title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: This chapter discusses "race-contact", specifically as it relates to physical proximity, economic and political relations, intellectual contact, social contact, and religious enterprise. As for physical proximity, Du Bois states there is an obvious "physical color-line" in Southern communities separating whites from Negroes, and a Black Belt in larger areas of the country. He says that here is a need for "Negro leaders of character and intelligence" to help guide Negro communities along the path out of the current economic situation. The power of the ballot is necessary, he asserts, as "in every state the best arbiters of their own welfare are the persons directly affected." He says that "the police system of the South was primarily designed to control slaves," and Negroes viewed its "courts as a means of reenslaving the blacks." Regarding social contact, Du Bois states "there is almost no community of intellectual life or point of transference where the thoughts and feelings of one race can come into direct contact and sympathy with thoughts and feelings of the other." He concludes that "the future of the South depends on the ability of the representatives of these opposing views to see and appreciate and sympathize with each other's position."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In Chapter X, Du Bois describes the rise of the black church and examines the history and contemporary state of religion and spiritualism among African Americans.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: After recounting his first exposure to the Southern Negro revival, Du Bois notes three things that characterize this religion: the Preacher, the Music, and the Frenzy—the Frenzy or Shouting being "when the Spirit of the Lord passed by, and, seizing the devotee, made him mad with supernatural joy." Du Bois says that the Negro church is the social center of Negro life. Predominately Methodists or Baptists after Emancipation, when Emancipation finally came Du Bois states, it seemed to the freedman a literal "Coming of the Lord".


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: The final chapters of the book are devoted to narratives of individuals. In Chapter XI, "Of the Passing of the First-Born", Du Bois recounts the birth of his first child, a son, and his untimely death as an infant. His son, Burghardt, contracted diphtheria and white doctors in Atlanta refused to treat black patients.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois comments, "Why was his hair tinted with gold? An evil omen was golden hair in my life." He says, "I saw his breath beat quicker and quicker, pause, and then his little soul leapt like a star that travels in the night and left a world of darkness in its train.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois ends with, "Sleep, then, child,—sleep till I sleep and waken to a baby voice and the ceaseless patter of little feet-above the Veil."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In this chapter, Du Bois recounts a short biography of Alexander Crummell, an early black priest in the Episcopal Church.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois starts with, "This is the history of a human heart." He notes that Crummell faced three temptations: those of Hate, Despair, and Doubt," while crossing two vales, the Valley of Humiliation and the Valley of the Shadow of Death."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois ends with, "And now that he is gone, I sweep the Veil away and cry, Lo! the soul to whose dear memory I bring this little tribute."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: The penultimate chapter of "The Souls of Black Folk", "Of the Coming of John", "reads like a short story, [but] Du Bois clearly considered it an essay." (See footnote to this essay in "The Best American Essays of the Century", edited by Joyce Carol Oates; Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000). The essay/story describes two young men, both named John, one Black (John Jones) and the other white (John Henderson, the son of the wealthy and powerful Judge Henderson). Both Johns grow up in Altamaha, Georgia, where they were playmates in their youth. Both leave to go off to college, and both the white and Black communities in Altamaha anticipate their returns, saying: "When John comes."  When John Jones returns to his hometown, transformed by his time away, now a serious man with a deep understanding of the world, including the injustice of racism and of Jim Crow, he finds himself at odds with both Black and white. He speaks at his church, but what he says falls flat: "[l]ittle had they understood of what he said, for he spoke an unknown tongue" (Du Bois 170). He convinces Judge Henderson to let him become a teacher at the Black school, and is warned to keep his place and to not stir up trouble. The Judge makes his opinions clear: "in this country the Negro must remain subordinate, and can never expect to be the equal of white men...But when they want to reverse nature, and rule white men, and marry white women, and sit in my parlor, then, by God! we'll hold them under if we have to lynch every N-- in the land." John Jones says he accepts the situation and is allowed to teach. It's hard work, but he makes some headway. Some time passes. One day, word gets back to the Judge that John Jones is "livenin' things up at the darky school." While Judge Henderson storms off to shut down the school, his son, John Henderson, grows bored and leaves his home and finds John Jones's sister. She is young and beautiful, and John Henderson is bored. He demands a kiss; she runs. He pursues her. John Jones, walking home from the school, which Judge Henderson has just closed, comes upon John Henderson accosting his sister. John Jones picks up a branch and defends his sister, killing John Henderson. In the final paragraphs, a lynch mob on horseback approaches with the Judge in front, for whom John Jones is filled with pity. Knowing what is ahead, John Jones "softly hum[s] the 'Song of the Bride in German. (Du Bois 176).


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Chapter XIV, "The Sorrow songs", is about Negro music. He refers to the short musical passages at the beginning of each of the other chapters. Du Bois mentions that the music was so powerful and meaningful that, regardless of the people's appearance and teaching, "their hearts were human and their singing stirred men with a mighty power." Du Bois concludes the chapter by bringing up inequality, race and discrimination. He says, "Your country? How came it yours?..we were here".


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois heralds the "melody of the slave songs," or the Negro spirituals, as the "articulate message of the slave to the world." They are the music, he contends, not of the joyous black slave, as a good many whites had misread them, but "of an unhappy people, of the children of disappointment; they tell of death and suffering and unvoiced longing toward a truer world, of misty wanderings and hidden ways." For Du Bois, the sorrow songs represented a black folk culture—with its origins in slavery—unadulterated by the civilizing impulses of a northern black church, increasingly obsessed with respectability and with Western aesthetic criteria. Rather than vestiges of a backward time that should be purged from black repertoires and isolated from what Alain Locke called the "modernization of the negro" (coincident, for Locke, with urbanization), negro spirituals are—for Du Bois—where the souls of black folk past and present are found.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois passionately advocated for the preservation of the spiritual, along with Antonín Dvořák and contemporary black aestheticians, including Harry Burleigh, Robert Nathaniel Dett, Alain Locke and Zora Neale Hurston. It is in the retrieval of black cultural folkways—particularly "The Sorrow Songs"—that one of the major complications of Du Bois's project and, later, the Harlem Renaissance (where Hurston and Locke debut their own retrievals) surfaces. For Du Bois's contention that the sorrow songs contain a notative excess, and untranscribable element Yolanda Pierce identifies as the "soul" of the sorrow songs. The mappings of sound and signs that make up the languages of white Western culture would prove insufficient to many black literary critics of the 1920s and beyond, and the debates over the abilities to retrieve and preserve black folkways find their roots in Du Bois's treatment of the sorrow songs and in his call for their rescue.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Few books make history and fewer still become foundational texts for the movements and struggles of an entire people. "The Souls of Black Folk" occupies this rare position. It helped to create the intellectual argument for the black freedom struggle in the twentieth century. "Souls" justified the pursuit of higher education for Negroes and thus contributed to the rise of the black middle class. By describing a global color-line, Du Bois anticipated pan-Africanism and colonial revolutions in the Third World. Moreover, this stunning critique of how 'race' is lived through the normal aspects of daily life is central to what would become known as 'whiteness studies' a century later.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: At the time of its publication, the "Nashville Banner" warned of "The Souls of Black Folk", "This book is dangerous for the Negro to read, for it will only incite discontent and fill his imagination with things that do not exist, or things that should not bear upon his mind." "The New York Times" said, "A review of [the work of the Freedmen's Bureau] from the negro point of view, even the Northern negro's point of view, must have its value to any unprejudiced student—still more, perhaps, for the prejudiced who is yet willing to be a student."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In his introduction to the 1961 edition, writer Saunders Redding observed, "The boycott of the buses in Montgomery had many roots . . . but none more important than this little book of essays published more than half a century ago."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: As Yale professor Hazel Carby points out, for black writers before the abolition of slavery in 1865, it was impossible "even to imagine the option of returning to the South once black humanity and freedom had been gained in the North", and it was rarely found in later literature as well. While the narratives of Frederick Douglass and Harriet Ann Jacobs move towards the North and freedom, Du Bois reverses "the direction of the archetypal journey of these original narratives" and focuses on the Black Belt of the South. Although the text "consistently shifts between a predominantly white and a predominantly black world", in line with Du Bois's concept of double consciousness, "its overall narrative impulse gradually moves the focus from a white terrain to an autonomous black one."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Carby traces the ways in which Du Bois gendered his narrative of black folk, but also how Du Bois's conceptual framework is gendered as well. According to Carby, it seems that Du Bois in this book is most concerned with how race and nation intersect, and how such an intersection is based on particular masculine notions of progress. According to Carby, Du Bois "exposes and exploits the tension that exists between the internal egalitarianism of the nation and the relations of domination and subordination embodied in a racially encoded social hierarchy." So Du Bois makes a conceptual argument that racialization is actually compatible with the nation in so far as it creates unified races. However, this unified race is only possible through the gendered narrative that he constructs throughout "Souls", which renders black male intellectuals (himself) as the (only possible) leader(s) of the unified race. Carby explains that "in order to retain his credentials for leadership, Du Bois had to situate himself as both an exceptional and a representative individual... The terms and conditions of his exceptionalism, Du Bois argues, have their source in his formation as a gendered intellectual." According to Carby, Du Bois was concerned with "the reproduction of Race Men". In other words, "the figure of the intellectual and race leader is born of and engendered by other males."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Such a reading of Du Bois calls attention to "queer meanings" that, according to Charles Nero, are inherent in "Souls". Nero, who uses Anne Herrmann's definition of queer, conceptualizes queerness as the "recognition on the part of others that one is not like others, a subject out of order, not in sequence, not working." Foundational to Nero's argument is the understanding that men have the authority to exchange women among one another in order to form a "homosocial contract". Nero analyzes Du Bois's discussion on the Teutonic and Submissive Man to conclude that such a contract would lead to a "round and full development" to produce a "great civilization". However, Nero is concerned with violence and the "rigid policing of sexual identity categories at the turn of the century", which ultimately made such a homosocial, biracial contract impossible.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In Charles I. Nero's "Queering the Souls of Black Folk", Nero marks "Of the Coming of John" as a central chapter that demonstrates his queer reading of "Souls". Nero argues that John Jones's absence of masculinity is a sign of his queerness and that the killing of his "double" represents Du Bois's disillusionment with the idea that a biracial and homosocial society can exist. Nero contends that Du Bois’s illustration of the gulf between the two Johns is complicated by the impossibility of biracial male union, which suggests that John’s acculturation in the metropole (Johnstown in Du Bois’s narrative) — alongside lessons in Victorian comportment and a “queer” intellectualism — is also an ideological induction into male sexual panic, or the hegemony of a racializing gender order at the turn of the twentieth century. Nero’s interpretation of Jennie’s assault (and her subsequent disappearance from the text) chafes against earlier interpretations that allege John Jones’s murder of John Henderson as indebted to a tradition of white southern chivalry. Instead, Nero marshals Signithia Fordham’s terminology of “gender integrity” to delimit how the murder of John Henderson resolves the challenge to John Jones’s masculinity, going on to point out that “Du Bois [is] writing about race… [and] against a culture that turns him queer by excluding him from public heterosexuality” (Nero 271).


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois had transdisciplinary training and he provided a historical context for black religion and culture. His concept of "double-consciousness" and other concepts from "Souls" have been highly influential on other scholars in their interpretations of black culture and religion. Cheryl Sanders, a professor of Christian ethics at Howard University School of Divinity, lists a "who's who" of Du Bois progeny in her scholarly work, including Paul Gilroy, C. Eric Lincoln, Lawrence Mamiya, Peter Paris, Emilie Townes and Cornel West. These are some of the scholars who take up themes or concepts found in "Souls" for their own work in religious and theological studies or cultural criticism. Additionally, Victor Anderson, a philosophical theologian and cultural critic at Vanderbilt University Divinity School and the author of "Beyond Ontological Blackness: An Essay on African American Religious and Cultural Criticism", links concepts from "Souls" to much of the work in black religious studies.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In "Beyond Ontological Blackness", Victor Anderson seeks to critique a trope of "black heroic genius" articulated within the logics of ontological blackness as a philosophy of racial consciousness. At the center of this conception is Du Bois.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: "W. E. B. Du Bois's double-consciousness depiction of black existence has come to epitomize the existential determinants of black self-consciousness. These alienated forms of black consciousness have been categorically defined in African-American cultural studies as: The Negro Problem, The Color Line, Black Experience, Black Power, The Veil of Blackness, Black Radicalism, and most recently, The Black Sacred Cosmos."Anderson's critique of black heroic genius and a move towards black cultural fulfillment is an attempt to move beyond the categories deployed by Du Bois in "Souls".


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Similarly, Sanders critiques Du Bois's concept of double-consciousness, especially in terms of interpreting black holiness-Pentecostalism. In Sanders's work, "Saints in Exile: The Holiness-Pentecostal Experience in African American Religion and Culture", Sanders deploys a dialectical understanding of exile, which she characterizes in black holiness-Pentecostal terms as "Being in the world, but not of it." At the same time, Sanders wishes to contrast this to the double-consciousness dialect of Du Bois, at least as she understands it. For Sanders, "exilic dialectics" is "hoped to represent a progressive step beyond the 'double-consciousness' described by W. E. B. Du Bois in 1903, which persists as the dominant paradigm in African American religious and cultural thought."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Describing exilic consciousness as between "both-and", and double-consciousness as "either-or", Sanders says that those who live in exile "can find equilibrium and fulfillment between extremes, whereas adherents to the latter either demand resolution or suffer greatly in the tension, as is the case with Du Bois's description of the agony of 'double-consciousness,' as 'two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.'"


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In 1953, "The Souls of Black Folk" was published in a special "Fiftieth Anniversary Jubilee Edition". In his introduction, Du Bois wrote that in the 50 years since its publication, he occasionally had the inclination to revise the book but ultimately decided to leave it as it was, "as a monument to what I thought and felt in 1903". While he stuck by his decision, he wrote that in the new edition he had made "less than a half-dozen alterations in word or phrase and then not to change my thoughts as previously set down but to avoid any possible misunderstanding today of what I meant to say yesterday."


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In 1973, historian Herbert Aptheker identified seven changes between the editions. Historian and literary critic Henry Louis Gates Jr. and a team of readers performed a line-by-line comparison of the two editions during the 1980s and identified two more changes. All the changes are minor; the longest was to change "nephews and poor whites and the Jews" to "poor relations and foreign immigrants". In six of the nine changes, Du Bois changed references to Jews to refer to immigrants or foreigners. Two of the other changes also involved references to Jews.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: Du Bois wrote to Aptheker in February 1953 about concerns he had with his references to Jews in the book:


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text:
I have had a chance to read ["The Souls of Black Folk"] in part for the first time in years. I find in chapters VII, VIII and IX, five incidental references to Jews. I recall that years ago, Jacob Schiff wrote me criticising these references and that I denied any thought of race or religious prejudice and promised to go over the passages in future editions. These editions succeeded each other without any consultation with me, and evidently the matter slipped out of my mind.
As I re-read these words today, I see that harm might come if they were allowed to stand as they are. First of all, I am not at all sure that the foreign exploiters to whom I referred ... were in fact Jews... But even if they were, what I was condemning was the exploitation and not the race nor religion. And I did not, when writing, realize that by stressing the name of the group instead of what some members of the [group] may have done, I was unjustly maligning a people in exactly the same way my folk were then and are now falsely accused.
In view of this and because of the even greater danger of injustice now than then, I want in the event of re-publication [to] change those passages.


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In a March 1953 letter to Blue Heron Press, Du Bois asked that the following paragraph be added to the end of "Of the Black Belt":


title: The Souls of Black Folk

text: In the foregoing chapter, "Jews" have been mentioned five times, and the late Jacob Schiff once complained that this gave an impression of anti-Semitism. This at the time I stoutly denied; but as I read the passages again in the light of subsequent history, I see how I laid myself open to this possible misapprehension. What, of course, I meant to condemn was the exploitation of black labor and that it was in this country and at that time in part a matter of immigrant Jews, was incidental and not essential. My inner sympathy with the Jewish people was expressed better in the last paragraph of page 152. But this illustrates how easily one slips into unconscious condemnation of a whole group.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: A yaw rotation is a movement around the yaw axis of a rigid body that changes the direction it is pointing, to the left or right of its direction of motion. The yaw rate or yaw velocity of a car, aircraft, projectile or other rigid body is the angular velocity of this rotation, or rate of change of the heading angle when the aircraft is horizontal. It is commonly measured in degrees per second or radians per second.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: Another important concept is the yaw moment, or yawing moment, which is the component of a torque about the yaw axis.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: Yaw velocity can be measured by measuring the ground velocity at two geometrically separated points on the body, or by a gyroscope, or it can be synthesized from accelerometers and the like. It is the primary measure of how drivers sense a car's turning visually.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: It is important in electronic stabilized vehicles. The yaw rate is directly related to the lateral acceleration of the vehicle turning at constant speed around a constant radius, by the relationship


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: In a more general manoeuvre where the radius is varying, and/or the speed is varying, the above relationship no longer holds.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: The yaw rate can be measured with accelerometers in the vertical axis. Any device intended to measure the yaw rate is called a yaw rate sensor.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: Studying the stability of a road vehicle requires a reasonable approximation to the equations of motion.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: The diagram illustrates a four-wheel vehicle, in which the front axle is located a metres ahead of the centre of gravity and the rear axle is b metres towards the rear from the center of gravity. The body of the car is pointing in a direction formula_1 (theta) while it is travelling in a direction formula_2 (psi). In general, these are not the same. The tyre treads at the region of contact point in the direction of travel, but the hubs are aligned with the vehicle body, with the steering held central. The tyres distort as they rotate to accommodate this mis-alignment, and generate side forces as a consequence.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: From directional stability study, denoting the angular velocity formula_3, the equations of motion are:


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: with formula_6 the mass of the vehicle, formula_7 the vehicle speed and formula_8 the vehicle's overall angle.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: The coefficient of formula_9 will be called the 'damping' by analogy with a mass-spring-damper which has a similar equation of motion. By the same analogy, the coefficient of formula_10 will be called the 'stiffness', as its function is to return the system to zero deflection, in the same manner as a spring.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: The form of the solution depends only on the signs of the damping and stiffness terms. The four possible solution types are presented in the figure.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: The only satisfactory solution requires both stiffness and damping to be positive. If the centre of gravity is ahead of the centre of the wheelbase formula_11, this will always be positive, and the vehicle will be stable at all speeds. However, if it lies further aft, the term has the potential of becoming negative above a speed given by:


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: Above this speed, the vehicle will be directionally (yaw) unstable. Corrections for relative effect of front and rear tyres and steering forces are available in the main article.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: These rotations are intrinsic rotations and the calculus behind them is similar to the Frenet-Serret formulas. Performing a rotation in an intrinsic reference frame is equivalent to right-multiply its characteristic matrix (the matrix that has the vector of the reference frame as columns) by the matrix of the rotation.


title: Yaw (rotation)

text: The first aircraft to demonstrate active control about all three axes was the Wright brothers' 1902 glider.


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: In the theory of three-dimensional rotation, Rodrigues' rotation formula, named after Olinde Rodrigues, is an efficient algorithm for rotating a vector in space, given an axis and angle of rotation. By extension, this can be used to transform all three basis vectors to compute a rotation matrix in , the group of all rotation matrices, from an axis–angle representation. In other words, the Rodrigues' formula provides an algorithm to compute the exponential map from , the Lie algebra of , to without actually computing the full matrix exponential.


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: This formula is variously credited to Leonhard Euler, Olinde Rodrigues, or a combination of the two. A detailed historical analysis in 1989 concluded that the formula should be attributed to Euler, and recommended calling it "Euler's finite rotation formula." This proposal has received notable support, but some others have viewed the formula as just one of many variations of the Euler–Rodrigues formula, thereby crediting both.


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: If is a vector in and is a unit vector describing an axis of rotation about which rotates by an angle according to the right hand rule, the Rodrigues formula for the rotated vector is


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: The intuition of the above formula is that the first term scales the vector down, while the second skews it (via vector addition) toward the new rotational position. The third term re-adds the height (relative to formula_1) that was lost by the first term.


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: An alternative statement is to write the axis vector as a cross product of any two nonzero vectors and which define the plane of rotation, and the sense of the angle is measured away from and towards . Letting denote the angle between these vectors, the two angles and are not necessarily equal, but they are measured in the same sense. Then the unit axis vector can be written


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: where formula_3. The above simple expression results from the fact that the Hodge duals of formula_4 and formula_5 are zero, and formula_6.


title: Rodrigues' rotation formula

text: When applying the Rodrigues' formula, however, the usual ambiguity could be removed with an extended form of the formula.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: The spoke–hub distribution paradigm is a form of transport topology optimization in which traffic planners organize routes as a series of "spokes" that connect outlying points to a central "hub". Simple forms of this distribution/connection model contrast with point-to-point transit systems, in which each point has a direct route to every other point, and which modeled the principal method of transporting passengers and freight until the 1970s. Delta Air Lines pioneered the spoke–hub distribution model in 1955, and the concept revolutionized the transportation logistics industry after Federal Express demonstrated its value in the early 1970s. In the late 1970s the telecommunications and information technology sector subsequently adopted this distribution topology, dubbing it the star network network topology.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: The hub-and-spoke model, as compared to the point-to-point model, requires fewer routes. For a network of "n" nodes, only routes are necessary to connect all nodes so the upper bound is , and the complexity is O("n"). That compares favourably to the formula_1 routes, or O("n"), which would be required to connect each node to every other node in a point-to-point network. For example, in a system with 10 destinations, the spoke–hub system requires only 9 routes to connect all destinations, and a true point-to-point system would require 45 routes. However distance traveled per route will necessarily be more than with a point-to-point system (except where the route happens to have no interchange). Therefore, efficiency may be reduced. Conversely, for a same number of aircraft, having fewer routes to fly means each route can be flown more frequently and with higher capacity because the demand for passengers can be resourced from more than just one city (assuming the passengers are willing to change, which will of itself incur its own costs).


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: Complicated operations, such as package sorting and accounting, can be carried out at the hub rather than at every node, and this leads to economies of scale. As a result of this, spokes are simpler to operate, and so new routes can easily be created.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: Because the model is centralised, day-to-day operations may be relatively inflexible, and changes at the hub, even in a single route, may have unexpected consequences throughout the network. It may be difficult or even impossible to handle occasional periods of high demand between two spokes. As a result of this, route scheduling is complicated for the network operator, since scarce resources must be used carefully to avoid starving the hub and careful traffic analysis and precise timing are required to keep the hub operating efficiently.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: In addition, the hub constitutes a bottleneck or single point of failure in the network. The total cargo capacity of the network is limited by the hub's capacity. Delays at the hub (such as from bad weather conditions) can result in delays throughout the network. Cargo must pass through the hub before reaching its destination and so require longer journeys than direct point-to-point trips. That may be desirable for freight, which can benefit from sorting and consolidating operations at the hub, but it is problematic for time-critical cargo, as well as for passengers. The necessity of baggage transfers at the hub also increases the risk of missing luggage, as compared to the point-to-point model.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: Since at least two trips are required to reach destinations other than the hub, distance travelled may be much longer than a direct trip between departure and destination points. The time spent at the hub increases the duration of the journey. Moreover, the importance of the hub operating efficiently means that delays can have more troublesome consequences, such as missing a connecting bus, flight, or train.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: In 1955, Delta Air Lines pioneered the hub-and-spoke system at its hub in Atlanta, Georgia, in an effort to compete with Eastern Air Lines. In the mid-1970s FedEx adopted the hub-and-spoke model for overnight package delivery. After the airline industry was deregulated in 1978, several other airlines adopted Delta's hub-and-spoke paradigm.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: Airlines have extended the hub-and-spoke model in various ways. One method is to create additional hubs on a regional basis and to create major routes between them. That reduces the need to travel long distances between nodes near one another. Another method is to use focus cities to implement point-to-point service for high-traffic routes and to bypass the hub entirely.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: For passenger road transport, the spoke–hub model does not apply because drivers generally take the shortest or fastest route between two points. However, the road network as a whole likewise contains higher order roads like limited access highways and more local roads with most trips starting and ending at the latter but spending most of the distance on the former.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: The hub-and-spoke model has also been used in economic geography theory to classify a particular type of industrial district. Economic geographer Ann Markusen theorized about industrial districts, with a number of key industrial firms and facilities acting as a hub, with associated businesses and suppliers benefiting from their presence and arranged around them like the spokes of a wheel. The chief characteristic of such hub-and-spoke industrial districts is the importance of one or more large companies, usually in one industrial sector, surrounded by smaller, associated businesses. Examples of cities with such districts include Seattle (where Boeing was founded), Silicon Valley (a high tech hub), and Toyota City, with Toyota.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: In the sphere of East Asian relations, according to Victor Cha, hub-and-spokes refers to the network of bilateral alliances between United States and other individual East Asian countries. The system constructs a dominant bilateral security architecture in East Asia that is different from the multilateral security architecture in Europe. The US acts as a "hub", and Asian countries like South Korea and Japan are its "spokes". There is a strong alliance between the hub and the spoke, but there are no firmly established connections between the spokes themselves.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: This system was inspired by John Foster Dulles, the US Secretary of State from 1953 to 1959. He used the term twice in Tokyo and once at the San Francisco Peace Treaty of September 1951, which led to talks for bilateral peace treaty between the US and Japan.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: The 1951 Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, the 1953 U.S.–South Korea Status of Forces Agreement and the 1954 Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty (later replaced by the Taiwan Relations Act) are some examples of such bilateral relations.


title: Spoke–hub distribution paradigm

text: In April 2014, all ten ASEAN defense chiefs and United States Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel attended the US–ASEAN Defense Forum in Hawaii. That was the first time the US hosted the forum. It was part of a US attempt to get the countries to strengthen military ties between themselves.


title: Binding energy

text: In physics and chemistry, binding energy is the smallest amount of energy required to remove a particle from a system of particles or to disassemble a system of particles into individual parts. In the former meaning the term is predominantly used in condensed matter physics, atomic physics, and chemistry, whereas in nuclear physics the term "separation energy" is used.


title: Binding energy

text: A bound system is typically at a lower energy level than its unbound constituents. According to relativity theory, a decrease in the total energy of a system is accompanied by a decrease in the total mass, where .


title: Binding energy

text: There are several types of binding energy, each operating over a different distance and energy scale. The smaller the size of a bound system, the higher its associated binding energy.


title: Binding energy

text: A bound system is typically at a lower energy level than its unbound constituents because its mass must be less than the total mass of its unbound constituents. For systems with low binding energies, this "lost" mass after binding may be fractionally small, whereas for systems with high binding energies, the missing mass may be an easily measurable fraction. This missing mass may be lost during the process of binding as energy in the form of heat or light, with the removed energy corresponding to the removed mass through Einstein's equation . In the process of binding, the constituents of the system might enter higher energy states of the nucleus/atom/molecule while retaining their mass, and because of this, it is necessary that they are removed from the system before its mass can decrease. Once the system cools to normal temperatures and returns to ground states regarding energy levels, it will contain less mass than when it first combined and was at high energy. This loss of heat represents the "mass deficit", and the heat itself retains the mass that was lost (from the point of view of the initial system). This mass will appear in any other system that absorbs the heat and gains thermal energy.


title: Binding energy

text: For example, if two objects are attracting each other in space through their gravitational field, the attraction force accelerates the objects, increasing their velocity, which converts their potential energy (gravity) into kinetic energy. When the particles either pass through each other without interaction or elastically repel during the collision, the gained kinetic energy (related to speed) begins to revert into potential energy, driving the collided particles apart. The decelerating particles will return to the initial distance and beyond into infinity, or stop and repeat the collision (oscillation takes place). This shows that the system, which loses no energy, does not combine (bind) into a solid object, parts of which oscillate at short distances. Therefore, to bind the particles, the kinetic energy gained due to the attraction must be dissipated by resistive force. Complex objects in collision ordinarily undergo inelastic collision, transforming some kinetic energy into internal energy (heat content, which is atomic movement), which is further radiated in the form of photonsthe light and heat. Once the energy to escape the gravity is dissipated in the collision, the parts will oscillate at a closer, possibly atomic, distance, thus looking like one solid object. This lost energy, necessary to overcome the potential barrier to separate the objects, is the binding energy. If this binding energy were retained in the system as heat, its mass would not decrease, whereas binding energy lost from the system as heat radiation would itself have mass. It directly represents the "mass deficit" of the cold, bound system.


title: Binding energy

text: Closely analogous considerations apply in chemical and nuclear reactions. Exothermic chemical reactions in closed systems do not change mass, but do become less massive once the heat of reaction is removed, though this mass change is too small to measure with standard equipment. In nuclear reactions, the fraction of mass that may be removed as light or heat, i.e. binding energy, is often a much larger fraction of the system mass. It may thus be measured directly as a mass difference between rest masses of reactants and (cooled) products. This is because nuclear forces are comparatively stronger than the Coulombic forces associated with the interactions between electrons and protons that generate heat in chemistry.


title: Binding energy

text: Mass change (decrease) in bound systems, particularly atomic nuclei, has also been termed "mass defect", "mass deficit", or mass "packing fraction".


title: Binding energy

text: The difference between the unbound system calculated mass and experimentally measured mass of nucleus (mass change) is denoted as Δ"m". It can be calculated as follows:


title: Binding energy

text: After a nuclear reaction occurs that results in an excited nucleus, the energy that must be radiated or otherwise removed as binding energy in order to decay to the unexcited state may be in one of several forms. This may be electromagnetic waves, such as gamma radiation; the kinetic energy of an ejected particle, such as an electron, in internal conversion decay; or partly as the rest mass of one or more emitted particles, such as the particles of beta decay. No mass deficit can appear, in theory, until this radiation or this energy has been emitted and is no longer part of the system.


title: Binding energy

text: When nucleons bind together to form a nucleus, they must lose a small amount of mass, i.e. there is a change in mass to stay bound. This mass change must be released as various types of photon or other particle energy as above, according to the relation . Thus, after the binding energy has been removed, binding energy = mass change × . This energy is a measure of the forces that hold the nucleons together. It represents energy that must be resupplied from the environment for the nucleus to be broken up into individual nucleons.


title: Binding energy

text: For example, an atom of deuterium has a mass defect of 0.0023884 Da, and its binding energy is nearly equal to 2.23 MeV. This means that energy of 2.23 MeV is required to disintegrate an atom of deuterium.


title: Binding energy

text: The energy given off during either nuclear fusion or nuclear fission is the difference of the binding energies of the "fuel", i.e. the initial nuclide(s), from that of the fission or fusion products. In practice, this energy may also be calculated from the substantial mass differences between the fuel and products, which uses previous measurements of the atomic masses of known nuclides, which always have the same mass for each species. This mass difference appears once evolved heat and radiation have been removed, which is required for measuring the (rest) masses of the (non-excited) nuclides involved in such calculations.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: Beauty and the Geek is an American reality television series that premiered on The WB on June 1, 2005. It has been advertised as "The Ultimate Social Experiment" and is produced by Ashton Kutcher, Jason Goldberg and J.D. Roth. The show's title is a parody of "Beauty and the Beast". This was the first show produced by the Fox Television Studios sub-division Fox 21.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: The show follows groups of "Beauties" (people — almost always women — who rely on their attractiveness and outgoing personalities but typically lack intellect) and "Geeks" (people — almost always men — who rely on their intellect, but typically lack social ability) who must pair up to compete in challenges to avoid elimination. The final pair remaining is declared as being "More than just a Beauty and a Geek" and wins the grand prize of $250,000.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: While a competition, the show is also billed as a social experiment, in which each contestant typically learns from their teammate. During the competition, the contestants live in a mansion and compete in a series of challenges, with the beauties competing in challenges of intellect, and the geeks competing in challenges involving social ability.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: The theme song, "Opportunities (Let's Make Lots of Money)" by the Pet Shop Boys (originally released in 1985), is used also on the British, Danish and Belgian-Dutch versions. Commercial promos for the show featured a different theme song, "The Geeks Get the Girls" by American Hi-Fi.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: Following the second season, the American version moved to The CW, the new network formed when both The WB and UPN ceased operations in September 2006. The two-hour season premiere for the third season aired Wednesday, January 3, 2007 at 8:00 p.m. EST on The CW. The fourth season premiered on September 18, making "BATG" the first series to premiere for the CW for the 2007-08 television season. "Beauty and the Geek" was renewed for a fifth season, which premiered on March 12, 2008.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: After the fifth season, the show was put on indefinite hiatus in order to stoke renewed interest in the show, and perhaps the addition of innovative twists to the format. In October 2008, casting began for a sixth season, scheduled to air on MTV, with minor celebrities as the beauties. However, a sixth season never materialized.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: Season 5 premiered on March 11, 2008, taking over the timeslot of "Reaper". For the first three episodes, the beauties competed as a group against the team of geeks. The remaining beauties and geeks then paired off to compete against the other pairs, as in previous seasons.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: Note: John, Amber and Jillian were all eliminated before the teams paired. Jonathan was left without a partner and was therefore eliminated.


title: Beauty and the Geek

text: In Brazil, the original American show aired on the cable television network Multishow under the title "As Gostosas e os Geeks" ("The Hotties and the Geeks").


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: Gujrat (Punjabi and ) is a city in the Punjab Province of Pakistan. It is the capital of Gujrat District and it is the 21st largest city of Pakistan by population. Along with the nearby cities of Sialkot and Gujranwala, Gujrat forms part of the "Golden Triangle" of industrial cities with export-oriented economies.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: The area around Gujrat was settled during the reign of the Suri ruler Sher Shah prior to the Mughals. The area was named "Khwaspur," in honour of Suri's Governor of Rohtas, Khwas Khan. Local traditions state that Gujrat is the second town to be built in the area, with the first having been destroyed by Mongol invasions in 1303.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: The city came under the Mughal Empire and was further developed during the reign of the Mughal Emperor Akbar the Great, who built the Gujrat Fort in 1580, and compelled local Gujjars to settle in the city in 1596–97. The city was then named in reference to the Gujjar tribes. In 1605, Syed Abdul Kasim was granted the city as a fief by Akbar.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: During the reign of Emperor Jahangir, Gujrat was part of the route used by Mughal royals when visiting Kashmir.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: Legend has it that the most famous saint of Gujrat, Shah Daula, is credited with having saved the city from the Sikh Guru Hargobind when the people of Gujrat made fun out of him during his stay as he was returning from Kashmir around 1620.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: During the Mughal era, Gujrat was encircled by a wall with five gates, of which only the Shah Daula gate survives.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: With the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, the Mughal Empire began to weaken significantly. The authority which did linger on remained in the hands of Mughal Nawabs who gave nominal allegiance to the Mughal emperor in Delhi. However, in 1739, the powerful Turko-Iranian ruler Nader Shah gave the Mughals the final blow when he launched a plundering invasion sacking their capital Delhi. During his campaign, Nadir Shah sacked Gujrat on the way which was at the time a prosperous city. Shortly afterwards around 1741, the city was captured by local Punjabi Gakhar tribesmen in the ensuing chaos from near the Rawalpindi area. The city suffered further from the eight invasions of the Durrani Afghans under their new energetic ruler Ahmad Shah Durrani between 1748 and 1767.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: In 1765, the city was overrun by the Sikh Bhangi Misl under Gujjar Singh who defeated the Punjabi Ghakars under Muqqarab Khan. The Sikhs defeated an Afghan force in a battle for Gujrat on 29 April 1797. In 1798, the Bhangi leader Sahib Singh pledged allegiance to the Sukerchakia "Misl" of Ranjit Singh who later established the Sikh Empire in 1799. By 1810, Ranjit Singh's armies captured the city from Bhangi forces, thereby extending the rule of the Sikh Empire to the city.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: Gujrat finally came under British control in 1849, following the collapse of the Sikh Empire in the wake of the Sikh defeat at the Battle of Gujrat on 22 February, which ended the Second Anglo-Sikh War. In 1867, Gujrat was constituted as a municipality.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: According to the census the city had a population of 18,396 in 1881, 19,410 in 1901 and 21,974 in 1921.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: Gujrat is an ancient city of Pakistan located between two famous rivers, Jhelum River and Chenab River. It is bounded to the northeast by Azad Kashmir; to the northwest by the Jhelum River; to the east and southeast by the Chenab River, separating it from the districts of Gujranwala and Sialkot; and to the west by Mandi Bahauddin District. Gujrat consists of three tehsils: Sarai Alamgir, Kharian and Gujrat.


title: Gujrat, Pakistan

text: Gujrat has a hot semi-arid climate (Köppen climate classification "BSh"), although it is almost wet enough to be a monsoon-influenced humid subtropical climate ("Cwa").


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: Toluca Lake is an affluent neighborhood in the city of Los Angeles, California, located in the San Fernando Valley northwest of downtown. The name is also given to a private natural lake fed by wells and maintained by neighboring property owners. Prior to the paving of the Los Angeles River in 1938 and L.A. well extraction in the late 19th and 20th century which lowered the water table, Toluca Lake was fed by artesian springs.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The history of Toluca Lake can be traced to the days of the Tongva Indians, followed by Spanish colonization and Mexican independence. Toluca Lake was part of the early rancho system. The original Toluca Lake was divided, with the neighborhood being known as Forman Toluca Ranch. In 1923, investors bought and developed the land as "Toluca Lake Park".


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The neighborhood has had notable residents. Comedian Bob Hope was a longtime resident of Toluca Lake, as was Audie Murphy. Legendary film composer Erich Wolfgang Korngold lived there from 1938 to 1957, right on the lake. Famed actress Bette Davis built a house there. Bing Crosby and Frank Sinatra also had houses there. More recently, it has been the home of entertainers such as Hilary Duff, Tara Strong, Steve Carell, Wayne Knight, Andy Garcia, and Melissa McCarthy.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Toluca Lake neighborhood is situated on 1.22 square miles of the southeastern San Fernando Valley. The Mapping L.A. section of the "Los Angeles Times" website describes it as bounded on the south by Universal City, on the west by Studio City, on the north by North Hollywood and on the east by the city of Burbank.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Toluca Lake Chamber of Commerce website states that the district is not only a neighborhood in Los Angeles but that it "spills over into Burbank" and "Political entities and others, such as the Greater Toluca Lake Neighborhood Council each draw their own boundaries to suit specific needs. For example, the Toluca Lake Chamber of Commerce serves the entire community in Burbank and Los Angeles, while the City of Los Angeles considers its neighborhood called Toluca Lake to be entirely within its city boundaries"


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The geologic Toluca Lake is a body of water located near the district’s southeastern boundaries. The historic natural lake was fed by springs of upwelling groundwater from the Los Angeles River and San Fernando Valley subterranean aquifers. Late 19th and 20th century L. A. DWP well extraction and 1930s concrete river channelization lowered the water table, and currently community wells at the lake’s edges maintain the water level. The bottom of the lake is surfaced with four inches (102 mm) of asphalt concrete to prevent seepage. Owned by the surrounding homeowners, the lake has been maintained by the Toluca Lake Property Owners Association, a non-profit corporation established in 1934. The lake, encircled by private residences and the Lakeside Golf Club, is completely inaccessible to and hidden from the public.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Toluca Lake neighborhood had a population of 7,782 in the 2000 census and an estimated population of 8,563 in 2008. At 6,393 people per square mile, its density was among the lowest in the city of Los Angeles. According to the "Los Angeles Times," its percentage of white people, 71.9%, was high for the county; with black and Asian residents accounting for only 5.3% and 5% of the population, respectively. Principal ethnicities were Latino (14%), German (9.2%) and Irish (8.7%). Only 17.7% of its residents were foreign-born, a low figure compared to the city as a whole; of those, Mexico at 14.7% and the Philippines at 6.9% were the most common foreign places of birth.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The median household income level of its residents was $73,111 in 2008, and 48.4% of its residents 25 and older had a four-year degree, both of which were high for the city. The average household size was 1.9 people, low for both the city and the county. Of its housing units 62.2% were occupied by renters and 37.8% by owners.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: Residents' median age was 37, which was old for the city of Los Angeles and old for the county. Only 9.7% of residents were headed by single parents, a low figure for both the city and the county.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Tongva people have lived in the San Fernando Valley and the Los Angeles basin for 8,000 years. The Tongvan settlement Cahuenga used the springs and marsh in the Toluca Lake locale for water, fishing, hunting, harvesting, and building supplies (tule plants).


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: After the Spanish conquest in the 1790s of Las Californias, the San Fernando Valley, including the "Toluca Lake locale", became the extended property of the Mission San Fernando Rey de España. After the 1823 Independence of Mexico, the secularization of missions in Alta California included the issuing of a Mexican land grant for Rancho Ex-Mission San Fernando. The extreme eastern end of the lake was within the 1843 Rancho Providencia grant to Vincente de la Osa. In 1862, Pío Pico sold his share of the Ex-San Fernando Mission land, the entire southern half of the Valley below Roscoe Boulevard, to Isaac Lankershim (operating as the San Fernando Farm Homestead Association) in 1869. In 1873, Isaac Lankershim's son, James Boon Lankershim, and future son-in-law, Isaac Newton Van Nuys, took over management of the property, including the lake at Toluca. During the 1880s, the San Fernando Farm Homestead Association was succeeded by the Los Angeles Farm & Milling Company.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: In 1893, a petition was filed with the U.S. Postal Service for the area's first post office, to be named "Toluca Post Office". General Charles Forman, a wealthy local landowner and one of the proponents of the petition, later stated that he had chosen the name "Toluca" from a Paiute word meaning "fertile" or "beautiful" valley. Though part of a larger area traditionally called "Lankershim" after a colonel of the same name—and with a Southern Pacific Railroad train station named "Lankershim" that also opened in 1893 across from the post office—Forman called his own ranch and the surrounding land "Toluca".


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: One of the wealthiest men in Nevada, Forman had made his fortune starting from nothing, first in mining, then cattle ranching, and then lumber. Falling in love with and marrying Los Angeles native Mary Agnes Gray, he soon moved to the area in the late 1880s and started the Kern River Company, a power company which delivered electricity from generators at the Kern River to Los Angeles. He also bought a large parcel of rich farm land, which included much of modern-day Toluca Lake and at least the western portion of the "ancient and historical" marshy pond now called Toluca Lake. By 1923, the Forman Toluca Lake Ranch was a flourishing producer of peaches, apples, and walnuts.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: In 1923, investors bought and developed the land as Toluca Lake Park. This initial venture failed, but a new group soon took over, renaming the firm as the Toluca Lake Company. With a "vision of creating a first 'bedroom community' for Los Angeles in the San Fernando Valley", the company formally changed the name of the community to simply Toluca Lake and adopted as their logo the "swan on rippled water" image associated with the community today. The name Lankershim also was considered for the town. Colonel J. B. Lankershim established the town site of Toluca at the eastern edge of the family's vast holdings in 1888. The town name was changed from Toluca to Lankershim in 1896. By 1927, the lure of Hollywood inspired local merchants to launch a campaign to change the community's name to North Hollywood. The original town site of Toluca is now part of Toluca Lake.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Lakeside golf course was designed in 1924 by Max Behr. This attracted actor Richard Arlen, who became one of Toluca Lake's first residents, and eventually its honorary mayor.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: Aviator Amelia Earhart lived in Toluca Lake on Valley Spring Lane after marrying publishing magnate George P. Putnam in 1931. The Spanish colonial-style home, which exists today, features a front-yard tree under which she signed her round-the-world flight plan. She made her home in Toluca Lake because the best aircraft were being designed and built at the Lockheed plant in Burbank.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: Entertainer Bob Hope moved to Toluca Lake in the late 1930s, and lived there until his death in 2003 at the age of 100. In the 1938 Little Rascals film "Three Men in a Tub", the kids hold a regatta on the lake, which was largely surrounded by open country at that time. Actors Bette Davis, W. C. Fields, Dorothy Lamour, Billie Dove, Dick Powell, and Bing Crosby also moved into the community. In 1943, Crosby's mansion was almost completely destroyed by fire. Frank Sinatra also moved into Toluca Lake in the 1940s. Former actor and 40th President of the United States Ronald Reagan had his wedding reception with second wife Nancy Reagan at the Toluca Lake home of actor (and best man) William Holden on March 4, 1952.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: Notable residents have included Steve Carell, Miley Cyrus, Viola Davis, Kirsten Dunst, Melissa McCarthy, and Octavia Spencer. In June 2018, Ron Burkle purchased the 5.2 acre Bob Hope estate for $15 million, with the proceeds going to the Bob and Dolores Hope Foundation. In 2021, Kelly Clarkson purchased an original 1936 colonial-style mansion on a Toluca Lake property.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: Toluca Lake is represented by the Greater Toluca Lake Neighborhood Council led by Neighborhood Council President Colby Jensen, as well as Councilman Paul Krekorian in the Los Angeles City Council and Adrin Nazarian in the California State Assembly. NBC-4 weatherman Fritz Coleman is the honorary mayor of Toluca Lake.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: In 2006, Toluca Lake homeowner groups mobilized against a proposed development in North Hollywood by NBCUniversal and Thomas Properties Group. The Metro Studio Project involves upwards of of space and would house employees leaving NBC's Burbank facility. The project also proposes Times Square-style supergraphics and digital illuminated billboards. It would be built partly on land for which NBCUniversal has a lease agreement from the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority. The Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors has yet to act on the proposal, and Environmental Impact Reports are not finalized.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The 2000 census found that 48.4% of Toluca Lake residents within Los Angeles had earned a four-year degree, a high figure for both the city and the county. The percentage of those residents with a master's degree or higher was large for the county.


title: Toluca Lake, Los Angeles

text: The Los Angeles section of Toluca Lake is a part of the Los Angeles Unified School District. The Burbank section is within the Burbank Unified School District.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: The nobility of Italy (Italian: "Nobiltà italiana") comprised individuals and their families of the Italian Peninsula, and the islands linked with it, recognized by the sovereigns of the Italian city-states since the Middle Ages, and by the kings of Italy after the unification of the region into a single state, the Kingdom of Italy.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Nobles had a specific legal status, and held most of the wealth and various privileges denied to other classes, mainly politicians. In most of the former Italian pre-Unification states it was the only class that had access to high-level government positions. They also practically monopolized the most distinguished positions in the city-states and in the Catholic Church for a long time. There were several different systems of nobility over time and in different regions.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: From the Middle Ages until March 1861, "Italy" was not a single country but was a number of separate kingdoms and other states, with many reigning dynasties. These were often related by marriage to each other and to other European royal families. The Italian nobility was expanded into Africa with the creation of the Italian Empire in conquered Ethiopia and East Africa.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Recognition of Italian nobility ceased with the creation of the Italian Republic in 1946. Although many titles still exist, they are used as a matter of social courtesy and are not recognised under the law, except for a limited number of noble titles granted by the pope which are still formally acknowledged according to Article 41 of the Lateran Treaty.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, Italy (after the Renaissance) was home to a myriad of noble families that had risen to prominence via judicial appointment, election to the various regional senates or appointment to Catholic Church office.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: There were also families which had been part of Italian nobility for many decades or even centuries. Writing in the 19th century, Leopold von Ranke recorded:


title: Nobility of Italy

text: During this period, throughout Italy various influential families came to positions of power through the election of a family member as Pope or were elevated into the ranks of nobility through ecclesiastical promotion. These families freely intermarried with aristocratic nobility. Like other noble families, those with both papal power and money were able to purchase comunes or other tracts of land and elevate family patriarchs and other relatives to noble titles. Hereditary patriarchs were appointed "Duke", "Marquis" and even "Prince" of various 16th and 17th century "principalities". According to Ranke:


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Popes commonly elevated members of prominent families to the position of Cardinal; especially second and third sons who would not otherwise inherit hereditary titles. Popes also elevated their own family members – especially nephews – to the special position of Cardinal-Nephew. Prominent families could purchase curial offices for their sons and regularly did, hoping that the son would rise through Church ranks to become a Bishop or a Cardinal, from which position they could dispense further titles and positions of authority to other family members.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: The period was famous for papal nepotism and many families, such as the Barberini and Pamphili, benefited greatly from having a papal relative. Families that had previously been limited to agricultural or mercantile ventures found themselves, sometimes within only one or two generations, elevated to the Roman nobility when a relative was elected to the papal throne. Modern Italy is dotted with the fruits of their success – various family "palazzi" stand today as a testament to their sometimes meteoric rise to power.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In the case of the Republic of Genoa, through the Constitutional Reform and the laws of 1528, 1548 and 1575, an aristocratic republic was inaugurated, which would last until 1797. With the constitutional reform of 1528, belonging to a albergo became from optional to compulsory, effectively transforming the alberghi into lists of registration to the city nobility recognized by the government. The reform required that the wealthiest citizens who owned six or more houses should originate a distinct albergo. On that occasion, it was decided to establish a single Order of noble citizens, otherwise known as Old Nobles, divided into twenty-three old and already existing alberghi and five new ones were created for the occasion. These associations were to prevent the resurgence of ancient hostilities and protect the wealth and power of the wealthiest families.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: The Florentine, and later Tuscan nobility distinguished itself in the two classes of Patricians, recognized as noble since before 1532, belonging to the Order of Saint Stephen, and residing only in the ancient noble homelands: Florence, Siena, Pisa, Pistoia, Arezzo, Volterra, Montepulciano and Cortona. And of the nobles, simple nobility, civic nobility, senators and commanders, with residence of the "new" noble homelands: Sansepolcro, San Miniato, Livorno, Pescia and Prato. Overall, the Florentine nobility was divided into feudal, senatorial and priority.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In Milan, the first officially drawn up list of nobility was the ""Matricula nobilium familiarum Mediolani"" by Ottone Visconti, dated 20 April 1377, in which, however, only the noble Milanese families who helped the Visconti family in their seizure of power over the municipality of Milan were listed, therefore considered the most faithful and ancient nobility in the future lifetime of the city. From 5 September 1395 the Dukes of Milan officially obtained the right to grant nobility to as many nobles as there were, consistent with the recognition of the Duchy of Milan. During the whole ducal period, first of the Visconti and then of the Sforza, the nobility residing in the city was increasingly predisposed to become court nobility, in the direct service of the duke, especially in the field of arms and alliances for war purposes. These families, during this period, played a fundamental role in the politics of the territory, without ever completely outclassing the figure of the duke. Most of the Milanese patriciate is linked to this period, which in the following centuries will constitute a sign of distinction between the nobility granted "to the Milanese by their duke" and that granted by "foreigners".


title: Nobility of Italy

text: The Venetian Patriciate was one of the three social bodies into which the society of the Republic of Venice was divided, together with citizens and foreigners. "Patrizio" was the noble title of the members of the aristocracy ruling the city of Venice and the Republic. The title was abbreviated, in front of the name, by the initials N.H. ("Nobil Homo"), together with the feminine variant N.D. ("Nobildonna"). Holding the title of a Venetian patrician was a great honour and many European kings and princes, as well as foreign noble families, are known to have asked for and obtained the prestigious title.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: The noble houses were primarily divided into Old ("Case vecchie") and New houses ("Case nuove"), with the former being noted for traditionally electing the first Doge in 697 AD. The New houses were no less significant, as many became very prominent and important in influencing the history of the Republic of Venice. The families were furthermore divided into several other "categories", including Ducal houses (which gave Doges), Newest houses ("Case nuovissime"), Non-Venetian patricians, and "Houses made for money" (usually very wealthy landowning or bourgeoise families enriched through trade).


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Although there were numerous noble houses across Venice's home and overseas land possessions, the Republic was in fact ruled as an oligarchy by about 20 to 30 families of Venice's urban nobility, who elected the Doge, held political and military offices and directly participated in the daily governing of the state. They were predominantly merchants, with their main source of income being trade with the East and other entrepreneurial activities, on which they became incredibly wealthy. Some of the most important families, who dominated the politics and the history of the state, include those such as the Contarini, Cornaro, Dandolo, Giustiniani, Loredan, Mocenigo, Morosini and the Venier families.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In the years preceding the political and social movement that resulted in the consolidation of different states of the Italian Peninsula into a single state, the Kingdom of Italy, the existence of the Kingdom of Sardinia, the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (before 1816: the Kingdom of Naples and the Kingdom of Sicily), the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, the Duchy of Parma, the Duchy of Modena, the Duchy of Savoy, the Papal States and the Austrian Kingdom of Lombardy–Venetia led to parallel nobilities with different traditions and rules.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Modern Italy became a nation-state during the Risorgimento on 17 March 1861, when most of the states of the peninsula and Kingdom of the Two Sicilies were united under King Victor Emmanuel II of the Savoy dynasty, hitherto monarch of the Kingdom of Sardinia, which included Piedmont. The architect of Italian unification was Count Camillo Benso di Cavour, the Chief Minister of Victor Emmanuel. Rome itself remained for a further decade under the Papacy, and became part of the Kingdom of Italy only in 1870. In September of that year, invading Italian troops entered the Papal state, and the ensuing occupation forced Pope Pius IX to his palace where he declared himself a prisoner in the Vatican, as did his successors, until the Lateran Pacts of 1929.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Under the united Kingdom of Italy a new national nobility, an attempt (not wholly successful) to impose a uniform nobiliary law, was created, including male succession (although it was possible for ancient titles to be transferred to an heir in the female line by royal authority), and some acknowledgement was made by the King of Italy of titles conferred by Francis II of the Two Sicilies in exile by making new grants in the same name. Those nobles who maintained allegiance to the pope became known as the Black Nobility.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: After the unification of Italy, its kings continued to create titles of nobility for eminent Italians, this time valid for all Italian territory. For example, General Enrico Cialdini was created "Duca di Gaeta" for his role during unification. The practice continued until the 20th century, when nominations would be made by the Prime Minister of Italy and approved by the Crown. In the aftermath of the First World War, most Italians who were ennobled received their titles through the patronage of the Mussolini government. Examples include General Armando Diaz ("Duca della Vittoria"), Admiral Paolo Thaon di Revel ("Duca del Mare"), Commodore Luigi Rizzo ("Conte di Grado e di Premuda"), Costanzo Ciano ("Conte di Cortellazzo i Buccari"), Dino Grandi ("Conte di Mordano") and Cesare Maria de Vecchi ("Conte di Val Cismon"). Many of these were victory titles for services rendered to the nation in the Great War. The writer and aviator Gabriele d'Annunzio was created "Principe di Montenevoso" in 1924, and the physicist, inventor, and Nobel laureate Guglielmo Marconi was also ennobled in 1924 as "Marchese Marconi". In 1937, Ettore Tolomei was ennobled as "Conte della Vetta". When Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli became Pope in 1939, Mussolini had the title of "Principe" posthumously bestowed on the new Pontiff's brother Francesco Pacelli, who had already been made a "Marchese" by the Holy See during his lifetime.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In 1929, the Lateran Treaty acknowledged all Papal titles created before that date and undertook to give unquestioned recognition to titles conferred by the Holy See on Italian citizens in the future.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: After the successful Italian invasion of Abyssinia, the Mussolini government recommended some Italians to the king of Italy for titles of nobility. For example, Marshal Pietro Badoglio was created "Marchese del Sabotino" and later "Duke of Addis Abeba", while General Rodolfo Graziani became "Marchese di Neghelli".


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Although not nobility, Italian Royal families such that of the Royal House of Savoy as well as that of the Royal House of Bourbon-Two Sicilies conferred honours on worthy individuals. Examples of these which are still conferred today by the House of Savoy include Dynastic Orders of chivalry in the form of Knighthoods and Damehoods, these include the Supreme Order of the Most Holy Annunciation, Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus and the Order of Merit of Savoy. The Royal House of Bourbon-Two Sicilies continues to confer the knightly orders of Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George, Order of Saint Ferdinand and of Merit, Order of Saint Januarius and Royal Order of Francis I.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In 1946, the Kingdom of Italy was replaced by a republic. Under the Italian Constitution adopted in 1948, titles of nobility, although still used as a courtesy, are not legally recognised.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Certain "predicati" (territorial designations) recognised before 1922 may continue to be attached to surnames and used in legal documents. Often these were historic feudal territories of noble families. Although a high court ruling in 1967 definitively established that the heraldic-nobiliary legislation of the Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946) is not current law, the title of the head of the noble family is still accorded to all descendants as courtesy titles.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: The southern kingdoms of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, as well as the Papal states, granted titles as in monarchies such as Spain, France, or England: duke, marquis, count, baron. The title of viscount was not, however, as frequent in Italy as elsewhere. Joseph Bonaparte conferred the title "prince" to be hereditary on his children and grandchildren.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: In Northern Italy and Tuscany the situation was complicated by the many kinds of authorities granting titles.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Often, Italian comunes (also in the Kingdom of Naples) and republics granted or recognised the title of patrician, which was only regarded as a rank of nobility in Italy. The patriciate was an urban aristocracy, as opposed to a feudal one.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: During the Renaissance, noble families conquered most of the Italian city-states except the republics of Venice, Genoa, Lucca, San Marino and Ragusa.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: Until 1806, parts of the present-day Italy, formed the Kingdom of Italy, belonging to the Holy Roman Empire. The emperor retained for himself the right of creating dukes and princes. The Northern Italian monarchs had received from the emperor the right of granting the lesser feudal titles (from marquess downwards), since these monarchs often were princes and dukes themselves.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: When in 1861 the king of Sardinia annexed the other Italian states, the Consulta Araldica (the Italian college of arms) integrated these different and varied systems into the hierarchy described below. In practice, this took decades.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: This hierarchy resulted from the overlapping of titles granted by the pre-unification states, though these were different from each other. As a consequence, titles were not evenly distributed throughout the country and in each region some titles may have been completely absent.


title: Nobility of Italy

text: By 1946, with abolition of the monarchy, a number of titles borne by families in the pre-unification states (Two Sicilies, Papal State, etc.) still had not been matriculated by the Consulta Araldica. This explains the use of certain titles by families (and "claimants") whose position was not regularised between 1861 and 1946.


title: Square dance

text: A square dance is a dance for four couples, or eight dancers in total, arranged in a square, with one couple on each side, facing the middle of the square. Square dances contain elements from numerous traditional dances and were first documented in 16th-century England, but they were also quite common in France and throughout Europe. Early square dances, particularly English country dances and French quadrilles, traveled to North America with the European settlers and developed significantly there.


title: Square dance

text: In some countries and regions, through preservation and repetition, square dances have attained the status of a folk dance. Square dancing is strongly associated with the United States, in part due to its association with the romanticized image of the American cowboy in the 20th century, and 31 states have designated it as their official state dance. The main North American types of square dances include traditional square dance and modern western square dance, which is widely known and danced worldwide. Other main types popular in England, Ireland, and Scotland include Playford dances, regional folk dances, ceili, Irish set dances, and Scottish country dances.


title: Square dance

text: The couples in a square are numbered, although numbering varies among different types. In many of the types, two of the couples are known as "heads" and the other two are called "sides". In most American forms of square dance, the dancers are prompted or cued through a sequence of steps by a caller to the beat (and, in some traditions, the phrasing) of music. In other variations, dancers have no caller and instead memorize and perform a specific routine and sequence of steps. Square dance music varies widely, with some forms using traditional tunes and others employing more modern types.


title: Square dance

text: Dances can be organized by square dance clubs, bands, individuals, or similar organizations. Attire varies by type, with some forms possessing a specific dress code and others having no requirements. The standard square formation can also vary at times to include more or fewer dancers or arrange dancers in a different shape.


title: Square dance

text: Square dances were first documented in 16th-century England although their origins can be traced further back to steps and figures used in traditional folk dances and social dances from many countries. One of the earliest influences was the Morris dance, an English dance for six men involving a line formation and energetic steps. This dance is closely related to another ancestor of square dancing, English country dance, which included a variety of dances for groups of couples arranged in circles, lines, or squares. In 1651, John Playford published 105 of these dances in "The English Dancing Master", eight of which are square dances exhibiting concepts still in use, such as the head couples performing an action and the side couples repeating it. Three of the dances, such as "Dull Sir John", specifically use the term "square dance" in the phrase, "A Square Dance for eight thus". In the early 1800s, English country dances merged with French dances to form the quadrille, a dance for four couples in a square.


title: Square dance

text: These dances further evolved in America, where they arrived with European settlers. After the American Revolution, the quadrille became especially popular. Quadrilles were originally danced from memorized steps and sequences, but as African American slaves played music for the dances, they began calling out the steps. This practice became common by the early 1900s and gave rise to the modern caller. Between 1940 and 1960, modern western square dance evolved from the western style of traditional square dance that had formed in the United States. Traditional western square dancing was promoted beginning in the 1930s by Lloyd Shaw, who solicited definitions from callers across the country in order to preserve that dance form and make it available to other teachers. The American folk music revival in New York City in the 1950s was rooted in the resurgent interest in square dancing and folk dancing there in the 1940s, which gave musicians such as Pete Seeger popular exposure.


title: Square dance

text: Square dances are considered folk dances in many countries and regions, although the term "square dance" varies. In the United States the term is used for dances in square formations and also refers to the dance events where square dances are performed. In England, Ireland, and Scotland, the term is used less frequently, and many dance events involve dances in square, circle, and line formations. The term has also become associated with barn dances, where many different formations of dance are used.


title: Square dance

text: Also called "old-time square dance" or "quadrilles" by some older New England callers in recognition of the dance it descended from, traditional square dance is not standardized and can be subdivided into three main regional styles: Northeast/New England, Southeast/Appalachian, and Western. The New England and Appalachian styles have been particularly well documented in the early U.S. and have survived to the 21st century. There are several other styles, some of which have survived or been revived while others have not. Where traditional square dance has been revived, it encompasses a wide range of new choreography.


title: Square dance

text: Traditional square dance structure varies by region, but it usually consists of a limited number of calls occurring in a set order. Traditional square dance is frequently presented in alternation with contra dances, particularly in revival groups, or with some form of freestyle couple dancing at surviving local events.


title: Square dance

text: Modern western square dance, which is also called "western square dance", "contemporary western square dance", or "modern American square dance", evolved from the western style of traditional square dance. Since the 1970s, modern western square dance has been promoted and standardized by Callerlab, the International Association of Square Dance Callers.The initial stage reached by all dancers is called Mainstream. This program consists of a core list of about 70 moves which is revised periodically. Modern western square dance is sometimes presented in alternation with round dances. This modern form of square dancing is taught in around 30 countries, including the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, Belgium, France, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Australia, China, Japan, and Russia. Within Europe, the majority of square dance clubs are in Germany and the United Kingdom. All teach the Callerlab syllabus, but there are slight style and call title variations throughout the world. Because of this standardization, anyone with the proper training can dance modern western square dancing in many countries around the world. Instruction is typically given in the local language, but the calls are always in English, allowing people to dance internationally once they learn the calls.


title: Square dance

text: Also called "English country dances", Playford-style dances originated from the dances published in John Playford's book "The English Dancing Master". Some of the square dances listed in the book, such as "Newcastle", have survived to the 21st century, and countless new dances have been written in the Playford style. These dances include a range of moves, from smooth, gentle steps to more energetic leaps. They are supported by the English Folk Dance and Song Society.


title: Square dance

text: Many traditional English regional folk dances are square dances that have survived into the 21st century. For instance, in both the Goathland square eight and the Cumberland square eight, which originated from different English villages, dancers perform a series of memorized moves in a square formation. Many of these dances are danced at folk or barn dances, along with other types of square dances including Playford dances; dances derived from the quadrille, such as "La Russe" published by H.D. Willock in the "Manual of Dancing" (c.1847); American traditional square dances; and countless new square dances written in the 20th and 21st centuries.


title: Square dance

text: Irish ceili dances cover a wide range of formations, including many square dances. They are often performed at traditional Irish and Scottish social gatherings called "cèilidhs". Cèilidhs are also held in England, where the same squares may be done as at folk dances or barn dances but with more stepping, including skip steps, hop steps, polka steps, and rants.


title: Square dance

text: Irish set dance is a square dance with strong regional associations. The dance involves stepping, often with a flat-foot polka step. Unlike in traditional and modern western square dancing, where couples are designated as "heads" or "sides", couples in Irish set dances are either "tops" or "sides".


title: Square dance

text: Scottish country dances cover a wide range of formations, including many square dances. These dances, which are standardized by the Royal Scottish Country Dance Society, involve specific steps and formations that are performed in different sequences for different dances.


title: Square dance

text: Many traditions have square dances. They are usually not called; rather, the sequence of figures is fixed and known by the dancers. Examples include the German "Bekedorfer", French "Carré de Campagne", and "Mie Katoen" from the Low Countries. Variations include double squares, with two couples on each side, like the Danish "Sonderborger Doppelkadril" or the Dutch "Vleegerd". Some are composed of multiple figures, indicating descent from the high-society quadrille.


title: Square dance

text: The four couples arranged in a square are called a set, and each couple is numbered. Couple numbering in a square dance set usually begins with the couple nearest the head of the hall (the side of the room containing the musicians and caller, or, in the pre-caller era, the royal presence or other hosts or important guests). This couple is the "first" or "number one" couple.


title: Square dance

text: If most figures are danced around the set, with one or more couples visiting the others in turn, the couples are likewise numbered around the set. In most surviving American square dance traditions, the couples are numbered counterclockwise: the second couple is to the first couple's right, the third couple is across from the first, and the fourth couple is to the left of the first. The first and third are "head couples" or "heads" (or, in older parlance, the "first four"); the second and fourth are "side couples" or "sides" (formerly "side four" or "second four").


title: Square dance

text: If most of the figures are danced between facing couples across the set, as in the 19th century quadrille and dances derived from it, the couple opposite the first is the "second couple". The first and second couples constitute the "head" or "top" couples (or the "head and foot" couples); the third and fourth couples are the "side" couples. In Irish set dances, the third couple (sometimes termed the "first side couple") is to the left of the "first top couple". The couples facing the first top and first side are the "second top couple" and the "second side couple" respectively.


title: Square dance

text: Square dance movements are known as "calls", and some forms of the dance, such as traditional and modern western square dancing, use a caller to direct the dancers through different calls. In some forms of traditional square dancing, the caller may be one of the dancers or musicians, but in modern western square dancing, the caller is on stage giving full attention to directing the dancers.


title: Square dance

text: A square dance call may take a very short time or a very long time to execute. Most calls require between 4 and 32 counts, where a count is roughly one step. In traditional square dancing, the timing of a call is dictated by tradition; in some regional styles, particularly that of New England, the dance movements are closely fitted to the phrases of the music. In modern western square dancing, many calls have been given formally specified durations, based partly on direct observation of how long it takes an average dancer to execute them.


title: Square dance

text: Traditional and modern western square dance differ in the number of calls and their levels of standardization. Traditional square dance uses between ten and thirty calls, depending on the region and the individual caller. Many traditional square dance calls are similar or identical to contra dance calls, and new dance moves are explained by the caller. In modern western square dance, the participants learn and become proficient in a particular defined set of calls known as a "program". The Mainstream program, which is the default level of achievement, consists of close to 70 basic and mainstream calls. Rather than learning a complete routine, modern western square dancers learn basic movements and calls but do not know in what order they will be called. Unlike traditional square dance, two modern western dances are rarely alike. Most modern western square dancers participate only in the programs they have fully learned. Callerlab, the callers' international association, sets all programs and governs the training of callers.


title: Square dance

text: Traditional and modern western square dancing have a number of calls in common, but there are usually small differences in the way they are performed. For example, the Allemande Left is traditionally performed by grasping left hands with the other dancer, pulling away from each other slightly, and walking halfway around a central axis then stepping through. In modern western square dance, the grip is modified so that each dancer grips the forearm of the other, and there is no pulling (that is, each dancer supports his or her own weight). These modifications make it easier to enter and exit the movement and thus easier to incorporate it into a long sequence of calls.


title: Square dance

text: In many communities, including Scotland and Ireland, and also continental Europe, the dancers know the complete dance and there is no caller.


title: Square dance

text: Traditional square dance is primarily danced to live music. Since the 19th century, much of the square dance repertoire has been derived from jigs and reels from Scotland and Ireland, sometimes in relatively unaltered form, sometimes as played in the old-time music tradition or as adapted by other cultures, such as that of Quebec. This sort of music is played on acoustic instruments, such as the fiddle, banjo, guitar, and double bass; certain instruments, including the piano, accordion, concertina, and hammered dulcimer, are popular in specific regions. In some communities where square dancing has survived, the prevailing form of music has become popular songs from the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s, played on instruments such as saxophones, drums, and electric guitars. Tempos can vary from around 108 to more than 150 beats per minute, depending on the regional style.


title: Square dance

text: Modern western square dance is danced to a variety of music types, including pop, traditional and contemporary country music, songs from Broadway musicals, rock, Motown, techno, and hip-hop. The music is usually played from recordings, and the tempo is more uniform than in traditional square dancing, ranging from 120-128 beats per minute. At this speed, dancers take one step per beat of the music.


title: Square dance

text: Irish and Scottish dances are normally done to traditional tunes. English dances may be done to traditional tunes, though there is experimentation with many different musical styles, especially at cèilidhs.


title: Square dance

text: Square dance events can be run in different ways. In North America, traditional square dances are organized by bands, callers, or small groups of dancers. Modern western square dances are arranged by square dance clubs. The clubs offer classes, socials, and dance evenings and arrange larger dances that are usually open to non-club members. In Britain, square dance clubs are affiliated with the British Association of American Square Dance Clubs, which also organizes the teaching of modern western square dance to Callerlab definitions. Most square dance events in Britain are run according to the Callerlab syllabus by a caller who is either a member of Callerlab or of the Square Dance Callers Club of Great Britain, and the level of dancing is indicated on the publicity material, as in "Mainstream" or "Mainstream with Pre-Announced Plus". Céilidh and barn dance events are also often advertised as being square dance events.


title: Square dance

text: Square dance attire varies by the type of dance and by region. Traditional square dance groups often have no particular dress code. In the United States, larger modern western square dance events sometimes request a strict western-style dress code, which originated in the late 1950s and early 1960s and is known as "traditional square dance attire", although it was not traditional before that time. Some clubs require a less strict dress code, known as "proper", or no dress code, called "casual". Although many modern western square dancers in Britain wear traditional square dance attire, events often have a relaxed dress code. Where traditional square dancing exists as a community social dance, sometimes in the form of a barn dance or a cèilidh, people often dress up, though their clothing is not square-dance-specific.


title: Square dance

text: In the United States, lines between the forms of square dancing have become blurred. Traditional-revival groups typically adopt very casual dress, and traditional-revival choreographers have begun to use basic movements that were invented for modern western square dance forms. A few modern western callers incorporate older dances from various traditions, such as New England or Appalachian, into their programs.


title: Square dance

text: While the standard formation for a square dance is four couples in a square, there are many variations on the theme. These include:


title: Square dance

text: Modern choreography also includes dances which morph from one form to another. There are contra dances and four-couple longways sets which turn into a square dance part of the way through the dance and then back to the original formation.


title: Square dance

text: Grid squares are dances where the squares are arranged in a grid, with sets carefully aligned across the room and up and down the room. The calls move dancers from one square to another in intricate patterns.


title: Revolver Ocelot

text: Revolver "Shalashaska" Ocelot is a recurring fictional character in Konami's "Metal Gear" video game series. Throughout the series, he takes on a variety of roles: the archenemy of Solid Snake, the best friend of Naked Snake, the right-hand man of Liquid Snake and Solidus Snake, and a close ally to Venom Snake. Ocelot has been well received by video game publications for his role as a central villain in the franchise, and has often been considered one of its most important characters for his connections with various characters.


title: Revolver Ocelot

text: is introduced in the video game "Metal Gear Solid" as a gunslinger-themed member of the FOXHOUND terrorists involved with the hostile revolt on Shadow Moses Island which housed Metal Gear REX, serving as the team's interrogation expert and their leader Liquid Snake's right-hand man. He challenges Solid Snake to a gunfight in the game's first boss encounter, but their fight ends with Ocelot losing his right hand from an encounter with the Cyborg Ninja. Despite his loss, Ocelot later appears to torture Snake after Snake is captured. During Snake's torture, Ocelot reveals he was originally from the former Soviet Union and a former member of Spetsnaz, secretly wishing for Liquid's and Big Boss's dream world as well. Ocelot is the sole surviving member of FOXHOUND by the game's end. After the ending credits, it's revealed that he's in league with the U.S. President George Sears.


title: Revolver Ocelot

text: Revolver Ocelot, now known as , returns in the sequel "" after gaining a new surgically attached right arm that originally belonged to Liquid, resulting in a dormant personality which takes over Ocelot's mind whenever Solid Snake is nearby. During the game's introductory Tanker Chapter, he is seemingly under Sergei Gurlukovich's employ, but ends up betraying his old friend when Ocelot hijacks Metal Gear RAY, framing Snake and Otacon for the deed. During the game's main Plant Chapter, Ocelot then forms part of the terrorist group "Sons of Liberty" with Solidus Snake but ends up betraying the former President as well after revealing his true allegiance to the Patriots, a group that controls the United States. Shortly afterwards, Ocelot is taken over by Liquid and escapes from Snake, Solidus and Raiden to kill the Patriots' leaders.


title: Revolver Ocelot

text: A young version of the character, known as , is featured in the prequel "" (set four decades before the original "Metal Gear Solid") as a GRU Major under Colonel Volgin's command and the leader of his own "Ocelot Unit" within GRU. His encounters with Naked Snake are why he acquires a preference for revolvers (due to a tendency to absorb the gun's recoil with his elbow being more suited to shooting revolvers). Throughout the game, Ocelot's constant challenges with Snake eventually turn into a friendly rivalry. He is revealed to be , The Boss's illegitimate child. After the deaths of Volgin and The Boss, Ocelot is revealed to be a triple agent, taking orders from the Philosophers and the KGB, while also receiving orders from the Director of Central Intelligence. He was supposed to intercept and assist Snake, a mission he failed when another agent of the Philosophers, EVA, got there first.