title: 1. FC Magdeburg

text: 1. FC Magdeburg's U19 team is coached by Olympic gold medalist Martin Hoffmann. For the 2010–11 season the team competes in the U19 Bundesliga, the top flight league it had competed in during the 2007–08 season. Talents from the club's youth teams make the step up to the men's team on a regular basis. Altogether, more than 200 players of all ages compete in the youth teams. All but the U19 and U17 teams play in their respective top flights. In 1999, the Magdeburg U19 team became the first team from former East Germany to win a national title in unified Germany, winning the U19 DFB-Pokal.


title: 1. FC Magdeburg

text: 27 coaches take care of the youth teams, the club has established a youth academy and offers room and board for a number of youth players. Cooperation agreements with the Sportgymnasium Magdeburg (a high school with an intense focus on sports) and a number of medical institutions in Magdeburg have been signed to aid with promoting talent from the youth teams.


title: 1. FC Magdeburg

text: Another part of the youth setup is the U23 team, seen as a transition stage between youth and men's teams.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju (Jeju: , ; , or , ), often called Jejueo or Jejuan in English-language scholarship, is a Koreanic language traditionally spoken on Jeju Island, South Korea. While often classified as a divergent Jeju dialect (, ) of the Korean language, the variety is referred to as a language in local government and increasingly in both South Korean and foreign academia. Jeju is not mutually intelligible with the mainland dialects of South Korea.


title: Jeju language

text: The consonants of Jeju are similar to those of Seoul Korean, but Jeju has a larger and more conservative vowel inventory. Jeju is a head-final, agglutinative, suffixing language like Korean. Nouns are followed by particles that may function as case markers. Verbs inflect for tense, aspect, mood, evidentiality, relative social status, formality, and other grammatical information. Korean and Jeju differ significantly in their verbal paradigms. For instance, the continuative aspect marker of Jeju and the mood or aspect distinction of many Jeju connective suffixes are absent in Korean. While most of the Jeju lexicon is Koreanic, the language preserves many Middle Korean words now lost in Standard Korean. Jeju may also have a Japonic substratum (see Peninsular Japonic) but this argument has been disputed by Lee (2017).


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju was already divergent from Seoul Korean by the fifteenth century, and was unintelligible to mainland Korean visitors by the sixteenth century. The language was severely undermined by the Jeju uprising of 1948, the Korean War, and the modernization of South Korea. All fluent speakers remaining in Jeju Island are now over seventy years old. Most people in Jeju Island now speak a variety of Korean with a Jeju substratum. The language may be somewhat more vigorous in a diaspora community in Osaka, Japan, as many Jeju people migrated to Osaka in 1920s, but even there, younger members of the community speak Japanese. Since 2010, UNESCO has designated the language as critically endangered, the highest level of language endangerment possible. Revitalization efforts are ongoing.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju is closely related to Korean. It was traditionally considered an unusually divergent dialect of Korean, and is still referred to as such by the National Institute of the Korean Language and the South Korean Ministry of Education. While the term "Jeju language" (, ) was first used in 1947, it was not until the mid-1990s that the term gained currency in South Korean academia. While "Jeju dialect" was still the preferred usage throughout the decade of the 2000s, the majority of South Korean academic publications had switched to the term "Jeju language" by the early 2010s. Since somewhat earlier, "Jeju language" has also been the term preferred in local law, such as the 2007 Language Act for the Preservation and Promotion of the Jeju Language ( ), and by non-governmental organizations working to preserve the language. The only English-language monograph on Jeju, published in 2019, consistently refers to it as a language as well. Among native speakers, the term "Jeju-mal" "Jeju speech" is most common.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju is not mutually intelligible with even the southernmost dialects of mainland Modern Korean. In a 2014 test for intelligibility, Korean speakers from three different dialect zones (Seoul, Busan, and Yeosu) were exposed to one minute of spoken Jeju, with a control group of native Jeju speakers. On average, Korean native speakers from all three dialect zones answered less than 10% of the basic comprehension questions correctly, while native Jeju speakers answered over 89% of the questions correctly. These results are comparable to the results of an intelligibility test of Norwegian for native Dutch speakers. Diaspora Jeju speakers living in Japan also report that they find it difficult to understand South Korean news media, and resort to Japanese subtitles when watching South Korean TV shows.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju was traditionally spoken throughout Jeju Province except in the Chuja Islands, halfway between Jeju Island and mainland Korea, where a variety of Southwestern Korean is found. The language is also used by some of the first- and second-generation members of the Zainichi Korean community in Ikuno-ku, Osaka, Japan.


title: Jeju language

text: Compared to mainland Korean dialect groups, there is little internal variation within Jeju. A distinction between a northern and southern dialect with a geographic divide at Hallasan is sometimes posited, but an eastern-western dialectal divide cutting through Jeju City and Seogwipo may better explain the few dialectal differences that do exist. A 2010 survey of regional variation in 305 word sets suggests that the north–south divide and the east–west divide coexist, resulting in four distinct dialect groups.


title: Jeju language

text: The Koreanic languages are likely not native to Jeju Island; it has been proposed that the family has its roots in Manchuria, a historical region in northeastern Asia. It is thought that Koreanic speakers migrated from southern Manchuria between the third and eighth centuries CE. Linguist Alexander Vovin suggests that the ancient kingdom of Tamna, which ruled the island until the twelfth century, may have spoken a Japonic language that left a substrate influence on Jeju. When exactly this putative Japonic language may have been replaced by the Koreanic ancestor of Jeju remains unclear.


title: Jeju language

text: Unlike mainland Korea, which was ruled only indirectly by the Mongols, Jeju was placed under direct Yuan administration in the late thirteenth century. Significant numbers of Mongol soldiers migrated to the island during this period, and their language acted as a superstratum that may have accelerated local language change. Linguist Yang Changyong speculates that the formation of Jeju as a language independent of Korean was influenced by Mongol. By the fifteenth century, when the invention of Hangul permits a detailed understanding of Korean phonology for the first time, Seoul Korean and Jeju were already divergent; the Seoul prestige dialect of fifteenth-century Middle Korean disallowed the diphthong , but Jeju does not.


title: Jeju language

text: Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century references to the language of Jeju by mainland Korean literati state that it was already unintelligible to mainland Koreans. Kim Sang-heon (1570―1652), who served as pacification commissioner ( ) on the island from 1601 to 1602, gives six words in the "provincial language" with clear cognates in modern Jeju and also writes:


title: Jeju language

text: "The exiled man Shin Jangnyeong was originally a government interpreter. He said, 'The language of this island is most like Chinese, and the sounds they make while driving cattle and horses are yet more impossible to tell apart. Is this because the climate is not far from that of China, or because the Yuan dynasty once ruled and appointed officials here and the Chinese mingled with them?'... What is called the provincial language is but high and thin and cannot be understood."


title: Jeju language

text: In 1629, the Korean government banned the emigration of Jeju Islanders to the mainland, further restricting linguistic contacts between Jeju and Korean. At the same time, the island was also used throughout the Joseon era (1392―1910) as a place of exile for disgraced scholar-officials. These highly educated speakers of Seoul Korean often tutored the children of their Jeju neighbors during their exile and established a continuous and significant Seoul Korean superstratum in Jeju.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju remained the dominant language of both private and public spheres under Japanese colonial rule (1910―1945), although many Japanese loanwords entered the lexicon, and many speakers were monolingual. Large-scale migration of Jeju people to Japan began in 1911, and 38,000 Jeju Islanders lived in Osaka alone by 1934. Immigration to Japan continued even after Korean independence into the 1980s. Jeju is still spoken by older members of these diaspora communities, although younger individuals speak Japanese as their native language and are not fluent in Jeju.


title: Jeju language

text: Severe disruption to the Jeju language community began after the end of Japanese rule in 1945. Following World War II, Korea was divided between an American-backed government in the South and a Soviet-backed government in the North. Popular opposition to the division of Korea and police brutality led to a rebellion against the American military government on 3 April 1948. The Syngman Rhee regime, which succeeded the American administration in August 1948, suppressed the rebellion with mass killings of civilians. As many as sixty thousand Jeju Islanders, or a full fifth of the pre-rebellion population, were killed. Forty thousand more fled to Japan. Out of the four hundred villages of the island, only 170 remained. The devastating impact of the massacres on the Jeju language community was exacerbated by the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. While Jeju was never occupied by the North Korean army, nearly 150,000 Korean-speaking refugees from the mainland fleeing North Korean invasion arrived in Jeju in the first year of the war. These events shattered the Jeju language's former dominance on the island, and Standard Korean was beginning to displace Jeju in the public sphere by the 1950s.


title: Jeju language

text: The decline of Jeju continued into the 1960s and 1970s. The Saemaeul Movement, an ambitious rural modernization program launched by Park Chung-hee, disrupted the traditional village community where Jeju had thrived. The language came to be perceived as an incorrect dialect of Korean, so that students were subject to corporal punishment if they used it in school, and the use of Standard Korean even in the private sphere began to spread from Jeju City outwards. The language attitude of native Jeju speakers in this period was self-disparaging, and even Jeju people regarded the use of Jeju "with contempt." A 1981 survey of language attitudes among high school and university students natively speaking Seoul Korean, Chungcheong Korean, Southwestern Korean, Southeastern Korean, and Jeju showed that Jeju speakers were the most likely among the five groups to ascribe negative traits to their native variety.


title: Jeju language

text: A 1992 study of code-switching by native Jeju speakers shows that Jeju was by then in an unfavorable diglossic relationship with Korean, and was largely restricted to informal contexts even between Jeju natives. Within a primarily Jeju-language conversation, speakers might spontaneously switch to Korean to emphasize the rationality or truth value of their statement, while switching to Jeju in a primarily Korean conversation signified that the speaker was making a subjective statement or being less serious.


title: Jeju language

text: The same study notes that by 1992, even this variety restricted to the informal domain was usually a Korean dialect with a Jeju substratum, rather than the traditional Jeju language:


title: Jeju language

text: "As for the Jeju language [] in general use nowadays [as of 1992], the situation is that its differences from Standard Korean are greatly diminishing compared to the past. Its greatest differences with Standard Korean [now] lie especially in the suffix paradigm, and in other areas the differences are being minimized. The Jeju people accordingly understand that Jeju and Standard Korean are in a form of dialect continuum, and refer to the native language formerly in use as "thick (or intense) Jeju language" and the Jeju language currently in use as "light Jeju language" or "mixed (with Korean) language."


title: Jeju language

text: The official language of South Korea is Standard Korean. Nearly all residents of Jeju Island are bilingual in Standard Korean and Jeju, while many younger individuals are even more fluent in English than in Jeju. Standard Korean is most commonly used in the majority of public areas, while Jeju tends to be reserved for use at home and a few local markets. All schools located on Jeju Island are required to teach Standard Korean and only offer Jeju as an elective course. As a result, there are currently no monolingual speakers of Jeju.


title: Jeju language

text: As of 2018, fluent speakers in Jeju Island were all over seventy years of age, while passive competence was found in some people in their forties and fifties. Younger Islanders speak Korean with Jeju substrate influence found in residual elements of the Jeju verbal paradigm and in select vocabulary such as kinship terms. The language is more vigorous in Osaka, where there may be fluent speakers born as late as the 1960s. Since 2010, UNESCO has classified Jeju as a critically endangered language, defined as one whose "youngest speakers are grandparents and older... [who] speak the language partially and infrequently."


title: Jeju language

text: A 2008 survey of adult residents' knowledge of ninety Jeju cultural words showed that only twenty-one were understood by the majority of those surveyed. Lack of heritage knowledge of Jeju is even more severe among younger people. Four hundred Jeju teenagers were surveyed for their knowledge of 120 basic Jeju vocabulary items in 2010, but only nineteen words were recognized by the majority while forty-five words were understood by less than 10%. A 2018 study suggests that even the verbal paradigm, among the more resilient parts of the substratum, may be in danger; the average middle schooler was more competent in the verb system of English, a language "taught only a few hours a week in school and in private tutoring institutions," than of Jeju.


title: Jeju language

text: Revitalization efforts have recently been ongoing. On 27 September 2007, the Jeju provincial government promulgated the Language Act for the Preservation and Promotion of the Jeju Language, which established five-year plans for state-backed language preservation.The Act encouraged public schools on Jeju Island to offer Jeju as an extracurricular activity, as well as to incorporate the language as a part of regular classes if relevant and feasible. In addition, multiple programs were provided for adults, as well. For example, adult language programs are offered every year at the Jeju National University and are all completely free of charge. There are also several local centres on Jeju Island that offer classes in Jeju Language specifically to marriage-based immigrants. However, it was not until UNESCO's 2010 designation of Jeju as critically endangered that the provincial government became proactive in Jeju preservation efforts. In 2016, the provincial government allotted ₩685,000,000 (US$565,592 in 2016) to revitalization programs, and the government-funded Jeju Research Institute has compiled phrasebooks of the language. The provincial Ministry of Education has also published Jeju textbooks for elementary and secondary schools, although some textbooks really teach Standard Korean interspersed with Jeju lexical items. Some public schools offer after-school programs for Jeju, but the short duration of these classes may be insufficient to promote more than "symbolic" use by students. The linguistic competence of many teachers has also been challenged.


title: Jeju language

text: On 12 August 2011, the Research Centre for Jeju Studies was opened with the purpose of implementing projects for the revitalization and safeguarding of Jeju Language. The centre has implemented multiple projects and initiatives. The project encouraged the promotion of Jeju Language in schools by tasking the Education Bureau with introducing several revitalization initiatives, including a training program for teachers. The project also started a radio broadcast in Jeju Language, as well as a radio campaign for Jeju slang and an annual Jeju Language festival. An iPhone application was developed, including a glossary, as well as a collection of proverbs, poems, and quizzes in Jeju Language. Finally, an introductory conversation brochure was distributed to both citizens and visitors of Jeju Island in order to encourage the use of the language.


title: Jeju language

text: Other preservation and revitalization efforts are led by non-state bodies. The Jeju Language Preservation Society ( ), founded in December 2008, publishes "Deongdeureong-makke" (), a bimonthly Jeju-language magazine, and holds Jeju teaching programs and speaking contests. Literature in the language has recently been published, including children's books and a 2014 poetry anthology. Local bands and theater troupes have made Jeju-language performances. Regional newspapers such as the "Jemin Ilbo" and the "Halla Ilbo" include Jeju-language sections, and local branches of KBS and MBC have launched radio programs and a television series in Jeju. Recent South Korean media with nationwide appeal, including the 2010 television series "Life is Beautiful" and "The Great Merchant", the 2012 drama film "Jiseul", and the 2015 television series "Warm and Cozy", have also featured spoken Jeju. Outside of Korea, in 2018, the Endangered Languages Archive at SOAS University of London carried out a revitalization project aimed to build a collection of audio and video recordings of Jeju Language being spoken by native speakers. These recordings documented everyday conversations, as well as traditional songs and rituals.


title: Jeju language

text: In the past, negative attitudes and opinions towards Jeju were popular amongst Korean citizens. The Standard Korean language places a lot of emphasis on honorifics, as Korean culture is largely centred around being polite to elders. However, Jeju is often viewed to be less polite, due to the use of less honorifics and only four levels of politeness, in comparison to the seven levels in Standard Korean. The younger generation, particularly students, especially believe that Jeju is not respectful enough to use with teachers, whereas Standard Korean is more sophisticated. In addition, Jeju is often associated with the countryside, as the majority of speakers tend to have traditional occupations, including farming, fishing, and diving. As a result, many younger children express a disinterest in learning the language.


title: Jeju language

text: However, recent surveys show changes favorable towards Jeju in prevailing language attitudes. In a National Institute of the Korean Language survey in 2005, only 9.4% of Jeju Islanders were very proud of the regional variety. When the same survey was reheld in 2015, 36.8% were very proud of the language, and Jeju Islanders had become the most likely among South Korean dialect groups to have "very positive" opinions of the regional variety. In a 2017 study of 240 Jeju Islanders, 82.8% of those sampled considered Jeju to be "nice to listen to," and 74.9% hoped that their children would learn the language. But significant generational cleavages in language attitudes were also found. For instance, only 13.8% of Jeju Islanders between twenty and forty liked Jeju much more than Standard Korean, which 49.1% of those above eighty did.


title: Jeju language

text: In a 2013 survey of Jeju natives, 77.9% agreed with the statement that "[the Jeju language] has to be passed down as part of Jeju culture." But a 2015 study of approximately a thousand Jeju Islanders suggests that even though most Jeju Islanders believe the language to be an important part of the island's culture, the vast majority are skeptical of the language's long-term viability, and more people are unwilling than willing to actively participate in language preservation efforts.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has historically had no written language. Two recently devised standard orthographies are currently in use: a system created in 1991 by scholars of the Jeju Dialect Research Society ( ), and a system promulgated by the provincial government in 2014. Both systems use the Korean alphabet Hangul with one additional letter , which was used in the Middle and Early Modern Korean scripts but is now defunct in written Korean. Similar to the modern Korean script, Jeju orthographies have morphophonemic tendencies, meaning that transcribing the underlying morphology generally takes precedence over the surface form. The two orthographies differ largely because they are based on different morphological analyses of the language, especially of the verbal paradigm, as seen in the example below.


title: Jeju language

text: The transliteration scheme generally used in Korean linguistics, including when transcribing Jeju, is the Yale Romanization system. Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019 instead uses a variant of the Revised Romanization system with the addition of the sequence "aw" for . This article also uses Revised Romanization with the addition of "aw", but without Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019's one-to-one correspondence between Hangul glyphs and the Latin alphabet.


title: Jeju language

text: The non-approximant consonants of Jeju correspond to the nineteen non-approximant consonants of Standard Korean, and Jeju displays the three-way contrast between stops and affricates characteristic of Modern Korean. Whether the voiced glottal fricative , absent in Standard Korean, exists as a phoneme in Jeju or merely as an allophone of remains disputed. A 2000 acoustic and aerodynamic study of eight native Jeju speakers concludes that "the consonants of the two languages seem to be the same in every respect... the phonetic realization of all [Jeju] consonants are the same as those found in [Seoul] Korean."


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju allophony involves a number of phonological processes also found in Seoul Korean. As in Korean, surfaces as intervocally. Also as in Korean, lax stops and affricates have fully voiced allophones in medial position, all obstruents have unreleased allophones in final position, and syllable-final sibilants surface as . Whether non-lax stops and affricates can appear in final position is controversial. The morphological analysis necessary for the government's orthography permits them, while the analysis behind the Jeju Language Research Society's orthography forbids them.


title: Jeju language

text: Most non-morphophonological consonant assimilation rules of Standard Korean are also found in Jeju. and are regularly palatalized to before or . Lax obstruents are tensed following another obstruent. aspirates both the preceding and the subsequent lax obstruent. A nasal consonant nasalizes a preceding obstruent or . becomes following all consonants except itself or , and this can itself nasalize the preceding obstruent so that the underlying sequence is realized as . On the other hand, underlying and both produce .


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju also has consonant allophones that appear only at morpheme boundaries. Some of these are found in Standard Korean, such as the insertion of before or at most word-internal morpheme boundaries; the palatalization of to before an affixal ; and the tensing of obstruents following certain morpheme-final nasals. Other rules are absent in Standard Korean. For instance, a sonorant-final word or morpheme can trigger aspiration (for older speakers) or tensing (for younger speakers) in a subsequent lax consonant. In some cases this is due to an underlying consonant cluster, but not all cases can be explained in this way. Other Jeju-specific processes include the doubling of a word-final consonant when followed by a vowel, glide, or , and the lenition of to at some word boundaries.


title: Jeju language

text: Verbal conjugation can also lead to consonantal changes. Verb stem-final and are lost before . In the case of verb stems ending in , . , and , the final consonants are always preserved in so-called regular verbs, but in irregular verbs, and are lenited to and respectively while and are lost when followed by a vowel.


title: Jeju language

text: While not permitted in the surface representation of Jeju, morpheme-final consonant clusters can exist in the underlying form. Many cases of post-sonorant aspiration involve morphemes whose Middle Korean cognates feature a final , suggesting that an underlying final after the sonorant should be posited in Jeju as well. Besides these -final clusters, Jeju permits a number of other final consonant clusters, including , , , , and (in the analysis of the government's orthography) . These clusters surface as a single consonant in isolation or before a consonant, but are fully realized when followed by a vowel.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju traditionally has a nine-vowel system: the eight vowels of Korean with the addition of ㆍ , a Middle Korean phoneme lost in Seoul in the eighteenth century.


title: Jeju language

text: The phonemic identity of is controversial, but native speakers most commonly realize the phoneme as . and are only distinguished in the initial syllable.


title: Jeju language

text: Among younger and less fluent speakers, and have both raised to and or respectively, resulting in a seven-vowel system identical to the vowel inventory of Seoul Korean. The raising of Jeju occurred before the raising of , and may have predated Standard Korean's ongoing merger of and . The subsequent loss of may have been motivated by a language-internal desire for symmetry in the vowel system. On the other hand, the vowel mergers are accelerated among Jeju speakers living in coastal communities more exposed to Standard Korean.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has two or three glides: , , and possibly . can occur with all vowels except and . and have merged even among speakers who distinguish the monophthongs, and many speakers who retain also merge with . cannot occur with the three back vowels or with . occurs only with , and the resulting diphthong is generally realized as word-initially and otherwise.


title: Jeju language

text: Glide-vowel sequences may be analyzed as diphthongs, with the phonemic identities of , , and being , , and respectively.


title: Jeju language

text: Several phonological processes affect the surface realization of Jeju vowels. In one process shared with Standard Korean, a bisyllabic vowel sequence may be contracted to a monosyllabic polyphthong.


title: Jeju language

text: Vowel-affecting processes are particularly numerous in the verbal paradigm. Verb stem-final is lost before a vowel-initial suffix. Similar to Standard Korean, a stem-final diphthongizes a subsequent vowel by inserting the onglide . Unlike in its sister language, Jeju insertion may occur even with an intervening consonant, and between a verb stem ending in , , or and a suffix with initial .


title: Jeju language

text: Many of Jeju's consonant-initial verbal suffixes take an initial epenthetic vowel if the previous morpheme ends with a consonant. The default epenthetic vowel is , but the vowel surfaces as following a sibilant and as following an underlying labial.


title: Jeju language

text: Like Standard Korean but unlike Middle Korean, Koreanic vowel harmony is no longer generally applicable in all native morphemes but remains productive in sound symbolism and certain verbal suffixes. Jeju has two harmonic classes, yin and yang. The neutral vowel can occur with either class.


title: Jeju language

text: For instance, the perfective aspect marker takes the vowel harmonic allomorph after verb stems whose (final) vowel is yang:


title: Jeju language

text: In certain cases, suffix allomorphs do not match the harmonic class of the previous vowel. Verb stems with final vowel or take the yang allomorph if their Middle Korean forms were , thus conserving their original harmonic class while violating their current one. Disyllabic stems that end in also take the yang allomorph, but monosyllabic stems or disyllabic stems do not.


title: Jeju language

text: As in Standard Korean, cannot occur syllable-initially, and does not occur word-initially in native words.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju does not have phonemic vowel length, stress, or tone. Its phonological hierarchy is characterized by accentual phrases similar to those of Standard Korean, with a basic Low-High-Low-High tonal pattern varying according to sentence type, but there are also important differences in the two languages' prosody. Jeju has a weaker tonal distinction within the first half of the accentual phrase than Seoul Korean does, while its aspirate consonants do not produce as significant a high pitch as their Seoul equivalents. Jeju uses more contour tones, where the pitch shifts within a single syllable, than Seoul Korean. Unlike in Seoul Korean, older and fluent speakers of Jeju will also lengthen the final vowel of both clauses in alternative questions.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju is typologically similar to Korean, both being head-final agglutinative languages. However, the two languages show significant differences in the verbal paradigm, such as Jeju's use of a dedicated conditional suffix.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju nouns may be a single morpheme, a compound of multiple nouns, or a base noun with a merged attributive verb, or form through derivational affixes attached to nouns or verb stems. In compound nouns that include a native morpheme, the phoneme may intervene between the two elements. Because this "in-between "" appears only after a vowel and before a consonant, it is never realized as but almost always surfaces as .


title: Jeju language

text: Some Jeju nouns are bound nouns, meaning that they cannot appear independently without a noun phrase. The example below features the bound noun "worth" accompanied by the obligatory attributive verb.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has two suffixing plural markers, which are obligatory for plural nouns accompanied by determiners and optional otherwise. The plural marker can occur with all nouns and pronouns. The marker is restricted for humans and pronouns, and can also have an associative meaning: e.g. "Mansu and his family" (). The combined sequence is sometimes also used.


title: Jeju language

text: Nouns accompanied by numerals usually take a variety of classifiers, such as for counting trees and for counting songs. Classifiers for cardinals are unmarked, but those for ordinals are followed by the ordinal-marking .


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju marks noun case and other semantic relations through suffixing noun particles. Particles that mark the nominative, accusative, and genitive cases are very frequently omitted. The table below is not exhaustive and lists only some of the most significant particles.


title: Jeju language

text: The Jeju verb consists of a root that is followed by suffixes that provide grammatical information such as voice, tense, aspect, mood, evidentiality, relative social status, and the formality of the utterance. Jeju verbs include not only action verbs familiar to English speakers such as "to eat" or "to see," but also adjectival verbs such as "to be heavy" or "to be thick." Verbs can take derivational suffixes to form adverbs and nouns.


title: Jeju language

text: Especially for wh-questions and exclamations, Jeju speakers commonly use a verbal noun in place of a verb inflected for tense-aspect-mood.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has a number of pre-final verbal suffixes: tense-aspect-mood markers which follow the verb stem but cannot appear at the end of the inflected verb. The exact number of these suffixes is unclear because scholars disagree on the correct morphological segmentation. One analysis of the suffix paradigm, as presented in Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019, is given below.


title: Jeju language

text: There is relatively widespread agreement on the existence of the following four discrete TAM morphemes, presented in the order they co-occur: the continuative aspect marker , the perfective aspect marker , the prospective mood marker , and the realis mood marker . Depending on the analysis of the aforementioned epenthetical vowels that precede many verbal suffixes, the base forms of the three morphemes may alternately be analyzed as , , , and .


title: Jeju language

text: Often characterized as a perfective aspect marker, has also been described as a present perfect marker and as behaving as a perfective marker with some verbs and as a past tense marker with others. can express non-past events in certain constructions that call for verbs "conceptualized in their entirety," such as a hypothetical future event. In adjectival verbs, it may also refer to a current state that contrasts with a past situation. can also be doubled for a habitual or a past perfect interpretation. Also like , this suffix takes the vowel-harmonic variant and has allomorphs , , and after certain vowels.


title: Jeju language

text: The prospective mood marker marks the subject's intention in first-person-subject declarative sentences or second-person-subject interrogative sentences, and the speaker's conjecture otherwise. may also have a future-tense interpretation.


title: Jeju language

text: The realis or indicative mood marker indicates "a fact or habitual action in the nonpast" which the speaker perceives to be true in general, permanently, or over a longer duration of time, as demonstrated in the contrast below. The putative non-past-tense marker may also be analyzed as an allomorph of . In this context, the morpheme has also been interpreted as a perfect marker (not to be confused with the perfective marker).


title: Jeju language

text: The existence of the Korean subject-honorific marker is controversial for Jeju, with some scholars arguing that it was entirely absent and others that it was restricted to higher registers. Ko J. 2011b notes that it was used only "by officials while referring to people of very high status and by the "seonbi" of the educated classes."


title: Jeju language

text: The segmentation of verb-final elements is controversial. The two recent extensive treatments of the topic, Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019 and Kim Jee-hong 2015, give incompatible analyses of the suffix paradigm.


title: Jeju language

text: Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019 includes a slot for tense in the Jeju verb, with three dedicated markers.


title: Jeju language

text: They further divide verb-final suffixes into three categories: Type 1, which cannot occur with tense markers; Type 2, which must occur with either a tense marker or the aspect marker , which loses its underlying before a Type 2 suffix; and a mixed type, which can occur with the non-past marker but not with the other two tense markers. The vast majority of suffixes are categorized as Tense 1 and thus cannot follow a tense marker. Uniquely among pre-final suffixes, the past tense marker can also appear without a final suffix.


title: Jeju language

text: In Kim Jee-hong's analysis, verb-final single morphemes are termed "canonical endings." Canonical endings are contrasted with a wide variety of "non-canonical endings," formed by the fusion of various grammatical elements such as multiple canonical endings, truncated conjunctive and embedded sentences, and bound nouns connected to the verb stem or a canonical ending via an attributive or a nominalizer. The most common canonical component of these non-canonical endings is the suffix (vowel-harmonic allomorph ), which Kim calls the unmarked "default ending."


title: Jeju language

text: Since Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019's tenses align with the aforementioned attributive suffixes, sentences they analyze as "Tense-Type 2 Suffix" sequences are often analyzed as non-canonical endings with a "Canonical ending-Attributive-Bound noun" composition by Kim Jee-hong. Many of Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019's Type 1 suffixes are also interpreted as polymorphemic non-canonical endings. Kim Jee-hong also segments some of Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019's mixed-type suffixes so that the base form of the suffix includes the of the latter's non-past tense marker.


title: Jeju language

text: Examples from Kim Jee-hong 2015's analysis, directly corresponding to the examples above of Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019, are given below. The "default ender" is bolded.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has a number of clause-final suffixes, called "sentence enders" in Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019 and "terminal suffixes" ( ) in Korean, that provide information such as degree of formality, social status, evidentality, and modality. Sentence enders may consist of one or multiple morphemes. Kim Jee-hong argues for four speech levels in Jeju, defined by the degree of formality and deference their sentence enders connote: informal and plain (non-honorific); formal and plain; informal and honorific, marked by the morpheme , and formal and honorific, featuring the morpheme . An archaic speech level showing extreme deference is attested from shamanic chants.


title: Jeju language

text: As different segmentation hypotheses produce different sentence enders. the chart below will list only a small, illustrative sample of the dozens of suffixes that appear in Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019 and Kim Jee-h. 2015. The classification is based on Kim Jee-hong 2017, which differs from Kim Jee-hong 2015.


title: Jeju language

text: The honorific verbs, which show deference to the addressee, are formed by a special suffix that can be followed only by a small number of sentence enders.


title: Jeju language

text: The informal honorific forms are marked by or . The former is used with the copula verb and with all inflected verbs, and the latter is used with uninflected adjectival verbs. and may take the alternative form after a verb inflected for aspect and a non-liquid consonant, respectively. The informal honorific form cannot occur with uninflected action verbs. The two suffixes may only be followed by the sentence enders in the table below. Informal honorific requests cannot be formed morphologically.


title: Jeju language

text: The formal honorific forms involve the honorific marker followed by one or two morphemes. Only the six following formal honorific forms are possible.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju uses an array of verb-final connective suffixes to link clauses within sentences, much as English does with conjunctions such as "and", "or", "that", "but", and "because".


title: Jeju language

text: Some Jeju connectives, such as the suffixes "and", occur in pairs with one variant ending in and the other in . Hong Chong-rim and Song Sang-jo both note that the choice between and is often determined by the inflections of the subsequent clause; certain pre-final suffixes and sentence enders require a -connective in the previous clause, while others require a -connective. Hong suggests that is used for specific and objective events and states, while implies a general and subjective event or state. Song argues that is used for completed or achieved verbs, and for incomplete or unachieved verbs. The nuances below are thus possible.


title: Jeju language

text: The distinction between and does not exist in mainland Korean varieties. Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019 reports that "the contrast between and appears to be disappearing, and the distinctions that remain are subtle and variable."


title: Jeju language

text: An important class of connectives, used for reporting speech and thoughts, is formed by the suffix , which fuses with sentence enders as in the example of below.


title: Jeju language

text: Similarly, informal honorific conjectural becomes ; plain forms and become ; question enders and become and ; honorific imperative becomes ; and so forth. These fused suffixes may be used for both quotative and reportive purposes. In Standard Korean, indirect speech is strictly distinguished from the quotative by the removal of addressee honorifics and the switching of pronouns. In Jeju, the lines between direct and indirect speech are more blurred. All four forms below—given in order of increasing indirectness—are in use, and have the same meaning, "He said [to a superior] that he was going home."


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has many auxiliary verbs that are linked to the preceding main verb by the morpheme . These include "to give," for an action that benefits a superior; "to throw away," for an action yielding a complete result; and "to become," for a change of state. is also used to indicate ability.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju also uses light verbs, which have little semantic meaning but combine with nouns to form verbs. The most common light verb is "to do," e.g. "errand" → "to run an errand". There is also a large inventory of periphrastic phrases that convey modality.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has a small group of particles that commonly occur at the very end of phrases or sentences, many of which play important roles as discourse markers. The four principal ones are the formality marker and the emphatic markers , , and .


title: Jeju language

text: Note the granddaughter's use of the verbally inflected honorific and the deference-marking and while addressing the grandmother.


title: Jeju language

text: According to Yang C., Yang S., and O'Grady 2019, there are four basic deictic demonstratives in Jeju. Most other sources mention three, which are identical to those of Standard Korean.


title: Jeju language

text: Most of the Jeju lexicon is Koreanic, and "a sizeable number" of words are identical with Korean. There are false friends between the languages, such as Korean "to wash hair" and Jeju "to wash the body." Jeju also preserves many Middle Korean terms now lost in Korean, such as "wife; woman" and "parent." Like Korean, Jeju uses many Sino-Korean words based on local readings of Classical Chinese.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju Island was ruled by the Mongols in the late thirteenth century and some Middle Mongol terms still survive in the language, though the extent of Mongol influence is disputed. Popular claims of hundreds of Mongol loans in Jeju are linguistically unsound. Uncontroversial Mongol loans are most common in terms relating to animal husbandry.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju may have loans from an ancient Japonic substratum. As the last fluent generation of Jeju speakers were born under or shortly after Japanese rule, remaining speakers also use many loans from Modern Japanese.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju has widespread sound symbolism in ideophones. The use of sound symbolism to form emphatic variants of words is more common in Jeju than in Seoul Korean.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju sound symbolism operates with both consonants and vowels. The intensity of a Jeju word may be strengthened by using tense and especially aspirate obstruents. The sound symbolism may also be emphasized through the addition of consonants, by adding the sequence to both reduplicated segments, and with fortition or lenition. The "yang" harmonic class of vowels has a bright, small connotation, and the "yin" vowel class gives a dark, large connotation. Ko Jae-hwan also gives examples of three or four layers of vowel sound symbolism.


title: Jeju language

text: Multiple sound-symbolic strategies may combine in a single word. Kang S. 2008 gives eight sound symbolic variants of the ideophone "the shape of many objects being blunt," each more intense than the other:


title: Jeju language

text: The kinship terminology of Jeju has been the focus of particular attention. Jeju has a complex kinship system that distinguishes the gender of both the speaker and the relative. Gender distinctions are particularly noticeable in sibling terminology. The words and refer to "older same-gender sibling" and "younger same-gender sibling" respectively, while and refer specifically to "brother of a female" and "sister of a male" respectively. Female speakers also tend to refer to relatives with native compounds, whereas male speakers prefer Sino-Korean terms. For instance, the same cousin may be referred to by a man as "cousin" but by a woman as "paternal aunt's daughter." A major distinction between Jeju and Korean kinship terms is that women do not use honorifics to refer to their in-laws, reflecting weaker historical influence from Confucian patriarchal norms.


title: Jeju language

text: Jeju also uses supplementary prefixes to clarify the type of kinship, equivalent to "step-" or "maternal" in English. These include , , and for paternal relations, for maternal relations, for step-relations, and for a male's in-laws, and for a woman's in-laws. Five other prefixes, which may be combined, mark relative age: or "eldest," "second eldest of three or more," "third eldest of four or more," and "youngest." These are used to distinguish relatives of the same generation.


title: Jeju language

text: Other prefixes include , used in "great-grandfather", and , used to refer to a sibling of one's grandparent generally.


title: Jeju language

text: The following is an excerpt from a version of the "Menggam bon-puri", one of the epic chants recited by Jeju shamans. In this myth, the poacher Song Saman discovers an abandoned skull in the hills and cares for it as if it were his own ancestor. The skull reciprocates by warning Song Saman of his early death and advising him on how to avoid the "chasa", the three gods of death.


title: Jeju language

text: This version was transcribed between 1956 and 1963 from the recitation of the shaman Byeon Sin-saeng, born 1904. The transcription predates both standardized orthographies of Jeju. The transcriber openly notes that the orthography is inconsistent. No attempt was made in this article to standardize or update the orthography.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachita Mountains (), simply referred to as the Ouachitas, are a mountain range in western Arkansas and southeastern Oklahoma. They are formed by a thick succession of highly deformed Paleozoic strata constituting the Ouachita Fold and Thrust Belt, one of the important orogenic belts of North America. The Ouachitas continue in the subsurface to the northeast, where they make a poorly understood connection with the Appalachians and to the southwest, where they join with the Marathon uplift area of West Texas. Together with the Ozark Plateaus, the Ouachitas form the U.S. Interior Highlands. The highest natural point is Mount Magazine at .


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachita Mountains is a Level III ecoregion designated by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The region has been subdivided into six Level IV ecoregions.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: Louis R. Harlan claimed that "Ouachita" is composed of the Choctaw words "ouac" for "buffalo" and "chito" for "large", together meaning "country of large buffaloes". At one time, herds of buffalo inhabited the lowland areas of the Ouachitas. Historian Muriel H. Wright wrote that "Ouachita" is composed of the Choctaw words "owa" for "hunt" and "chito" for "big", together meaning "big hunt far from home". According to the article "Ouachita" in the "Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture", "Ouachita" comes from the French spelling of the Caddo word "washita", meaning "good hunting grounds".


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachitas are a major physiographic province of Arkansas and Oklahoma and are generally grouped with the Arkansas River Valley. Together with the Ozark Plateaus, the Ouachitas form the U.S. Interior Highlands, one of few mountainous regions between the Appalachians and Rockies.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachitas are dominated by pine, oak, and hickory. The shortleaf pine ("Pinus echinata") and post oak ("Quercus stellata") thrive in dry, nutrient-poor soil and are common in upland areas. The maple-leaf oak ("Quercus acerifolia") is found at only four sites worldwide, all of which are in the Ouachitas. Some native tree species, such as the eastern red-cedar ("Juniperus virginiana"), are colonizers of human-disturbed sites.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachita National Forest covers approximately 1.8 million acres of the Ouachitas. It is one of the largest and oldest national forests in the Southern U.S., created through an executive order by President Theodore Roosevelt on December 18, 1907. There are six wilderness areas within the Ouachita National Forest, which are protected areas designed to minimize the impacts of human activities.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: Several plants are endemic to the Ouachitas, including: "Agalinis nuttallii", "Cardamine angustata" var. "ouachitana", "Carex latebracteata," "Galium arkansanum" var. "pubifolium", "Houstonia ouachitana", "Hydrophyllum brownei", "Liatris compacta", "Quercus acerifolia", "Polymnia cossatotensis", "Solidago ouachitensis", "Spiranthes niklasii" (near endemic, also found on Crowley's Ridge), "Streptanthus maculatus" subsp. "obtusifolius", "Streptanthus squamiformis", "Valerianella palmerii", and "Vernonia lettermanii".


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: Bison and elk once found habitat in the Ouachita Mountains, but have since been extirpated. Today, there are large populations of white-tailed deer, coyote, and other common temperate forest animals. Though elusive, hundreds of black bear roam the Ouachitas. Several cryptic species of salamander are endemic to the Ouachitas and have traits that vary from one locale to another.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Athens Plateau or Athens Piedmont (EPA Level IV ecoregion 36a) consists of a series of low relief ridges, none exceeding . It is located south of the Ouachitas and extends from to the Arkansas-Oklahoma border. The Athens Piedmont runs from Arkadelphia, Arkansas into Oklahoma through Clark, Howard, Pike, and Sevier counties in Arkansas and McCurtain County in Oklahoma. The ecoregion's low ridges and hills are widely underlain by Mississippian Stanley Shale in contrast to other parts of the Ouachitas. Today, pine plantations are widespread; they are far more extensive than in the more rugged parts of the Arkansas Ouachitas. Pastureland and hayland also occur. Cattle and broiler chickens are important farm products.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Caddo, Cossatot, and Missouri mountains are a high, compact group of mountains composed of the weather-resistant Arkansas Novaculite. They are located primarily in Montgomery and Polk counties, Arkansas. The highest natural point is Raspberry Mountain at . The headwaters of multiple rivers are found in this area, including the Caddo, Cossatot, and Little Missouri rivers.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Cross Mountains are located in Polk and Sevier counties, Arkansas and McCurtain County, Oklahoma. The highest natural point is Whiskey Peak at .


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Crystal Mountains are located primarily in Montgomery County, Arkansas. They are so named because of the occurrence of some of the world's finest quartz. The Crystal Mountains are generally taller than the nearby Zig Zag Mountains, achieving elevations over .


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Fourche Mountains (EPA Level IV ecoregion 36d) are a long, continuous chain of east-west mountains composed of the weather-resistant Jackfork Sandstone. They extend from Pulaski County, Arkansas to Atoka County, Oklahoma and are home to several popular sites of interest, including Pinnacle Mountain State Park near Little Rock, Arkansas. The highest natural point is Rich Mountain at , which intersects the Arkansas-Oklahoma border near Mena, Arkansas.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Fourche Mountains are the archetypal Ouachita Mountains. Forested ridges are heavily forested with oak–hickory–pine forest; intervening valleys are cut into shale. Ridges are longer, habitat continuity is greater, the lithologic mosaic is different, and the topographic orientation is more consistent than in other parts of the Ouachitas. Differences in moisture and temperature between north- and south-facing slopes significantly influence native plant communities; they are products of the prevailing topographic trend. Forests on steep, north-facing slopes are more mesic than on southern aspects; the steepest, south-facing slopes contain shallow, moisture deficient soils supporting shrubs and rocky glades or grassy woodlands. Pastureland and hayland are restricted to a few broad valleys. Logging is not nearly as intensive as in the commercial pine plantations of the less rugged Athens Plateau. Nutrient, mineral, and biochemical water quality parameter concentrations are low in the surface waters of the Fourche range, but turbidity can be higher than in other mountainous parts of the Ouachitas. Although most streams stop flowing during the driest part of the summer, enduring deep pools, high quality habitat, and good water quality allow sensitive aquatic species to survive through the summer. They are the only home and namesake of the Fourche Mountain salamander.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Fourche Mountains form a major watershed divide between the Arkansas River Basin to the north and the Red River Basin to the south.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Frontal Ouachita Mountains are located in the Arkansas River Valley and feature a number of isolated landforms. The highest natural point is Mount Magazine at , which is also the highest natural point of the Ouachitas and U.S. Interior Highlands. The Frontal Ouachita Mountains are structurally quite different from the rest of the Ouachitas and are sometimes considered a separate range.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Trap Mountains are located primarily in Garland and Hot Spring counties, Arkansas. The highest natural point is Trap Mountain at .


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Zig Zag Mountains are located in Garland County, Arkansas and are home to the thermal springs of Hot Springs National Park. They are so named because of their unique chevron shape when viewed from above, the result of plunging anticlines and synclines. The Zig Zag Mountains are not exceptionally tall, but do reach heights over .


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachitas are formed by a thick succession of highly deformed Paleozoic strata constituting the Ouachita Fold and Thrust Belt, which crops out for approximately in western Arkansas and southeastern Oklahoma. In a general sense, the Ouachitas are considered an anticlinorium because the oldest known rocks are located towards the center of the outcrop area. The Ouachitas continue in the subsurface to the Black Warrior Basin of Alabama and Mississippi where they plunge towards the Appalachian Mountains. To the southwest, the Ouachitas join with the Marathon area of west Texas where rocks of the Ouachita Fold and Thrust Belt are briefly exposed.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: Unlike many ranges in the United States, the Ouachitas are mostly east-west trending. They are unique because metamorphism and volcanism, features that are common in orogenic belts, are notably absent (with the exception of some low-grade metamorphism). Due to the high degree of folding and faulting, the Ouachitas are clustered into distinct subranges, with ridges separated by relatively broad valleys.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachitas are known for some of the world's finest quartz, especially around Mount Ida, Arkansas, the quartz capital of the world. The quartz formed after the Ouachita Orogeny when fractures in rocks filled with silica-saturated fluids and, over millions of years, precipitated crystals up to several feet in length. The Ouachitas are also known for novaculite, a variety of chert that has undergone low-grade metamorphism; particular grades found only in Arkansas are used for making whetstones.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: Cambrian through Mississippian strata of the Ouachitas were deposited in a narrow, two-sided basin called the Ouachita Trough, which formed as part of a Cambrian failed rift system. Succeeding Pennsylvanian strata of the Ouachitas were deposited in a foreland basin during the early stages of the Ouachita Orogeny. Subduction of the South American Plate beneath the North American Plate resulted in this mountain-building event. Compressional forces caused the crust to buckle, producing complex folds at all scale levels and several overturned sequences. The area of greatest deformation occurred in the Benton-Broken Bow Uplift, which extends from Benton, Arkansas to Broken Bow, Oklahoma. The total height of the Ouachitas is not known, though they may have exceeded (based loosely on geologic cross-sections). The terrain has been deeply eroded since the late Paleozoic.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachitas are composed of Cambrian through Pennsylvanian sedimentary rocks. The Collier Shale, located at the core of the Benton-Broken Bow Uplift, is the oldest exposed formation of the Ouachitas. The Atoka Formation, which was deposited much later during the Pennsylvanian, has the largest areal extent of any of the Paleozoic formations in Arkansas.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The mountains were home to the Ouachita tribe, for which they were named. Later French explorers translated the name to its present spelling. The first recorded exploration was in 1541 by Hernando de Soto. Later, in 1804, President Jefferson sent William Dunbar and Dr. George Hunter to the area after the Louisiana Purchase. Hot Springs National Park became one of the nation's first parks in 1832. The Battle of Devil's Backbone was fought here at the ridge of the same name in 1863. In August 1990, the U.S. Forest Service discontinued clearcutting as the primary tool for harvesting and regenerating short leaf, pine and hardwood forests in the Ouachita National Forest.


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Ouachita Mountains contain the Ouachita National Forest, Hot Springs National Park and Lake Ouachita, as well as numerous state parks and scenic byways mostly throughout Arkansas. They also contain the Ouachita National Recreation Trail, a hiking trail through the heart of the mountains. The trail runs from Talimena State Park in Oklahoma to Pinnacle Mountain State Park near Little Rock. It is a well maintained, premier trail for hikers, backpackers, and mountain bikers (for only selected parts of the trail).


title: Ouachita Mountains

text: The Talimena Scenic Drive begins at Mena, and traverses of Winding Stair and Rich Mountains, long narrow east-west ridges which extend into Oklahoma. Rich Mountain reaches an elevation of in Arkansas near the Oklahoma border. The two lane winding road is similar in routing, construction, and scenery to the Blue Ridge Parkway of the Appalachian Mountains.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Mechanicsburg is a borough in Cumberland County, Pennsylvania. The borough is eight miles (13 km) west of Harrisburg. It is part of the Harrisburg–Carlisle metropolitan statistical area. As of the 2010 census it had a population of 8,981.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Mechanicsburg is located in eastern Cumberland County at . It is in a rich agricultural region known as the Cumberland Valley, a broad zone between South Mountain and the Ridge-and-Valley Appalachians.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Mechanicsburg is bordered by Silver Spring Township to the northwest, Monroe Township to the southwest, Upper Allen Township to the south, Lower Allen Township to the east, and Hampden Township to the northeast. Pennsylvania Route 641 (Trindle Road) is the main east–west street through the borough, leading east to Camp Hill and west to Carlisle, the county seat. Pennsylvania Route 114 leads north out of town on York Street and south on Market Street. Interstate 76, the Pennsylvania Turnpike, passes just south of Mechanicsburg, with access to the southeast of town via Exit 236 (U.S. Route 15).


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: According to the United States Census Bureau, the borough has a total area of , of which , or 0.07%, is water. It has a hot-summer humid continental climate ("Dfa") and monthly average temperatures range from in January to in July. The hardiness zone is borderline between 6b and 7a, meaning that the annual average absolute minimum temperature is approximately 0 °F.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: In 1900, 3,841 people lived here; in 1910, the population was 4,469, which increased to 5,709 in 1940. As of the 2010 census, the borough population was 8,981.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: As of the census of 2000, there were 9,042 people, 4,023 households, and 2,466 families residing in the borough. The population density was . There were 4,169 housing units at an average density of . The racial makeup of the borough was 96.97% White, 0.43% African American, 0.09% Native American, 1.15% Asian, 0.28% from other races, and 1.08% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.83% of the population.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: There were 4,024 households, out of which 25.7% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 49.1% were married couples living together, 8.8% had a female householder with no husband present, and 38.7% were non-families. Of all households, 32.8% were made up of individuals, and 10.3% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.23 and the average family size was 2.85.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: In the borough the population was spread out, with 21.5% under the age of 18, 7.3% from 18 to 24, 30.8% from 25 to 44, 24.6% from 45 to 64, and 15.8% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females, there were 91.3 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 86.7 males.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: The median income for a household in the borough was $45,200, and the median income for a family was $54,228. Males had a median income of $37,130 versus $27,940 for females. The per capita income for the borough was $22,812. About 2.4% of families and 4.2% of the population were below the poverty line, including 6.0% of those under age 18 and 5.0% of those age 65 or over.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Mechanicsburg was named after a settlement of mechanics who made and repaired Conestoga wagons in the early 19th century.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: In 1837, when the Cumberland Valley Railroad (CVRR) completed its line, Mechanicsburg was designated as a water station, where workers could restock the locomotive with firewood and water. This important function also contributed to the town's growth. The train became the town's link to the world of business and industry. Grain and feed companies, lumber yards and numerous factories were purposely built alongside the railroad tracks. Archives show that, at one time, there were twenty-five trains chugging through the town daily carrying travelers, coal, feathers, fruit, ice, mail and newspapers. During the American Civil War, the railroad was an invaluable method of transporting troops and supplies. Today, approximately six trains travel through Mechanicsburg each day, which has recently increased due to new operations on the local sub-line owned by Norfolk Southern. Although automotive technology changed the town forever, today's residents cannot dismiss the vital role the railroad played in its development.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Another part of Mechanicsburg's growth occurred when the Naval Support Activity was built on of land in Hampden Township, Pennsylvania. NSA Mechanicsburg continues to serve as one of the Defense Department's major logistics sites.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Present-day Mechanicsburg is centered on that Leonard Fisher purchased from Joseph Heynes' tract (No. 1442 of an original grant of from William Penn. Before becoming incorporated on April 12, 1828, the town went by several different names. First, Drytown, because of the extreme scarcity of water during the winter and summer. It was also known as Pinchgut, a German name used as a sign of amusement given to a small village of only a few people. Some also referred to the town as Staufferstown, in honor of Henry Stauffer, the owner of much of the land in the center of town, or briefly as Creekville during the Colonial Era.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: On June 28, 1863, Confederate troops led by Brig. Gen. Albert G. Jenkins raided Mechanicsburg, and two days later, met with Union forces in the Skirmish of Sporting Hill, just east of town. Following the Skirmish of Sporting Hill, the Confederate forces retreated south into the little town of Gettysburg where the Battle of Gettysburg would be fought.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: The oldest building in Mechanicsburg is the Frankeberger Tavern. One of Mechanicsburg's first residents was George Frankeberger, who in 1801 applied for a license to open his newly built log home for the "convenience" of travelers. In exchange for a small fee, Mr. Frankeberger offered cattle drivers a warm meal and a place to sleep. This proved to be rather lucrative, as many people were making the two-day trek between Harrisburg (the state capital) and Carlisle (Cumberland County's county seat).


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: Mechanicsburg is home to many historic markers, such as Irving Female College (named for Washington Irving, a trustee), the first women's college in Pennsylvania to grant degrees in arts and sciences.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: The Mechanicsburg Commercial Historic District, Irving Female College, Cumberland Valley Railroad Station and Station Master's House, Adam Orris House, and Simpson Street School are listed on the National Register of Historic Places.


title: Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania

text: The Pennsylvania Department of Corrections has its headquarters in Hampden Township, Cumberland County, near Mechanicsburg. Mechanicsburg lies in the center of a regional transportation crossroads, with Interstate 81, Interstate 76, Interstate 83, US Route 11, and US Route 15 passing in close proximity to the borough. The Appalachian Trail passes through Pennsylvania a few miles west of Mechanicsburg, in nearby Boiling Springs. The Naval Support Activity Mechanicsburg is located off the Carlisle Pike just outside of Mechanicsburg.


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: Truth is the debut studio album by English guitarist Jeff Beck, released on 29 July 1968 in the United Kingdom on Columbia Records and in the United States on Epic Records. It introduced the talents of his backing band the Jeff Beck Group, specifically Rod Stewart and Ronnie Wood, to a larger audience, and peaked at number 15 on the "Billboard" 200.


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: After leaving the Yardbirds in late 1966, Jeff Beck had released three commercial singles, two in 1967 featuring himself on lead vocals, and one without vocals in 1968. All had been hits on the British singles chart, and all were characterized by songs aimed at the pop chart on the A-side at the behest of producer Mickie Most. Harder rock and blues-based numbers were featured on the B-sides, and for music on the album, Beck opted to pursue the latter course.


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: Recording sessions for the album took place over four days, 14–15 May and 25–26 May 1968. Nine eclectic tracks were taken from these sessions, including covers of "Ol' Man River" by Jerome Kern, the Tudor period melody "Greensleeves", and Bonnie Dobson's "Morning Dew", a 1966 hit single for Tim Rose. Beck acknowledged two giants of Chicago blues in songs by Willie Dixon – Muddy Waters' "You Shook Me" and Howlin' Wolf's "I Ain't Superstitious". The album started with a song from Beck's old band: "Shapes of Things". Three originals were credited to "Jeffrey Rod", a pseudonym for Beck and Stewart, all reworkings of previous blues songs: "Let Me Love You" the song of the same title by Buddy Guy; "Rock My Plimsoul" from "Rock Me Baby" by B.B. King; and "Blues Deluxe" similar to another song by B.B. King, "Gambler's Blues". "Plimsoul" had already been recorded for the B-side to the 1967 single "Tallyman", and the tenth track, an instrumental featuring Jimmy Page, John Paul Jones, Keith Moon, and future Beck group pianist Nicky Hopkins, "Beck's Bolero", had been edited and remixed for stereo from the earlier B-side to "Hi Ho Silver Lining". Due to contractual conflicts, Moon had been credited on the original album as "You Know Who".


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: Reviewing for "Rolling Stone" in 1968, Al Kooper called "Truth" a "classic" and a contemporary version of the 1966 "Blues Breakers with Eric Clapton" LP, saying the Beck group "swing like mad on this record."


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: "Truth" has since been regarded as a seminal work of heavy metal because of its use of blues toward a hard rock approach. According to Pete Prown and HP Newquist, "although some have claimed that this disc was the first metal album, the sound actually leaned more towards a heavy brand of blues rock." "Classic Rock" magazine ranked "Truth" eighth on its list of the 30 greatest British blues rock albums; an accompanying blurb read, "it was an album that not only helped establish the British blues rock sound, but featured many of its best exponents." Tom Scholz of Boston has listed it as his favorite album on Gibson's online magazine, stating, "I knew Jeff Beck's "Truth" album inside out..." The album's title inspired the name of Iowa band Truth and Janey.


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: Blues guitarist Joe Bonamassa recorded a studio version of "Blues Deluxe" on his 2003 album "Blues Deluxe" and recorded live versions on "Live at Rockpalast" (2005), and "Live from the Royal Albert Hall" (2009). Bonamassa also played "Beck's Bolero", "Let Me Love You Baby" (and "Spanish Boots" and "Plynth (Water Down the Drain)" from the Beck-Ola album) in his Salute to the British Blues Explosion tour featuring the music of Beck, Clapton and Page in July 2016.


title: Truth (Jeff Beck album)

text: On 10 October 2006, Legacy Recordings remastered and reissued the album for compact disc with eight bonus tracks. Included were two earlier takes of "You Shook Me" and "Blues Deluxe", the latter without the overdubbed applause, and the six tracks making up the three singles by Beck. The B-side to the 1968 single "Love Is Blue", "I've Been Drinking", was another "Jeffrey Rod" special, this time reconfiguring the Johnny Mercer song "Drinking Again".


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: The legal basis for the introduction of martial law in Ukraine () is the Constitution of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine "On the legal status of martial law" (No. 389-VIII from May 12, 2015) and presidential decrees about the introduction of martial law. Modern-day martial law has been introduced two times in Ukraine.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: The previous law "On the legal status of martial law" was adopted in 2000 and signed by President Leonid Kuchma. It was changed several times: in 2003, 2008, 2010, 2012, and 2014.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: In 2015, Petro Poroshenko introduced bill No. 2541 to parliament. It was adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on May 12 and returned with the signature of the President of Ukraine on June 8. In order to implement the new law, the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine approved a typical plan for the introduction and provision of measures for the legal regime of martial law in Ukraine or in its separate areas. In response to prolonged military intervention, central units of the executive branch of Ukraine created relevant divisions. In the Ministry of Social Policy operates Divilion for social adaptation of ATO participants and retired servicemen, in the Ministry of Health – Division of coordination and providing medical care during anti-terrorist operations, emergency and martial law.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: On May 28, 2015, in the program "Year of Poroshenko," the President said that a decree on the introduction of a martial law in Ukraine would be signed if a truce was violated and an offensive would take place on the position of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: A period of martial law was introduced by presidential decree on November 26, 2018 in 10 regions of Ukraine from 14:00 local time for 30 days on with the aim of strengthening the defense of Ukraine against the background of increasing tension with Russia. This happened after the incident in the Kerch Strait. Martial law was ended after 30 days.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: Initially, President Poroshenko signed a decree for martial law within the whole of Ukraine for 60 days; however, after 5 hours of deliberations, a less restrictive version was signed into the law by an emergency session of the Verkhovna Rada.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: During the martial law (and starting on 30 November 2018) Ukraine banned all Russian men between 16 and 60 from entering the country for the period of the martial law with exceptions for humanitarian purposes. Ukraine claimed this was a security measure to prevent Russia from forming units of “private” armies on Ukrainian soil. According to the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine 1,650 Russian citizens were refused entry into Ukraine from November 26 to December 26, 2018. On 27 December 2018, the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine announced that it had extended "the restrictive measures of the State Border Guard Service regarding the entry of Russian men into Ukraine.”


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: The affected territories were located along the Russia–Ukraine border, along the part of the Moldova–Ukraine border which runs along the unrecognised state of Transnistria (where Russian peacekeeping troops are present), and at the coasts of the Black Sea and Sea of Azov. The Ukrainian internal waters of the Azov–Kerch aquatory were also subject to the martial law.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: Despite public support, Poroshenko's decision was criticized because it occurred during the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election, which might be affected by the restrictions to the Constitution by the martial law (item 3 of the martial law decree).


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: On the other hand, it has been criticized as being too late, because before the Kerch Strait incident several significantly more serious military incidents did occur since the 2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine. Critics associate the timing with Poroshenko's pre-election political ambitions, since his ratings for the 2019 Ukrainian presidential election fell very low. Concern was also expressed that the martial law would affect international aid payments.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: President Volodymyr Zelenskyy declared martial law on 24 February 2022, in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Speaking in a televised address to the nation shortly before 7 a.m., he clarified that all able-bodied men from 18-60 years old were not allowed to leave the country as the country began a general mobilization of all reserve forces. According to the official facebook page of the Ukraine State Border Guard Service, as of September 29, 2022, this prohibition of border-crossing remains in effect.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: On 26 February, Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko declared a curfew from 5pm to 8am every day to expose Russian subversives. The curfew was lifted on 28 February after a two-day search for Russian commando forces.


title: Martial law in Ukraine

text: On 20 March, President Zelenskyy signed a decree that merged all national television channels into one platform due to martial law. That same day, he signed a decree suspending the activities of eleven opposition political parties, citing claimed ties to the Russian government, throughout the duration of martial law; the parties included the pro-Russian Opposition Platform — For Life, the second-largest party in the Verkhovna Rada. On 22 May the Ukrainian parliament extended martial law for another 90 days, or until 20 August. On 16 August, martial law was again extended until 21 November.


title: Helen Kane

text: Helen Kane (born Helen Clare Schroeder, August 4, 1904 – September 26, 1966) was an American singer and actress. Her signature song was "I Wanna Be Loved by You" (1928), featured in the 1928 stage musical "Good Boy". The song was written for "Good Boy" by the songwriting team Kalmar and Ruby. Kane's voice and appearance were thought to be a source for Fleischer Studios animators when creating Betty Boop. Kane attempted to sue the studio for claims of stealing her signature "boop-oop-a-doop" style, but the judge decided that the proof of this was insufficient, thus dismissing the case.


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane attended St. Anselm's Parochial School in The Bronx, New York City. She was the youngest of three children. Her father, Louis Schroeder, a German immigrant, was employed intermittently as a wagon driver; her Irish-immigrant mother, Ellen (born Dixon) Schroeder, worked in a laundry.


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane's mother reluctantly paid $3 for her daughter's costume as a queen in Kane's first theatrical role at school. By the time she was 15 years old, Kane was onstage professionally, touring the Orpheum Circuit with the Marx Brothers in "On the Balcony".


title: Helen Kane

text: She spent the early 1920s trouping in vaudeville as a singer and kickline dancer with a theater engagement called the "All Jazz Revue". She played the New York Palace for the first time in 1921. Her Broadway days started there, as well with the "Stars of the Future" (1922–24, and a brief revival in early 1927). She also sang onstage with an early singing trio, the Hamilton Sisters and Fordyce, later known as The Three X Sisters.


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane's roommate in the early 1920s was Jessie Fordyce. The singing trio act might have become the Hamilton Sisters and Schroeder, but Pearl Hamilton chose Fordyce to tour as a trio act "just to see what happens" at the end of the theatrical season.


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane's career break came in 1927, when she appeared in a musical called "A Night in Spain". It ran from May 3 through Nov 12, 1927, for a total of 174 performances, at the 44th Street Theatre in New York City. Subsequently, Paul Ash, a band conductor, put Kane's name forward for a performance at New York's Paramount Theater.


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane's first performance at the Paramount Theater in Times Square proved to be her career's launching point. She was singing "That's My Weakness Now", when she interpolated the scat lyrics "boop-oop-a-doop". This resonated with the flapper culture, and four days later, Helen Kane's name went up in lights.


title: Helen Kane

text: In Oscar Hammerstein's 1928 show "Good Boy", she first introduced the hit "I Wanna Be Loved by You". Then it was back to the Palace, as a headliner for $5,000 a week. She rejoined her friends from vaudeville, The Three X Sisters (formerly The Hamilton Sisters and Fordyce) for one night. In a 1935 live stage performance, she harmonized with their unique banter to a novelty tune, "The Preacher and the Bear".


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane had excellent diction, intonation, and timing, learned during her apprenticeship in vaudeville. Her songs have a strong word focus and capitalize on her coquettish voice. She blended several fashionable styles of the late 1920s. These included scat singing, a kind of vocal improvisation, and also blending singing and speech. "Sprechgesang" ("speech-song") was fashionable at this time in Germany's Weimar Republic in both nightclubs and in serious music.


title: Helen Kane

text: Kane recorded 22 songs between 1928 and 1930. After 1930 and up to 1951, she recorded four sides for Columbia Records in addition to the "Three Little Words" soundtrack single recording of "I Wanna Be Loved by You".


title: Helen Kane

text: In early 1929, Paramount Pictures signed Kane to make a series of musicals at a salary of as much as $8,000 a week (equivalent to over $120,000 in 2020).


title: Helen Kane

text: Although Kane was not the "star" of most of her pictures (with "Dangerous Nan McGrew" being the one exception), she was so popular that in the case of "Sweetie", her name appeared over the title on the marquee when the movie premiered at the New York Paramount (although Nancy Carroll was the true star). Kane provided all the fun, and Jack Oakie and she danced to "The Prep Step", a big hit along with "He's So Unusual". They even performed this dance at the first Hollywood Bowl fundraiser on August 7, 1929. Another hit from this picture was Nancy Carroll's "My Sweeter Than Sweet".


title: Helen Kane

text: In the opening credits of "Pointed Heels", Kane and William Powell are billed on the same line just below the title, with Fay Wray and the rest in smaller letters underneath. She had equal billing with Buddy Rogers in "Heads Up!", and their faces appeared in all the ads. In "Dangerous Nan McGrew", Kane received top billing in the film's credits.


title: Helen Kane

text: In 1930, Fleischer Studios animators introduced what was alleged to be a caricature of Helen Kane, with droopy dog ears and a squeaky singing voice, in the Talkartoons cartoon "Dizzy Dishes". "Betty Boop", as the character was later dubbed, soon became popular and the star of her own cartoons. In 1932, Betty Boop was changed into a human, the long dog ears becoming hoop earrings.


title: Helen Kane

text: In 1932, Kane filed a lawsuit against Max Fleischer and Paramount for damages of $250,000 (equivalent to $4.7 million in 2020), alleging infringement, unfair competition and exploitation of her personality and image. Before his death, cartoonist Grim Natwick admitted he had designed a young girl based upon a photo of Kane. Margie Hines, Mae Questel, Bonnie Poe, Little Ann Little, and Kate Wright provided the voice for Betty Boop. They had all taken part in a 1929 Paramount contest, which was a search for Helen Kane impersonators.


title: Helen Kane

text: The actual trial took place in April and early May 1934, and lasted approximately two weeks. It was claimed in court that Kane based her style in part on Baby Esther, a child African American dancer and entertainer of the late 1920s, known for impersonating Florence Mills. Variety stated Esther was seven years old, Esther had arrived for the first time in New York City in mid-1928, playing in a pocket-sized nightclub called The Everglades. Theatrical manager Lou Bolton offered testimony during the "Kane v. Fleischer" trial to convey the impression that Helen Kane adopted Baby Esther's boops to further her own popularity as a singer. Esther's act at The Everglades included an impersonation of the late Florence Mills. Under cross-examination Bolton said that he had met with Kane at the club after Esther's performance, but could not say when she had walked in. Bolton also stated that Fleischer's lawyers had paid him $200 to come to New York. The Fleischers used as defense a film of Baby Esther, made in 1928, featuring her singing three songs that had earlier been popularized by Helen Kane – "Don't Be Like That", "Is There Anything Wrong with That?"" and "Wa-da-da" – which writer Mark Langer says "was hardly proof that Helen Kane derived her singing style from Baby Esther". However Jazz Studies scholar Robert O'Meally stated this evidence might very well have been fabricated by the Fleischers to discredit Kane, whom they later admitted to have been their model for Betty Boop. O'Meally also questioned if there was some sort of deal between Fleischer Studios and Bolton, and questioned if Esther was ever paid for her presumed loss of revenue.


title: Helen Kane

text: Other attempts to discredit Kane at the trial came in the form of phonograph recordings of Annette Hanshaw and the Duncan Sisters, and a piece of 1915 sheet music that was entitled Bou Dou BaDa Bou (which was actually French, and was not "scat" because it was someone's name). The five women who did the Betty Boop voice in the cartoons also testified, claiming they always 'booped' that way, even around the house. Based on the totality of the information presented before him and without a jury, Judge McGoldrick found "insufficient evidence to support the plaintiff's claim" and found in favor of the defendants on May 5, 1934.


title: Helen Kane

text: With the hardships of the Great Depression biting, the flamboyant world of the flapper was over, and Kane's style began to date rapidly. After 1931, she lost the favor of the moviemakers, who chose other singers for their films. She appeared in a stage production called "Shady Lady" in 1933, sang weekly on the radio, and made appearances at various nightclubs and theatres during the 1930s.


title: Helen Kane

text: In 1950, she dubbed Debbie Reynolds, who performed "I Wanna Be Loved by You" in the MGM musical biopic of songwriters Bert Kalmar and Harry Ruby, "Three Little Words." She did not appear in the film's credits.


title: Helen Kane

text: She appeared on several TV shows in the 1950s and 1960s, principally "Toast of the Town," later known as "The Ed Sullivan Show." Kane's final public appearance was on the Sullivan Show on St. Patrick's Day 1965.


title: Helen Kane

text: In addition, Kane was given a tribute in 1958 on "This Is Your Life" with Ralph Edwards. It brought a tearful reunion with her old friend, actress Fifi D'Orsay, and a lifelong fan who once sent her money when she was down on her luck. Renewed interest in Kane brought her a one-record contract with MGM Records and appearances on "I've Got a Secret" and "You Asked for It." She sang on all of these TV shows.


title: Helen Kane

text: In November 1924, Helen Schroeder married department store buyer Joseph Kane and took his last name professionally. The marriage was over by 1925 when she left to go back on the road, ended in 1928, and she went to Mexico to get a final divorce in December 1932. In February 1933 she married actor and son of Gertrude Hoffmann Max Hoffmann Jr. After six months he deserted her and Kane filed for divorce. The divorce was finalized in May 1935. In 1939 she married Dan Healy, with whom she had worked in "Good Boy" in 1928. They opened a restaurant in New York City called Healy's Grill. She remained married to Healy for the rest of her life. Kane had no children, although she did sponsor godchildren.


title: Helen Kane

text: Helen Kane battled breast cancer for more than a decade. She had surgery in 1956 and eventually received two hundred radiation treatments as an outpatient at Memorial Hospital. She died on September 26, 1966, at age 62, in her apartment in Jackson Heights, Queens, New York City. Her husband of 27 years, Dan Healy, was at her bedside. Helen Kane was buried in Long Island National Cemetery, in Suffolk County, New York.


title: Helen Kane

text: The release dates of recordings 1 to 22 are derived from the cover notes of the CD "Helen Kane - Great Original Performances - 1928 to 1930" (RPCD 323).


title: Helen Kane

text: In 1954, MGM records issued the last Helen Kane recordings as a 45-rpm Ep X1164 called "The Boop-Boop-A-Doop Girl!", orchestra directed by Leroy Holmes, and the songs are "When My Sugar Walks Down the Street", "When I Get You Alone Tonight, Do Something" (from "Nothing But the Truth") and "That's My Weakness Now".


title: 213 (group)

text: 213 (pronounced "Two One Three") was an American hip hop trio supergroup from Long Beach, California composed of Snoop Dogg, Warren G and Nate Dogg. The name derives from Los Angeles' original telephone area code 213, which served the city of Long Beach at the time of the group's formation (it later became area code 562).


title: 213 (group)

text: Their breakthrough song was the minor hit "Ain't No Fun (If the Homies Can't Have None)" from Snoop Dogg's solo debut "Doggystyle", which also featured Kurupt of Tha Dogg Pound. In 1994, they released the "St. Ides EP". Since then, they continued to collaborate on each other's solo projects, but they didn't release any new material as a group. They got their name from Oakland rap group 415 as paying homage. August 17, 2004, they released their only studio album "The Hard Way", which reached #4 in the U.S. "Billboard" 200 charts. It featured the singles, "Groupie Luv" and "So Fly".


title: 213 (group)

text: On March 15, 2011, Nate Dogg died in Long Beach, California, from complications of multiple strokes, effectively disbanding 213.


title: Pie Jesu

text: "Pie Jesu" ( ; original Latin: "Pie Iesu" ) is a text from the final couplet of the hymn "Dies irae", and is often included in musical settings of the Requiem Mass as a motet. The phrase means "pious Jesus" in the vocative.


title: Pie Jesu

text: The settings of the Requiem Mass by Luigi Cherubini, Antonin Dvořák, Gabriel Fauré, Maurice Duruflé, John Rutter, Karl Jenkins, Kim André Arnesen and Fredrik Sixten include a "Pie Jesu" as an independent movement. Decidedly, the best known is the "Pie Jesu" from Fauré's Requiem. Camille Saint-Saëns, who died in 1921, said of Fauré's "Pie Jesu": "Just as Mozart's is the only 'Ave verum corpus', this is the only 'Pie Jesu'."


title: Pie Jesu

text: Andrew Lloyd Webber's setting of "Pie Jesu" in his Requiem (1985) has also become well known and has been widely recorded, including by Sarah Brightman, Charlotte Church, Jackie Evancho, Sissel Kyrkjebø, Marie Osmond, Anna Netrebko, and others. Performed by Sarah Brightman and Paul Miles-Kingston, it was a certified Silver hit in the UK in 1985.


title: Pie Jesu

text: The couplet is chanted by a group of flagellant monks as a running gag during the 1975 film "Monty Python and the Holy Grail".


title: Pie Jesu

text: Andrew Lloyd Webber, in his "Requiem", combined the text of the "Pie Jesu" with the version of the "Agnus Dei" from the Tridentine Requiem Mass:


title: Birthday cake

text: A birthday cake is a cake eaten as part of a birthday celebration. Birthday cakes are often layer cakes with frosting served with small lit candles on top representing the celebrant's age. Variations include cupcakes, cake pops, pastries, and tarts. The cake is often decorated with birthday wishes ("Happy birthday") and the celebrant's name.


title: Birthday cake

text: Birthday cakes have been a part of birthday celebrations in Western European countries since the middle of the 19th century. However, the link between cakes and birthday celebrations may date back to ancient Roman times.


title: Birthday cake

text: In classical Roman culture, 'cakes' were occasionally served at special birthdays and at weddings. These were flat circles made from flour and nuts, leavened with yeast, and sweetened with honey.


title: Birthday cake

text: In the 15th century, bakeries in Germany began to market one-layer cakes for customers' birthdays in addition to cakes for weddings. During the 17th century, the birthday cake took on its contemporary form. These elaborate 17th century cakes had many aspects of the contemporary birthday cake, like multiple layers, icing, and decorations. However, these cakes were only available to the very wealthy. Birthday cakes became accessible to the lower class as a result of the industrial revolution and the spread of more materials and goods. So, it has become the cultures and traditions to celebrate the birthday with delicious cake and beautiful wishes


title: Birthday cake

text: The cake, pastry, or dessert is served to a person on their birthday. In contemporary Western cultures, the cake is topped with one or more lit candles, which the celebrated individual attempts to blow out.


title: Birthday cake

text: There is no standard for birthday cakes, though the "Happy Birthday" song is often sung while the cake is served in English-speaking countries, or an equivalent birthday song in the appropriate language of the country. The phrase "happy birthday" did not appear on birthday cakes until the song "Happy Birthday to You" was popularized in the early 1900s. Variations of birthday songs and rituals exist in different parts of the world. In Uruguay, party guests touch the person's shoulder or head following the singing of "Happy Birthday to You". In Ecuador, the person whose birthday it is will take a large bite of the birthday cake before it is served. In Peru, guests sing "Happy Birthday to You" first in English with the name of the individual whose birthday it is, then in Spanish, later they sing any other song in Spanish regarding cake or date, finally blowing candles and serving the cake.


title: Birthday cake

text: The birthday cake is often decorated with small candles, secured with special holders or simply pressed down into the cake. The cake can also be served with other sweets such as ice cream. In the UK, North America and Australia, the number of candles is usually equal to the age of the individual whose birthday it is, sometimes with one extra for luck. Traditionally, the person whose birthday it is makes a wish, which is thought to come true if all the candles are extinguished in a single breath.


title: Birthday cake

text: To represent a sharing of joy and a sense of togetherness, the cake is shared amongst all the guests attending the party.


title: Birthday cake

text: In many cultures the person whose birthday is being celebrated is invited to make a wish, and blow out candles. Though the exact origin and significance of this ritual is unknown, there are multiple theories which try to explain this tradition.


title: Birthday cake

text: One theory explaining the tradition of placing candles on birthday cakes is attributed to the early Greeks, who used candles to honor the goddess Artemis' birth on the sixth day of every lunar month. The link between her oversight of fertility and the birthday tradition of candles on cakes, however, has not been established.


title: Birthday cake

text: The use of fire in certain rites dates back to the creation of altars. Birthday candles are said to hold symbolic power.


title: Birthday cake

text: In the past it was believed that evil spirits visited people on their birthdays and that, to protect the person whose birthday it was from evil, people must surround the individual and make them merry. Party-goers made noise to scare away evil spirits.


title: Birthday cake

text: In 18th century Germany, the history of candles on cakes can be traced back to Kinderfest, a birthday celebration for children. This tradition also makes use of candles and cakes. German children were taken to an auditorium-like space. There, they were free to celebrate another year in a place where Germans believed that adults protected children from the evil spirits attempting to steal their souls. In those times there was no tradition of bringing gifts to a birthday; guests would merely bring good wishes for the birthday person. However, if a guest did bring gifts it was considered to be a good sign for the person whose birthday it was. Later, flowers became quite popular as a birthday gift.


title: Birthday cake

text: A reference to the tradition of blowing out the candles was documented in Switzerland in 1881. Researchers for the "Folk-Lore Journal" recorded various "superstitions" among the Swiss middle class. One statement depicted a birthday cake as having lighted candles which correspond to each year of life. These candles were required to be blown out, individually, by the person who is being celebrated.


title: Birthday cake

text: In June 2017 researchers at Clemson University reported that some individuals deposit a large number of bacteria on the cake.


title: Birthday cake

text: There are many variations of sweets which are eaten around the world on birthdays. The Chinese birthday pastry is the shòu bāo (壽包, simp. 寿包) or shòu táo bāo (壽桃包, simp. 寿桃包), a lotus-paste-filled bun made of wheat flour and shaped and colored to resemble a peach. Rather than serving one large pastry, each guest is served their own small shou bao. In Western Russia, birthday children are served fruit pies with a birthday greeting carved into the crusts. The Swedish birthday cake is made like a pound cake that is often topped with marzipan and decorated with the national flag. Dutch birthday pastries are fruit tarts topped with whipped cream. In India there are very few people who celebrate birthdays in the villages, but in cities and towns, birthday cakes are consumed similarly as in western countries, especially among people with higher education.


title: Death certificate

text: A death certificate is either a legal document issued by a medical practitioner which states when a person died, or a document issued by a government civil registration office, that declares the date, location and cause of a person's death, as entered in an official register of deaths.


title: Death certificate

text: An official death certificate is usually required to be provided when applying for probate or administration of a deceased estate. They are also sought for genealogical research. The government registration office would usually be required to provide details of deaths, without production of a death certificate, to enable government agencies to update their records, such as electoral registers, government benefits paid, passport records, transfer the inheritance, etc.