title: Brian Robertson (guitarist)

text: Although associated with Marshall amplifiers (100 watt non-Master Volume Superlead heads and 25 W Celestion Greenback speakers), Robertson has been known to use Mesa Boogie (100 W Dual Rectifier head) and Soundman amplifiers. The "Jailbreak" album was recorded using a Carlsbro combo. Robertson's original wah-pedal is a UK made Colorsound although he sometimes used a Cry Baby wah wah in the 1990s and a borrowed Vox Wah in the "Still in Love with Blues" video (which the host, Stuart Bull, cut the rubber feet off of, much to the dismay of Brian).


title: Brian Robertson (guitarist)

text: Robertson's use of the WEM Copicat tape echo unit was later replaced by a modern rack mounted digital delay unit. He used a Black Les Paul custom and mentions he experimented with "Boss Analog Chorus Delay, an MXR Pitch Transposer, Yamaha analogue delays, and MXR 32 band Graphic EQ" during his Motörhead days.


title: Brian Robertson (guitarist)

text: Record producer Tony Visconti mentioned that for "Killer Without A Cause," featured on the Bad Reputation album:


title: Brian Robertson (guitarist)

text: ... Robertson plays guitar through the strange talk box, the simple gizmo that Peter Frampton made famous on his successful live album."


title: Brian Robertson (guitarist)

text: On his VHS video "Still in Love with the Blues" Robertson is pictured with a vintage red Les Paul guitar, unusually equipped with soapbar pickups and a trapeze bridge, although it does not feature on the video itself. Robertson's Facebook page features more information on this instrument: purchased by Thin Lizzy's manager in 1973, the guitar has an unusually lightweight body as it was built by Les Paul himself for his then-wife, guitarist Mary Ford.


The 2020 United States presidential election in Kentucky was held on Tuesday, November 3, 2020, as part of the 2020 United States presidential election in which all 50 states plus the District of Columbia participated. Kentucky voters chose electors to represent them in the Electoral College via a popular vote, pitting the Republican Party's nominee, incumbent President Donald Trump, and running mate Vice President Mike Pence against Democratic Party nominee, former Vice President Joe Biden, and his running mate California Senator Kamala Harris. Kentucky has eight electoral votes in the Electoral College.


title: 2020 United States presidential election in Kentucky

text: Trump won Kentucky by a 25.9% margin in this election. Prior to the election, all 12 news organizations considered this a state Trump would win, or a safe red state. The Bluegrass State has not supported a Democratic nominee since it narrowly supported fellow Southerner Bill Clinton in 1996. Trump's overhaul of Obama-era coal emissions standards helped him win coal-industry households, once again sweeping the historically-Democratic Eastern Kentucky counties. Trump also carried 83% of White evangelical/born-again Christians, per exit polls by the Associated Press. In addition to Trump's victory in the Commonwealth, Biden became the first Democrat to win the presidency without winning Elliott County since the county was founded in 1869, as well as only the second Democrat to ever lose Elliott County in a presidential election, preceded only by Hillary Clinton four years earlier. This also marks the second consecutive election in which no county in the Eastern Kentucky Coalfield voted Democratic, albeit the first time since 2008 that any of said counties experienced a Democratic swing. Furthermore, this is the first time since 1948 that Fayette County, the second-most populous county in the state and home to the city of Lexington, voted to the left of Jefferson County, the most populous county in the state and home to the city of Louisville, in a presidential election.


text: The primary elections were originally scheduled for May 19, 2020. On March 16, they were moved to June 23 due to concerns over the COVID-19 pandemic.


text: Incumbent President Donald Trump ran unopposed in the Republican primary. The state has 46 delegates to the 2020 Republican National Convention.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: The wolfpack was a convoy attack tactic employed in the Second World War. It was used principally by the U-boats of the during the Battle of the Atlantic, and by the submarines of the United States Navy in the Pacific War. The idea of a co-ordinated submarine attack on convoys had been proposed during the First World War but had no success. In the Atlantic during the Second World War the Germans had considerable successes with their wolfpack attacks but were ultimately defeated by the Allies. In the Pacific the American submarine force was able to devastate Japan’s merchant marine, though this was not solely due to the wolfpack tactic. Wolfpacks fell out of use during the Cold War as the role of the submarine changed and as convoys became rare.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: During the (German war on trade) Allied ships travelled independently prior to the introduction of the convoy system and were vulnerable to attacks by U-boats operating as 'lone wolves'. By gathering up merchant ships into convoys the British Admiralty denied them targets and presented a more defensible front if found and attacked. The logical remedy for the U-boat Arm was to gather U-boats similarly into attacking formations.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: In early 1917 Hermann Bauer, the Commander of the High Seas U-boats ( [FdU]) proposed establishing patrol lines of U-boats across convoy routes, in order to mass for attack on any convoy reported. These boats would be supported by a forward base on land and a headquarters and supply vessel, such as the -class converted U-cruisers equipped with radio and supplies of fuel and torpedoes. The shore station would monitor radio transmissions and the commander in the HQ boat would co-ordinate the attack.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: This proved easier to propose than to carry out and proved disastrous when tried. In May 1918 six U-boats under the command of KL Rucker, in , were operating in the English Channel; "U-103" made contact with a troop convoy but was rammed and sunk by the troopship before she could attack. found convoy HS 38 but managed only one torpedo attack, which missed. "UB 72" was caught on the surface by British submarine , torpedoed and sunk. During the period of operation, 19 homeward and 11 outward convoys passed through the patrol area without loss and two U-boats (a third of the force) had been destroyed.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: In October 1918 another attempt at a co-ordinated attack was made in the Mediterranean, when two U-boats attempted a co-ordinated attack on a convoy one of them was sunk and its commander, Karl Dönitz, was taken prisoner.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: During the interwar years the German Navy was forbidden to have U-boats but began to re-arm in 1935. Under Karl Dönitz as developed co-ordinated attack tactics based on Bauer's plan and his own experience and trials of the new tactics in 1936 proved successful. Dönitz called his strategy of submarine warfare , which literally translates as "pack tactic" but referred specifically to the hunting tactics of wolves and submarines were known by their nickname of (grey wolves).


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: With the outbreak of the Second World War the U-boat Arm found the success of the pre-war trials had created some complacency; when these tactics were first tried in October 1939 (Hartmann's wolfpack) they were a failure; Hartmann found he was unable to exercise any tactical control from his boat at sea and the convoy attack was unsuccessful, while three U-boats were lost in the operation. A second attempt the following month also failed. A further attempt in June 1940 following the Norwegian campaign (Rösing's wolfpack) also failed, leading to a re-think of German tactics.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: The revised approach saw Dönitz micromanaging the operations at sea from his headquarters in occupied France, relying on the supposedly unbreakable Enigma code to transmit and receive orders and co-ordinate movements. U-boat movements were controlled by U-boat Command ("BdU)" from Kerneval. U-boats usually patrolled separately, often strung out in lines across likely convoy routes to engage merchant ships and small vulnerable destroyers, being ordered to congregate only after one located a convoy and alerted the . A (pack) consisted of as many U-boats as could reach the scene of the attack. With the exception of the orders given by the , U-boat commanders could attack as they saw fit. Often the U-boat commanders were given a probable number of U-boats that would arrive and then when they were in contact with the convoy, make call signs to see how many had arrived. If their number were sufficiently high compared to the expected threat of the escorts, they would attack. This proved a success, leading to a series of successful pack attacks on Allied convoys in the latter half of 1940 (known as "the Happy Time" to the U-boat men).


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: While the German pack tactic was effective, it had several drawbacks. Most notably was the fact that wolfpacks required extensive radio communication to coordinate the attacks. This left the U-boats vulnerable to a device called the High Frequency Direction Finder (HF/DF or "Huff-Duff"), which allowed Allied naval forces to determine the location of the enemy boats transmitting and attack them.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: The pack tactic was able to bring about a concentration of force against a convoy but no tactics for co-ordinated attack were developed; each U-boat commander present was left to move against the convoy as he saw fit. This meant the escort groups, which went on to develop group tactics against U-boat attack, gained an advantage. As packs got larger the risks from this lack of co-ordination increased, such as overlapping attacks, collision or friendly fire incidents (in May 1943 for example, two U-boats stalking a Gibraltar convoy, and collided, with the loss of both).


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: Away from the Atlantic, the U-boat Arm had less scope for pack attacks; Operation Drumbeat against US shipping in early 1942, off the US eastern coast, and Operation Neuland in the Caribbean, were conducted by U-boats on individual patrol, while the introduction of a convoy system there saw the U-boats withdraw to easier hunting grounds. In the South Atlantic and the Indian Ocean individual routing by the Allies and small numbers of U-boats active there again saw the employment of the lone wolf approach by the U-boat Arm.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: Although the wolfpacks proved a serious threat to Allied shipping, the Allies developed counter-measures. The expansion of the escort force and the development of well-trained and well-organized escort groups, led to more and more successes as the campaign went on. Time and again escort groups were able to fight off numerically superior packs and destroy attackers, until the rate of exchange became ruinous. Effective air cover from long-range aircraft with radar and escort carriers and blimps, allowed U-boats to be spotted as they shadowed a convoy (waiting for the cover of night to attack).


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: Some sources refer to different wolfpacks by name or provide lists of named wolfpacks, though this can be a misnomer. Donitz’s pack tactic envisaged a patrol line of six to ten boats (later, twenty to thirty or more) across a convoy route to search for targets. If a convoy was found the boats would form a pack, to mount a simultaneous attack. At the outbreak of the Second World War Germany had had 27 sea- and ocean-going U-boats, enough to mount a single patrol line in the Atlantic. Patrol lines were not named and if a pack was formed it was referred to by the name of the skipper who had found the target. This situation improved with the fall of France and the occupation of the French Atlantic ports but U-boat construction had barely kept pace with losses and it was not until the summer of 1941 that several patrol groups were possible, creating the need to differentiate them. At first this was by location (West, Centre, South, Greenland) but in August began to assign codenames, chosen for their historical or cultural value. This continued until the end of the campaign, though after the spring of 1944 the had moved away from pack attacks to its inshore campaign of individual patrols operating in British coastal waters. The last named U-boat group was , a seven boat operation against the North American coast, countered by the USN with Operation Teardrop.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: The codename applied to the group or to the patrol line that they formed. Not all groups so named were involved in pack tactics; the group was formed to enter the Mediterranean and support operations there; group were dispatched to the waters off South Africa, where they operated independently. Of those groups forming patrol lines not all found convoys or were able to form packs if they did. Where a named group formed and mounted a pack attack on a convoy, referring to it by name as a wolfpack is appropriate.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: In the Pacific the United States Navy (USN) used individual patrol and pack tactics; the South West Pacific command (SoWePac) under Rear-Admiral Ralph Christie, based at Brisbane and Fremantle favoured the individual patrol, while the Central Pacific command, under Rear Admiral Charles Lockwood at Pearl Harbor (SubPac) used the pack tactic.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: American wolfpacks, called "coordinated attack groups", usually comprised three boats that patrolled in close company and organized before they left port under the command of the senior captain of the three. "Swede" Momsen devised the tactics and led the first American wolfpack – composed of , and – from Midway on 1 October 1943. In this way the USN was able to make command at sea work; by forming stable groups of three submarines, these groups were able to develop group tactics for attack on Japanese convoys.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: Part of this development, and to promote an , was naming the groups as they formed. These names were based on that of the group commander; the group comprising (Cdr. "Ben" Oakley), and were known as "Ben's Busters"; the group , , and were "Blakely's Behemoths".


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: Wolfpacks fell out of use during the Cold War as the role of the submarine changed. With trade returned to peacetime conditions and the end of convoying, the submarine ceased to be a commerce raider and moved to a range of more traditional military roles, such as scouting, intelligence-gathering, clandestine transport and in the event of a full-scale war, fleet operations. The USN deploys its attack submarines on individual patrols, with the exception of one or (rarely) two attack submarines in each carrier strike group.


title: Wolfpack (naval tactic)

text: American ballistic missile submarines have always operated alone, while Soviet ballistic missile submarines operated in well-protected bastions.


title: Norm Peterson

text: Hilary Norman Peterson is a regular fictional character on the American television show "Cheers". The character was portrayed by actor George Wendt and is named Hilary after his paternal grandfather.


title: Norm Peterson

text: Norm appeared in all 275 episodes of "Cheers" from 1982 to 1993 and was initially the only customer featured in the show's main cast, later joined by best friend Cliff Clavin, Frasier Crane, and Lilith Sternin. Along with Sam Malone and Carla Tortelli, Norm is one of only three characters to appear in every episode of "Cheers". He also made one guest appearance each in the three other sitcoms set in the "Cheers" universe: the "Frasier" episode "Cheerful Goodbyes," the "Wings" episode "" and the spin-off "The Tortellis."


title: Norm Peterson

text: In the original script of the 1982 pilot, "Give Me a Ring Sometime," there was no Norm Peterson (contrary to beliefs that Norm is one of the original characters). George Wendt and John Ratzenberger auditioned for the same role, originally named George, and Wendt was hired for that role. George was Diane Chambers's first customer, appeared at the end of this episode, could not bear her long explanation of becoming a waitress, and had only one line consisting of one word: "Beer!" The writers expanded Wendt's role, and the character evolved into Norm Peterson, the first onscreen customer to enter the bar and who "badgered Diane rather than the other way around." Show co-creator Les Charles stated that the character was based on a frequent customer he met while working as a bartender during college.


title: Norm Peterson

text: Meanwhile, Ratzenberger suggested to the producers that a know-it-all character should be added, resulting in Cliff Clavin.


title: Norm Peterson

text: Norm's entrance into the bar is a running gag on "Cheers", typically beginning with a greeting by Norm. This is followed by the bar crowd yelling his name (except Diane Chambers, who would follow with a more refined "Norman", and Woody Boyd who would refer to him as "Mr. Peterson"). Norm is also greeted with the customary "Norm!" shout at other locations, including a bowling alley ("From Beer to Eternity", season 4, episode 9), The Hungry Heifer ("Cheers: The Motion Picture", season 5, episode 24), and Gary's Olde Towne Tavern, Cheers' rival bar ("Bar Wars VI", season 10, episode 23). When Sam asks why the people at Gary's know him by name, Norm replies that he goes there on Christmas when Cheers is closed. A recurring gag in the series is, following a commercial, for the bartender to ask Norm if he wants another beer; Norm replies "one quick one," after which he inevitably stays a lot longer. "Norm" is actually the first word of Frederick Crane, son of Frasier Crane and Lilith Sternin. (However, Lilith joyously believes that he said "Mommy!")


title: Norm Peterson

text: Prior to the show, Norm was born in Chicago, and moved to Boston to become an accountant, and is a lifelong Boston Celtics fan who went to Boston Garden as a child. Norm previously served in the United States Coast Guard, though in an earlier episode he stated he'd been in the Army. He loses his job in an accounting firm by defending Diane from his boss, and after struggling for few years as an independent accountant, eventually becomes a housepainter. Norm was also revealed to be an accomplished interior decorator and beer taster, capable of spotting a bad vat in a factory by drinking a single bottle.


title: Norm Peterson

text: Even when unemployed, Norm is the bar's best customer. A running gag throughout the series are the numerous jokes made about the enormous size of Norm's tab at "Cheers": several large binders are shown as being just a portion of it. In the episode "Home Malone" (season 9, episode 24), when Woody's rich, naïve girlfriend Kelly waitresses at Cheers to gain "real-life experience," Norm convinces her that the tab is a record of the beers for which he has already paid, and for each new beer a mark should be erased. In the finale Sam has to have his total tab for the series calculated by NASA. The only time he was seen to pay off any of his tab was when new manager Rebecca Howe temporarily cut him off after discovering he owed almost $850, but she agreed to payment in kind by him painting her office and apartment. This led to him setting up as a housepainter. The few times Norm drinks at another bar, he is immediately kicked out because the bartenders demand an immediate cash payment instead of a tab. Nevertheless, Norm annually receives a complimentary beer on his birthday.


title: Norm Peterson

text: Norm's wife Vera is often mentioned but her face is never seen. When she is finally shown, her face is covered in pie thrown by Diane (season 5, episode 9 "Thanksgiving Orphans,") and the actress is uncredited. The only other times she is seen, viewers can see only her legs and at one time her waving from a car which drives past Cheers on her 15th wedding anniversary. Vera is the butt of many of Norm's jokes, but on many occasions, Norm has professed secretly an undying love for his wife or defended her honor. He also refused to cheat on her in the episode "Norm's Big Audit" where a female IRS agent was prepared to overlook his tax evasion if he did. He explained in this instance that he felt he was a bad husband but would not cheat on his wife as it would make him a bad person. Norm and Vera separated during the second season of "Cheers" but reconciled in the last episode of the season, contrasting the romance between Sam and Diane, who enjoyed a romance then bitterly broke up in that last episode. When Vera got a job at Melville's, however, he was deeply disturbed by her proximity to him during his bar time. Vera was played by George Wendt's real-life wife, Bernadette Birkett.


title: Norm Peterson

text: In the "Cheers" episode "It's a Wonderful Wife" (season 9, episode 21) Vera tells Rebecca off-camera that Norm's real first name is Hilary. He explains that he was named after his grandfather who "once killed a man for laughing at him." Cliff asks if his grandfather really killed a man for laughing at his first name and Norm replies, "Not exactly. He was a surgeon and he sort of botched an operation."


title: Norm Peterson

text: When not sipping beer at Cheers, Norm satisfies his hunger at an eatery called The Hungry Heifer, whose emblem is a young cow smacking her chops. The customers there greet him just the same as the Cheers patrons do. He knows the waitresses by name, and usually orders a meal called a Feeding Frenzy, a monstrous supply of corn and beef. He denigrated the eatery when he first visited it in season 2, but when the place was being shut down in season 9, he insinuated it was an important place to him throughout his life and said he knew the owner since at latest his college years. Corrine (played by Doris Grau), who worked at Cheers occasionally as a temp waitress, was a server at The Hungry Heifer and said the waitstaff knew Norm as "the guy who comes back."


title: Norm Peterson

text: On a lark in college, he became an ordained minister of the Church of the Living Desert after seeing an advertisement in the back of a magazine.


title: Norm Peterson

text: In season 7, Sam takes a temporary bartending job in Cancún, Mexico. One of his patrons, Pepe, greatly resembles Norm in appearance and mannerisms.


title: Norm Peterson

text: George Wendt guest starred as Norm Peterson on "St. Elsewhere", "Cheers"’ first spinoff "The Tortellis", "Wings", and "The Simpsons" episode "Fear of Flying", which also guest starred Ted Danson, Rhea Perlman, Woody Harrelson, and John Ratzenberger as their respective characters. Years after "Cheers" ended, Wendt played Norm in a 2002 episode of its spinoff "Frasier", where he got along famously with Martin Crane. (Martin: "Wow, that's some mug callus you've got there." Norm: "Judging from your grip, I'd say you were a can man.") Norm was most recently seen in animated form, voiced by Wendt, on "Family Guy" in the episodes "Road to Rupert" and "Three Kings". Domino's Pizza released a commercial in February 2020 parodying "Cheers" (including the opening theme song and a Domino's version of the Cheers sign) with Norm entering a Domino's, surprised to find that no one knows his name. Norm's face was scanned from a "Cheers" episode to replace a body double's face.


title: Norm Peterson

text: In 1993, Wendt and Ratzenberger sued Host International for copyright infringement, trademark infringement, and violating the actors' personality rights. The company operated airport lounges styled similarly to "Cheers" which included two robots, one heavyset and the other a postal worker, which the actors claimed resembled Norm Peterson and Cliff Clavin. The lawsuit was declined at its first and second hearings. At the first, the judge ruled that the defendant did not violate copyright because Paramount Pictures had already granted it a license to produce " Cheers"-based bars. At the second, the judge ruled that the robots did not resemble the characters. In 1997, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals reversed both rulings on the grounds that Paramount's copyright claim might not have more weight than Wendt and Ratzenberger's ownership of publicity and that the resemblance claim should be decided by a jury, not a judge. The case resulted in an undisclosed settlement in 2001 by Host International.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: Daniel Victor Jones (April 15, 1958 April 30, 1998) was an American man who committed suicide on a Los Angeles freeway in 1998. The incident was broadcast on live television by news helicopters. Jones committed suicide as a form of protest towards health maintenance organizations after he had been diagnosed as HIV-positive several months earlier. Footage of his suicide was shown in the 2002 documentary film "Bowling for Columbine".


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: Jones was born on April 15, 1958, and was from Long Beach, California. He worked as a maintenance worker at the Renaissance Hotel in Long Beach, a job he had been employed at since 1995. He lived in a small two-bedroom bungalow off an alleyway in Long Beach. He lived alone with his pet dog Gladdis, a seven-year-old Labrador-whippet mixed-breed.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: By April 1998, Jones was suffering from both HIV and cancer. His neighbors and fellow workers were unaware that he had any health problems. Jones confided to a friend in early April that he had found a flesh-colored growth on his neck. The doctors at first were unsure of its cause but later confirmed that it was cancer. Jones believed he was being misled by his health insurer and also told his best friend that he was HIV-positive.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: By the end of April 1998, Jones believed he was going to die and so he decided to take his own life in a way that would draw publicity to his situation. He believed it was no one's fault other than his own for getting himself into his situation. Jones would later be quoted as saying, "I'm not happy with what's happening to my situation and I'm going to draw attention to it whichever way I can. My paramount goal is for no one other than myself to get hurt."


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: On Thursday, April 30, 1998, around 3:00 p.m., 40-year-old Jones parked his dark gray Toyota pickup truck on the transition loop from the Harbor Freeway (I-110) to the Century Freeway (I-105) in Los Angeles (). He sat in the front of his truck with his dog Gladdis. He began pointing a loaded shotgun at passing cars on the freeway, causing motorists to report him to the police. Jones himself then called 911, revealing he was emotionally distraught about health maintenance organizations (HMOs) and the circumstances surrounding his HIV. He said that he was in pain because of mistreatment by the HMO in whose care he had been placed. He complained that it would take him a month to schedule an appointment with a doctor and another month to get the results of a test. As was confirmed later, aside from being HIV-positive, Jones also suffered from cancer. During the call, he fired off several rounds from his shotgun, with one of them going through the roof of his truck. Authorities then closed the two freeways, preventing anyone from approaching him. Jones remained in his truck the entire time, as police and news helicopters monitored his movements. The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department Special Weapons Team began to assemble and got into position around him. Jones then reached into a backpack he owned and took out clothing and a videotape. He then began throwing the items over the freeway wall. Afterwards, he got out of the truck and walked across the empty freeway.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: Jones unfurled a large, square banner with white handlettering that read: "HMO's are in it for the money!! Live free, love safe or die." He had made the banner specifically for the occasion and displayed it for the news helicopters to see. As it was fairly windy on the interstate at the time, Jones weighted the banner down with a container to stop it blowing away. He continued to make obscene gestures and returned to his truck several times to pet his dog. As authorities prepared to negotiate with him, Jones suddenly returned to his truck and sat in the front seat. Intending to take his own life, he ignited a Molotov cocktail inside his truck. The vehicle suddenly burst into flames and was set ablaze. Jones got out of the vehicle however and ran across the freeway as he was engulfed in flames and smoke, with his hair, pants and socks all on fire. He tried to pat out the flames and managed to peel off his pants. He then continued to wander about looking dazed and disoriented. He walked to the edge of the freeway gesturing angrily. It appeared as if he was about to jump off the freeway; however, he changed his mind and backed away from the edge, before returning to his blazing truck. Moments later, at around 3:50 p.m., Jones retrieved his shotgun from the back of the truck and then walked back across the freeway. He placed the muzzle of the shotgun beneath his chin, pulled the trigger and shot himself. He then fell to the ground with the cameras still rolling and playing the event live to viewers watching at home. As it was a Thursday afternoon, it was witnessed by many children, whose after-school cartoons had been interrupted to broadcast the incident. Jones died 15 days after his 40th birthday.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: The standoff between Jones and the police had lasted close to 50 minutes. Police were concerned that there was a bomb or multiple booby traps still inside the truck. Therefore, they hesitated to move in. The truck meanwhile continued to burn with Jones's dog still trapped inside it. Eventually, police approached the truck and searched the inside of it. They found the remnants of several Molotov cocktails, a number of shotgun shells and the charred remains of the dog, who had died in the fire.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: During the standoff, Jones had thrown a videotape over the freeway wall. When recovered by the authorities, who viewed the video, it was discovered that it was a videotaped suicide note recorded by Jones on the previous day. In the video, he sat on his couch next to his dog and said, "I'm not going to fight the disease. It has affected my neurological system. I'm not going to end up crazy." A police source who viewed the video said that Jones complained he was in pain. The videotape explained Jones's motivations and laid blame for his suicide. He reportedly says in the video, "I'm a dead man," and signs off by declaring, "See ya!".


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: Because Jones's suicide was witnessed by children, many criticized the Los Angeles television stations' practice of airing police pursuits live. The incident prompted a wave of criticism about live news broadcasts, proposing changes in the way they were handled in the future. A total of seven television stations broadcast Jones's suicide live. Both KTLA channel 5 and KTTV channel 11 had interrupted children's programming to cover the suicide, while KNBC channel 4 had interrupted "The Rosie O'Donnell Show". Both KNBC and KTLA had their cameras tightest on the coverage and so viewers were able to see the graphic suicide in close detail. KNBC issued an apology saying, "We did not anticipate this man's actions in time to cut away, and we deeply regret that any of our viewers saw this tragedy on our air." The station, as well as the Fox Broadcasting affiliate, offered viewers numbers they could call for counseling. KTLA also released a statement saying, "KTLA shares with its viewers their distress."


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: KCBS-TV channel 2 moved to a wide shot before Jones took his life because they were reportedly concerned over his erratic behavior. The channel brought a psychologist into the studio later that day to hold a live discussion regarding distressing live media coverage. They later released a statement saying, "This is the danger of live television, you've got to be on your toes, and you have to be ready to pull back immediately." KCAL-TV channel 9 reportedly received an estimated 120 calls during the broadcast prior to Jones even taking his life, requesting the station to cut away from the story before things got out of hand.


title: Daniel V. Jones

text: The footage of Jones's suicide has been shown in many documentaries outlining the incident. It appeared in Michael Moore's 2002 documentary film "Bowling for Columbine".


title: Nangeli

text: The fictional story of Nangeli depicts a Ezhava woman to have lived in the early 19th century in Cherthala in the erstwhile princely state of Travancore in India, and supposedly cut off her breasts in an effort to protest against a tax on breast.


title: Nangeli

text: Viewed as a village tale, it is not mentioned in any of the historical records. It gained much attention since the publication of a 2016 BBC article on this subject.


title: Nangeli

text: According to the legend, Nangeli and her husband Chirukandan belonged to the Ezhava caste and were toddy tappers, and in the early years of the 19th century, the "pravathiyar" (village officer) of Travancore came to Nangeli's home to survey her breasts and collect the breast tax. Nangeli revolted against the harassment; chopping off her breasts and presenting them to him in a plantain leaf. She died soon from loss of blood and her husband Chirukandan, seeing her mutilated body was overcome by grief and jumped into her funeral pyre. The couple was childless.


title: Nangeli

text: After her death, the breast tax system was supposedly annulled in Travancore, soon afterwards and the place she lived had come to be known as "Mulachiparambu" (meaning "land of the breasted woman") is located in Cherthala, Kerala.


title: Nangeli

text: Historian Manu S. Pillai says both men and women had poll tax called "talakkaram" and "mulakkaram", respectively. Contrary to its name, "breast tax" is a misnomer and had nothing to do with breasts. "Mulakkaram" was a term to distinguish female taxpayers from males, and "the tax was not based on the size of the breast or its attractiveness, as Nangeli's storytellers will claim, but was one standard rate charged from women". Covering breasts was not a fashion in Kerala at that time. Victorian standards of morality penetrated into the society decades later via the British colonialists, which led to subsequent class-struggles for the right of the lower caste to wear upper cloth. He believes Nangeli might have protested against an oppressive tax regime that was imposed upon all lower castes, "when Nangeli stood up, squeezed to the extremes of poverty by a regressive tax system, it was a statement made in great anguish about the injustice of the social order itself".


title: Nangeli

text: Nangeli was featured as a character in the 2022 period film "Pathonpatham Noottandu", directed by Vinayan.


title: We TV

text: We TV (stylized as WE tv) is an American pay television channel. Owned by AMC Networks since its September 1997 launch, it is oriented mainly towards lifestyle and entertainment programming.


title: We TV

text: As of February 2015, approximately 85.2 million American households (73.2% of households with television) received We TV. In March 2015, AMC announced it would soon begin making its channels available to cord cutters, including AMC, BBC America, IFC, Sundance TV, and We TV itself.


title: We TV

text: We TV was originally known as Romance Classics when it launched on September 1, 1997 under the ownership of what was then the Cablevision Systems Corporation-controlled Rainbow Media. It was originally a movie channel focusing mostly on romantic dramas and comedies, and television miniseries; similar to the original format of AMC (as American Movie Classics), the channel initially broadcast its films commercial-free. At launch, the Rainbow-owned MuchMusic USA dropped movies as a stunt as a movie channel.


title: We TV

text: This format was abandoned on January 1, 2001, when the channel was relaunched as WE: Women's Entertainment, taking on an ad-supported general entertainment format. In 2006, the channel was renamed WE tv. The channel aired the first three seasons of the popular Logie Award-winning Australian television series "McLeod's Daughters", but dropped the show in April 2006. The channel's format then shifted towards reality shows, with several having topics related to weddings (such as "Bridezillas", "Big Easy Brides" and "My Fair Wedding with David Tutera"). Other popular shows on the included "Secret Lives of Women", "The Locator" and "Amazing Cakes". In 2007, Rainbow would, however the channel's space, would launch a sister channel to WE tv. In 2009, Rainbow launched Wedding Central, a sister channel to WE tv. The channel closed on July 1, 2011.


title: We TV

text: In January 2011, We TV confirmed that it had signed Toni Braxton for a reality series, entitled "Braxton Family Values", which is marketed as one of the flagship shows. To prepare for a new show lineup, We TV also gave the AMC a new logo and marketing tagline: "Life As WE Know It". In March 2012, We TV confirmed that the AMC had ordered 14 episodes of "Kendra on Top", a reality show following the lives of Kendra Wilkinson and Hank Baskett, who previously appeared in the E! reality series "Kendra". Kendra said the show focuses on "motherhood, parenthood, and wife hood". "Kendra On Top" premiered on June 5, 2012.


title: We TV

text: In June 2014, the AMC unveiled a new logo, dropping the "Women's Entertainment" tagline. AMC president Marc Juris explained that while the AMC was to remain "a leading destination for women on television and online", the goal of the new branding was to broaden the focus on the word "we" as representing shared experiences, describing it as "a powerful and universal theme which drives connection, conversation, collaboration and community". As part of the rebranding, AMC also announced its first original scripted series, "The Divide", which was originally pitched for sister AMC, and was canceled after its first season. Its second series, "South of Hell", was ordered, but burned off in one day on 2015's Black Friday after a change in the network's management back towards exclusively original reality programming.


title: Pop Evil

text: Pop Evil is an American rock band that was formed in North Muskegon, Michigan, in 2001 by Leigh Kakaty. The band's roots reside in TenFive, a group formed in the late-1990s by Kakaty and guitarist Jason Reed.


title: Pop Evil

text: The band was formed from pieces of other Michigan bands in 2001, including a group known as TenFive, which consisted of Kakaty, guitarists Tom Grasman and Jason Reed, bassist James Schaap, and drummer Dylan Allison. As TenFive, Kakaty and Reed recorded a debut album, Severn, and another EP, Dam Electro, on their own independent label. Shortly thereafter, TenFive broke up and Kakaty founded Pop Evil with Allison.


title: Pop Evil

text: Kakaty and the members of PopEvil endured years of playing the clubs without much to show for it. Kakaty said "It was years of bologna sandwiches, playing so many cover shows until the early morning hours because we needed money to make good demos." The singer also endured his share of heartache when his girlfriend died in tragic circumstances in 2004.


title: Pop Evil

text: They then independently released an album, "War of the Roses" (2004), and a three-song EP, "Ready or Not" (2006). The latter featured the concert favorite "Somebody Like You". They also filmed a music video of the single released in 2006 starring Rossi Morreale and Britt Koth.


title: Pop Evil

text: In November 2007, Pop Evil was referred by a music talent scout, Tracy Jule to Erik Quintero, which began Pop Evil's success. In 2008, Pop Evil signed a management deal with G&G Entertainment.


title: Pop Evil

text: Pop Evil's debut studio album, "Lipstick on the Mirror", was released August 12, 2008 and featured radio favorites "Hero", "Somebody Like You", "100 in a 55", and "Stepping Stone". The album was released on Pazzo Music through a Universal Music Group subsidiary, Fontana Distribution. The band offered a free, special edition of the album to their devoted local fans at a concert at The Intersection in Grand Rapids, Michigan, on May 29, 2008.


title: Pop Evil

text: The band worked with producer Al Sutton (Kid Rock) from Rustbelt Studios in Royal Oak, Michigan and Chuck Alkazian of Pearl Sound in Canton, Michigan on Lipstick on the Mirror.


title: Pop Evil

text: In April 2008, Pop Evil released their first national radio single "Hero", which peaked inside the top 25 at Active Rock radio.


title: Pop Evil

text: On March 6, 2009, the band announced at a live show in Cedar Rapids, Iowa that they had signed with Universal Records, and shortly after, the band went into Mackinaw Harvest Music Studios to remix and remaster "Lipstick on the Mirror" and an acoustic version of "100 in a 55" produced by Michael Crittenden (Drew Nelson, Kimber Cleveland).


title: Pop Evil

text: In May 2009, the band released the remixed/remastered "Lipstick on the Mirror" through Universal Republic Records. The Republic release was Engineered/Produced/Mixed by Chuck Alkazian and mastered by Chris Bellman of Bernie Grundman Mastering. The single "100 in a 55" peaked on the Active Rock charts at No. 8 making it one of the longest standing singles at Active Rock in 2009. The song was on the chart for 30 weeks. A "Pop Edit" version of "100 in a 55" was also released to mainstream/Top 40 radio. The vocals are mixed louder in this version, and the guitars and drums are less intense.


title: Pop Evil

text: In July and August 2009, along with Whitesnake, Pop Evil supported Judas Priest on the British Steel 30th Anniversary North American tour.


title: Pop Evil

text: In July 2009 the band gave the fans the chance to pick their next single. After the voting had concluded, "Breathe" was announced as the new single. The single peaked at No. 29 on the Active Rock charts.


title: Pop Evil

text: In January 2010, the band announced they were heading back into the studio to record a new album, "War of Angels". In June 2010, the band announced that Johnny K would be the producer of the album. The name of the album signifies the struggle people experience when trying to leave their pasts behind.


title: Pop Evil

text: In September 2010, the band debuted the first single from "War of Angels", "Last Man Standing", in an exclusive video with UFC fighter Frank Mir.


title: Pop Evil

text: The single was later featured on the NHL Network for the 2011 Stanley Cup Finals, the NFL on Fox Post game show for the 2011 NFC Championship game between the Chicago Bears and Green Bay Packers, several episodes of NASCAR on Fox and ESPN's SportsCenter, and on the July 8th 2011 episode of ESPN 2 Friday Night Fights. "Last Man Standing" peaked at No. 5 on the Active Radio charts.


title: Pop Evil

text: In April 2011, the band played "Monster You Made" live acoustically on the Bubba the Love Sponge Show and stated it was a song the band hoped might be an album single.


title: Pop Evil

text: "War of Angels" was originally expected to be released February 8, 2011 but in a press release on February 1, 2011, the band announced that "War of Angels" would be delayed due to "conflicts out of the bands control".


title: Pop Evil

text: On May 22, 2011 at a concert in Columbus, Ohio, the band symbolically ripped up their contract with Universal Music and announced a new deal with eOne Music. The band would later announce that "War of Angels" would be released nationally on July 5, 2011. The album was also later released as a Deluxe Edition with four bonus tracks only available on iTunes and at the band's live shows.


title: Pop Evil

text: In June 2011, the band released the second single from its upcoming "War of Angels" album called "Monster You Made".


title: Pop Evil

text: Shortly after the band filmed a video for the single, drummer Dylan Allison had emergency surgery on a fractured vertebra in his neck and would not be able to perform with the band for an unspecified amount of time. Michigan drummer Josh Marunde (nicknamed "Chachi Riot") began filling in for the missing Allison. The band has not specified when or if Allison will return. The video for "Monster You Made" debuted on July 13, 2011.


title: Pop Evil

text: Over the course of 2011, the band toured with Drowning Pool, Trust Company, and Anew Revolution, later heading out with Papa Roach, Finger Eleven, and Escape the Fate, and late in the year with 3 Doors Down and Theory of a Deadman, while rounding out 2011 on a small tour with Puddle of Mudd as well as a few headlining shows of their own.


title: Pop Evil

text: Being noted fans of the Michigan Wolverines football team, Pop Evil released "In the Big House", a single that appropriates many of the lyrics from the University of Michigan fight song, "The Victors". The song title refers to an unofficial name for Michigan Stadium, "The Big House", itself referring to its status as the largest stadium in the United States and the third largest stadium in the world. The song was released to Amazon.com and the iTunes Store on August 30, 2011 with an accompanying YouTube video showing highlights from current and former Michigan football teams. The song has played in the Big House itself as a pump-up song for the team and fans during home football games.


title: Pop Evil

text: In January 2012, the band released its third single from "War of Angels" called "Boss's Daughter" and announced they would tour with Theory of a Deadman in April and May.


title: Pop Evil

text: On April 6, 2012, the band announced on its Facebook page that guitarist Tony Greve departed Pop Evil. Though the band toured with fill in guitarist Nick Fuelling, who eventually was named as permanent replacement for Greve.


title: Pop Evil

text: On April 24, 2012, it was announced that the band would join the "Trespass America Festival", a tour featuring the bands Five Finger Death Punch, Killswitch Engage with its original lineup, Trivium, Emmure, God Forbid and Battlecross. The tour ran from July 13 to August 28.


title: Pop Evil

text: In May 2012, the band debuted the music video for "Boss's Daughter", which features appearances by guitarist Mick Mars of Mötley Crüe and Playboy Playmate Miss July 2011, Jessa Hinton.


title: Pop Evil

text: The "Boss's Daughter" single reached No. 8 on the Active Radio charts. In June 2012, the band's fourth single from "War of Angels", "Purple" was released. In October 2012, the band made their first appearance touring in Canada with Black Label Society. In November 2012, the band did one tour date in Sweden with Seether and Avatar.


title: Pop Evil

text: In January 2013, just after the New Year, Pop Evil entered a recording studio in Chicago, IL with Grammy nominated Producer Johnny K to record their third studio album. The first single, called "Trenches", from their upcoming album "Onyx" debuted online by the band on February 28, 2013. On April 11, 2013, the band debuted a second song from "Onyx" called "Goodbye My Friend". Pop Evil announced via Twitter on March 3 that Onyx will be released on May 14.


title: Pop Evil

text: February 2014 saw the band sign a deal with Eleven Seven Music for distribution of their current and forthcoming material in Europe. This will see "Trenches" released on March 17, and the album "Onyx" sometime in the first half of the year. In addition, their first European live dates will be supporting new labelmates Five Finger Death Punch from March into April.


title: Pop Evil

text: In 2015, the band released their fourth studio album, ""Up"", on August 21 via eOne Music. The mayor of Grand Rapids, George Heartwell, visited the band on the set of WXMI (Fox 17) and declared the album's release date "Pop Evil Day" in Grand Rapids.


title: Pop Evil

text: In October 2017, the ensemble announced that they planned to release their self-titled album "Pop Evil" in February 2018. In November Pop Evil announced 2018 tour dates with Palaye Royale and Black Map.


title: Pop Evil

text: On March 25, 2019, Pop Evil announced a large summer tour, opening for Disturbed the first half of dates and In This Moment for the second.


title: Pop Evil

text: In April 2020, the band released the singles, "Work" and "Let the Chaos Reign". On November 13, 2020, the band returned with the "pulsing" single "Breathe Again", while also announcing the title of their sixth album, "Versatile", which they started working on during the winter of 2019. It was released on May 20, 2021.


title: Pop Evil

text: Matt Dirito would then go on to announce his departure from Pop Evil in 2021 - keeping his reasons private. Due to travel restrictions from Covid, drummer Jason Hartless filled in for Hayley Cramer during the first leg of the 2021 Versatile tour.


title: Pop Evil

text: Pop Evil were meant to play a European tour, starting in Glasgow on 2nd November 2022, however thus so far there has been no announcement as to why all the performances have been cancelled.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: A jack-in-the-box is a children's toy that outwardly consists of a box with a crank. When the crank is turned, a music box mechanism in the toy plays a melody. After the crank has been turned a sufficient number of times (such as at the end of the melody), the lid pops open and a figure, usually a clown or jester, pops out of the box. Some jacks-in-the-box open at random times when cranked, making the startle even more effective. Many of those that use "Pop Goes the Weasel" open at the point in the melody when the word "pop" would be sung. In 2005, the jack-in-the-box was inducted into the U.S. National Toy Hall of Fame, where are displayed all types of versions of the toy, starting from the beginning versions, and ending with the most recently manufactured versions.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: A theory as to the origin of the jack-in-the-box is that it comes from the 14th-century English prelate Sir John Schorne, who is often pictured holding a boot with a devil in it. According to folklore, he once cast the devil into a boot to protect the village of North Marston in Buckinghamshire. In French, a jack-in-the-box is called a ""diable en boîte"" (literally "devil in a box"). The phrase jack-in-the-box was first seen used in literature by John Foxe, in his book "Actes and Monuments.", first published in 1563. There he used the term as an insult to describe a swindler who would cheat tradesmen by selling them empty boxes instead of what they actually purchased.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: In the early 1500s, the first jack-in-the-box was made by a German clockmaker known as Claus. Claus built a wooden box, with metal edges and a handle that would pop out an animated devil or “Jack” after cranking the handle. It was built as a gift for a local prince's fifth birthday. After seeing this toy, other nobles requested their own "Devils-in-a-box" for their children.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: In the early 18th century, improved toy mechanisms made the jack-in-the-box more widely available for all children and not just royalty.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: Originally, the jack-in-the-box was made out of wood, but with new technology the toy could be constructed from printed cardboard. Around the 1930s, the jack-in-the-box became a wind-up toy made from tin. Additionally, the tin boxes began to be covered in images from children's nursery rhymes with corresponding tunes. Over the years, the jack-in-the-box has evolved into characters other than the clown, such as Winnie the Pooh, the Cat in the Hat, the Three Little Pigs, kittens, dogs, Curious George, Santa Claus, giraffe, and so on.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: Starting in 1935 and continuing for 20 years, the first company to take on the distribution of the toy was a very small firm named Joy Toy. The company is located in Italy as well as the Netherlands. Since then, Fisher Price, Chad Valley, Mattel and Tomy have all played a major role in distributing the jack-in-the-box.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: The jack-in-the-box has been used for centuries by cartoonists as a way to describe and poke fun at politicians.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: The American fast food company Jack in the Box began using the toy and the phrase as their mascot in the early 1950s.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: A 1945 Disney cartoon called "The Clock Watcher" shows Donald Duck playing with a Jack-in-the-box. He makes many failed attempts to close it, and it slides Donald across the table, hitting Donald's head into his pie piece. Finally, he hammers the box with a mallet only for Jack to break through the floor, Donald struggles to pull him out but ends up trapped in the box, wrestling with him until he gets free, but switches clothes with the toy stealing his shirt and hat while Donald is wearing Jack's hat and accordion clown costume.


title: Jack-in-the-box

text: The comic book series "Astro City", written by Kurt Busiek and illustrated by Alex Ross, features a wisecracking vigilante named "Jack-In-The-Box", who relies on toy-themed gadgets while using the typical clown motif.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model of disability identifies systemic barriers, derogatory attitudes, and social exclusion (intentional or inadvertent), which make it difficult or impossible for disabled people to attain their valued functionings. The social model of disability diverges from the dominant medical model of disability, which is a functional analysis of the body as a machine to be fixed in order to conform with normative values. While physical, sensory, intellectual, or psychological variations may result in individual functional differences, these do not necessarily have to lead to disability unless society fails to take account of and include people intentionally with respect to their individual needs. The origin of the approach can be traced to the 1960s, and the specific term emerged from the United Kingdom in the 1980s.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model of disability seeks to redefine "disability" to refer to the restrictions caused by society when it does not give equitable social and structural support according to disabled peoples' structural needs. As a simple example, if a person is unable to climb stairs, the medical model focuses on making the individual physically able to climb stairs. The social model tries to make stair-climbing unnecessary, such as by making society adapt to their needs, and assist them by replacing the stairs with a wheelchair-accessible ramp. According to the social model, the person remains disabled with respect to climbing stairs, but the disability is negligible and no longer disabling in that scenario, because the person can get to the same locations without climbing any stairs.


title: Social model of disability

text: There is a hint from before the 1970s that the interaction between disability and society was beginning to be considered. British politician and disability rights campaigner Alf Morris wrote in 1969 (emphasis added):The history of the social model of disability begins with the history of the disability rights movement. Around 1970, various groups in North America, including sociologists, disabled people, and disability-focused political groups, began to pull away from the accepted medical lens of viewing disability. Instead, they began to discuss things like oppression, civil rights, and accessibility. This change in discourse resulted in conceptualizations of disability that was rooted in social constructs.


title: Social model of disability

text: In 1975, the UK organization Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation (UPIAS) claimed: "In our view it is society which disables physically impaired people. Disability is something imposed on top of our impairments by the way we are unnecessarily isolated and excluded from full participation in society." This became known as the social interpretation, or social definition, of disability.


title: Social model of disability

text: In 1983, the disabled academic Mike Oliver coined the phrase "social model of disability" in reference to these ideological developments. Oliver focused on the idea of an individual model versus a social model. Oliver's seminal 1990 book "The Politics of Disablement" is widely cited as a major moment in the adoption of this model. The book included just three pages about the social model of disability.


title: Social model of disability

text: The "social model" was extended and developed by academics and activists in Australia, the UK, the US, and other countries to include all disabled people, including those who have learning disabilities, intellectual disabilities, or emotional, mental health or behavioural problems.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model has become a key tool in the analysis of the cultural representation of disability; from literature, to radio, to charity-imagery to cinema. The social model has become the key conceptual analysis in challenging, for examples, stereotypes and archetypes of disabled people by revealing how conventional imagery reinforces the oppression of disabled people. Key theorists include Paul Darke (cinema), Lois Keith (literature), Leonard Davis (Deaf culture), Jenny Sealey (theatre) and Mary-Pat O'Malley (radio).


title: Social model of disability

text: A fundamental aspect of the social model concerns equality. The struggle for equality is often compared to the struggles of other socially marginalized groups. Equal rights are said to empower people with the "ability" to make decisions and the opportunity to live life to the fullest. A related phrase often used by disability rights activists, as with other social activism, is "Nothing About Us Without Us".


title: Social model of disability

text: Oliver did not intend the social model of disability to be an all-encompassing theory of disability, but rather a starting point in reframing how society views disability. This model was conceived of as a tool that could be used to improve the lives of disabled people, rather than a complete explanation for every experience and circumstance.


title: Social model of disability

text: It has been criticized for underplaying the role of disabilities. It has also been criticized for not promoting the normal differences between disabled people, who can be any age, gender, race, and sexual orientation, and instead presenting them as a monolithic, insufficiently individuated group of people.


title: Social model of disability

text: In the late 20th century and early 21st century, the social model of disability became a dominant identity for disabled people in the UK.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model of disability implies that attempts to change, "fix", or "cure" individuals, especially when used against the wishes of the individual, can be discriminatory and prejudiced. This attitude, which may be seen as stemming from a medical model and a subjective value system, can harm the self-esteem and social inclusion of those constantly subjected to it (e.g. being told they are not as good or valuable, in an overall and core sense, as others). Some communities have actively resisted "treatments", while, for example, defending a unique culture or set of abilities. In the Deaf community, sign language is valued even if most people do not know it, and some parents argue against cochlear implants for deaf infants who cannot consent to them. Autistic people may say that their "unusual" behavior, which they say can serve an important purpose to them, should not have to be suppressed to please others. They argue instead for acceptance of neurodiversity and accommodation to different needs and goals. Some people diagnosed with a mental disorder argue that they are just different and don't necessarily conform. The biopsychosocial model of disease/disability is an attempt by practitioners to address this.


title: Social model of disability

text: The Neurodiversity label has been used by various mental-disability rights advocates within the context of the social model of disability. The label has been applied to other neurodevelopmental conditions apart from autism, such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), developmental speech disorders, dyslexia, dysgraphia, dyspraxia, dyscalculia, dysnomia, intellectual disability, and Tourette syndrome, as well as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and some mental health conditions such as schizoaffective disorder, antisocial personality disorder, dissociative disorders, and obsessive–compulsive disorder.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model implies that practices such as eugenics are founded on social values and a prejudiced understanding of the potential and value of those labeled disabled. "Over 200,000 disabled people were some of the earlier victims of the Holocaust, after Communists, other political enemies, and homosexuals."


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model also relates to economic empowerment, proposing that people can be disabled by a lack of resources to meet their needs. For example, a disabled person may need support services to be able to participate fully in society, and can become disabled if society cuts access to those support services, perhaps in the name of government austerity measures.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social model addresses other issues, such as the underestimation of the potential of disabled people to contribute to society and add economic value to society if they are given equal rights and equally suitable facilities and opportunities as others. Economic research on companies that attempt to accommodate disability in their workforce suggest they outperform competitors.


title: Social model of disability

text: In Autumn 2001, the UK Office for National Statistics identified that approximately one-fifth of the working-age population was disabled, equating to an estimated 7.1 million disabled people, compared to an estimated 29.8 million nondisabled people. This analysis also provided insight into some of the reasons why disabled people weren't in the labor market, such as that the reduction in disability benefits in entering the labor market would not make it worthwhile to enter into employment. A three-pronged approach was suggested: "incentives to work via the tax and benefit system, for example through the Disabled Person's Tax Credit; helping people back into work, for example via the New Deal for Disabled People; and tackling discrimination in the workplace via anti-discrimination policy. Underpinning this are the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) 1995 and the Disability Rights Commission."


title: Social model of disability

text: Canada and the United States have operated under the premise that social assistance benefits should not exceed the amount of money earned through labour in order to give citizens an incentive to search for and maintain employment. This has led to widespread poverty amongst disabled citizens. In the 1950s, disability pensions were established and included various forms of direct economic assistance; however, compensation was low. Since the 1970s, both governments have viewed unemployed, disabled citizens as excess labor due to continuous high unemployment rates and have made minimal attempts to increase employment, keeping disabled people at poverty-level incomes due to the 'incentive' principle. Poverty is the most debilitating circumstance disabled people face, resulting in the inability to afford proper medical, technological and other assistance necessary to participate in society.


title: Social model of disability

text: In the United Kingdom, the Disability Discrimination Act defines disability using the medical model - disabled people are defined as people with certain conditions or limitations on their ability to carry out "normal day-to-day activities." But the requirement of employers and service providers to make "reasonable adjustments" to their policies or practices, or physical aspects of their premises, follows the social model. By making adjustments, employers and service providers are removing the barriers that disable, according to the social model. In 2006, amendments to the act called for local authorities and others to actively promote disability equality; this was enforced via the formation of the Disability Equality Duty in December 2006. In 2010, The Disability Discrimination Act (1995) was amalgamated into the Equality Act 2010, along with other pertinent discrimination legislation. The Equality Act of 2010 extends the law on discrimination to indirect discrimination. For example, if a carer of a disabled person is discriminated against, this is now also unlawful. Since October 2010, when it came into effect, employers may not legally ask questions about illness or disability at interviews for a job or for a referee to comment on such in a reference, except where there is a need to make reasonable adjustments for an interview to proceed. Following an offer of a job, an employer can lawfully ask such questions.


title: Social model of disability

text: In the United States, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA), is a wide-ranging civil rights law that prohibits discrimination based on disability in a wide range of settings. The ADA was the first civil rights law of its kind in the world and affords protections against discrimination to disabled Americans. The law was modeled after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which made discrimination based on race, religion, sex, national origin, and other characteristics illegal. It requires that mass transportation, commercial buildings, and public accommodations be accessible to disabled people.


title: Social model of disability

text: In 2007, the European Court of Justice in the "Chacón Navas v Eurest Colectividades SA" court case, defined disability narrowly according to a medical definition that excluded temporary illness, when considering the Directive establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation (Council Directive 2000/78/EC). The directive did not provide for any definition of disability, despite discourse in policy documents previously in the EU about endorsing the social model of disability. This allowed the Court of Justice to take a narrow medical definition.


title: Social model of disability

text: Over the last several decades, technology has transformed networks, services, and communication by promoting the rise of telecommunications, computer use, etc. This Digital Revolution has changed how people work, learn, and interact, moving these basic human activities to technological platforms. However, many people who use such technology experience a form of disability. Even if it is not physically visible, those with, for example cognitive impairments, hand tremors, or vision impairments, have some form of disability that prohibit them from fully accessing technology in the way that those without a "technological disability" do.


title: Social model of disability

text: In "Disability and New Media," Katie Ellis and Mike Kent state that "technology is often presented as a source of liberation; however, developments associated with Web 2.0 show that this is not always the case." They go on to state that the technological advancement of Web 2.0 is tethered to social ideology and stigma which "routinely disables people with disability."


title: Social model of disability

text: In "Digital Disability: The Social Construction of Disability in New Media," Gregg Goggin and Christopher Newell call for an innovative understanding of new media and disability issues. They trace developments ranging from telecommunications to assistive technologies to offer a technoscience of disability ,which offers a global perspective on how disabled people are represented as users, consumers, viewers, or listeners of new media, by policymakers, corporations, programmers, and disabled people themselves.


title: Social model of disability

text: The social construction of disability comes from a paradigm that suggests that society's beliefs about a particular community, group, or population are grounded in the power structures inherent in that society at any given time. These are often steeped in historical representations of the issue and social expectations surrounding concepts, such as disability, thereby enabling a social construct around what society deems disabled and healthy.


title: Social model of disability

text: Ideas surrounding disability stem from societal attitudes, often connected to who is deserving or undeserving, and deemed productive to society at any given time. For example, in the medieval period, a person's moral behavior established disability. Disability was a divine punishment or side effect of a moral failing; being physically or biologically different was not enough to be considered disabled. Only during the European Enlightenment did society change its definition of disability to be more related to biology. However, what most Western Europeans considered to be healthy determined the new biological definition of health.


title: Social model of disability

text: Since the invention of the television in the early 1900s, this medium has held a pervasive influence on public outlook on many aspects of society, disability being one of them. One example is how the 2000 Paralympics were televised, in contrast to the Olympics. The 2000 Sydney Paralympic Games, one of the biggest in history, was barely acknowledged by mainstream media prior to the event. The Sydney Paralympic organizers worked extensively to try to solicit coverage of the Games. For more than two years, they negotiated with Channel 7 to broadcast the competitions. Channel 7 proposed that if the Paralympics paid them $3 million in case of lack of advertising revenue, they would agree to broadcast the event. Eventually, the Australian Broadcasting Company (ABC) and Channel 7 announced they would be broadcasting the Games and Channel 7 would "complement" the coverage with a highlights package that ran daily on its pay-TV Channel. ABC also promised to broadcast at least 60 minutes of daily highlights. Later, ABC finally agreed to air a live broadcast of the opening and closing ceremonies. The opening and closing ceremonies were quite popular amongst viewers, watched by 2.5 million; however the rest of the games were not popular. While the Olympics were covered live throughout the entire event, the Paralympics were not seen as important enough for the same live coverage before the initial showing. By separating the Olympics and Paralympics, and thus indicating that one is less valuable than the other, disability is socially constructed.


title: Social model of disability

text: Applying the social model of disability can change goals and care plans. For example, with the medical model of disability, the goal may be to help a child acquire typical abilities and to reduce impairment. With the social model, the goal may be to have a child be included in the normal life of the community, such as attending birthday parties and other social events, regardless of the level of function.


title: Social model of disability

text: It has been suggested that disability education tries to restore the idea of a moral community, one in which the members question what constitutes a good life, reimagine education, see physical and mental conditions as part of a range of abilities, consider that different talents are distributed in different ways, and understand that all talents should be recognized. In this system, all students would be included in the educational network instead of being set apart as special cases, and it would be acknowledged that all humans have individual needs.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Patsy Matsu Mink (née Takemoto; December 6, 1927 – September 28, 2002) was an American attorney and politician from the U.S. state of Hawaii. Mink was a third-generation Japanese American, having been born and raised on the island of Maui. After graduating as valedictorian of the Maui High School class in 1944, she attended the University of Hawaii at Mānoa for two years and subsequently enrolled at the University of Nebraska, where she experienced racism and worked to have segregation policies eliminated. After illness forced her to return to Hawaii to complete her studies there, she applied to 12 medical schools to continue her education but was rejected by all of them. Following a suggestion by her employer, she opted to study law and was accepted at the University of Chicago Law School in 1948. While there, she met and married a graduate student in geology, John Francis Mink. When they graduated in 1951, Patsy Mink was unable to find employment and after the birth of their daughter in 1952, the couple moved to Hawaii.


title: Patsy Mink

text: When she was refused the right to take the bar examination, due to the loss of her Hawaiian territorial residency upon marriage, Mink challenged the statute. Though she won the right to take the test and passed the examination, she could not find public or private employment because she was married and had a child. Mink's father helped her open her own practice in 1953 and around the same time she became a member of the Democratic Party. Hoping to work legislatively to change discriminatory customs through law, she worked as an attorney for the Hawaiian territorial legislature in 1955. The following year, she ran for a seat in the territorial House of Representatives. Winning the race, she became the first Japanese-American woman to serve in the territorial House and two years later, the first woman to serve in the territorial Senate, when she won her campaign for the upper house. In 1960, Mink gained national attention when she spoke in favor of the civil rights platform at the Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In 1964, Mink ran for federal office and won a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. She was the first woman of color and the first Asian-American woman elected to Congress, and also the first woman elected to Congress from the state of Hawaii. She served a total of 12 terms (24 years), split between representing Hawaii's at-large congressional district from 1965–77 and second congressional district from 1990–2002. While in Congress in the late 1960s, she introduced the first comprehensive initiatives under the Early Childhood Education Act, which included the first federal child-care bill and worked on the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965. In 1970, she became the first person to oppose a Supreme Court nominee on the basis of discrimination against women. Mink initiated a lawsuit which led to significant changes to presidential authority under the Freedom of Information Act in 1971. In 1972, she co-authored the Title IX Amendment of the Higher Education Act, later renamed the Patsy T. Mink Equal Opportunity in Education Act in 2002.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Mink was the first East Asian-American woman to seek the presidential nomination of the Democratic Party. She ran in the 1972 election, entering the Oregon primary as an anti-war candidate. She was the federal Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs from 1977 to 1979. From 1980 to 1982, Mink served as the president of Americans for Democratic Action and then returned to Honolulu, where she was elected to the Honolulu City Council, which she chaired until 1985. In 1990, she was again elected to the U.S. House, serving until her death in 2002. During her second six terms in office, she continued to work on legislation of importance to women, children, immigrants, and minorities.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Patsy Matsu Takemoto was born on December 6, 1927 at the sugar plantation camp, Hāmākua Poko, near Paia, on the island of Maui. She was a "sansei", or third-generation descendant of Japanese emigrants. Her mother, Mitama Tateyama, was a homemaker, and the daughter of Gojiro Tateyama and Tsuru Wakashige. Their family, which had 11 children, lived in a shack by the Waikamoi Stream. William Pogue, Gojiro's employer, arranged to have Tateyama's daughters educated at the Maunaolu Seminary, a boarding school for Christian girls located in the town of Makawao.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Takemoto's maternal grandparents were both born in the Empire of Japan during the 19th century. Gojiro Tateyama arrived in the Territory of Hawaii late in the century, and was employed on a sugarcane plantation. He later moved to Maui, where he was initially employed as a worker for the East Maui Irrigation Company. Subsequently, he was employed as a store manager and filling station employee. He also delivered mail throughout the backcountry of Maui.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Her father, Suematsu Takemoto, was a civil engineer. He graduated from the University of Hawaii at Manoa in 1922, the first Japanese American to graduate from the University of Hawaii with a degree in civil engineering. For several years, he was the only Japanese-American civil engineer working at the sugar plantation in Maui. Suematsu was passed over for promotion to chief engineer several times during his career, the positions instead being offered to mostly white Americans. He resigned his local position in 1945 in the aftermath of World War II, and moved to Honolulu with his family, where he established his own land surveying company.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Takemoto began her education at the Hāmākua Poko Grammar School when she was four and then transferred in 4th grade to the Kaunoa English Standard School a mostly-white school attended only by students who could speak English and pass the entrance examination. She felt isolated and found the atmosphere unfriendly. She entered Maui High School one year before Honolulu was attacked by Japan. Despite the local Japanese being treated as if they were enemies, Takemoto ran for and won her first election, becoming student body president in her senior year. She was the first girl to serve as president of the student body and graduated as class valedictorian in 1944.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Takemoto moved to Honolulu where she attended the University of Hawaii at Mānoa with medical school and a career in medicine her ultimate goal. During her sophomore year, she was elected president of the Pre-Medical Students Club and was selected as a member of the varsity debate team. In 1946, she decided to move to the mainland and spent one semester enrolled at Wilson College, a small women's college in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Unsatisfied with the school, Takemoto transferred to the University of Nebraska. The university had a long-standing racial segregation policy whereby students of color lived in different dormitories from the white students. This angered Takemoto, and she organized and created a coalition of students, parents, administrators, employees, alumni, sponsoring businesses and corporations. She was elected president of the Unaffiliated Students of the University of Nebraska, a "separate" student government for non-white students who were prevented from joining fraternities, sororities, and regular dormitories. Takemoto and her coalition successfully lobbied to end the university's segregation policies the same year.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Although her campaign was successful, in 1947 Takemoto experienced a serious thyroid condition that required surgery and moved back to Honolulu to recover and finish her final year of college at the University of Hawaii. In 1948, she earned bachelor's degrees in zoology and chemistry from the university. She began applying to medical schools, but none of the dozen schools to which she applied would accept her because she was a woman, especially as they were receiving large numbers of applications from returning veterans. She briefly worked as a typist at Hickam Air Force Base and then went to work at the Honolulu Academy of Arts. Her supervisor there, Jessie Purdy Restarick, encouraged her to consider a career in law.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Takemoto applied to both Columbia University and the University of Chicago Law School in the summer of 1948. Columbia rejected her outright, as the term was starting within months. The University of Chicago admitted her as a foreign student and there was only one other woman in her class. Although she had a difficult time adjusting to the harsh winters, and she found her courses tedious, Takemoto became a popular figure at the International House. While playing bridge there one evening, she met John Francis Mink, a former U.S. Air Force navigator and World War II veteran, who was enrolled in geology classes. Against her parents' wishes, she and Mink married in January 1951, six months after meeting. That spring, she obtained her Juris Doctor degree and John graduated as well, with a master's degree in geology.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Unable to find work as a married, female, Asian-American attorney, Mink returned to her student job at the University of Chicago Law School library while her husband found work immediately with the United States Steel Corporation. In 1952, she gave birth to daughter Gwendolyn (Wendy), who later became an educator and prominent author on law, poverty, and women's issues. In August the family decided to move to Hawaii where John found work with the Hawaiian Sugar Planters' Association. To practice law, Mink needed to pass her bar examination, but when she applied her residency was questioned. The territorial law, in force at the time regarding married women, had removed her Hawaiian residency, making her a resident of her husband's state. Proving that she had never resided in her husband's home state of Pennsylvania, she challenged the territorial law as sexist. Hawaii's attorney general ruled in her favor and allowed her to take the examination as a Hawaii resident. Passing the test, Mink became "the first Japanese-American woman licensed to practice law in Hawaii".


title: Patsy Mink

text: Despite passing the bar exam in June 1953, Mink continued to face discrimination as she sought employment as an attorney. No firms in the private or public sector, even those headed by Japanese Americans, were willing to hire a married woman with a child. With the help of her father, she established a private firm and began teaching law courses at the University of Hawaii to earn money while she built her practice. With the opening of her firm, Mink became the first Asian-American woman to practice law in the Hawaiian territory. Her firm took cases in criminal and family law, which other firms typically avoided. She began to be active in politics and founded the Everyman Organization, a group that served as the hub of the Young Democrats club on Oahu. She was elected "chairman of the territory-wide Young Democrats", which according to Esther K. Arinaga and Renee E. Ojiri was "a group that would wield a remarkable influence over Hawaiian politics for several decades".


title: Patsy Mink

text: In 1954, Mink worked on the congressional campaign of John A. Burns, though he lost the race. The following year, she worked as staff attorney during the 1955 legislative session and drafted statutes, while observing the inner-workings of the legislature. As the Territory of Hawaii debated statehood in 1956, Mink was elected to the Hawaiian Territorial Legislature representing the Fifth District in the territorial House of Representatives. Surprising the Democratic party leadership with her win, she became the first woman with Japanese ancestry to serve in the territorial House. Two years later, she was the first woman to serve in the territorial Senate. In 1959, Hawaii became the 50th state of the Union and Mink ran in the Democratic primary for the state's at-large U.S. congressional seat. She was defeated by Territorial Senator Daniel Inouye. From 1962 to 1964, Mink served in the Hawaii State Senate.


title: Patsy Mink

text: During her time in the territorial legislature, Mink was known for her liberal positions and independent decision-making. On her first day in office as a congresswoman in 1955, she submitted a successful resolution protesting British nuclear testing in the Pacific. Dealing with a broad spectrum of socio-economic issues, she worked on legislation covering education, employment, housing, poverty, and taxation. She authored a bill in 1957 to grant "equal pay for equal work", regardless of gender, and was a staunch supporter of improving education, supporting legislation to increase per capita spending to better provide for children. In 1960, Mink became vice-president of the National Young Democratic Clubs of America and worked on the Democratic National Convention's Platform Committee drafting team. That year at the national convention in Los Angeles, she gained recognition when she spoke on the party's position in regard to civil rights. She urged that equal opportunity and equal protection be afforded to all Americans. Motions to restrict the civil rights platform made by North Carolina Senator Sam Ervin were defeated and a platform to ensure equal rights and equal protection under the law to all citizens passed with the approval of two-thirds of the party.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Deciding to vie for a federal seat, Mink campaigned and won a post in the U.S. House. As a result, she became the first woman from Hawaii elected to Congress, the first woman of color elected to the House, the "youngest member from the youngest state, as well as the first Japanese-American woman member in Congress". Serving six consecutive terms, she was in office from 1965 to 1977. Her independent nature continued to guide her decisions and she focused on issues that had been important to her in the Hawaiian legislature, such as children, education, and gender equality. Mink supported the Great Society programs of President Lyndon B. Johnson, though she was openly critical of the Vietnam War.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Seeking and attaining a post on the Committee on Education and Labor, on which she would serve throughout her first tenure (1965–1977), Mink introduced in the late 1960s the first comprehensive initiatives under the Early Childhood Education Act, which included the first federal child-care bill and bills establishing bilingual education, Head Start, school lunch programs, special education, student loans, and teacher sabbaticals. She also worked on the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 and bills promoting adult education, Asian studies, career guidance programs, and vocational education. Her day-care bill proposed in 1967, was the first bill of its kind to pass both houses of Congress. Passed in 1971, the bill was vetoed by President Richard Nixon. In her second term, during the 90th Congress, Mink was appointed to the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In 1970, Mink became the first Democratic woman to deliver a State of the Union response and only the second woman to respond to the address. That year, she was the first witness to testify against President Nixon's Supreme Court nominee George Harrold Carswell. In her testimony, she cited his refusal to hear the case brought to the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals regarding Ida Phillips' employment discrimination case. Phillips had been denied a position because she was a woman with children and Mink's objection highlighted, for the first time in an evaluation of a court nominee, the inequalities faced by working women. Carswell would eventually be rejected by the Senate. Harry Blackmun, who wrote the majority opinion in "Roe v. Wade", would later be confirmed instead.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Mink sued the Environmental Protection Agency in 1971, to obtain copies of documents that were being withheld by Nixon's office with regard to nuclear testing on Amchitka Island. Believing that under the Freedom of Information Act agency reports connected to the test should be released, she led 32 congress members in the attempt to secure the reports. The District Court ruled that the documents "were exempt from compelled disclosure" and the test was performed in November 1971. The Court of Appeals reversed the decision of the lower court ruling that an "in camera" inspection of sensitive documents might determine that some could be released. Escalated to the Supreme Court, the decision issued reversed the appeals decision and confirmed that court inspection could not override the executive's exemption. The Court did allow that Congress could change the law with regard to the regulation of executive actions. In 1974, Congress authorized private scrutiny of documents withheld by the executive. President Gerald Ford vetoed the legislation, but his veto was overridden by Congress.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Frustrated by the roll-backs by the Nixon administration of civil liberties and the continuance of the Vietnam War, Mink entered the presidential race in 1971 hoping to become the Democratic Party's nominee. She was the first Asian-American woman to run for president. As Hawaii had no primary, her name appeared on the Oregon ballot for 1972, as an anti-war candidate. During her campaign, she flew to Paris with Bella Abzug, U.S. Representative of New York, to press for the resumption of peace talks. Arriving in April, the women met with Nguyễn Thị Bình, foreign minister for North Vietnam, as well as representatives for the South Vietnamese and United States governments. Her actions drew strong criticism, fostering a campaign by Democrats in her home state to oppose her next term in Congress. In May, she lost the presidential primary, failing to secure enough delegates to support her candidacy, earning only 2% of the 50 potential delegates.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Mink co-authored and advocated for the passage of Title IX Amendment of the Higher Education Act, prohibiting gender discrimination by federally funded institutions of higher education. President Nixon signed the Act into law in 1972. She also introduced the Women's Educational Equity Act of 1974, which allocated funds for the promotion of gender equity in schools. The law opened employment and education opportunities for women and opposed gender stereotypes in curricula and textbooks. In addition to her work on education issues, Mink promoted numerous laws that dealt with other issues important to women. These included the Consumer Product Safety and Equal Employment Opportunity Acts of 1972; the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974; and various bills dealing with discrimination in insurance practices, pensions, retirement benefits, social security, survivor's benefits and taxation; equitable jury service; health care issues; housing discrimination based on marital status; and privacy issues. In 1973, she authored and introduced the Equal Rights for Women Act (H.R. 4034), which never made it out of committee, and she supported the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In 1975, Mink attended the World Conference on Women held in Mexico City from mid-June to early July. Together with Abzug and Representative Margaret Heckler of Massachusetts, she pledged to sponsor and support legislation for a U.S. women's conference for the United States Bicentennial. When they returned home, Abzug introduced HR 9924, co-sponsored by Mink and others, which granted $5 million in total taxpayer contributions ($ in dollars) for both state and National Women's Conferences. It was signed into law by President Ford. Later that year, an effort was made to exempt school athletics from the provisions of Title IX via the Casey Amendment. The Amendment proposed allowing schools to determine whether they would provide equal funding for men's and women's sporting activities. The exemption was struck from the Senate version of the appropriations bill. In the House, though Mink had lobbied heavily against the amendment to the appropriations bill (H.R. 5901), immediately before the vote was called she left the chamber, having received an emergency message that her daughter had been in a serious car accident in New York. In a 211 against and 212 for vote, the appropriation bill passed with the Casey Amendment intact. Upon her return from New York, Speaker Carl Albert of Oklahoma and other members of the House called for a revote due to the circumstances. July 17 members revoted and with 215 in favor to 178 against, the Casey Amendment was rejected; so protecting the anti-discrimination provisions of Title IX.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Throughout her tenure, Mink was involved in many congressional activities, including serving as vice-chair of the Democratic Study Group from 1966 through 1971. In 1968, she served as chair of the House-Senate Ad Hoc Committee on Poverty. From 1972 to 1976, she served on the House Budget Committee, chaired the Insular Affairs Subcommittee on mines and mining from 1973 to 1977 and from 1975 to 1976 was part of the Select Committee on the Outer Continental Shelf. In 1976, learning that she had been given the experimental drug diethylstilbestrol, during her pregnancy, which unwittingly placed both her and her daughter at risk of developing cancer, Mink brought a class action lawsuit against Eli Lilly and Company and the University of Chicago. The settlement entitled all 1,000 women affected, and their children, to free lifetime diagnostic testing and treatment at the Chicago Lying-In Clinic. That year, she also filed a complaint with the Federal Communications Commission which successfully required radio stations to provide equal air time to opposing views. Mink introduced the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act, which was enacted in 1977. From 1975 to 1977, during the 94th Congress, she was elected to a position in the House Democratic leadership, as Secretary of the House Democratic Caucus.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In 1976, Mink gave up her seat in Congress to run for a vacancy in the United States Senate created by the retirement of Senator Hiram Fong. After she lost the primary election for the Senate seat to Hawaii's other U.S. Representative, Spark Matsunaga, President Jimmy Carter appointed Mink as Assistant Secretary of State for Oceans and International Environmental and Scientific Affairs. She worked on environmental issues such as deep sea mining, toxic waste, and whale protection, holding the post from March 1977 to May 1978.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Mink resigned from the Carter Administration in 1980, accepting a position as president of the Americans for Democratic Action in Washington, D. C. She was the first woman to head the national organization and served three consecutive one-year terms. Returning to Honolulu, she was elected to the Honolulu City Council in 1983, serving as Chair until 1985. She was regularly on opposite sides to the Republican Mayor of Honolulu Frank Fasi, who was elected in 1984, though she remained on the council until 1987. In 1986 she ran for governor of Hawaii and in 1988 for mayor of Honolulu, but was not successful in either bid for office. When she left the city council, Mink began working for The Public Reporter, a watchdog committee that monitored and published reports on voting records and pending legislation. She also led the Hawaii Coalition on Global Affairs, a group which sponsored public lectures and workshops on international issues.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In 1990, Mink was elected to complete the remaining term of her successor in the House, Daniel Akaka. Akaka had been appointed to the Senate to succeed Matsunaga, who had recently died in office. She was elected to a full term six weeks later, and subsequently was reelected six times. That year, she opposed the Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas. When the Senate Judiciary Committee denied Anita Hill the opportunity to give testimony, Mink, and other congresswomen, including Barbara Boxer of California, Louise Slaughter of New York, and Pat Schroeder of Colorado, marched to the Capitol to protest the decision. Their protest was carried on the front page of "The New York Times" and Hill was later allowed to testify.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In her second tenure as a House member, Mink worked to revive protections in the socio-economic programs she had worked for in her first six terms, which had been scaled back by subsequent administrations. From 1990 to 1993, she worked on legislation sponsoring the Ovarian Cancer Research Act and amendments to the Higher Education Act. In 1992, she was honored by the American Bar Association with the Margaret Brent Women Lawyers Achievement Award for professional excellence. She co-sponsored the Gender Equity Act of 1993, pressed for universal health care, and introduced a bill to protect reproductive decisions as an individual right. She worked on legislation regarding displaced homemakers, minimum wage increases, occupational safety, pay inequality, and violence against women.


title: Patsy Mink

text: In May 1994, Mink and Representative Norman Mineta of California co-founded the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus for which she became chair in 1995, serving until 1997. She also served as co-chair of the House Democratic Women's Caucus. In 1996, Mink opposed the welfare-reform legislation proposed by the Republican-majority House and supported by the Clinton administration. She authored the Family Stability and Work Act as an alternative welfare reform measure and repeatedly, though mostly unsuccessfully, lobbied for increased federal safety nets for children and families living in impoverished conditions. She opposed legislation that would limit liability for product injuries and work place discrimination and objected to the ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement. She was a co-sponsor of the DREAM Act and staunchly opposed the creation of the United States Department of Homeland Security, fearing that it might avert civil liberties and result in another occurrence of policies like the internment camps for Japanese Americans during World War II.


title: Patsy Mink

text: Mink and other members of the House of Representatives objected to counting the 25 electoral votes from Florida which George W. Bush narrowly won after a contentious recount. Because no senator joined her objection, the objection was dismissed by Vice President Al Gore, who was Bush's opponent in the 2000 presidential election. Without Florida's electoral votes, the election would have been decided by the U.S. House of Representatives, with each state having one vote in accordance with the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution.