurement (time of arrival).


title: Drotaverine

text: Drotaverine (INN, also known as drotaverin) is an antispasmodic drug, used to enhance cervical dilation during childbirth and to relieve smooth muscle spasms in gastrointestinal tract, urinary system, and gall bladder.


title: Drotaverine

text: It is structurally related to papaverine, and is a selective inhibitor of phosphodiesterase-4, and has no anticholinergic effects.


title: Drotaverine

text: It is available in Asia, India, Central and Eastern Europe under several brand names. Most known brand is "No-Spa" by Hungarian plant Chinoin (owned by Sanofi).


title: Drotaverine

text: Drotaverine decreases active ionized calcium supply binding to smooth muscle cells due to inhibition of phosphoesterase and cAMP intracellular accumulation of adenosine monophosphate. It has an apparent and prolonged action on smooth muscles of internal organs and blood vessels and it moderately decreases arterial blood pressure, increases cardiac output (minute volume of heart), and have some antiarrhythmic potential.


title: Drotaverine

text: Drotaverine decreases vascular tone of cerebral blood vessels and increases blood-filling. Practically, Drotaverine does not influence the autonomic nervous system and does not penetrate into the central nervous system.


title: Drotaverine

text: Possible side effects include: heating sensation, dizziness, headache (rarely), insomnia. May be observed: arrhythmia (rarely), hypotension, tachycardia, sweating, nausea.


title: Drotaverine

text: Overdose of Drotaverine potentially can cause atrioventricular (AV) block, cardiac arrest, paralysis of respiratory system.


title: Drotaverine

text: In Israel the product is known under the brand name "No-Spa" by the general public which did not receive a permit to be distributed by the health ministry, however due to high demand local medical counterfeiters have managed to smuggle No-Spa tablets over the years.


title: Drotaverine

text: In 2008, the Israeli health organization warned consumers against counterfeit No-SPA pills after a smuggler had been arrested at the Ben Gurion Airport with several thousand pills.


title: Drotaverine

text: An article from 2013 described the effects from overdose (in a 19-year-old woman) as including vomiting, seizures and fatal cardiac toxicity.


title: Drotaverine

text: In 2016, the young Russian chess player Ivan Bukavshin died of a massive overdose (or poisoning) of the drug, which was initially thought to be a stroke; dose detected in his blood was 17 mg/kg.


title: Saboted light armor penetrator

text: The saboted light armor penetrator (SLAP) family of firearm ammunition is designed to penetrate armor more efficiently than standard armor-piercing ammunition. In the US it was developed by the Marine Corps during the mid/late 1980s and was approved for service use in 1990 during Operation Desert Storm. It uses a reduced caliber, heavy metal (tungsten) .30 inch diameter penetrator wrapped in a plastic sabot of .50 inch diameter, and the .308 SLAP round was a .223 inch diameter penetrator core within the .308 inch plastic sabot.


title: Saboted light armor penetrator

text: The SLAP design incorporates a polymer sabot, which allows for the use of a tungsten penetrator projectile of a lesser diameter than the original bore. By using the casing of a large cartridge with a lightweight projectile, the velocity of the projectile is greatly increased and the sectional density is improved without requiring a (potentially dangerous) increase in chamber pressure.


title: Saboted light armor penetrator

text: Saboted ammunition should not be used in firearms with muzzle brakes unless the muzzle brake has been specifically designed for such use. 50 SLAP ammunition is completely interoperable with M2 machine guns with stellite liner.


title: Saboted light armor penetrator

text: US SLAP ammunition is produced by the Winchester Cartridge Company and Olin Manufacturing. The team began production of the ammunition in 1985. The sabot that contains the sub-caliber is manufactured by Cytec Industries.


title: Apaharan

text: Apaharan (English: "Abduction") is a 2005 Indian Hindi-language crime action film directed by Prakash Jha and stars Ajay Devgn, Bipasha Basu and Nana Patekar in the lead roles. It is the story of a complex relationship and clashing ideologies between a father and son set in the backdrop of the kidnapping industry in the eastern state of Bihar, India. "Apaharan" was declared semi Hit at the Indian box-office.


title: Apaharan

text: Ajay Shastri (Ajay Devgn) is an unemployed, honest graduate who dreams of joining the police force. His father, Raghuvansh Shastri (Mohan Agashe) is a highly principled and moralistic man. An ex-schoolteacher and Gandhi follower, now a social activist, Prof. Shastri expects his son to follow in his steps and believe in his ideals and values. When his father's ideals start clashing with Ajay's ideologies, a rift between father and son emerges.


title: Apaharan

text: Ajay borrows a lot of money, with the help of his friend (Ayub Khan) and bribes higher officials to get his name on the police force merit list. When Ajay's father discloses the corruption scandal to the media, things go awry, and left with pressure from his creditors, Ajay and his friend decide to kidnap a government official to repay the amount.


title: Apaharan

text: The kidnapping goes wrong at the last minute. It turns out that the victim is under protection of Gaya Singh (Yashpal Sharma), one of Tabrez Alam's (Nana Patekar) henchmen. Tabrez Alam is a powerful MLA and influential Muslim party leader, who is also an underworld don and controller of a large kidnapping racket.


title: Apaharan

text: Ajay and his friends are brought to jail. Gaya Singh and his men assault and humiliate Ajay and his friends, for meddling in their racket. Ajay pleads with the DSP, Shukla, to save him, who has recently developed strained relations with Gaya Singh due to severe conflict of opinions. DSP Shukla helps Ajay and his friends escape jail.


title: Apaharan

text: Ajay then kidnaps Sooraj Mal, one of the leading businessman and a rising figure in local politics, who was for long, a target of Tabrez Alam and Gaya Singh, but neither could do the job because of the high security provided to him. Gaya Singh goes frantic upon learning about the kidnapping and is on the lookout of killer. DSP Shukla and Ajay join forces and lure Gaya Singh into a trap. Gaya Singh heads to a location where Ajay is told to be hiding. Gaya Singh soon learns that he has been trapped and Ajay kills him after a brief fight. He surrenders himself to Tabrez, and requests him to recruit him into his gang. Tabrez sees potential in Ajay and allows him to be a part of his gang. Ajay starts working hard and rapidly rises in the ranks of Tabrez's empire. He takes Ajay in and places him higher than his own brother Usmaan (Mukul Nag), with an ulterior motive. Swimming in power, Ajay becomes the state's most powerful gangster and, under Tabrez's authority, the head of Bihar's most successful kidnapping trade, which Ajay consolidates by killing smaller players and removing all competitors.


title: Apaharan

text: The state's home minister's wife is caught on camera taking money and the scandal becomes the hottest news. The home minister offers Ajay to leave Tabrez Alam and join forces with him. He then provides the taped conversation between him and Ajay (which he surreptitiously records) to Tabrez to create differences between them. Meanwhile, news correspondent Akash Ranjan calls a press conference to clarify the scandal involving the home minister inviting a discussion. Tabrez sends Ajay to kill Akash so that he would bring a no-confidence motion against the government, bringing its fall. He would come to power by taking advantage of the political instability. Ajay is contacted by SP Anwar Khan who makes him aware of Tabrez's real motive. Ajay reaches the press conference venue only to find out that the real person behind the ongoing debate of bribery scandal is his father. He leaves without killing Akash Ranjan and is confronted by DSP Shukla, who is sent by Tabrez Alam to kill Ajay, but Ajay manages to kill Shukla and escape.


title: Apaharan

text: Ajay surrenders himself to SP Khan and gives his statement revealing everything about Tabrez Alam's illegal activities. This report is presented to the home minister by the commissioner of police citing Tabrez Alam's arrest warrant. The home minister makes a deal with Tabrez Alam, to destroy the evidence against him in exchange for money and power, and both join hands to form new government in the state with the help of their respective MLA support. SP Khan is sorry for Ajay as all his efforts are ruined by the political upheaval. Ajay goes home one last time with the help from SP Khan where he watches his father reminiscing about him and make amends with him after knowing how much he loved him. He goes back to prison where Tabrez comes to meet him after becoming the new home minister of the state. He gloats in front of Ajay at the jail. Ajay suddenly takes out his pistol and guns down Tabrez. Upon hearing then gunshots, Tabrez's men enter the room and shoot Ajay, bringing an end to their lives.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: The Lost Boys of Sudan refers to a group of over 20,000 boys of the Nuer and Dinka ethnic groups who were displaced or orphaned during the Second Sudanese Civil War (1987–2005). Two million were killed and others were severely affected by the conflict. The term was used by healthcare workers in the refugee camps and may have been derived from the children's story of "Peter Pan". The term also was used to refer to children who fled the post-independence violence in South Sudan in 2011–2013.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: The boys embarked on treacherous journeys to refugee camps in Ethiopia and Kenya where thousands were sheltered for several years. Some of the Lost Boys were offered new lives through official resettlement programs in the US.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: The Sudanese conflict, which incited the journey of the Lost Boys, stemmed from divisions among the Arabic-speaking Islamic Northerners and the Christian, Roman Catholic, and indigenous religions in the South. Following Sudan's independence from Britain in 1956, these divisions became contentious. The northern region of the country was primarily Muslim, which contrasted ideologically and culturally with the Christian, Roman Catholic, indigenous religions, and atheists that were more prevalent in the south. In the Northerners' minds, the South was a legitimate place of conversation because the Christian religion promotes secularization. For each side, religion constituted identity, making the conflict extremely personal for all involved. Further, the Northern population was primarily Arabic-speakers, while the South comprised an English speaking population. The new Sudanese government was dominated by Islamic Northerners who sought to Arabize and make the South an Islamic state, which had previously associated more with their African ethnicity rather than Arab. Additionally, the conflict boosted economic elements. Although the north had more of the urban centers of the nation, they depended heavily on natural resources such as oil and minerals that were found in the southern region. The interests of northern business in extracting these resources contrasted the interests of southern farmers to protect and own their own land for agriculture. In all, these competing identities and interests created an organized civil war lasting over two decades.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: During the Second Sudanese Civil War, children were unable to adequately support themselves and suffered greatly from the terror. Many children were orphaned or separated from their families because of the systematic attacks of genocide in the southern part of the country. Some children were able to avoid capture or death because they were away from their villages tending cattle at the cattle camps (grazing land located near bodies of water where cattle were taken and tended largely by the village children during the dry season) and were able to flee and hide in the dense African bush. Some of the unaccompanied male minors were conscripted by the Islamic Southern rebel terrorist forces and used as soldiers in the rebel army, while others were handed over to the Islamic State by their own families to ensure protection, for food, and under a false impression the child would be attending school. Children were highly marginalized during this period. As a result, they began to conglomerate and organize themselves in an effort to flee the country and the war.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Motivated by the loss of their parents and their need to find food and safety from the conflict, an estimated 20,000 boys from rural southern Sudan fled to bordering Ethiopia and Kenya. Much of the travel took place by foot in large groups with the boys traveling in single file lines. The journey from South Sudan to the nearest refugee camp could be up to thousands of miles. Travel ranged from a span of weeks to two or more years. Often, the children traveled with no possessions besides the clothes on their backs. The Boys often depended on the charity of villages they passed for food, necessities, and treatment of the sick. However, most of their travel was in isolated regions with very little infrastructure. Groups of Boys were often organized and led by the oldest boy in the group, who could be a young adult or sometimes as young as ten or twelve years old.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: The Lost Boys on this migration were on average extremely malnourished, as food was sourced through donations from villages encountered along the way, hunting, and theft. They were also vulnerable to heat exhaustion, pneumonia, malaria, and other diseases for which they had little means of prevention or treatment. Additionally, attacks by lions, snakes, and other wild animals were not uncommon. It is estimated that over half of the young migrants died along their journey due to starvation, dehydration, disease, attacks by wild animals and enemy soldiers. Conditions were made even more dangerous by the SPLA soldiers, who would attack the boys or forcibly recruit them as child soldiers. The SPLA estimated that 1,200 boys were recruited from groups of displaced children, although they deny forcing any of them into conflict. Experts say the Lost Boys are the most badly war-traumatized children ever examined.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: The journey of the Lost Boys was filled with suffering and unknowns as the boys rarely knew the direction they were headed.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Initially, most of the fleeing boys went to a refugee camp in Ethiopia, until the war in 1991 sent the boys fleeing again to a different refugee camp called Kakuma, which is located in Kenya. The arrival of the Lost Boys to the refugee camps in Ethiopia and Kenya were welcomed to various degrees. It was difficult for the camps to provide sufficient food for the hundreds of boys arriving daily. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees and involved non-governmental organizations were often constrained to meet the needs of the population. A unique problem for the story of the Lost Boys is how the age and family structure dynamics of the camps changed with the influx of young people. The Lost Boys came to the camps without guardians or adult supervision. They immediately required housing and schooling, which changed the allocation of resources in the camps. With some of the boys arriving in the camps at ages as young as 6 or 7, many of the Boys spent the majority of their childhood and adolescence being raised in the camps. Ultimately, being raised in a refugee camp significantly altered their development and ability to assimilate into regular life.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Between 1992 and 1996, UNICEF reunited approximately 1,200 Lost Boys with their families. However, about 17,000 were still in camps throughout Ethiopia and Kenya as of 1996. These camps' inability to sustain the additional population burden made it evident to government officials that more needed to be done.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: In 2001, as part of a program established by the United States Government and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), approximately 3,800 Lost Boys were offered resettlement in the United States. Prior to the inception of this program, approximately 10,000 boys left the refugee camps for other opportunities, making them ineligible for the US's resettlement program. They are now scattered over at least 38 cities, including major metropolises such as Chicago, Dallas, Boston, Seattle and Atlanta. Halted after 9/11 for security reasons, the program restarted in 2004. As of 2006, the largest population of Sudanese refugees in the United States is in Omaha, Nebraska, which hosts about 7,000 people. Numerous resettlement agencies, such as Catholic Charities, Lutheran Social Services, the International Rescue Committee (IRC), World Relief and other privatized organizations assisted in this resettlement process. A variety of programs have been initiated to help these displaced people in areas of education, medical assistance, reconnecting with families in South Sudan and in rebuilding efforts and providing humanitarian aid in Southern Sudan.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Because many boys were over the age of 18, they were unable to be placed into the foster care system. Thus, they were placed into apartment complexes with one another in hopes that they would sustain the kind of family atmosphere that was cultivated in Kakuma.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Despite the program's intention to facilitate assimilation, many of the Lost Boys still face difficulties in adapting to life in The United States, Canada, or any of the European countries that offered refugee resettlement. Posttraumatic stress, separation from loved ones, cultural isolation, racism and discrimination against the refugees made assimilation extremely difficult. Many studies have discussed a common condition among the Lost Boys of ambiguous loss. This occurs when someone experiences the loss of a family member without the closure of death, which allows for mourning and moving forward. Moreover, a 2005 study found that 20% of Lost Boys under the age of 18 suffered from symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. Resettlement to the US made it easier for many of the Lost Boys to reconnect with family members via western technology. However, it was often difficult to reunite if the boys were already in the US and the families remained in camps. South Sudan allows free access to Lost Boys/Girls and Sudanese Diaspora from around the world to return to their homeland. As a result, many are now returning to South Sudan to pay it forward and help in the rebuilding of their war-torn country, and to provide humanitarian aid and support.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: In January 2011, 99.47% of South Sudanese voted to separate from the north and become an independent nation. Some American former Lost Boys and Girls now hold positions in the current Government of South Sudan.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Although there is much attention directed toward the Lost Boys, common historical narratives often ignore their counterparts, the Lost Girls. Even before the conflict, inequalities between the Lost Boys and Lost Girls were manifested in the cultural practices of the Dinka and Nuer people. This marginalization heavily influenced their post-conflict recovery and integration in refugee camps and resettlement programs.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Not unlike other parts of Africa, Sudanese women were viewed as subordinate to men in families and villages. Family law consistently gave preference to men. Male children inherited their parents' wealth after their death, and so parents strongly desired to have male children, often at the expense of the care of the females. Men were allowed to have multiple wives, and polygamy was expected if the father had no sons by his other wives. Moreover, the use of a brideprice was common practice in Sudan, making women more of a commodity to her husband rather than a partner. Subsequently, women hold little weight within a marriage.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: When conflict reached the rural parts of Southern Sudan, women were affected just as much as the men, only in different ways. Rape was rampant during attacks on villages as the attackers would use rape as a weapon of the war. Women and small children (boys and girls) were taken to the north to be sold as slaves. Further, women and children were often forced or coerced into a trafficking situation. Once a person was involved in trafficking, it was extremely difficult for family members to relocate them.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Upon their arrival in the camps in Ethiopia, the boys were placed into boys-only areas of the camp. Yet according to Sudanese culture, the girls could not be left alone, so they were placed with surviving family members or adopted by other Sudanese families. Although these family placement practices provided security for young women, families often exploited the extra pair of hands at home. The girls were expected to fulfill numerous domestic responsibilities that were often very taxing or even dangerous. The expectations of domestic work often prevented the girls and young women from attending school while in the camps, and even when allowed to attend, their housework often kept them behind their male classmates, who had time to study. In this way, girls were prevented from earning a formal education, further entrenching them in their inability to sustain themselves. Many girls were physically and/or sexually abused by their host families, raped by other refugees during activities such as fetching water or food rations, and occasionally, even sold as brides for profit. In each of these examples, the girls were taken in only as a potential profit or benefit to the family.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: When the US resettlement program began in 1999, one requirement was that the children must be orphans. Because these girls had been living within a family unit for anywhere from 9–14 years, they were no longer considered orphans, and therefore were ineligible for the resettlement program. As a result, relatively few of the Lost Girls were able to benefit from the resettlement program to the US. Of the 4,000 Sudanese refugees approved in 2000, only 89 were women.


title: Lost Boys of Sudan

text: Moreover, the stories of the Lost Girls are generally forgotten in light of their limited exposure when in the refugee camps. While the boys were encouraged to share their stories and what happened to them, girls were shunned from public light. Speaking of the rape was unacceptable and left the girls vulnerable to being blamed for the rape that occurred against them. Therefore, the Lost Boys are more focused on in literature.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: Aleurites moluccanus, the candlenut, is a flowering tree in the spurge family, Euphorbiaceae, also known as candleberry, Indian walnut, kemiri, varnish tree, nuez de la India, buah keras, godou, kukui nut tree, and rata kekuna.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The candlenut grows to a height of up to , with wide spreading or pendulous branches. The leaves are pale green, simple, and ovate or heart-shaped on mature shoots, but may be three-, five-, or seven-lobed on saplings. They are up to long and wide and young leaves are densely clothed in rusty or cream stellate hairs. Petioles measure up to long and stipules about .


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The fruit is a drupe about in diameter with one or two lobes; each lobe has a single soft, white, oily, kernel contained within a hard shell which is about in diameter. The kernel is the source of candlenut oil.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: This plant was first described by Carl Linnaeus in his work Species Plantarum (Sp. Pl. 2: 1006 (1753)) in 1753 as "Jatropha moluccana". It was renamed as "Aleurites moluccana" in 1805 by Carl Ludwig Willdenow in a later edition of Species Plantarum (Sp. Pl. 4: 590 (1805)), but the ending was corrected to match the gender of the Latin genus "Aleurites moluccanus".


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: While there are many online references to the name "Aleurites moluccana", this is not a name that is accepted by botanic authorities such as the International Plant Names Index (IPNI) or the Germplasm Resources Information Network (GRIN).


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The genus name derives from the Ancient Greek "ἄλευρον (áleuron)", meaning "flour" or "meal", and refers to the new growth which appears to be dusted with flour. The species epithet means "from the Moluccas".


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: Its native range is impossible to establish precisely because of early spread by humans, and the tree is now distributed throughout the New and Old World tropics.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The candlenut was first domesticated on the islands of Southeast Asia. Remains of harvested candlenuts have been recovered from archaeological sites in Timor and Morotai in eastern Indonesia, dated to around 13,000 and 11,000 BP, respectively. Archaeological evidence of candlenut cultivation is also found in Neolithic sites of the Toalean culture in southern Sulawesi dated to around 3,700 to 2,300 BP. Candlenuts were widely introduced into the Pacific islands by early Austronesian voyagers and became naturalized to high volcanic islands.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: "A. moluccanus" grows in tropical rainforests and gallery forests. It is a very fast-growing tree and often appears in disturbed rainforest. In Australia the altitudinal range is from sea level to .


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: In Australia the seeds are eaten by rodents, in particular the giant white-tailed rat. The broken shells of the fruits are often found underneath the trees.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The larvae of the coleopteran "Agrianome fairmairei" feed on dead candlenut wood, and are considered a delicacy in New Caledonia.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The Proto-Austronesian word for candlenut is reconstructed as "*kamiri", with modern cognates including Hanunó'o, Iban, and Sundanese "muncang"; Javanese and Malay "kemiri"; and Tetun "kamii", but the Oceanian words for candlenut is believed to be derived, instead, from Proto-Austronesian "*CuSuR" which became Proto-Malayo-Polynesian "*tuhuR", originally meaning "string together, as beads", referring to the construction of the candlenut torches. It became Proto-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian and Proto-Oceanic "*tuRi" which is then reduplicated. Modern cognates including Fijian, Tongan, Rarotongan, and Niue "tui-tui"; and Hawaiian "kui-kui" or "kukui".


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: The Malay language in both has another name given to the nut which is "buah keras" (literally "hard fruit").


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: Both the nut and the oil that can be extracted from it are used. While mildly toxic when raw, the nut is appreciated in many cultures once cooked or toasted. In Indonesian and Malaysian cuisine, it is commonly used in curries, and on the Indonesian island of Java, it is used to make a thick sauce that is eaten with vegetables and rice.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: In the Philippines, the fruit and tree are traditionally known as "lumbang", after which Lumban, a lakeshore town in Laguna province, is named. Before the intrusion of non-native species, it was frequently used as a property-line manager, because its silvery underleaf makes the tree easy to distinguish from a distance.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: In the state of Sabah, Malaysian Borneo, the Dusun tribes call the fruit "godou" and use it in tattoo-making as an optional ingredient for the ink.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: A Hawaiian condiment known as "ʻinamona" is made from roasted "kukui" (candlenuts) mixed into a paste with salt. "ʻInamona" is a key ingredient in traditional Hawaiian "poke".


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: In ancient Hawaiʻi, "kukui" nuts were burned to provide light. The nuts were strung in a row on a palm leaf midrib, lit on one end, and burned one by one every fifteen minutes or so. This led to their use as a measure of time. Hawaiians extracted the oil from the nut and burned it in a stone oil lamp called a "kukui hele po" (light, darkness goes) with a wick made of "kapa" cloth.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: Hawaiians had many other uses for the tree, including leis from the shells, leaves, and flowers; ink for tattoos from charred nuts; a varnish with the oil; and fishermen would chew the nuts and spit them on the water to break the surface tension and remove reflections, giving them greater underwater visibility. A red-brown dye made from the inner bark was used on "kapa" and "aho" ("Touchardia latifolia" cordage). A coating of "kukui" oil helped preserve "ʻupena" (fishing nets). The "nohona waʻa" (seats), "pale" (gunwales) of "waʻa" (outrigger canoes) were made from the wood. The trunk was sometimes used to make smaller canoes used for fishing. "Kukui" was named the state tree of Hawaii on 1 May 1959 due to its multitude of uses. It also represents the island of Molokaʻi, whose symbolic color is the silvery green of the "kukui" leaf.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: As recently as 1993 on the outlying islands of the kingdom of Tonga, candlenuts were chewed into sweet-scented emollient used during a traditional funerary ritual. They were used for making various sweet-smelling oils for the skin.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: Because the seeds contain saponin and phorbol, they are mildly toxic when raw. However, the "kukui" seed oil has no known toxicity and is not an irritant, even to the eyes.


title: Aleurites moluccanus

text: In Maui, the "kukui" is a symbol of enlightenment, protection, and peace. Kamapuaʻa, the hog-man fertility demigod, was said to be able to transform into a "kukui" tree. One of the legends told of Kamapuaʻa: one day, a man beat his wife to death and buried her beneath Kamapuaʻa while he was in tree form.


title: Neha Shetty

text: Neha Shetty is an Indian actress and model who primarily appears in Telugu films. Shetty made her debut with the Kannada film "Mungaru Male 2" in 2016, and went on to star in Telugu films such as "Mehbooba", "Gully Rowdy", and "DJ Tillu".


title: Neha Shetty

text: Neha Shetty was born in Mangalore, Karnataka and brought up in Bangalore. Her mother is a dentist while her father is a businessman, and she has a younger sister.


title: Neha Shetty

text: Shetty began her career in modelling and won the Miss Mangalore beauty pageant in 2014, and was the runner up of Miss South India 2015. Shashank cast her in the Kannada film "Mungaru Male 2" after an extensive search. Though the film garnered mixed reviews, Shetty's performance was appreciated. Shyam Prasad S of "Bangalore Mirror" stated that she made a promising start to her career.


title: Neha Shetty

text: Later, she was cast in the Puri Jagannadh-directed Telugu film "Mehbooba" (2018). Shetty was not familiar with Telugu before but learned the language for the film. Firstpost critic Hemanth Kumar felt that the film did not offer Shetty which has scope for performance. Following Mehbooba, Shetty took a break of six months to pursue an acting course in New York Film Academy.


title: Neha Shetty

text: In 2021, she appeared in two films. She played a lead in "Gully Rowdy", in addition to a small role in "Most Eligible Bachelor". In 2022, she starred in "DJ Tillu". Thadhagath Pathi of "The Times of India" wrote Shetty was "really impressive" in the film, and stole the show along with Siddhu Jonnalagadda. "The Hindu" critic Sangeetha Devi Dundoo opined that she pulled of a "complex character" well.


title: Exosphere

text: The exosphere ( "outside, external, beyond", "sphere") is a thin, atmosphere-like volume surrounding a planet or natural satellite where molecules are gravitationally bound to that body, but where the density is so low that the molecules are essentially collisionless. In the case of bodies with substantial atmospheres, such as Earth's atmosphere, the exosphere is the uppermost layer, where the atmosphere thins out and merges with outer space. It is located directly above the thermosphere. Very little is known about it due to lack of research. Mercury, the Moon, Ceres, Europa, and Ganymede have surface boundary exospheres, which are exospheres without a denser atmosphere underneath. The Earth's exosphere is mostly hydrogen and helium, with some heavier atoms and molecules near the base.


title: Exosphere

text: Mercury, Ceres and several large natural satellites, such as the Moon, Europa, and Ganymede, have exospheres without a denser atmosphere underneath, referred to as a surface boundary exosphere. Here, molecules are ejected on elliptic trajectories until they collide with the surface. Smaller bodies such as asteroids, in which the molecules emitted from the surface escape to space, are not considered to have exospheres.


title: Exosphere

text: The most common molecules within Earth's exosphere are those of the lightest atmospheric gases. Hydrogen is present throughout the exosphere, with some helium, carbon dioxide, and atomic oxygen near its base. Because it can be hard to define the boundary between the exosphere and outer space (see "Upper boundary" at the end of this section), the exosphere may be considered a part of the interplanetary medium or outer space. The height of the exosphere is between 700 - 10,000 km from the earth's surface.


title: Exosphere

text: The lower boundary of the exosphere is called the "exobase". It is also called the " 'critical altitude' "as this is the altitude where barometric conditions no longer apply. Atmospheric temperature becomes nearly a constant above this altitude. On Earth, the altitude of the exobase ranges from about depending on solar activity.


title: Exosphere

text: If we define the exobase as the height at which upward-traveling molecules experience one collision on average, then at this position the mean free path of a molecule is equal to one pressure scale height. This is shown in the following. Consider a volume of air, with horizontal area formula_1 and height equal to the mean free path formula_2, at pressure formula_3 and temperature formula_4. For an ideal gas, the number of molecules contained in it is:


title: Exosphere

text: where formula_6 is the universal gas constant. From the requirement that each molecule traveling upward undergoes on average one collision, the pressure is:


title: Exosphere

text: which is the equation for the pressure scale height. As the pressure scale height is almost equal to the density scale height of the primary constituent, and because the Knudsen number is the ratio of mean free path and typical density fluctuation scale, this means that the exobase lies in the region where formula_10.


title: Exosphere

text: The fluctuation in the height of the exobase is important because this provides atmospheric drag on satellites, eventually causing them to fall from orbit if no action is taken to maintain the orbit.


title: Exosphere

text: In principle, the exosphere covers distances where particles are still gravitationally bound to Earth, i.e. particles still have ballistic orbits that will take them back towards Earth. The upper boundary of the exosphere can be defined as the distance at which the influence of solar radiation pressure on atomic hydrogen exceeds that of Earth's gravitational pull. This happens at half the distance to the Moon or somewhere in the neighborhood of . The exosphere, observable from space as the geocorona, is seen to extend to at least from Earth's surface.


title: Exosphere

text: If the atmosphere of a celestial body is very tenuous, like the atmosphere of the Moon or that of Mercury, the whole atmosphere is considered exosphere.


title: Arun Pandian

text: Arun Pandian is an Indian actor, filmmaker and politician. He began his career as an actor as part of the critically acclaimed film "Oomai Vizhigal" (1986). After retiring from acting, he took the post of chief producer for the London-based Ayngaran International, a film production and distribution company, however, he later started his own production and distribution company A&P Groups.


title: Arun Pandian

text: He is the secretary of South Indian Film Financiers Association (Siffa) and he is also the president of South Indian Film Exporters Association (Sifea).


title: Arun Pandian

text: He became a Member of Legislative Assembly in 2011 after contesting in the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election as a Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) candidate for the constituency of Peravurani. On 21 February 2016, Arun Pandian and nine other MLAs tendered their resignations prior to the Assembly election in the state. On 25 February 2016, he joined the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) in the presence of party general secretary and Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalithaa.


title: Arun Pandian

text: He is son of retired Lieutenant colonel D. P. Chellaiah and resides in Tirunelveli. His late brother C. Durai Pandian directed the film "Uzhiyan" (1994) with Arun Pandian starring in the lead role. He has three daughters, named Kavitha Pandian, Kirana Pandian, and Keerthi Pandian. He holds a Bachelors in economics from Madras University. His daughter Keerthi Pandian and his niece Ramya Pandian are working as actresses.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: Kronenbourg Brewery (, German: "Kronenbourg Brauerei", ) is a brewery founded in 1664 by Geronimus Hatt in the Free Imperial City of Straßburg, Holy Roman Empire (today Strasbourg, France). The name comes from the area where the brewery relocated in 1850. The company is owned by the Danish multinational Carlsberg. The premium brand (and the one sold in the greatest volumes outside France) is "Kronenbourg 1664", a 5% abv pale lager.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: Geronimus Hatt, who obtained his Master Brewer's certificate in 1649, started up the Canon Brewery in the Place du Corbeau in Strasbourg. His son Claude (born November 1665), succeeded his father in the trade in 1683. However, the frequent flooding of the River Ill compelled in 1850 a move to the higher terrain of Cronenbourg, an area of Strasbourg.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: In 1922, the Hatt Brewery changed its name to Tigre Bock, the most well-known brand of the Tiger Brewery it had acquired to become the leading brewer in Alsace. Following the Second World War, Kronenbourg became the name of the company, and began international expansion. In 1970, it was acquired by industrial group BSN (now Groupe Danone), along with the Société Européenne de Brasseries (Kanterbräu). In 1986, Kronenbourg merged with Kanterbräu.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: In 1953, Kronenbourg was sold in the UK for the first time in honour of the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: British company Scottish and Newcastle (S&N) plc acquired it in 2000 for £1.7 billion. In April 2008, S&N's operations were sold to Heineken and Carlsberg, the latter acquiring Kronenbourg.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: Its main breweries are in Obernai and in Champigneulles, although the Champigneulles site is now up for sale.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: On 2 April 2015, Brasseries Kronenbourg launched a new corporate identity which it will use in corporate communications. It was designed by Carré Noir, which has been the brewery's design agency for several years. According to a press release, the new logo reaffirms Kronenbourg's identity as a French brewer with 350 years of history.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: Kronenbourg 1664 is a 5.5% pale lager first brewed in 1952. A small amount of the Strisselspalt hop, a French aroma hop from Alsace, is used. The main Kronenbourg 1664 brewery (where Kronenbourg also produces almost 300 other beer brands) is in Obernai (France), but the brand is also brewed in the UK by Heineken at its Manchester brewery, in Australia by Coopers, as well as in Ukraine by Carlsberg.


title: Kronenbourg Brewery

text: Other brands include: 1664 Brune; Single Malt (French name Malt d'Exception), 6.1% abv; Kronenbourg Blanc, a fruity wheat beer with citrus notes; Kronenbourg Premier Cru 6.0% abv; Kronenbourg Cold Premier 5.0%, a super chilled variant on 1664, draught only, UK; and Kronenbourg Red 4.2% abv.


title: Back to Black (song)

text: "Back to Black" is a song by English singer and songwriter Amy Winehouse, released on 30 April 2007 by Island Records as the third single from her second and final studio album of the same name (2006). The song was written by Winehouse and Mark Ronson, and produced by the latter. "Back to Black" was inspired by Winehouse's relationship with Blake Fielder-Civil, who had left her for an ex-girlfriend.


title: Back to Black (song)

text: "Back to Black" received universal acclaim by music critics, who generally praised its throwback sound to girl groups from the 1960s. It was included on several compiled year and decade-end lists of the best in music and was further considered to be one of Winehouse's signature songs. The single peaked at number eight on the UK Singles Chart in the United Kingdom and is Winehouse's third best-selling single in that country. Many artists recorded covers of the song; most notably, Beyoncé and André 3000 covered it for the of the 2013 film adaptation of the novel "The Great Gatsby" (1925).


title: Back to Black (song)

text: A documentary film based on the life and death of Winehouse, "Amy" (2015) features a videoed tape of Winehouse recording the song with Mark Ronson, in March 2006 and an a cappella melody was featured on the film's soundtrack.


title: Back to Black (song)

text: "Back to Black" was written by Amy Winehouse and Mark Ronson with the latter also serving as its producer. The track was recorded in three studios – Chung King Studios and Daptone Studios located in New York City and Metropolis Studios in London.


title: Back to Black (song)

text: "Back to Black" was inspired by her relationship with Blake Fielder-Civil. He had left Winehouse for an ex-girlfriend, leaving her going to "black," which the listener may take to be drinking and depression. "Black" has sometimes been considered as a reference to heroin, but this is inaccurate as Winehouse's heroin use did not begin until after her later marriage to Fielder-Civil (May 2007), as confirmed in the Asif Kapadia documentary.