title: Sandžak

text: In World War II, Sandžak was the battleground of several factions. In 1941, the region was partitioned between the Italian Montenegrin protectorate, the Italian protectorate over the Kingdom of Albania and the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. The Muslim population was in general anti-Partisan. They were organized in small formations known in historiography as the Sandžak Muslim militia. These formations depending on their location and regional politics were affiliated to Albanian nationalist groups linked to Balli Kombëtar in central and south Sandžak or to Muslim Ustaše groups in the north. Many Orthodox Serbs organized in the Serbian nationalist Chetniks. The stance of these factions towards the Nazi forces ranged from armed resistance to open collaboration. Smaller groups of both Orthodox Serbs and Muslims organized after 1943 in the Yugoslav partisan Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Sandžak. Each faction sought the inclusion of Sandzak in the post-war situation in separate states. Albanian militia fought for inclusion in Greater Albania and Ustaše formations wanted at least part of Sandzak to join the Bosnian Muslims of the Independent State of Croatia. Within the Yugoslavs, Muslims, Serbs and Montenegrins adopted different strategies. Muslims wanted either unification with Bosnia under a federal Yugoslavia or the establishment of an autonomous Sandžak region. Serbs and Montenegrins wanted the area to either pass entirely to Serbia or to Montenegro.


title: Sandžak

text: The formal partition of Sandžak between Italian and German spheres of influence was largely ignored as local politics shaped control over the area. Prijepolje which formally was within the Italian area of rule in Montenegro was in fact under the NDH-affiliated Sulejman Pačariz, while Novi Pazar in the German sphere was led by the Albanian nationalist Aqif Bluta. Clashes between Albanians and Serbs in south Sandžak began in April 1941. In other cities of Sandžak similar battles between different factions played out. Otto von Erdmannsdorf, the special envoy of Germany to Sandžak mentioned in his correspondence that up to 100,000 Albanians from Sandžak wanted to be moved from Serbia under the jurisdiction of Albania. The Italian and German forces considered to enact population exchange from Sandžak to Kosovo to stop interethnic violence between Serbs and Albanians. Peter Pfeiffer, diplomat of the Foreign Office of Germany warned that relocation plans would cause a great rift between the German army and Albanians and they were abandoned. In November 1941 as clashes continued Albanians defeated the Chetniks in the battle of Novi Pazar. The battle was followed by reprisals against the Serbs of Novi Pazar. In 1943, Chetnik forces based in Montenegro conducted a series of ethnic cleansing operations against Muslims in the Bihor region of modern-day Serbia. In May 1943, an estimated 5400 Albanian men, women and children in Bihor were massacred by Chetnik forces under Pavle Đurišić. In a reaction, the notables of the region then published a memorandum and declared themselves to be Albanians. The memorandum was sent to Prime Minister Ekrem Libohova whom they asked to intervene so the region could be united to the Albanian kingdom. It has been estimated that 9,000 Muslims were killed in total by the Chetniks and affiliated groups during the war in Sandžak. The Jewish community of Novi Pazar was initially not harassed because the city didn't have any considerable concentration of German forces, but on March 2, 1942 the city's Jews were rounded up by the German army and killed in extermination camps (the men in Bubanj and the women and children in Sajmište).


title: Sandžak

text: 1943 year saw the creation of the SS-police "self-defence" regiment Sandžak, being formed by joining three battalions of Albanian collaborationist troops with one battalion of the Sandžak Muslim militia. At one point around 2,000 members of the SS regiment operated in Sjenica. Its leader was Sulejman Pačariz, an Islamic cleric of Albanian origin.


title: Sandžak

text: The Anti-Fascist Council of People's Liberation of Sandžak (AVNOS) had been founded on 20 November 1943 in Pljevlja. In January 1944, the Land Assembly of Montenegro and the Bay of Kotor claimed Sandžak as part of a future Montenegrin federal unit. However, in March, the Communist Party opposed this, insisting that Sandžak's representatives at AVNOJ should decide on the matter. In February 1945, the Presidency of the AVNOJ made a decision to oppose the Sandžak's autonomy. The AVNOJ explained that the Sandžak did not have a national basis for an autonomy and opposed crumbling of the Serbian and Montenegrin totality. On 29 March 1945 in Novi Pazar, the AVNOS accepted the decision of the AVNOJ and divided itself between Serbia and Montenegro. Sandžak was divided based on the 1912 demarcation line.


title: Sandžak

text: Economically, Sandžak remained undeveloped. It had a small amount of crude and low-revenue industry. Freight was transported by trucks over poor roads. Schools for business students, which remained poor in general education, were opened for working-class youth. The Sandžak had no faculty, not even a department or any school of higher education.


title: Sandžak

text: Sandžak saw a process of industrialisation, during which factories were opened in several cities, including Novi Pazar, Prijepolje, Priboj, Ivangrad, while the coal mines were opened in the Prijepolje area. The urbanisation caused a major social and economic shift. Many people left villages for towns. The national composition of the urban centres was changed to the disadvantage of the Muslims, as most of those who inhabited the cities were Serbs. The Muslims continued to lose their economic status, continuing the trend inherited from the time of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the agrarian reform in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The emigration of the Muslims to Turkey also continued, caused by the general underdevelopment of the region, disagreement with the communist authorities and the mistrust with the Serbs and Montenegrins, but also due to the nationalisation and expropriation of property. Serbs from Sandžak also moved to the wealthier regions of the central Serbia or to Belgrade or Vojvodina, while the Muslims moved to Bosnia and Herzegovina as well.


title: Sandžak

text: With the democratic changes in Serbia in 2000, the ethnic Bosniaks were enabled to start participating in the political life in Serbia and Montenegro, including Rasim Ljajić, an ethnic Bosniak, who was a minister in the Government of Serbia and Montenegro, and Rifat Rastoder, who is the Deputy President of the Parliament of Montenegro. Census data shows a general emigration of all nationalities from this underdeveloped region.


title: Sandžak

text: The population of the sanjak of Novi Pazar was ethnically and religiously diverse. In 1878-81, Muslim Slav muhacirs (refugees) from areas which became part of Montenegro, settled in the sanjak. As Ottoman institutions only registered religious affiliation, official Ottoman statistics about ethnicity do not exist. Austrian, Bulgarian and Serbian consulates in the area produced their own ethnographic estimations about the sanjak. In general, three main groups lived in the region: Orthodox Serbs, Muslim Albanians and Muslim Slavs (noted in contemporary sources as Bosnian or Herzegovinian Muslims). Small communities of Romani, Turks and Jews lived mainly in towns. The Bulgarian foreign ministry compiled a report in 1901-02. The five kazas (districs) of the sanjak of the Novi Pazar at that time were: Akova, Sjenica, Kolašin, Novi Pazar and Novi Varoš. According to the Bulgarian report, in the kaza of Akova there were 47 Albanian villages which had 1,266 households. Serbs lived in 11 villages which had 216 households. The town of Akova (Bijelo Polje) had 100 Albanian and Serb households. There were also mixed villages - inhabited by both Serbs and Albanians - which had 115 households with 575 inhabitants. The kaza of Sjenica was inhabited mainly by Orthodox Serbs (69 villages with 624 households) and Bosnian Muslims (46 villages with 655 households). Seventeen villages had a population of both Orthodox Serbs and Bosnian Muslims. Albanians (505 households) lived exclusively in the town of Sjenica. The kaza of Novi Pazar had 1,749 households in 244 Serb villages and 896 households in 81 Albanian villages. Nine villages inhabited by both Serbs and Albanians had 173 households. The town of Novi Pazar had a total of 1,749 Serb and Albanian households with 8,745 inhabitants. The kaza of Kolašin had 27 Albanian villages with 732 households and 5 Serb villages with 75 households. The administrative centre of the kaza, Šahovići, had 25 Albanian households. The kaza of Novi Varoš, according the Bulgarian report, had 19 Serbian villages with 298 households and "one Bosnian village with 200 houses". Novi Varoš had 725 Serb and some Albanian households.


title: Sandžak

text: The last official registration of the population of the sanjak of Novi Pazar before the Balkan Wars was conducted in 1910. The 1910 Ottoman census recorded 52,833 Muslims and 27,814 Orthodox Serbs. About 65% of the population were Muslims and 35% Serbian Orthodox. The majority of the Muslim population were Albanians.


title: Sandžak

text: The last Yugoslav pre-war census of 1931 counted in Bijelo Polje, Prijepolje, Nova Varoš, Pljevlja, Priboj, Sjenica and Štavica a total population of 204,068. They were mostly counted as Orthodox Serbs or Montenegrins (56.48%) and Bosnian Muslims (43.09%).


title: Sandžak

text: Sandžak is a very ethnically diverse region. Most Bosniaks declared themselves ethnic Muslims in 1991 census. By the 2002-2003 census, however, most of them declared themselves Bosniaks. There is still a significant minority that identify as Muslims (by ethnicity). There are still some Albanian villages (Boroštica, Doliće and Ugao) in the Pešter region. There were a larger presence of Albanians in Sandžak in the past, however due to various factors such as migration, assimilation, along with mixing, many identify as Bosniaks instead. Catholic Albanian groups which settled in Tutin and Pešter in the early 18th century were converted to Islam in that period. Their descendants make up the large majority of the population of Tutin and the Pešter plateau.


title: Sandžak

text: The Slavic dialect of Gusinje and Plav (sometimes considered part of Sandžak) shows very high structural influence from Albanian. Its uniqueness in terms of language contact between Albanian and Slavic is explained by the fact that most Slavic-speakers in today's Plav and Gusinje are of Albanian origin.


title: Sandžak

text: The total population of the municipalities of Sandžak in Serbia and Montenegro is around 385,686. A plurality of people in Sandžak identify as Bosniaks. They form 55.25% (189,186) of the region's population. Serbs form 33.5% (129,198), Montenegrins 6.90% (26,604), and Albanians 1.05% (4,062). About 12,724 (3.3%) people belong to smaller communities or have chosen to not declare an ethnic identity.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: Hi, How Are You: The Unfinished Album is the sixth self-released music cassette album by singer-songwriter Daniel Johnston, recorded in September 1983. The subtitle refers to the length of the album; Johnston had intended for it to be an hour long release, as a majority of his earlier releases were.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: On September 1, 1983, Daniel Johnston was evicted from his brother Dick's home in Houston, Texas. Daniel had been living with Dick throughout the summer and recorded his previous album "Yip/Jump Music" in the garage. Following his eviction, Margie Johnston, his sister, let Daniel live with her in her San Marcos home, where he worked in Pizza Delivery. Margie didn't have any extra furniture for Daniel, so they bought a mattress which was placed on a floor for him to sleep on. Margie notes that Daniel thrived in this environment because he was allowed to make a mess.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: The backing music to the song 'Desperate Man Blues' comes from a song by Johnny Dankworth titled 'Desperate Dan' from the album 'England's Ambassador of Jazz', which Johnston owned. The track resonated heavily with Johnston, leading to its inclusion on the album.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: The album is one of the most sonically varied of Johnston's early output. While earlier records found him focusing on piano or chord organ songs almost exclusively, this album blends both approaches along with experiments in tape and noise collage, and some tentative playing on a stringed instrument, referred to as a guitar, a toy guitar, or a ukulele.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: The album's artwork is a sketch of '"Jeremiah The Frog of Innosense'" (sic), a character created by Johnston inspired by an old rubber stamp box he discovered while working at AstroWorld that previous summer. The box featured a picture of a frog along with the text 'Hi, How Are You?' Johnston became inspired by the phrase and remembered that he had previously used it in his song '"Grievances",' from Songs of Pain."And I saw you at the funeral, you were standing there like a temple"


title: Hi, How Are You

text: "And I pulled up a casket and crawled in" Since he had already called back to Grievances countless times throughout his previous tapes, he felt it was only appropriate to continue to use the phrase as yet another call-back. 'Jeremiah', the frog's name, was taken from the song "Joy to the World" by Three Dog Night, which opens with the lyric, "'Jeremiah was a bullfrog.'"


title: Hi, How Are You

text: Daniel would promote the album through handing out copies to people he met. One individual given a copy of the album was Kathy McCarty, who said that 'That weird kid is probably the only genius I've met in my life!"


title: Hi, How Are You

text: This was the first Daniel Johnston album to be given a widely distributed release as a vinyl LP; it was released on Homestead Records in 1988.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: In 1988, when the album was pressed on LP by Homestead Records, Mark Lerario for the "Reading Eagle" said that it sounded like 'A basement tape haphazardly put together by deaf hippies.'


title: Hi, How Are You

text: By 1992 Kurt Cobain began wearing a t-shirt of the album's cover, launching Johnston into mainstream popularity. Two years later, in 1994, Kathy McCarty released her Johnston tribute album, which featured five tracks from "Hi How Are You".


title: Hi, How Are You

text: In 2006, Ty Burr Globe for the Record-Journal described "Walking the Cow" as "Demented and heartbreakingly fragile".


title: Hi, How Are You

text: A 2015 documentary about Johnston, titled "Hi, How Are You Daniel Johnston?" was named after the record.


title: Hi, How Are You

text: In 2018, the Mayor of Austin, Texas, declared January 22 (Johnston's birthday) to be "Hi, How Are You Day", a day dedicated to mental health awareness funded by the non-profit organisation of the same name.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: The origin of the Basques and the Basque language is a controversial topic that has given rise to numerous hypotheses. Modern Basque, a descendant or close relative of Aquitanian and Proto-Basque, is the only Pre-Indo-European language that is extant in western Europe. The Basques have therefore long been supposed to be a remnant of a pre-Indo-European population of Europe.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: According to Stephen Oppenheimer, from c.16,000BC, the warmer climate allowed the expansion of proto-Basque groups, or proto-Europeans, across the north of Africa and the entire continent of Europe, expanding the Magdalenian culture across Europe.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: In 2008, the Finnish linguist Kalevi Wiik proposed that the current Basque language is the remainder of a group of "Basque languages" that were spoken in the Paleolithic throughout western Europe and that retreated with the progress of the Indo-European languages. Wiik states that his theory coincides with the homogeneous distribution of the Haplogroup R1b in Atlantic Europe.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Ludomir R. Lozny states that "Wiik's controversial ideas are rejected by the majority of the scholarly community, but they have attracted the enormous interest of a wider audience."


title: Origin of the Basques

text: In May 2012, the National Geographic Society Genographic Project released a study that showed through detailed DNA analysis of samples from French and Spanish Basque regions that Basques share unique genetic patterns that distinguish them from the surrounding non-Basque populations. The results of the study clearly support the hypothesis of a partial genetic continuity of contemporary Basques with the preceding Paleolithic/Mesolithic settlers of their homeland.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Paleogenetic investigations by the Complutense University of Madrid indicate that the Basque people have a genetic profile coincident with the rest of the European population and that goes back to Prehistoric times. The haplotype of the mitochondrial DNA known as U5 entered in Europe during the Upper Paleolithic and developed varieties as the U8a, native of the Basque Country, which is considered to be Prehistoric, and as the J group, which is also frequent in the Basque population. The works of Alzualde A, Izagirre N, Alonso S, Alonso A, de la Rua C. about mitochondrial DNA of the Human remains found in the Prehistoric graveyard of Alaieta, in Alava, note that there are no differences between these remains and others found across Atlantic Europe.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Studies based on the Y chromosome genetically relate the Basques with the Celtic Welsh, and Irish; Stephen Oppenheimer from the University of Oxford says that the current inhabitants of the British Isles have their origin in the Basque refuge during the last Ice age. Oppenheimer reached this conclusion through the study of correspondences in the frequencies of genetic markers between various European regions. The haplogroup R1b, can be found most frequently in the Basque Country (91%), Wales (89%) and Ireland (81%). The age of subclade which Basque carry, Haplogroup R1b-DF27, "is estimated at ~4,200 years ago, at the transition between the Neolithic and the Bronze Age, when the Y chromosome landscape of Western Europe was thoroughly remodeled. In spite of its high frequency in Basques, Y-STR internal diversity of R1b-DF27 is lower there, and results in more recent age estimates", implying it was brought to the region from elsewhere.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: In 2015, a new scientific study of Basque DNA was published which seems to indicate that Basques are descendants of Neolithic farmers who mixed with local hunters before becoming genetically isolated from the rest of Europe for millennia. Mattias Jakobsson from Uppsala University in Sweden analysed genetic material from eight Stone Age human skeletons found in El Portalón Cavern in Atapuerca, northern Spain. These individuals lived between 3,500 and 5,500 years ago, after the transition to farming in southwest Europe. The results show that these early Iberian farmers are the closest ancestors to present-day Basques. The official findings were published in "Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences" of the United States of America. "Our results show that the Basques trace their ancestry to early farming groups from Iberia, which contradicts previous views of them being a remnant population that trace their ancestry to Mesolithic hunter-gatherer groups," says Prof. Jakobsson. However, the results also showed that Basques, along with many other Iberian groups, carry both Neolithic farmer ancestry as well as some local mesolithic hunter-gatherer ancestry; showing that "the incoming farmers admixed with local, Iberian hunter-gather groups, a process that continued for at least 2 millennia."


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Rather, some 4500 years ago almost all Y-DNA heritage from Iberian admixture of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers and Neolithic farmers was replaced by the lineage of Indo-European herders from the steppe, and the Basque genetic distinctiveness is a result of centuries of low population size, genetic drift, and endogamy. In 2019, a study was published in "Science" in which a more fine-tuned and deep time-transect of Iberian ancient populations including the Basque were analyzed. From their abstract, it says: "and we reveal that present-day Basques are best described as a typical Iron Age population without the admixture events that later affected the rest of Iberia." This indicates Basques were isolated from admixture with outside groups since at least 1000BC or 3000 years before the present. In Iberia, these later admixture (interbreeding) events were with central European (Celtic), eastern Mediterranean and northern African populations, and genomic ancestry from them are found in all or most present-day Iberian populations, except for the Basque.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: In the field of linguistics, there are two lines of investigation, both based on etymology; one on toponyms, not only in the Basque Country but also in the rest of the Iberian Peninsula and Europe, and the other on the etymology of Basque words.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Some vasconists have, in the past, suggested that Basque may have several words, all related to tools, that are derived from the root word for "stone", "haitz". These include:


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Theories regarding the possibility of such a shared root have been put forward by Louis Lucien Bonaparte, Miguel de Unamuno, Julio Caro Baroja and others. One inference of these hypothetical and controversial etymologies was that some aspects of the Basque language had been stable and uninfluenced by other languages since the Stone Age.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: However, these etymologies are now doubted by mainstream vasconists. "Aizkora" has been identified as a loan from the Latin "asciola". The root of the remaining terms – based on the Roncalese dialect, which is known for its preservation of historical nasals and has the documented forms "antzur", "ainzter", "aintzur" and "ainzto" – was "ainz-" and thus the reconstructed root was *"ani(t)z" or *"ane(t)z". There are no traces of such a nasal sound in the word "haitz" "rock" (cf. Roncalese "aitz").


title: Origin of the Basques

text: The theory of the Basque-Iberism claims that there is a direct relationship between the Basque language and the Iberian language, meaning either that Basque evolved out of the Iberian language, or that its precursor belonged to the same language family. The first author to suggest this theory was Strabo in the 1st century BC (at a time when the Iberian language was still spoken); he asserted that the Iberians and the Aquitanians were similar physically and that they spoke similar languages and had similar customs.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: The German linguist Wilhelm von Humboldt proposed, in the early 19th Century, a thesis in which he stated that the Basque people were Iberians, following some studies that he had conducted.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Others claim there is not a direct connection, including Koldo Mitxelena who claims the similarities between Iberian and Basque are attributed solely to the relationship of vicinity, and not to any kinship.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Some researchers have propounded the similarities between the Basque language and the Caucasian languages, especially the Georgian language.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: The comparison between the matrilineal and patrilineal DNA of the native peoples from the Basque Country and Georgia has allowed the discovery of significant differences. The hypothesis that related both populations is only based on the typological similarities, which is never a good marker of linguistic kinship. These superficial similarities in the linguistic typologies do not seem to accompany a genetic relation at a population level. The possible relation between Basque and the languages of the Caucasus is denied by authors such as Larry Trask, who stated that the comparisons were wrongly made, given the fact that the Basque language was compared with several Caucasian languages at the same time.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: These theories are based on the Old European hydronymy, assuming that the first inhabitants of Europe spoke a common tongue or languages of the same language family. This theory is not accepted by most linguists, who believe that, in a territory as large as Europe, more than one language had to be spoken.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: In January 2003, the Spanish edition of the popular science magazine "Scientific American" published a study conducted by Theo Vennemann, where he concluded:


title: Origin of the Basques

text: According to Vennemann, the Proto-Basque language (or a language family from which the Basque language originated) was the linguistic stratum in which the Indo-European languages later settled. He found, among other examples, the Basque words ""ibai"" (river) and ""ibar"" (bottom) to repeat continuously in European rivers, or the word ""haran"" (valley) in toponyms such as Val d'Aran, Arendal, Arundel, Arnach, Arnsberg, Aresburg, Ahrensburg, Aranbach or Arnstein.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: The Vennemann theory has been criticized by Basque scholars and it is not accepted by most linguists.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Specifically, Trask, after many pointed critiques of the methods employed, affirmed that Vennemann had found an agglutinative language, but with no relation to the Basque language, and that probably it is simply the Indo-European language, as many other linguistic scholars agree.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Joseba Andoni Lakarra, a researcher of the Proto-Basque language, criticizes the thesis of Vennemann, saying, like Trask, that he identifies modern Basque roots that are not related to the archaic Basque. In the same way, Lakarra says that, despite Basque now being an agglutinative language, there are reasons to believe that previously it was not so.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: The early story of the Basque people was recorded by Roman classical writers, historians and geographers, such as Pliny the Elder, Strabo, Ptolemy and Pomponius Mela. The present-day Basque Country was, by the time of the Roman arrival in the Iberian Peninsula, inhabited by Aquitanian and Celtic tribes. The Aquitanians are also known as the "Proto-Basque people", and included several tribes, such as the Vascones, who were located at both sides of the western Pyrenees. In present-day Biscay, Gipuzkoa, and Álava were located the Caristii, Varduli, and Autrigones, whose origin is still not clear. It is not known if these tribes were of Aquitanian origin, related to the Vascones, or if they were of Celtic origin. The latter seems more likely, based on the use of Celtic and Proto-Celtic toponyms by these tribes. These tribes would have then gone through a Basquisation, caused by progress of the Aquitanian tribes on their territory.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Strabo in the 1st century AD reported that the "Ouaskonous" (Vascones) inhabited the area around the town of Pompelo, and the coastal town of "Oeaso" (Οἰασών) in Hispania. He also mentioned other tribes between them and the Cantabri: the Varduli, Caristii, and Autrigones. About a century later, Ptolemy also listed the coastal "Oeasso" (Οἰασσώ) beside the Pyrénées to the Vascones, together with 15 inland towns, including Pompelon. Pompelo/Pompelon is easily identified as modern-day Pamplona, Navarre. The border port of Irún, where a Roman harbour and other remains have been uncovered, is the accepted identification of the coastal town mentioned by Strabo and Ptolemy. Three inscriptions in an early form of Basque found in eastern Navarre can be associated with the Vascones.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: However, the Vascones appear to have been just one tribe within a wider language community. Across the border in what is now France, the Aquitanian tribes of Gascony spoke a language different from the Celts and were more like the Iberi. Although no complete inscription in their language survives, a number of personal names were recorded in Latin inscriptions, which attest to Aquitanian being the precursor of modern Basque (this extinct Aquitanian language should not be confused with Occitan, a Romance language spoken in Aquitaine since the beginning of the Middle Ages).


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Between the 14th and 15th century, a series of historical legends were created with the objective of defending the singularity of the Basque people and their Fuero system, which regulated the relations between the Basque territories and the Crown. Among these legends are the "Basque-Iberism", the "Basque-Cantabrism", and "The Battle of Arrigorriaga". These legends were used in a context of political vindication. In the 19th century, the Basque nationalists would use these legends as the basis for their vindications.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Developed by Esteban de Garibay and Andrés Poza, this legend states that the Basque people are direct descendants of Tubal, grandson of Noah, fifth son of Japheth. According to the legend, Japheth and his tribe, the Iberians, departed to the Iberian Peninsula, settling between the Pyrenees and the river Ebro, right after the confusion of languages in the Tower of Babel.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: Then, the Basque language would be one of the 72 languages that were created as a punishment of God after the Tower of Babel.


title: Origin of the Basques

text: It is based on a historical and geographical distortion of the Cantabrian Wars, based on a manuscript gloss that Cristóbal de Mieres, secretary of Lope García de Salazar (1399–1476) introduced on a 1491 copy of "Las bienandanzas e fortunas". This legend makes the Vascones the protagonists of these wars.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant is a fictional superhero appearing in American comic books published by DC Comics, depicted as a member of the Birds of Prey and the Suicide Squad.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: The character made his cinematic debut in the DC Extended Universe film "The Suicide Squad", portrayed by Michael Rooker.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Brian Durlin, better known as Savant, is the spoiled heir to an enormous fortune. Savant had moved to Gotham City to become a self-styled vigilante. However, after Batman discouraged his involvement in vigilantism because of his lack of care to protect others, he turned his own formidable computer skills into a profitable blackmailing business. Savant was joined in this by an ex-Russian KGB agent named Creote.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant later kidnapped Black Canary in hopes to get the real identity of Batman from Oracle. However, he was soon defeated by her team. Oracle then made the decision to attempt to rehabilitate him, mainly in order to keep his data files on hundreds of real villains. Like his namesake, he is a genius; however, due to a chemical imbalance he exhibits a non-linear memory and seems to be quite forgetful. Savant has also exhibited feelings for Oracle, probably rooted in his envy of her computer skills.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant went on, under Oracle's control, to clean up a Gotham neighborhood. However his unique methods led Oracle to regret her decision. Savant and Creote then joined forces with Huntress to take over the Gotham mafia by placing Huntress as capo.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: As part of a plan by Calculator to get to Oracle, Savant was kidnapped and tortured by agents of the Secret Society of Super Villains. His non-linear memory helped him to resist the interrogation, making it appear to last only a few hours rather than the days it had really been. He was rescued by the Birds of Prey and out of anger pushed the villain Black Spider out of a window. Spider survived, meaning the Birds did not have to arrest Savant for murder, though he did end his association with Oracle.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: He and Creote turn up alongside dozens of former Birds of Prey and friends of Barbara to confront Spy Smasher.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant is seemingly attacked and murdered by The White Canary. After a failed attempt to keep him alive, a grieving Creote blames Oracle for this and shoots himself. It later turns out that they both faked their deaths. They later appear in Oracle's base and abduct her, planning for her to reveal her secret identity to the world. They take Oracle to the top of the Gotham Dam, where Savant reveals that his distorted sense of time means that his torture at the hands of the Secret Society feels like it only happened five minutes ago and that he has been in constant mental agony for two years. He then reveals that the true purpose of bringing Oracle out to the dam was to have her witness his suicide and attempts to throw himself off the dam, but Oracle leaps from her chair and stops him, convincing Creote to help pull them up despite his promise to let Savant die. She then explains to a confused Savant that Creote is in love with him. Creote later admits his feelings to Savant, who to his surprise reciprocates.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant and Creote were offered positions in the Birds of Prey by Oracle yet again, Savant on technical staff, Creote as a bodyguard. Recently, Savant has appeared in a meeting with the Calculator to have faked his breakdown to infiltrate Oracle's operation. However, it is later apparent in a meeting with Oracle and Batman that he is a double agent for the Birds of Prey, to feed Calculator information that would ultimately allow the Birds to successfully fake the death of Oracle. The brief encounter with Batman revealed that neither of them has forgotten their previous hostility towards the other.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: In September 2011, DC Comics rebooted the continuity of its fictional universe in an initiative known as The New 52. In this new timeline, Savant is reintroduced as a member of Amanda Waller's new Suicide Squad. As part of an effort to weed out the weak link in the group, the candidates are tortured, with Savant eventually cracking under the pressure and betraying the group. He is dragged away and seemingly killed, but his fate is left uncertain.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant possesses genius-level intellect. He is an expert at martial arts, computer operation, and multilingualism.


title: Savant (DC Comics)

text: Savant exhibits forgetfulness due to neuro-chemical imbalance; because of said-chemical imbalance, he exhibits a non-linear memory; his recollection of events does not occur in their linear-order; once, when kidnapped and tortured, Savant's non-linear memory helped him to resist the interrogation, making it appear to last only a few hours rather than the days it had really been; later, because of his distorted sense of time, his torture at the hands of the Secret Society feels like it only happened five minutes ago and he was in constant mental agony for two years.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Tim Witherspoon (born December 27, 1957) is an American former professional boxer who competed from 1979 to 2003. He was a two-time world heavyweight champion, having held the WBC title in 1984, and the WBA title in 1986. Witherspoon also worked as a regular sparring partner for Muhammad Ali.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Witherspoon had six amateur bouts, losing the last to Marvis Frazier on decision after getting knocked down.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Making his professional debut with a first-round TKO over Joe Adams on October 30, 1979, Witherspoon quickly rose through the ranks. In 1981, he participated in his first high-profile fight, knocking out future world cruiserweight champion Alfonzo Ratliff, after which he was signed by Don King. Witherspoon was a sparring partner of Ali as he was training to fight Larry Holmes and Trevor Berbick. Ali also gave Witherspoon his complimentary ring alias of "Terrible" Tim Witherspoon.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: In 1982, he was matched with Renaldo Snipes, who had just given champion Larry Holmes a fair challenge (and knocked Holmes down), and outpointed him over 10 rounds, setting up his own challenge to Holmes.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: On May 20, 1983, Witherspoon would have his first attempt at earning a world title by taking on the recognized top man in the division World Boxing Council champion Larry Holmes at the Dunes Hotel in Las Vegas. Witherspoon gave Holmes all he could handle, including rocking him badly in the ninth round, before losing a disputed twelve round split decision.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: He returned later in the year to outpoint Floyd "Jumbo" Cummings, who had drawn with Joe Frazier in Smokin' Joe's last fight, and win the NABF title with a first-round knockout of James "Quick" Tillis.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: In December 1983, Holmes relinquished his WBC title rather than defend against Greg Page, and chose to accept that of the newly formed IBF (International Boxing Federation).


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Witherspoon was matched with Page for the vacant title on March 9, 1984. Page, in constant war with promoter Don King, turned up overweight and was outpointed.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Witherspoon's reign as champion would not be long however, as soon he himself was in constant war with King, and on August 31 of that year he was outpointed by Pinklon Thomas via majority decision.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: In 1985 Witherspoon regained his NABF belt by beating James Broad in two rounds and made a successful twelve round defense against James "Bonecrusher" Smith in his first defense of the belt. This earned him another chance at a heavyweight title and he signed to fight reigning WBA champion Tony Tubbs on January 17, 1986 in Atlanta. Witherspoon won a close fight by majority decision, winning by only one point on one of the scorecards and three on another with one even, to become champion for a second time.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: In his first defense of his newly won championship, Witherspoon traveled to London and fought a young up-and-coming English heavyweight and future world champion Frank Bruno at Wembley Stadium, as part of the heavyweight unification series. In the eleventh round of a scheduled fifteen, Witherspoon recorded a technical knockout and did something he had not done when he was champion the first time: make a successful defense of the title after winning it. After defeating Bruno, a rematch with Tony Tubbs loomed but Tubbs pulled out of the fight.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Needing to make a title defense, Witherspoon accepted a second fight with Bonecrusher Smith. Since dropping a lopsided decision in their first matchup (losing every round but one on all three scorecards) Smith had fought four bouts and recorded three wins, all against fringe contenders and journeymen. The fight was scheduled for December 12, 1986 at Madison Square Garden and Witherspoon a heavy favorite against the 17-5 Smith. With fifty seconds remaining in the first round, Witherspoon hit the canvas a third time and Rivera ended the proceedings. At ringside, HBO commentators Barry Tompkins, Larry Merchant, and Sugar Ray Leonard expressed disbelief at the outcome, with all three calling the bout a major upset.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Following the end his second title reign, Witherspoon spent years in litigation against Don King. In 1991 won the USBA heavyweight title by defeating fellow contender Carl "The Truth" Williams but lost a points decision to Everett Martin. Ring magazine called this inexplicable loss the low point of his career.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: In 1993 Don King settled out of court and paid Witherspoon a million dollars. By 1994 Witherspoon had won five fights in a row by knockout. Aged 38 he was signed by HBO and matched in high-profile fights with cruiserweight champion Al Cole and the Cuban amateur Jorge Luis González, both of whom he defeated. Later in the year he was matched with Ray Mercer but lost a 10-round decision.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: After that loss Witherspoon laid off a year, and when he came back he was outpointed by Larry Donald on HBO, and, in 1998, lost a close decision when outworked by New Zealander Jimmy Thunder before travelling to Poland to be outpointed by Andrew Golota.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: The 43-year-old Witherspoon resurfaced in 2001, knocking out the prospect David Bostice in one round, outpointing Cuban southpaw contender Eliecer Castillo and Syrian Ahmed Abdin, before his revival was ended by Lou Savarese, who stopped him in five rounds.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Witherspoon also competed in Cedric Kushner's 2003 Thunderbox Heavyweight Tournament, "Fistful of Dollars," but lost in the opening stages.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: Witherspoon resides near Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where he trains boxers, including his son, lightweight Tim Witherspoon Jr and many others. He has also trained Light Heavyweight champion Clinton Woods in the U.K.


title: Tim Witherspoon

text: In 2014, Witherspoon published his book with the help of British entrepreneur Kevin Baker and ghost writer Ryan Danes.


title: Personal identification number

text: A personal identification number (PIN), or sometimes redundantly a PIN number or PIN code, is a numeric (sometimes alpha-numeric) passcode used in the process of authenticating a user accessing a system.


title: Personal identification number

text: The PIN has been the key to facilitating the private data exchange between different data-processing centers in computer networks for financial institutions, governments, and enterprises. PINs may be used to authenticate banking systems with cardholders, governments with citizens, enterprises with employees, and computers with users, among other uses.


title: Personal identification number

text: In common usage, PINs are used in ATM or POS transactions, secure access control (e.g. computer access, door access, car access), internet transactions, or to log into a restricted website.


title: Personal identification number

text: The PIN originated with the introduction of the automated teller machine (ATM) in 1967, as an efficient way for banks to dispense cash to their customers. The first ATM system was that of Barclays in London, in 1967; it accepted cheques with machine-readable encoding, rather than cards, and matched the PIN to the cheque. 1972, Lloyds Bank issued the first bank card to feature an information-encoding magnetic strip, using a PIN for security. James Goodfellow, the inventor who patented the first personal identification number, was awarded an OBE in the 2006 Queen's Birthday Honours.


title: Personal identification number

text: Mohamed M. Atalla invented the first PIN-based hardware security module (HSM), dubbed the "Atalla Box," a security system that encrypted PIN and ATM messages and protected offline devices with an un-guessable PIN-generating key. In 1972, Atalla filed for his PIN verification system, which included an encoded card reader and described a system that utilized encryption techniques to assure telephone link security while entering personal ID information that was transmitted to a remote location for verification.


title: Personal identification number

text: He founded Atalla Corporation (now Utimaco Atalla) in 1972, and commercially launched the "Atalla Box" in 1973. The product was released as the Identikey. It was a card reader and customer identification system, providing a terminal with plastic card and PIN capabilities. The system was designed to let banks and thrift institutions switch to a plastic card environment from a passbook program. The Identikey system consisted of a card reader console, two customer PIN pads, intelligent controller and built-in electronic interface package. The device consisted of two keypads, one for the customer and one for the teller. It allowed the customer to type in a secret code, which is transformed by the device, using a microprocessor, into another code for the teller. During a transaction, the customer's account number was read by the card reader. This process replaced manual entry and avoided possible key stroke errors. It allowed users to replace traditional customer verification methods such as signature verification and test questions with a secure PIN system. In recognition of his work on the PIN system of information security management, Atalla has been referred to as the "Father of the PIN".


title: Personal identification number

text: The success of the "Atalla Box" led to the wide adoption of PIN-based hardware security modules. Its PIN verification process was similar to the later IBM 3624. By 1998 an estimated 70% of all ATM transactions in the United States were routed through specialized Atalla hardware modules, and by 2003 the Atalla Box secured 80% of all ATM machines in the world, increasing to 85% as of 2006. Atalla's HSM products protect 250million card transactions every day as of 2013, and still secure the majority of the world's ATM transactions as of 2014.


title: Personal identification number

text: In the context of a financial transaction, usually both a private "PIN code" and public user identifier are required to authenticate a user to the system. In these situations, typically the user is required to provide a non-confidential user identifier or token (the "user ID") and a confidential PIN to gain access to the system. Upon receiving the user ID and PIN, the system looks up the PIN based upon the user ID and compares the looked-up PIN with the received PIN. The user is granted access only when the number entered matches the number stored in the system. Hence, despite the name, a PIN does not "personally" identify the user. The PIN is not printed or embedded on the card but is manually entered by the cardholder during automated teller machine (ATM) and point of sale (POS) transactions (such as those that comply with EMV), and in card not present transactions, such as over the Internet or for phone banking.


title: Personal identification number

text: The international standard for financial services PIN management, ISO 9564-1, allows for PINs from four up to twelve digits, but recommends that for usability reasons the card issuer not assign a PIN longer than six digits. The inventor of the ATM, John Shepherd-Barron, had at first envisioned a six-digit numeric code, but his wife could only remember four digits, and that has become the most commonly used length in many places, although banks in Switzerland and many other countries require a six-digit PIN.


title: Personal identification number

text: There are several main methods of validating PINs. The operations discussed below are usually performed within a hardware security module (HSM).


title: Personal identification number

text: One of the earliest ATM models was the IBM 3624, which used the IBM method to generate what is termed a "natural PIN". The natural PIN is generated by encrypting the primary account number (PAN), using an encryption key generated specifically for the purpose. This key is sometimes referred to as the PIN generation key (PGK). This PIN is directly related to the primary account number. To validate the PIN, the issuing bank regenerates the PIN using the above method, and compares this with the entered PIN.


title: Personal identification number

text: Natural PINs cannot be user selectable because they are derived from the PAN. If the card is reissued with a new PAN, a new PIN must be generated.


title: Personal identification number

text: To allow user-selectable PINs it is possible to store a PIN offset value. The offset is found by subtracting natural PIN from the customer selected PIN using modulo 10. For example, if the natural PIN is 1234, and the user wishes to have a PIN of 2345, the offset is 1111.


title: Personal identification number

text: To validate the PIN, the issuing bank calculates the natural PIN as in the above method, then adds the offset and compares this value to the entered PIN.


title: Personal identification number

text: The VISA method is used by many card schemes and is not VISA-specific. The VISA method generates a PIN verification value (PVV). Similar to the offset value, it can be stored on the card's track data, or in a database at the card issuer. This is called the reference PVV.


title: Personal identification number

text: The VISA method takes the rightmost eleven digits of the PAN excluding the checksum value, a PIN validation key index (PVKI, chosen from one to six, a PVKI of 0 indicates that the PIN cannot be verified through PVS) and the required PIN value to make a 64-bit number, the PVKI selects a validation key (PVK, of 128 bits) to encrypt this number. From this encrypted value, the PVV is found.


title: Personal identification number

text: To validate the PIN, the issuing bank calculates a PVV value from the entered PIN and PAN and compares this value to the reference PVV. If the reference PVV and the calculated PVV match, the correct PIN was entered.


title: Personal identification number

text: Unlike the IBM method, the VISA method doesn't derive a PIN. The PVV value is used to confirm the PIN entered at the terminal, was also used to generate the reference PVV. The PIN used to generate a PVV can be randomly generated, user-selected or even derived using the IBM method.


title: Personal identification number

text: Financial PINs are often four-digit numbers in the range 0000–9999, resulting in 10,000 possible combinations. Switzerland issues six-digit PINs by default.


title: Personal identification number

text: Some systems set up default PINs and most allow the customer to set up a PIN or to change the default one, and on some a change of PIN on first access is mandatory. Customers are usually advised not to set up a PIN-based on their or their spouse's birthdays, on driver license numbers, consecutive or repetitive numbers, or some other schemes. Some financial institutions do not give out or permit PINs where all digits are identical (such as 1111, 2222, ...), consecutive (1234, 2345, ...), numbers that start with one or more zeroes, or the last four digits of the cardholder's social security number or birth date.


title: Personal identification number

text: Many PIN verification systems allow three attempts, thereby giving a card thief a putative 0.03% probability of guessing the correct PIN before the card is blocked. This holds only if all PINs are equally likely and the attacker has no further information available, which has not been the case with some of the many PIN generation and verification algorithms that financial institutions and ATM manufacturers have used in the past.


title: Personal identification number

text: Research has been done on commonly used PINs. The result is that without forethought, a sizable portion of users may find their PIN vulnerable. "Armed with only four possibilities, hackers can crack 20% of all PINs. Allow them no more than fifteen numbers, and they can tap the accounts of more than a quarter of card-holders."


title: Personal identification number

text: In 2002, two PhD students at Cambridge University, Piotr Zieliński and Mike Bond, discovered a security flaw in the PIN generation system of the IBM 3624, which was duplicated in most later hardware. Known as the decimalization table attack, the flaw would allow someone who has access to a bank's computer system to determine the PIN for an ATM card in an average of 15 guesses.


title: Personal identification number

text: Rumours have been in e-mail and Internet circulation claiming that in the event of entering a PIN into an ATM backwards, law enforcement will be instantly alerted as well as money being ordinarily issued as if the PIN had been entered correctly. The intention of this scheme would be to protect victims of muggings; however, despite the system being proposed for use in some US states, there are no ATMs currently in existence that employ this software.


title: Personal identification number

text: A mobile phone may be PIN protected. If enabled, the PIN (also called a passcode) for GSM mobile phones can be between four and eight digits and is recorded in the SIM card. If such a PIN is entered incorrectly three times, the SIM card is blocked until a personal unblocking code (PUC or PUK), provided by the service operator, is entered. If the PUC is entered incorrectly ten times, the SIM card is permanently blocked, requiring a new SIM card from the mobile carrier service.


title: Personal identification number

text: PINs are also commonly used in smartphones, as a form of personal authentication, so that only those who know the PIN will be able to unlock the device. After a number of failed attempts of entering the correct PIN, the user may be blocked from trying again for an allocated amount of time, all of the data stored on the device may be deleted, or the user may be asked to enter alternate information that only the owner is expected to know to authenticate. Whether any of the formerly mentioned phenomena occur after failed attempts of entering the PIN depends largely upon the device and the owner's chosen preferences in its settings.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The Spanish Revolution was a workers' social revolution that began at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and for two to three years resulted in the widespread implementation of anarchist and, more broadly, libertarian socialist organizational principles throughout various portions of the country, primarily Catalonia, Aragon, Andalusia, and parts of the Valencian Community. Much of the economy of Spain was put under worker control; in anarchist strongholds like Catalonia, the figure was as high as 75%. Factories were run through worker committees, and agrarian areas became collectivized and run as libertarian socialist communes. Many small businesses, such as hotels, barber shops, and restaurants, were also collectivized and managed by their workers.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The collectivization effort was primarily organized by the rank-and-file members of the "Confederación Nacional del Trabajo" (CNT; National Confederation of Labor) and the "Federación Anarquista Ibérica" (FAI; Iberian Anarchist Federation). The socialist "Unión General de Trabajadores" (UGT; General Union of Workers) also participated in the implementation of collectivization.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On July 17, 1936, the Spanish Coup of July 1936 began. On July 18, the ongoing military uprising led to a collapse of the republican state (four governments succeeded each other in a single day) and to the coercive structures of the state being dissolved or paralyzed in the places where the coup plotters did not seize power. By then, the CNT had approximately 1,577,000 members and the UGT had 1,447,000 members. On July 19, the uprising reached Catalonia, where the workers took up arms, stormed the barracks, erected barricades, and eventually defeated the military.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The CNT and UGT unions called a general strike from July 19 to 23, in response to both the military uprising and the apparent apathy of the state towards it. Despite the fact that there were specific records in previous days of the distribution of weapons among civilian sectors, it was during the General Strike when groups of trade unionists, linked to the convening unions and smaller groups, assaulted many of the weapons depots of the state forces, independently of whether they were in revolt against the government or not.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Already in these first weeks, two groups were established within the anarcho-syndicalist revolutionary sectors: the radical group, fundamentally linked to the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) and through it to the CNT, which understood the phenomenon in which it participated as a traditional revolution; and the possibilist group, made up of members of a more moderate sector of the CNT, which expressed the convenience of participating in a broader front, later called the Popular Antifascist Front (FPA), the result of adding the unions to the electoral coalition Popular Front.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: At the same time, administrative structures were formed outside the state, most of a local or regional character, but exceeding such limits in specific cases; some of the most important were:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In a few days, the fronts of the Spanish Civil War were established, one of the main fronts, in the context of the revolution, being that of Aragon. On July 24, 1936, the first voluntary militia left Barcelona in the direction of Aragon. It was the Durruti Column, of around 3,000 people, mostly workers coordinated by Buenaventura Durruti, who first implemented libertarian communism in the municipalities through which they passed. In addition, other popular military structures were formed, such as the Iron Column and the Red and Black Column, the latter also departing for Aragon. All this movement gave rise to an extraordinary concentration of anarchists in parts not taken by the rebel military. The arrival, on the one hand, of the thousands of anarchist militiamen from Catalonia and Valencia, and the existence, on the other, of a large rural Aragonese popular base allowed for the progressive development of the largest collectivist experiment of the revolution.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: During this first phase most of the Spanish economy was brought under the control of workers organized by the unions; mainly in anarchist areas such as Catalonia. This phenomenon extended to 75% of the total industrial sector, but in the areas of socialist influence, the rate wasn't so high. The factories were organized by workers' committees, the agricultural areas became collectivized and functioned as libertarian communes. Even places such as hotels, hairdressers, means of transport, and restaurants were collectivized and managed by their own workers.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The British author George Orwell, best known for his anti-authoritarian works "Animal Farm" and "Nineteen Eighty-Four", was a soldier in the Lenin Division of the CNT-allied "Partido Obrero Unificación Marxista" (POUM; Workers' Party of Marxist Unification). Orwell meticulously documented his first-hand observations of the civil war, and expressed admiration for the social revolution in his book "Homage to Catalonia".


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The communes were operated according to the basic principle of "From each according to their ability, to each according to their need." In some places, money was totally eliminated, replaced by vouchers. Under this system, the cost of goods was often little more than a quarter of the previous cost. During the revolution, 70% of rural areas were expropriated in Catalonia, about 70% in Eastern Aragon, 91% in the republican sector of Extremadura, 58% in Castilla-La Mancha, 53% in republican Andalusia, 25% in Madrid, 24% in Murcia, and 13% in the Valencian Community. 54% of the expropriated area of republican Spain was collectivized, according to IRA data. The provinces where rural communes became most important were those of Ciudad Real – where 1,002,615 hectares (98.9% of cultivated lands) were collectivized in 1938 – and Jaén – where 685,000 hectares (76.3% of cultivated lands) were collectivized, leaving the rest of the republican provinces far behind. Many communes held out until the end of the war. Anarchist communes produced at a more efficient rate than before being collectivized, with productivity increasing by 20%. The newly liberated zones worked on entirely libertarian principles; decisions were made through councils of ordinary citizens without any bureaucracy.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In Aragon, where libertarian communism was proclaimed as the columns of libertarian militias passed, approximately 450 rural communes were formed, practically all of them in the hands of the CNT, with around 20 led by the UGT .


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In the Valencian area, 353 communes were established, 264 led by the CNT, 69 by the UGT and 20 with mixed CNT-UGT leadership. One of its main developments was the Unified Levantine Council for Agricultural Export (, CLUEA) and the total socialization of the industries and services of the city of Alcoy.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In Catalan industry, the CNT workers' unions took over numerous textile factories, organized the trams and buses in Barcelona, established collective enterprises in fishing, in the footwear industry, and even in small retail stores and public shows. In a few days, 70% of industrial and commercial companies in Catalonia – in which, by itself, two-thirds of the industry of Spain was concentrated – had become the property of the workers.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Alongside the economic revolution, there was a spirit of cultural and moral revolution: the libertarian athenaeums became meeting places and authentic cultural centers of theoretical education, in which were organized literacy classes, talks on health, excursions to the countryside, public access libraries, theatrical performances, political gatherings, sewing workshops, etc. Numerous rationalist schools were founded, which expanded the existing offers of athenaeums and union centers and in which the educational postulates of Francesc Ferrer i Guardia, Ricardo Mella, Leo Tolstoy, and Maria Montessori were carried out. Similarly, in the social field, some traditions were considered as types of oppression, and bourgeois morality was also seen as dehumanizing and individualistic. Anarchist principles defended the conscious freedom of the individual and the natural duty of solidarity among human beings as an innate tool for the progress of societies. Thus, for example, during the revolution, women achieved the right to abortion in Catalonia, the idea of consensual free love became popular, and there was a rise in naturism.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: However, the social effects of the revolution were less drastic than the economic ones; while there were some social changes in larger urban areas (Barcelona emphasised a "proletarian style" and Catalonia set up inexpensive abortion facilities), the attitudes of the lower classes remained fairly conservative and there was comparatively little emulation of Russian-style "revolutionary morality".


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Public order also varied substantially, getting by without the classic forces of public order (the police, Civil Guard, courts, and the army), which were supplanted by the Control Patrols made up of volunteers, the popular militias, and the neighborhood assemblies that were intended to resolve problems that arose. The doors of many prisons were opened, freeing the prisoners, among whom there were many politicians but also common criminals, some prisons being demolished.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The anti-fascist Carlo Rosselli, who before Mussolini's accession to power was professor of economics in the University of Genoa, put his judgment in the following words:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: But despite the de facto decomposition of state power, on August 2 the government took one of its first measures to regain control against the revolution, with the creation of the "Volunteer Battalions", the embryo of the Spanish Republican Army. Overwhelmed by the revolutionary phenomenon, it also promulgated some symbolic decrees:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The first tensions also arose between the strategy of the anarchists and the policy of the Communist Party of Spain and its extension in Catalonia, the PSUC; and on August 6 members of the PSUC left the Catalan autonomous government because of anarcho-syndicalist pressures.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Both in this stage and in the previous one, the state was usually limited to legislating in accordance with the "faits accomplis" of the revolution. However, due to the need for military measures against the rebellious military, from October–November 1936 the unions began to cede control of the columns to the state for the Defense of Madrid, which was directed by a semi-independent body – the Madrid Defense Council, in which all the Popular Front parties were represented, in addition to the anarchists. The beginning of all this progressively greater agreement and rapprochement between the Popular Front parties and the unions was reflected in the formation of Largo Caballero's "first Government of Victory" on September 4.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Despite this apparent concession to the revolutionaries, the government did not actively intervene in the development of the revolution, as its main objective was to promote and strengthen the army as the foundation stone of the centralized state. In addition to the repeated attempts at the dissolution of the popular war and defense committees, they decreed:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: As the war dragged on, the spirit of the first days of the revolution lessened and friction between the diverse members of the Popular Front began, in part due to the policies of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE), which were established by the foreign ministry of the Stalinist Soviet Union, the largest source of foreign aid to the republic.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The PCE defended the idea that the ongoing Civil War made it necessary to postpone the ongoing social revolution until the republicans won the war. The PCE advocated not to antagonize the middle classes, the grassroots of the republican parties, which could be harmed by the revolution and side with the enemy. In the Popular Front government, there were parties such as the Republican Left, Republican Union, and the Republican Left of Catalonia, supported by the votes and interests of the middle class (civil servants, liberal professionals, small merchants, and landowning peasants).


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The anarchists and the POUMistas (left communists) disagreed with the PCE, understanding that the war and revolution were one and the same. They believed that the war was an extension of class struggle, and that the proletariat had defeated the military precisely because of this revolutionary impulse that they had been carrying for years and not because of defending a bourgeois republic. The nationalists represented precisely the class that these revolutionaries were fighting: the rich capitalists, the landowners, the Church, the Civil Guard, and the colonial army.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The militias of the parties and groups that were against the Popular Front government soon found government aid cut off, and their ability to act reduced. Consequently, republicans slowly began to reverse the recent changes made in most areas. During this period, some revolutionary structures approved new programs that subordinated them to the government, which gave rise to the dissolution or beginning of absorption, appropriation, and intervention of the revolutionary structures by the republican state government. The situation in most Republican-held areas slowly began to revert largely to its prewar conditions.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: An exception was the consolidation of the collectivist process in Aragon, where thousands of libertarian militiamen from Valencia and Catalonia arrived, and where, before the start of the Civil War, there was the most important anarcho-syndicalist labor base affiliated with the CNT in all of Spain. In the final weeks of September 1936, the assembly called in Bujaraloz by the Regional Committee of the CNT of Aragon, with delegations of the towns and confederated columns, following the directives proposed on September 15, 1936, in Madrid by the National Plenary of Regional members of the CNT, proposed to all political and union sectors the formation of Regional Defense Councils confederated with a National Defense Council that would perform the functions of the central government, and agreed to the creation of the Regional Defense Council of Aragon, which celebrated its first assembly on October 15 of the same year.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Despite this, on September 26 the most radical and anarchist sectors of Catalonia, dominated by the possibilists, began a policy of collaboration with the state, integrating themselves into the autonomous government of the "Generalitat de Catalunya", which was reborn in place of the Central Committee of Antifascist Militias of Catalonia, which dissolved itself on October 1. On the other hand, on October 6 the Regional Defense Council of Aragon was legalized and regulated by decree. The proposed National Defense Council was regulated, aborting its development. Faced with this apparent tolerance, on October 9 a decree by the Generalitat outlawed all local committees in Catalonia, formally replacing them with the municipal councils of the FPA. All these concessions to the institutions were considered by some as a betrayal of the classical principles of anarchism, and received harsh criticism from colleagues.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On November 2, the Popular Executive Committee of Valencia approved a new action program that subordinated it to the policy of Largo Caballero's republican government, which included the CNT members Juan García Oliver, Juan López Sánchez, Federica Montseny, and Juan Peiró. During this month, the Iron Column decided to briefly take Valencia, in protest at the shortage of supplies provided by the Popular Executive Committee, subsequently leading to clashes in the streets of the city between libertarian militias and communist groups, leaving more than 30 dead.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On November 14, the Durruti Column arrived in Madrid, after giving in to the pressure of the possibilists, who demanded collaboration with the state. On November 20, Buenaventura Durruti died under suspicious circumstances, fighting in the battle of Madrid, where he had arrived with more than a thousand militiamen from the Front of Aragon.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On December 17, the Moscow daily "Pravda" published an editorial that read: "The purge of Trotskyists and anarcho-syndicalists has already begun in Catalonia; it has been carried out with the same energy as in the Soviet Union." The Stalinists had already begun the liquidation of any anti-fascists, collectivizations, and other revolutionary structures that did not submit to the directives of Moscow.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On December 23, the Gijón War Committee was transformed by decree into the Interprovincial Council of Asturias and León, which was regulated by the republican government and was more moderate in its policies, at the same time as it officially recognized the formation of the National Defense Committee. On January 8, 1937, the Popular Executive Committee of Valencia was dissolved.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: During this stage, the government definitely controlled the anarchist popular militias, dissolving them so that they were compulsorily integrated into the Spanish Republican Army, which was under the command of professional officers.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On February 27, 1937, the government banned the FAI's newspaper "Nosotros", thus initiating the period during which most of the publications critical of the government began to suffer censorship. The next day it prohibited the police from belonging to political parties or unions, a measure adopted by the Catalan regional government on March 2. On March 12, the Generalitat approved an order demanding the seizure of all weapons and explosive materials from non-militarized groups. More confrontations began between the sectors of the FPA; and on March 27 the anarchist advisers of the Catalan autonomous government resigned. During the month of March, the "militarization" of the militias was completed, transforming them into a regular army subject to its disciplinary and hierarchal regimes, against which many anarchist voices rose up.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On April 17, the day after the ministers of the CNT returned to the Generalitat, a force of Carabineros in Puigcerdá demanded the CNT workers' patrols hand over control of customs on the border with France. Simultaneously, the Civil Guard and Assault Guard were sent to Figueras, and other towns throughout the province of Girona, to remove control of the workers' organizations from the police, dissolving the autonomous Council of Cerdanya. Simultaneously, in Barcelona, the Assault Guard proceeded to disarm the workers in public view, in the streets.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: During May 1937, confrontations between the supporters of the revolution and those opposed to it intensified. On May 13, after the events of the Barcelona May Days, the two Communist ministers, Jesús Hernández Tomás and Vicente Uribe, proposed to the government that the National Labor Confederation (CNT) and the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) be punished, bringing into practice repression against the latter party. On May 16, Largo Caballero resigned, which was followed by the formation of a socialist government under Juan Negrín, but without support from anarchists or revolutionaries.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Fenner Brockway, Secretary of the ILP in England who traveled to Spain after the May events in Catalonia (1937), expressed his impressions in the following words:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On May 25, 1937, the FAI was excluded from the People's Courts. On June 8, the government issued a decree by which it temporarily outlawed rural communes that had not yet been dissolved. On June 14, a new government of the Generalitat was formed, also without the anarchists and revolutionaries. On June 15, the POUM was outlawed and its executive committee was arrested. On the June 16 the 29th Division (formerly the POUM's Lenin Division) was dissolved.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In August 1937, criticism of the USSR was prohibited by means of a government circular. In this month, the central government also ordered the dissolution of the Aragón Defense Council, practically the last remaining body of revolutionary power, which was militarily occupied by republican army troops on August 10. Joaquín Ascaso, its president, was arrested. Likewise, the eleventh communist division attacked various committees of the Aragonese people and dissolved collective agricultural production, which soon after was reorganized. On September 7, the government reauthorized religious worship in private, one of its many measures to reestablish the power of the government in the republican zone, while in Barcelona there were demonstrations against the dissolution of the anarcho-syndicalist publication "Solidaridad Obrera". On September 16, political rallies were prohibited in Barcelona. On September 26, the Asturian Council proclaimed itself the Sovereign Council of Asturias and León, independent from the Second Spanish Republic.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On October 21, a demonstration by anarchist and socialist militants took place in front of the San Miguel de los Reyes prison in Valencia, threatening to break down the doors if the prisoners were not freed. On November 12, the CNT withdrew from the FPA committees.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On January 6, 1938, the government published a decree prohibiting all new issuances of banknotes and coins by committees, municipalities, corporations, etc.; and a period of one month was given for them to be withdrawn from circulation, in an attempt to end the last remnants of the revolution.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: During that year many of the large landowners returned and demanded the return of their property. Collectivization was progressively annulled despite its popular support.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Sam Dolgoff estimated that about eight million people participated directly or at least indirectly in the Spanish revolution, which he claimed "came closer to realizing the ideal of the free stateless society on a vast scale than any other revolution in history".


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The most notable aspect of the social revolution was the establishment of a libertarian socialist economy based on coordination through decentralized and horizontal federations of participatory industrial collectives and agrarian communes. Andrea Oltmares, professor in the University of Geneva, in the course of an address of some length, said:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The key developments of the revolution were those related to the ownership and development of the economy in all its phases: management, production, and distribution. This was accomplished through widespread expropriation and collectivization of privately owned resources, in adherence to the anarchist belief that private property is authoritarian in nature.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Numerous experiments with management and control of workers and agrarian collectivizations were carried out throughout the republican territory. In some towns and cities, the transformations were spontaneous and took different paths. However, in a large number of cases the first steps were in imitation of those taken in Barcelona.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: After the coup d'état and the beginning of the civil war, many owners in the republican zone were assassinated, imprisoned, or exiled, thus leaving a multitude of companies and factories without direction. This situation led to the takeover of such entities, sometimes amounting to entire industries, by the unions. Within the industrial sphere the revolution was carried out in different ways. These differences radiated from numerous factors: the disappearance of the owner, the strength and political orientation of the workers' organizations, the existence of foreign capital in the company itself, or even the destination of its products. Faced with this situation, there were three major orientations:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: At the beginning of the war, 70% of all the industry in Spain was in Catalonia, which, as the nerve center of the CNT and Spanish anarchism, gave it a great importance within the revolutionary process, being one of the places where some of the most radical revolutionary experiments took place. In all the places where industrial measures were carried out, it is necessary to look at certain factors, such as the type of industry or the implantation of the different workers' organizations and political parties, especially at the beginning of the revolution, when the actions were more broad, when workers had greater freedom of movement and the state had no capacity to oppose them.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Socialization consisted of the management of the industry by the workers themselves. On the practical level, it resulted in the abolition of private property by collective management and property, based on the principles of direct action and the anti-authoritarianism of anarchism. In this case, management fell to a board of directors made up of less than fifteen people, in which all the productive and service levels of the company were involved, and in which the trade union centrals had to be proportionally represented. This council was elected in a workers' assembly to which they were responsible. The benefits were distributed among: workers, company, and for social purposes. Within each company was a reserve fund that the assembly could decide to use for social purposes, such as contributions to regional credit unions, the unemployed, or as investments in education and health.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Nationalization denoted the management of the industry by the state. It resulted in the abolition of private property and management. The boards of directors were controlled by the state, and the benefits were adduced to the state and the company itself. It was the choice that the Communist Party defended, since in this way it could weaken the economic power that the CNT held.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Worker control involved the creation of workers' committees that would be in charge of controlling working conditions, the cash movements of the companies, and the control of production of companies that remained in private hands, excepting only those that did not have enough personnel to meet the conditions of belonging to a committee. These committees were made up of between three and nine members, they were made up of representatives of the two unions, in a proportional manner, and of all the services and industries that the company dealt with. These representatives were elected in an assembly of the center, an assembly in which it was decided whether a committee also had the right to sign for the movements of funds, the frequency of meetings between the committee and the patron, and the frequency of meetings between them. Committee membership was not remunerated, a term lasted two years, with eligibility for reelection. Members were responsible, for their management of a company, to the assembly of the company and to the General Council of Industry. A committee approved the hours, salary increases and decreases, changes of categories or workplace, and notifications of absences to workers. A committee had to meet once a week to discuss the employer's proposals and to ensure compliance with the official provisions. The employer representation still had the power of the legal representation of the company, the power to contract, the custody of the box, and the signature and the fixing of their remuneration. If the company had a corporation or other commercial model as a legal entity, a member of the committee had to attend the council meetings with voice but without a vote.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Remuneration for work was one of the points of friction between the anarchist and Marxist views during the revolutionary stage. While the anarchist organizations defended a single family salary, the Marxist organizations defended a staggered salary according to the type of work that was carried out.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: These differences were motivated by the differing conceptions of the individual and by motivating the individual as a producer. In the first place, while anarchism understands the individual as a subject with needs that must be met, Marxism understands the individual as a producer. Secondly, anarchism holds to the concept that the worker will strive to produce and improve the process while controlling the productive activity. Marxism, on the other, hand understands that the worker will try harder in exchange for receiving a higher remuneration.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The CNT's Entertainment Union was a model of organization and operation in the confederated media. It was significant that, between July 20 and 25, the cinemas and theaters of Barcelona were one of the first and most resoundingly successful occupations by the activists from Barcelona's CNT. On July 26 a Technical Commission was put in charge of preparing a project that defined the new framework of work in cinemas and theaters. That same day, the Catalan Generalitat, overwhelmed by events, created the "Comisaría d'Espectacles de Catalunya" which was not successful; the production of workers organized through the CNT union completely took over production.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: From August 6 to May 1937, revolutionary enthusiasm organized and energized all the cinematographic and theatrical activities in Barcelona. The project began by standardizing wages for all job types in the film industry. Sickness, disability, old age, and forced unemployment benefits were established permanently. This whole system employed about 6,000 people and supported 114 cinemas, 12 theaters, and 10 music halls during that period. An opera company was even created at the Tivoli theater, in an attempt to bring the genre closer to the general public.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: It can be said that it was one of the sectors that functioned the best economically, even building some cinemas such as the Ascaso (today's Vergara). Others were reformed or were finished building, such as the Durruti cinema (now the Arenas cinema).


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: At the political level, the collectivization of cinema was a new way of understanding art radically opposed to the bourgeois and capitalist system. There was no unity of criteria in the creative process, dogmatism was not allowed behind the scenes, and the "seventh art" incorporated a new form of journalism by taking cameras out into the street, to film what was happening there. A popular mobilization emerged to tell what they saw, and the message emerged as counter-information. The information of the people thus replaced that of power.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Between 1936 and 1937, more than a hundred films were produced, promoted by the production company and the distributor created by the CNT. The documentary genre was undoubtedly the most accomplished, as war news inevitably pushed out any other activity. SIE Films (Syndicate of the Entertainment Industry) and Spartacus Films were created for the production of films. The Union had two large studios with three "plateaux" for filming, and the "Palace of Belgium" was set up on the premises of Montjuïc, for auxiliary services of sets and extras. However, the repression of May 1937 strangled the Social Revolution in the streets of Barcelona and, although films continued to be made, the previous production rate slowed considerably.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Anarchist film production was a large part of the creative life in Catalonia at the time; and it spread to Aragon, Madrid, and Levante through different models, adapting to the circumstances of towns and cities and the working people who made them possible. Although productive activity in Madrid was less important than in Barcelona, 24 films were shot, both documentaries and fictional.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Between 7,000 and 10,000 people worked in this industry during the Civil War. Shortly after the general strike, when workers returned to their companies and workshops, woodworkers began to socialize. They began by seizing the companies, and through a general plan to rationalize efforts and resources, they closed the workshops that did not meet sufficient health and safety conditions, regrouping them to have large and clear premises. Although at the beginning there were still small workshops, later they were also added to the socialization.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: After a few months of spontaneity, efforts were coordinated until the 8-hour day, standardization of wages, improvement of working conditions, and the increase of production were achieved. Socialization was implemented throughout all phases of production: sawmill, joinery, and carpentry.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: A professional school and libraries were created, there was even a Socialized Furniture Fair in 1937. Coordination was achieved with the socialized wood industry of the Levante, to manufacture different types of furniture and not to compete. Although some exchanges are carried out through barter (with other socialized branches, or with some agrarian communities), in most cases they had to use money.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The trend of latifundismo in the Spanish countryside led to widespread unrest among the peasantry. The confiscations of the 19th century had failed to substantially modify the structure of land ownership and the republic's agrarian reform process had not fulfilled the expectations for change. Thus, as a result of the coup d'état, a revolutionary process began in which the peasants expropriated from the landowners and organized self-managed communities based on collective ownership of the means of production. This phenomenon has been called "collectivization". The collectivities were created through different means. In regions that the nationalists had not seized, the municipalities and the peasants themselves initiated collectivization.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Thus was formed a collective labor regime in which the lands of the aristocrats and landowners were expropriated and joined together with the lands of other collectives. Animals, tools, and work were all held and done collectively. Periodic assemblies were held to direct what the community was doing, as well as negotiate with other communities and encourage exchange. Most of these collectives were born in response to the lands that were left empty or were seized by committees after the coup d'état. The IRA counted between 1,500 and 2,500 communities throughout Spain. These collectives came to be territorially organized as was the case in Aragon, in Castile with the unification of the peasant federations, or in Levante with the creation of the CLUEA. Throughout the war they were present in the political and economic approaches of each faction, being in a way another of the ideological battlefields within the republican side.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The union or departure from the collective community was free. If a small owner wanted to continue working the land on their own, they could do so as long as they did not hire anyone. That is, the collectives were organizations of the people who managed the production, work, and distribution of all goods and services. In some towns they became the entire population while in others they were only part of it. The UGT-organized National Federation of Land Workers (FNTT), which had more than half a million affiliates, was largely in favor of the collectives.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In Barcelona the communities exercised a management role similar to collectives, without employers, as everything was controlled by their own workers. City services such as urban transport were managed by collective communities. In the countryside of Aragon, the Valencian Community and Murcia, the agrarian communities acted as communes. The business role was joined to that of an institution that replaced the local powers of the municipalities in which they were created, in many cases abolishing money and private property (one of the principles of socialist anarchist society). Some of the most significant Aragonese communities were those of Alcañiz, Alcorisa, Barbastro, Calanda, Fraga, Monzón, and Valderrobres. In mid-February 1937, a congress was held in Caspe, the purpose of which was to create a federation of collectives attended by 500 delegates representing 80,000 Aragonese collectivists. Along the Aragon front, the Anarchist-influenced Council of Aragon, chaired by Joaquín Ascaso, had assumed control of the area. Both the Council of Aragon and these communities were not well regarded by the government of the republic; so, on August 4 the Minister of National Defense, Indalecio Prieto, issued orders to the 11th Division of Commander Enrique Líster to be sent on "maneuvers" to Aragon, and dissolving the Council of Aragon on August 11.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In Aragon, agrarian collectives were formed that were structured by work groups of between five and ten members. To each work group, the community assigned a piece of land for which it was responsible. Each group elected a delegate who represented their views at community meetings. A management committee was responsible for the day-to-day running of the community. This committee was in charge of obtaining materials, carrying out exchanges with other areas, organizing the distribution of production, and the public works that were necessary. Its members were elected in general assemblies in which all the people who made up the community participated.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In many villages and towns money was even abolished and replaced by vouchers signed or stamped by committees. Although some communities had problems with the republican authorities (e.g. the dissolution in Aragon), others, such as those of Castilla, Region of Murcia, and Andalusia, could function with more or less success until 1939, when they were dissolved by Franco's troops.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Following libertarian practices, the collectives were governed by structures that can be described as "from the bottom up". That is, all decisions and appointments were made in assembly, where all the people who wanted could participate. In these assemblies all issues concerning the people were discussed.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: On a broader organizational level, the communities aspired to organize themselves into federations, following the example of Aragon. There were congresses in favor of the creation of federations of collectives, but in no case was a more elaborate body than in Aragon ever constituted. There were other cases of federalism, such as CLUEA, the managing body for citrus exports in the Levante.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Among the collectivities there was also exchange, either in the form of barter, with their own paper money or with official currency.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The Spanish Revolution undertook several environmental reforms that were possibly the largest in the world at the time. Daniel Guérin notes that anarchist territories would diversify crops, extend irrigation, initiate reforestation, and start tree nurseries. Once there was a link discovered between air pollution and tuberculosis, the CNT shut down several metal factories.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The collectives were formed in the villages as a result of the abandonment, expropriation, or accumulation of land and work tools by the peasants. They were made up of people who wanted to belong and the work to be done was divided among the different members. In places where money was not abolished, the salary became in most cases a family salary. Accordingly, it was set according to the number of family members, increasing according to whether they were a couple or had children.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The economic policies of the anarchist collectives were primarily operated according to the basic communist principle of "from each according to his ability, to each according to his need". One of the most outstanding aspects of the communities was the approach with which they faced the problem of money and the distribution of products. In the villages and towns where money was abolished, different solutions were sought; these ideas varied according to locality and town: vouchers signed or stamped by committees, account books, local coins, ration tables, or individual or family checkbooks. In the cases where money was abolished, it was used to acquire products or tools that the community could not obtain by itself.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The biggest problems that the communities faced were those consequential of the war itself: shortage of raw materials such as fertilizers, seeds, gear, and tools, or the lack of labor due to the mobilization. They also had great problems in their relationship with the state, as the collectives were an expression of power outside the state and also as ideological rivals of the communism that dominated the government. This is how they suffered discrimination in the financing of the IRA, the CLUEA's competition in the Levante, forced unionization in Catalonia, or their forced dissolution in Aragon.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Once the state was restructured at any of its levels, it tried to stop, direct or at least channel any revolutionary organism. Regarding the collectives, the Minister of Agriculture Uribe drew up a decree of agrarian collectivizations that only sought to channel them. With this decree an excessive importance was given to the individual farmer.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The figures are often fuzzy. Various numbers have been proposed. Gastón Leval says that there were 3 million people who participated. Vernon Richards talks about 1,500,000. Frank Mintz, in a 1970 study, says it was between 2,440,000 and 3,200,000; but by 1977 he had already revised these figures, placing it at a minimum of 1,838,000 collectivists. Its justification is the following:


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Within the educational field there were also important experiments, although, as will be seen, these experiences had great drawbacks preventing carrying out more intense work. One of the most significant changes was due to the fact that education went from being a defensive and destructive field of capitalism to being understood as a fundamental pillar of the construction of the new revolutionary society.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: The New Unified School Council (UNSC), created in Catalonia on July 27, 1936, was entrusted with the task of restructuring the educational system in Catalonia. This organization could be understood as a model of public management of education: free, co-educational, secular, use of the vernacular, and unification of the different educational levels. However, the CENU created a Regional Federation of Rationalist Schools that was outside the UNSC system.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: In rural areas, the collectivist movement was forced to intervene more directly than in the cities. Either because there were no educational structures before or because there was greater autonomy, in many rural municipalities the community faced local, professional, or municipal expenses. It was also important obey the statutes of some communities that prohibited child labor.


title: Spanish Revolution of 1936

text: Within the field of vocational and technical training, various initiatives were developed. In the industrial field, these were largely the result of the unions, which, knowing that they were lacking in technicians and distrusting them, tried to train members of their organizations. Among these initiatives were numerous schools of particular trades: railways, optics, transporters, metallurgists, and departments dedicated to professional training.