title: Wyck Godfrey

text: Wyck Godfrey is an American producer and executive. He is best known for producing "The Twilight Saga" and "The Maze Runner" film series. He is a partner of the production company Temple Hill Entertainment with his friend Marty Bowen, which they founded in 2006. In 2017, he was named President of Paramount Motion Pictures Group. In 2020, Godfrey left Paramount and returned to producing with Temple Hill Entertainment.


title: Wyck Godfrey

text: Godfrey graduated from Science Hill High School in Johnson City, Tennessee, earned a degree in English literature from Princeton University, and later moved to New York City, where he interned at New Line Cinema. In February 2006, he and his friend Marty Bowen founded their own production company, Temple Hill Entertainment, and produced "The Nativity Story" as their first film together. He was raised Christian.


title: Wyck Godfrey

text: Godfrey produced the five films in "The Twilight Saga" series from 2008 to 2012. In 2014, he produced the young adult novel adaptation "The Fault in Our Stars" He has also produced the three films in "The Maze Runner" series.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Vasily Semyonovich Grossman (; 12 December (29 November, Julian calendar) 1905 – 14 September 1964) was a Soviet writer and journalist.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Born to a Jewish family in Ukraine, then part of the Russian Empire, Grossman trained as a chemical engineer at Moscow State University, earning the nickname "Vasya-khimik" ("Vasya the Chemist") because of his diligence as a student. Upon graduation he took a job in Stalino (now Donetsk) in the Donets Basin. In the 1930s he changed careers and began writing full-time, publishing a number of short stories and several novels. At the outbreak of the Second World War, he was engaged as a war correspondent by the Red Army newspaper "Krasnaya Zvezda"; he wrote first-hand accounts of the battles of Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and Berlin. Grossman's eyewitness reports of a Nazi extermination camp, following the discovery of Treblinka, were among the earliest accounts of a Nazi death camp by a reporter.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: While Grossman was never arrested by the Soviet authorities, his two major literary works ("Life and Fate" and "Everything Flows") were censored by the Krushchev regime as unacceptably anti-Soviet. In "Vasily Grossman: Myths and Counter-Myths and Grossman", by Grossman scholar Yury Bit-Yunan and Grossman translator, Robert Chandler say that, between 1962 and 1964, Grossman was publishing new works, and older works, including "For a Just Cause" were being republished; disagreeing with Semyon Lipkin who claimed that Grossman became in effect a nonperson. The KGB raided Grossman's flat after he had completed "Life and Fate", seizing manuscripts, notes and even the typewriter ribbon on which the text had been written. It has been said that Grossman was told by the Communist Party's chief ideologist Mikhail Suslov that the book could not be published for two or three hundred years; however Bit-Yunan and Chandler say that there is, in fact no evidence in the papers of Grossman, or Suslov, for this. At the time of Grossman's death from stomach cancer in 1964 these books remained unreleased. Hidden copies were eventually smuggled out of the Soviet Union by a network of dissidents, including Andrei Sakharov and Vladimir Voinovich, and first published in the West in 1980, before appearing in the Soviet Union in 1988.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Born Iosif Solomonovich Grossman in Berdychiv, Ukraine, Russian Empire into an emancipated Jewish family, he did not receive a traditional Jewish education. His father Semyon Osipovich Grossman was a chemical engineer, and his mother Yekaterina Savelievna was a teacher of French. A Russian nanny turned his name "Yossya" into Russian "Vasya" (a diminutive of "Vasily"), which was accepted by the whole family. His father had social-democratic convictions and joined the Mensheviks, and was active in the 1905 Revolution; he helped organise events in Sevastopol. From 1910 to 1912, he lived with his mother in Geneva after his parents had separated. After returning to Berdychiv in 1912, he moved to Kiev in 1914 where, while living with his father, he attended secondary school and later the Kiev Higher Institute of Soviet Education. Young Vasily Grossman idealistically supported the hope of the Russian Revolution of 1917.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: In January 1928, Grossman married Anna Petrovna Matsuk; their daughter, named Yekaterina after Grossman's mother, was born two years later. When he had to move to Moscow, she refused to leave her job in Kiev, but in any case, she could not get a permit to stay in Moscow. When he moved to Stalino, she certainly did not want to go; she had started having affairs. Their daughter was sent to live with his mother in Berdychiv.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman began writing short stories while studying chemical engineering at Moscow State University and later continued his literary activity while working running chemical tests at a coal-mining concern in Stalino in the Donbass, and later in a pencil factory. One of his first short stories, "In the Town of Berdichev" ("В городе Бердичеве"), drew favourable attention and encouragement from Maxim Gorky and Mikhail Bulgakov. The film "Commissar" (director Aleksandr Askoldov), made in 1967, suppressed by the KGB and released only in October 1990, is based on this four-page story.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: In the mid-1930s Grossman left his job and committed himself fully to writing. By 1936 he had published two collections of stories and the novel "Glyukauf", and in 1937 was accepted into the privileged Union of Writers. His novel "Stepan Kol'chugin" (published 1937-40) was nominated for a Stalin prize, but deleted from the list by Stalin himself for alleged Menshevik sympathies.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman's first marriage ended in 1933, and in the summer of 1935 he began an affair with Olga Mikhailovna Guber, the wife of his friend, the writer Boris Guber. Grossman and Olga began living together in October 1935, and they married in May 1936, a few days after Olga and Boris Guber divorced. In 1937 during the Great Purge Boris Guber was arrested, and later Olga was also arrested for failing to denounce her previous husband as an "enemy of the people". Grossman quickly had himself registered as the official guardian of Olga's two sons by Boris Guber, thus saving them from being sent to orphanages. He then wrote to Nikolay Yezhov, the head of the NKVD, pointing out that Olga was now his wife, not Guber's, and that she should not be held responsible for a man from whom she had separated long before his arrest. Grossman's friend, Semyon Lipkin, commented, "In 1937 only a very brave man would have dared to write a letter like this to the State's chief executioner." Astonishingly, Olga Guber was released.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: When Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941, Grossman's mother was trapped in Berdychiv by the invading German Army, and eventually murdered together with 20,000 to 30,000 other Jews who had not evacuated. Grossman was exempt from military service, but volunteered for the front, where he spent more than 1,000 days. He became a war correspondent for the popular Red Army newspaper "Krasnaya Zvezda" (Red Star). As the war raged on, he covered its major events, including the Battle of Moscow, the Battle of Stalingrad, the Battle of Kursk and the Battle of Berlin. In addition to war journalism, his novels (such as "The People are Immortal" (Народ бессмертен)) were published in newspapers and he came to be regarded as a legendary war hero. The novel "Stalingrad" (1950), later renamed "For a Just Cause" (За правое дело), is based on his experiences during the siege. A new English translation, with added material from Grossman's politically risky early drafts, was published in 2019 under the original title, "Stalingrad". In December 2019 the book was the subject of the series "Stalingrad: Destiny of a Novel" in BBC Radio 4's "Book of the Week".


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman described Nazi ethnic cleansing in German-occupied Ukraine and Poland and the liberation by the Red Army of the German Nazi Treblinka and Majdanek extermination camps. He collected some of the first eyewitness accounts—as early as 1943—of what later became known as the Holocaust. His article "The Hell of Treblinka" (1944) was disseminated at the Nuremberg Trials as evidence for the prosecution.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman interviewed former "Sonderkommando" inmates who escaped from Treblinka and wrote his manuscript without revealing their identities. He had access to materials already published. Grossman described Treblinka's operation in the first person. Of Josef Hirtreiter, the "SS" man who served at the reception zone of the Treblinka extermination camp during the arrival of transports, Grossman wrote:


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman's description of a physically unlikely method of killing a living human through tearing-by-hand originated from the 1944 memoir of the Treblinka revolt survivor Jankiel Wiernik, where the phrase to "tear the child in half" appeared for the first time. Wiernik himself never worked in the "Auffanglager" receiving area of the camp where Hirtreiter served, and so was repeating hearsay. But the narrative repetition reveals that such stories were retold routinely. Wiernik's memoir was published in Warsaw as a clandestine booklet before the war's end, and translated in 1945 as "A Year in Treblinka". In his article, Grossman claimed that 3 million people had been killed at Treblinka, the highest estimate ever proposed, in line with the Soviet trend of exaggerating Nazi crimes for propaganda purposes.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman participated in the assembly of the Black Book, a project of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee to document the crimes of the Holocaust. The post-war suppression of the Black Book by the Soviet state shook him to the core, and he began to question his own loyal support of the Soviet regime. First the censors ordered changes in the text to conceal the specifically anti-Jewish character of the atrocities and to downplay the role of Ukrainians who worked with the Nazis as police. Then, in 1948, the Soviet edition of the book was scrapped completely. Semyon Lipkin wrote:


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman also criticized collectivization and political repression of peasants that led to the Holodomor tragedy. He wrote that "The decree about grain procurement required that the peasants of Ukraine, the Don and the Kuban be put to death by starvation, put to death along with their little children."


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Because of state persecution, only a few of Grossman's post-war works were published during his lifetime. After he submitted for publication his magnum opus, the novel "Life and Fate" (Жизнь и судьба, 1959), the KGB raided his flat. The manuscripts, carbon copies, notebooks, as well as the typists' copies and even the typewriter ribbons were seized. It has been said by many, including Grossman translator, Robert Chandler (see, for example his introduction to Life and Fate that the Politburo ideology chief Mikhail Suslov told Grossman that his book could not be published for two or three hundred years. However, Chandler and Yury Bit-Yunan, in "Vasily Grossman: Myths and Counter-Myths", say that their research into the notes about that meeting of both Grossman and Suslov show that this was not the case, and in note 2 of that article, Chandler expresses regret for having made the claim.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman wrote to Nikita Khrushchev: "What is the point of me being physically free when the book I dedicated my life to is arrested... I am not renouncing it... I am requesting freedom for my book." However, "Life and Fate" and his last major novel, "Everything Flows" (Все течет, 1961) were considered a threat to the Soviet power and remained unpublished. Grossman died in 1964, not knowing whether his greatest work would ever be read by the public.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: Grossman died of stomach cancer on 14 September 1964. He was buried at the Troyekurovskoye Cemetery on the edge of Moscow.


title: Vasily Grossman

text: "Life and Fate" was first published in Russian in 1980 in Switzerland, thanks to fellow dissidents: the physicist Andrei Sakharov secretly photographed draft pages preserved by Semyon Lipkin, and the writer Vladimir Voinovich smuggled the photographic films abroad. Two dissident researchers, professors and writers Efim Etkind and Shimon Markish, retyped the text from the microfilm, with some mistakes and misreadings due to the bad quality. The book was finally published in the Soviet Union in 1988 after the policy of glasnost was initiated by Mikhail Gorbachev. The text was published again in 1989 after further original manuscripts emerged after the first publication. "Everything Flows" was also published in the Soviet Union in 1989, and was republished in English with a new translation by Robert Chandler in 2009. "Life and Fate" was first published in English in 1985; a revised English translation by Robert Chandler was published in 2006 and widely praised, being described as "World War II's "War and Peace".


title: Vasily Grossman

text: "Life and Fate" is considered to be in part an autobiographical work. Robert Chandler wrote in his introduction to the Harvill edition that its leading character, Viktor Shtrum, "is a portrait of the author himself," reflecting in particular his anguish at the murder of his mother at the Berdichev Ghetto. Chapter 18, a letter from Shtrum's mother, Anna, has been dramatized for the stage and film as "The Last Letter" (2002), directed by Frederick Wiseman and starring Catherine Samie. Chandler suggests that aspects of the character and experience of Shtrum are based on the physicist Lev Landau. The late novel "Everything Flows", in turn, is especially noted for its quiet, unforced, and yet horrifying condemnation of the Soviet totalitarian state: a work in which Grossman, liberated from worries about censors, spoke honestly about Soviet history.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: Serving as the main connecting hub for rail traffic between Tokyo's special wards and Western Tokyo on inter-city rail, commuter rail, and subway lines, the station was used by an average of 3.59 million people per day in 2018, making it, by far, the world's busiest station (and registered as such with Guinness World Records). The main JR station and the directly adjacent private railways have a total of 35 platforms, including an underground arcade, above ground arcade and numerous hallways with another 17 platforms (53 total) that can be accessed through hallways to 5 directly connected stations without surfacing outside. The entire above/underground complex has well over 200 exits.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The station is centered around facilities servicing the East Japan Railway Company (JR East) lines. These consist of eight ground-level island platforms (16 tracks) on a north-south axis, connected by two overhead and two underground concourses. Most JR services here are urban and suburban mass transit lines, although many limited express services to Kōfu and Matsumoto on the Chūō Main Line and to Nikkō and Kinugawa Onsen via joint operations with the private Tōbu Railway also begin and end at this station, including "Narita Express" services to and from Narita International Airport. The JR section alone handles an average of 1.5 million passengers a day.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The terminus for the private Odakyu Odawara Line is parallel to the JR platforms on the west side, and handles an average of 490,000 passengers daily. This is a major commuter route stretching southwest through the suburbs and out towards the coastal city of Odawara and the mountains of Hakone. The ten platforms are built on two levels beneath the Odakyu department store; three express service tracks (six platforms) on the ground level and two tracks (four platforms) on the level below. Each track has platforms on both sides in order to completely separate boarding and alighting passengers.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: Keio operates two sections of Shinjuku Station, the traditional Keio Line stub terminal and a separate through station connecting the Keio New Line with the Toei Shinjuku Line. In 2019, 788,567 passengers used the Keio complex daily (Keio and Keio New Lines), which makes among the busiest amongst the non-JR Group railways of Japan.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The Keio Line concourse is located to the west of the Odakyu line concourse, two floors below ground level under Keio department store. It consists of three platforms stretching north to south. An additional thin platform between Platforms 2 and 3 is used for alighting only. This suburban commuter line links Shinjuku to the city of Hachiōji to the west. Chest-high platform edge doors were introduced on the Keio Line platforms in March 2014. The doors are different colours for each platform; the doors on Platform 2 are green.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The shared facilities for the Toei Shinjuku subway line and the Keiō New Line are distinctively called and consist of two platforms stretching east-west five floors beneath the Kōshū Kaidō avenue to the southwest of the JR section. The concourse is managed by Keio Corporation but is in a separate location to the main Keio platforms. Further south (and deeper underground) are the two north-to-south Toei Ōedo subway line platforms.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: Toei Ōedo Line's two underground platforms stretch north-south to the south of the Toei Shinjuku Line and Keio New Line facilities. This is on the 7th basement floor of Tokyo prefectural road 414(Yotsuya-Tsunohazu Ave.).


title: Shinjuku Station

text: Tokyo Metro's two Marunouchi Line underground platforms stretch east-west to the north of the JR and Odakyu facilities, directly below the Metro Promenade underground mall.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: In addition to the above, the Metro Promenade, which is an underground mall owned by Tokyo Metro, extends eastwards from the station beneath Shinjuku-dori avenue, all the way to the adjacent Shinjuku-sanchōme station with 60 exits along the way. The Metro Promenade in turn connects to Shinjuku Subnade, another underground shopping mall, which leads onto Seibu Railway's Seibu-Shinjuku station.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: There is a bus terminal at the west exit servicing both local and long-distance buses, and a JR Highway Bus terminal at the New South Gates.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: On April 4, 2016, the new bus terminal and commercial facilities nearby south exit, named (Shinjuku Expressway Bus Terminal), opened for service. Considerable numbers of the coaches and the airport buses depart from this new terminal.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The figures below are the official number of passengers entering and exiting (except for JR East) each day released by each train operator. The figure for JR East only includes entering passengers.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: Shinjuku Station opened in 1885 as a stop on Japan Railway's Akabane-Shinagawa line (now part of the Yamanote Line). Shinjuku was still a quiet community at the time and the station was not heavily trafficked at first. The opening of the Chūō Line (1889), Keiō Line (1915) and Odakyū Line (1923) led to increasing traffic through the station.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: Japanese government urban planner Kensaburo Kondo designed a major revamp of the station in 1933, which included a large public square on the west side completed in 1941. Kondo's plan also called for extending the Tokyu Toyoko Line to a new underground terminal on the west side of the station, and constructing an east-west underground line that would be served by the Seibu Railway and the Tokyo Kosoku Railway (forerunner of Tokyo Metro), while the Keio and Odakyu lines would use above-ground terminals to the west of the JR station. These plans were suspended upon the onset of World War II but influenced the current layout of the station area. Subway service ultimately began in 1959.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The Seibu Shinjuku Line was extended from Takadanobaba Station to Seibu Shinjuku Station in 1952. Seibu Shinjuku was built as a temporary station pending a planned redevelopment of the east side of Shinjuku Station, which was to feature a large station building that would house a new Seibu terminal on its second floor. Seibu abandoned its plan to use the building due to a lack of space for trains longer than six cars; the building is now known as Lumine Est and retains some design features originally intended to accommodate the Seibu terminal (in particular, a very high ceiling on the first floor and a very low ceiling on the second floor). In the late 1980s, Seibu planned to build an underground terminal on the east side of Shinjuku, but indefinitely postponed the plan in 1995 due to costs and declining passenger growth.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: On August 8, 1967, a freight train carrying jet fuel bound for the U.S. air bases at Tachikawa and Yokota collided with another freight train and caught fire on the Chūō Rapid tracks. The incident stoked ongoing political controversy in Japan regarding the Vietnam War. The station was a major site for student protests in 1968 and 1969, the height of civil unrest in postwar Japan. On October 21, 1968, 290,000 marchers participated in International Anti-War Day, taking over Shinjuku station and forcing trains to stop. In May and June 1969, members of the antiwar group Beheiren carrying guitars and calling themselves "folk guerrillas" led weekly singalongs in the underground plaza outside the west exit of the station, attracting crowds of thousands. Participants described it as a "liberated zone" and a "community of encounter." In July, riot police cleared the plaza with tear gas and changed signs in the station to read "West Exit Concourse" instead of "West Exit Plaza." The incident represented a significant defeat for public activism in Tokyo.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: There have been plans at various points in history to connect Shinjuku into the Shinkansen network, and the 1973 Shinkansen Basic Plan, still in force, specifies that the station should be the southern terminus of the Jōetsu Shinkansen line to Niigata. While construction of the Ōmiya-Shinjuku link never started and the Jōetsu line presently terminates in Tokyo Station, the right of way, including an area underneath the station, remains reserved.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: On May 5, 1995, the Aum Shinrikyo doomsday cult attempted a chemical terrorist attack by setting off a cyanide gas device in a toilet in the underground concourse, barely a month after the gas attack on the Tokyo subway which killed 13, left 6,252 people with non-fatal injuries, severely injured 50 people, and caused 984 cases of temporary vision problems. This time the attack was thwarted by staff who extinguished the burning device.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The station facilities on the Marunouchi Line were inherited by Tokyo Metro after the privatization of the Teito Rapid Transit Authority (TRTA) in 2004.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: A major expansion of the JR terminal was completed in April 2016, adding a 32-story office tower, bus terminal, taxi terminal, and numerous shops and restaurants.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: In 2020, the east-west free passageway was opened, shortening the time required for pedestrians to pass between the east and west exits by 10 minutes. A major redevelopment of the station and surrounding area began in July 2021 with the aim of improving pedestrian flow and making it easier and faster to cut through the east and west sides of the station. Construction is expected to continue until 2047.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: When the Keio Line extended to Shinjuku in 1915, its terminal was located several blocks east of the government railway (presently JR) station. The terminal was first named and was on the street near the Isetan department store. In 1927, the station was moved from the street to a newly built terminal adjacent to the original station. The station building housed a department store. The station name was changed to in 1930 and again to in 1937.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The tracks from the terminal were on the Kōshū Kaidō highway, which crosses the Yamanote Line and the Chūō Line in front of the south entrance of Shinjuku Station by a bridge. The Keiō Line had a station for the access to Shinjuku Station, named and renamed in 1937 .


title: Shinjuku Station

text: In July 1945, the terminal of the Keiō Line was relocated to the present location, though on the ground level, on the west side of Shinjuku Station. Keiō Shinjuku Station and Shōsen Shinjuku Ekimae Station were closed. This was because the trains faced difficulty in climbing up the slopes of the bridge over the governmental railway after one of the nearby transformer substations was destroyed by an air raid. The site of Keiō Shinjuku Station near Shinjuku-Sanchōme subway station is now occupied by two buildings owned by Keiō: Keiō Shinjuku Sanchōme Building and Keiō Shinjuku Oiwake Building.


title: Shinjuku Station

text: The station and other parts of the Toei Ōedo Line are referenced in the Digimon Adventure franchise. Contemporary British painter Carl Randall (who spent 10 years living in Tokyo as an artist) depicted the station area in his large oil painting 'Shinjuku', exhibited at the National Portrait Gallery in London 2013.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The dissident Irish republican campaign began at the end of the Troubles, a 30-year political conflict in Northern Ireland. Since the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA or PIRA) called a ceasefire and ended its campaign in 1997, breakaway groups opposed to the ceasefire and to the peace agreements ("dissident Irish republicans") have continued a low-level armed campaign against the security forces in Northern Ireland. The main paramilitaries involved are the Real IRA, Continuity IRA and formerly Óglaigh na hÉireann (splintered into Irish Republican Movement). They have targeted the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and the British Army in gun and bomb attacks as well as with mortars and rockets. They have also carried out bombings that are meant to cause disruption. However, their campaign has not been as intensive as the Provisional IRA's, and political support for groups such as the Real IRA is "tending towards zero".


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In 2007, the government declared the end of Operation Banner, ending the four-decade long deployment of the British Army in Northern Ireland. As a result the PSNI has since been the main target of attacks.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: To date, two British soldiers, two PSNI officers and two Prison Service guards have been killed as part of the republican campaign. At least 50 civilians (and former combatants) have also been killed by republican paramilitaries, 29 of whom died in the Omagh bombing carried out by the Real IRA.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: Since the 1169 invasion of Ireland by Norman knights at the request of ousted King of Leinster Dermot MacMurrough, Ireland has, in part or in whole, been under English, and later British, administration. Rebellions against rule from Great Britain were unsuccessful until 1919–1921's Anglo-Irish War, when the original Irish Republican Army (IRA) succeeded in removing 26 of Ireland's 32 counties from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland as the Irish Free State. Although previously, the offer of Irish Home rule was agreed in the third Home Rule Bill, implementation was suspended by violent opposition in Ulster and the forming of the UVF, and later by the outbreak of the First World War. Following the partition of Ireland by the Crown, the remaining six counties, located in the province of Ulster, became Northern Ireland and remained a part of the renamed United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: A civil war followed in the new southern state, and the IRA split for the first time, into the Irish National Army—the war's victor, which became the army of the Free State—and the Anti-Treaty IRA, which was opposed to the treaty that had partitioned Ireland into two states.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The IRA ceased to be a significant force following its defeat in the Civil War, and it was not until a further split, into the Official IRA and Provisional IRA (PIRA) following the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, that a group calling itself the Irish Republican Army—the Provisional IRA—would again come to prove a significant military force. As a belligerent in what would come to be known as the Troubles, the PIRA waged an armed campaign against the British state that lasted until 1997 and claimed around 1800 lives.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The PIRA called an indefinite ceasefire in 1997 and decommissioned its arms in 2005 in accordance with the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, but a number of hardline splinter groups, known as dissident republicans, have vowed to continue using "armed struggle" to achieve the republican aim of a united Ireland.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: Motivations for continued violence vary by group; for the more conservative Continuity IRA, the Provisionals' ending of abstentionist politics at the 1986 General Army Convention (GAC) served as a catalyst for tension. For ONH; the acceptance by the Sinn Féin special Ard Fheis of the PSNI and the Real IRA's "criminality", whilst for the majority of Dissident Republicans and the RIRA/NIRA the cause was the Belfast Good Friday Agreement.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In August 1994, the Provisional IRA called a ceasefire. In January 1996 the Continuity IRA announced its existence and vowed to continue the armed campaign against British rule in Northern Ireland. A month later, the Provisional IRA called-off its ceasefire because of its dissatisfaction with the state of the peace negotiations. On 13 July the CIRA detonated a car bomb outside Kilyhelvin Hotel in Enniskillen, County Fermanagh. The blast caused serious damage and injured 17 people as they were being evacuated from the hotel. Over the following year it planted another three cars bombs in Belfast, Derry and Fermanagh, but all were defused by the British Army. The Provisional IRA called a second ceasefire in July 1997. On 16 September 1997, the CIRA detonated a van bomb outside the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) base in Markethill, causing widespread damage. The bombing happened a day after Sinn Féin joined the political negotiations which led to the Good Friday Agreement.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In November 1997, high-ranking Provisional IRA members who opposed the ceasefire formed a breakaway group that would become known as the Real IRA. During the first half of 1998 the Real IRA and Continuity IRA launched a string of car bomb and mortar attacks on RUC bases. There were car bombings in Moira on 20 February and in Portadown on 23 February. There was a mortar attack on Armagh RUC base on 10 March, and on two British Army bases in South Armagh on 24 March. On 10 April, after two years of intensive negotiations, the Good Friday Agreement was signed. Further mortars were launched at RUC bases in Belfast on 4 May and Belleek on 9 May, but missed their targets. On 22 May, referendums on the Agreement were held in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In Northern Ireland, the vote was 71% in favour, while in the Republic the vote was 94% in favour.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 1 August, following a telephoned warning, a RIRA car bomb detonated in the centre of Banbridge, injuring two RUC officers and 33 civilians.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 15 August 1998 the RIRA left a car containing 500 lb of home-made explosives in the centre of Omagh, County Tyrone. The bombers could not find a parking space near the intended target of the courthouse, and the car was left 400 metres away. Three inaccurate telephone warnings were issued, and the RUC believed the bomb was actually located outside the courthouse. They attempted to establish a security cordon to keep civilians clear of the area, which inadvertently pushed people closer to the actual location of the bomb. Shortly after, the bomb exploded killing 29 people and injuring 220 others, in what became the deadliest attack of the Troubles inside Northern Ireland.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The bombing caused a major outcry throughout the world, and the Irish and British governments introduced new legislation in an attempt to destroy the organisation. The RIRA also came under pressure from the Provisional IRA, when Provisional IRA members visited the homes of 60 people connected with the RIRA and ordered them to disband and stop interfering with Provisional IRA arms dumps. With the organisation under intense pressure, the RIRA called a ceasefire on 8 September.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: Following the Omagh bombing, there was a lull in dissident republican activity; mainly due to the RIRA ceasefire and the arrests of prominent dissident republican militants. The RIRA used the ceasefire to re-group and re-arm. Meanwhile, the CIRA carried out a number of minor attacks.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The Real IRA called off its ceasefire in January 2000, declaring: "Once again, Óglaigh na hÉireann declares the right of the Irish people to the ownership of Ireland. We call on all volunteers loyal to the Irish Republic to unite to uphold the Republic and establish a permanent national parliament representative of all the people". There was a surge of activity over the next two years. During this time, republicans carried out a series of bomb and mortar attacks on British Army and RUC bases, including a car bomb attack on Stewartstown RUC base in July 2000. That November, an RUC officer lost a leg when a booby trap bomb exploded outside Castlewellan RUC base. In June 2001, the Real IRA opened fire on RUC officers at a polling station in Ballinascreen, wounding two officers and a civilian. It was thought to be the first close-range gun attack on officers since 1997.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In 2000s, the UDA start again to kill catholic civilians and doing terrorist attacks against them and the government. The victims seem to have been selected randomly based on their religion as there have been many cases where Protestants have been killed as the perpetrators “thought the victim was Catholic”. In this period in Northern Ireland there was a loyalist feud between UDA and UVF that caused more than 4 deaths in 2000.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The Real IRA also carried out a number of bombings in London during 2000–2001; the first republican attacks there since 1997. In June 2000, a bomb damaged Hammersmith Bridge and in September an RPG-22 rocket struck the SIS Building, headquarters of the Secret Intelligence Service, also known as the MI6. In February 2001 a British Army cadet lost a hand when a booby-trap bomb exploded outside the 4th Battalion, Parachute Regiment's barracks in west London. The following month a car bomb exploded outside the BBC Television Centre, after a telephoned warning. Another car bomb that exploded near Ealing Broadway station in August left extensive damage in the area. In November, a third car bomb partially exploded in Birmingham city centre.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In November 2001, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) became the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). The reform of the RUC had been a main demand of Irish republicans and nationalists. However, Sinn Féin—the main republican party—refused to support the PSNI until the reforms were fully implemented. Dissident republicans made clear that they would never support a "British paramilitary police force" in any part of Ireland.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In August 2002, a booby-trap bomb exploded at a British Army base in Derry. It killed a civilian contractor—a former British soldier—who was working at the base.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 17 August 2003, the RIRA killed Danny McGurk, a civilian, in West Belfast. The group later issued a statement offering an apology and saying that the killing was "criminally wrong and detracted from the goal of Irish liberation".


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: Over the following few years, dissident republican activity gradually waned. This was mainly due to internal tensions and police actions. There were splits within the paramilitary groups, especially within the Continuity IRA. In 2006, a group calling itself Óglaigh na hÉireann or ONH emerged; over the following years it would become the most active republican paramilitary after the RIRA.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In 2005, the mainstream IRA—having been on ceasefire since 1997—formally ended its campaign and decommissioned its weapons. In 2007, following the St Andrews Agreement, Sinn Féin finally voted to support the PSNI. Some of Sinn Féin's support base opposed these moves. They believed Sinn Féin had "sold out" and was moving closer to accepting the "British occupation". This led to more republicans lending their support to dissident groups. Following the IRA's declaration, the British Army greatly reduced its presence in Northern Ireland and left the PSNI in charge of security.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In March 2009 came the first security force fatalities since the end of the Troubles. The Real IRA shot dead two off-duty British soldiers as they collected a delivery outside Massereene Barracks in Antrim. Two other soldiers and two civilian deliverymen were also wounded by gunfire. Two days later, the Continuity IRA shot dead a PSNI officer responding to a call in Craigavon. This began the most intensive period of dissident activity since the campaign started. The number of attacks rose year-on-year, with 118 attacks in 2009, 239 the following year and a higher number the year after that.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 12 April 2009, the RIRA claimed responsibility for shooting dead MI5 informant Denis Donaldson on 4 April 2006, at his cottage near Glenties, County Donegal, Republic of Ireland.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: 2010 saw the first car bombings in Northern Ireland in a decade. The first exploded outside the courthouse in Newry in February; a second exploded outside Palace Barracks (the NI headquarters of MI5) on 12 April; a third exploded outside Newtownhamilton PSNI base on 22 April; in August a fourth exploded outside Strand Road PSNI base in Derry; and in October a fifth exploded outside a bank in the same area, causing widespread damage. Also that year, a PSNI officer had to have his leg amputated after a booby-trap bomb exploded under his car.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In April 2011, another PSNI officer was killed when a booby-trap bomb exploded under his car in Omagh.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: It was announced in July 2012 that Republican Action Against Drugs (RAAD) and a number of other small republican groups were merging with the Real IRA. The CIRA and the group calling itself ONH were not included in the merger. Some in the media referred to the grouping as the "New IRA". In November, the group shot dead a prison officer on the M1 motorway. The shots were fired from another car, which drove alongside his. He was the first prison officer to be killed since 1993.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In May 2013 republican militant Christine Connor twice attempted to bomb Police Service of Northern Ireland patrols by luring them with false calls to a house on Crumlin Road, Belfast.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: Shortly after, the British Government announced that the 39th summit of the G8 would be held in June 2013 at the Lough Erne Resort in Fermanagh. Commentators said the British Government chose to hold it in Northern Ireland partly to "show the world that the peace process has worked and normality has returned". Security sources believed republicans would try to launch an attack during the summit, which "would hijack global headlines". In March 2013, a car bomb was defused near the resort. ONH said it had planned to detonate it at the hotel but had to abort the attack. A huge security operation was mounted for the summit and it passed off without incident.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In the run-up to Christmas 2013, there was a surge in dissident republican activity. This included the first bombings in Belfast city centre in a decade. On 25 November a car bomb partially exploded outside Victoria Square Shopping Centre and a PSNI base. A man was forced to drive the bomb to the spot and raised the alarm. On 13 December a small bomb exploded in a holdall outside St Anne's Square, following a telephoned warning. Nobody was hurt in the attacks, which were claimed by ONH. Also in December, two PSNI patrols were the target of automatic gunfire in Belfast.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In February 2014 the Real IRA (or 'New IRA') sent seven letter bombs to British Army recruitment offices in south-east England; the first time republican militants attacked inside Great Britain since 2001. The following month, a PSNI land rover was hit by a horizontal mortar in Belfast. A civilian car was also hit by debris, but there were no injuries. It was the first successful attack of its kind in more than ten years. A PSNI armoured jeep was hit by another horizontal mortar in Derry that November, blowing off a door and damaging a passing car. The Real IRA said it had fired an "EFP mortar-style device". In the security operation that followed, youths attacked the PSNI with stones and petrol bombs. Two weeks later, a PSNI land rover was attacked with a homemade rocket-propelled grenade launcher on Crumlin Road, Belfast. The warhead pierced the land rover's outer shell.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: In November 2015, a PSNI vehicle was riddled with automatic gunfire in Belfast, with dissident republicans suspected of being responsible.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: A booby-trap bomb detonated under a van driven by a prison officer, Adrian Ismay, on 4 March 2016. He died 11 days later. The New IRA claimed responsibility and said it was a response to the alleged mistreatment of republican prisoners at Maghaberry Prison.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: A group using the name Arm na Poblachta (meaning 'Army of the Republic') claimed responsibility for planting a roadside explosive device in Belfast on 1 November 2017. It is also believed that Arm na Poblachta were responsible for the shooting death of Antrim man Raymond Johnston in 2018.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 19 January 2019 there was a car bomb attack on the Bishop Street Courthouse in Derry, the first such attack in several years. In March, several letter bombs were found at Heathrow Airport, London City Airport and Waterloo station; the New IRA claimed responsibility.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 18 April 2019, rioting erupted following police raids in Derry, during which a gunman opened fire on the PSNI, killing journalist Lyra McKee. The PSNI believe the New IRA were responsible.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 1 June 2019, a powerful improvised explosive device was found planted under a PSNI officer's car at a golf club in east Belfast. In the following days, the New IRA contacted "The Irish News" to claim responsibility.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: The Continuity IRA was blamed for an attempted booby trap bomb attack on 26 July 2019. A call was made to a media outlet claiming a mortar had been fired at a police patrol. The PSNI went to the Tullygally road area in Craigavon to investigate the claim and discovered a fake mortar device along with a concrete block with the booby trap bomb inside of it.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 19 August 2019, a bomb exploded outside the village of Newtownbutler in County Fermanagh allegedly targeting PSNI officers.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 5 February 2020, the PSNI found a bomb in a lorry parked in Lurgan. It is believed to have been planted by the CIRA, who intended to detonate it on Brexit day, 31 January 2020, when they thought it would be on a ferry, crossing the North Channel to Scotland.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 14 January 2021, the CIRA claimed it had fired at a PSNI helicopter at Wattlebridge, South Fermanagh. It was later confirmed by PSNI officials that there were no PSNI helicopters deployed in the area and that the helicopter in question was likely a civilian helicopter. The attack was eventually debunked as a hoax.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 19 April 2021, a bomb was planted next to the car of a part-time female PSNI officer in Dungiven, County Londonderry, and was subsequently defused. The New IRA later claimed responsibility.


title: Dissident Irish republican campaign

text: On 12 March 2022, Arm na Poblachta left an unexploded bomb around the junction at Feeny Road and Killunaght Road, near Dungiven, County Londonderry. The bomb has been targeted at a PSNI vehicle.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The Bogibeel Bridge is a combined road and rail bridge over the Brahmaputra River in the northeastern Indian state of Assam between Dhemaji district and Dibrugarh district, which was started in the year 2002 and took a total of 200 months to complete, Bogibeel river bridge is the longest rail-cum-road bridge in India, measuring 4.94 kilometres over the Brahmaputra river. As it is situated in an earthquake-prone area it is India's first bridge to have fully welded steel-concrete support beams that can withstand earthquakes of magnitudes up to 7 on the Richter scale. It is Asia's second longest rail-cum-road bridge and has a serviceable period of around 120 years.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: It is the 5th longest bridge in India after Bhupen Hazarika Setu, Dibang River Bridge, Mahatma Gandhi Setu and Bandra–Worli Sea Link. The bridge was constructed by a consortium of construction companies headed by Hindustan Construction Company. The bridge has a double rail line on the lower deck and a three lane road on the upper deck. It was inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on 25 December 2018 on the occasion of Good Governance Day.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The Bogibeel Bridge, situated 17 km downstream of Dibrugarh and Dhemaji, spans the Brahmaputra River and will connect the town of Dibrugarh in the south to Dhemaji to the river's north. The bridge is located just over 20 km away from the Assam- Arunachal Pradesh border and acts as an alternative to the Kolia Bhomora Setu, Tezpur in providing connectivity to nearly five million people residing in Upper Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The Bogibeel Bridge is the longest rail-cum-road bridge of India on the Brahmaputra River in Assam. Owing to its location, the bridge is of strategic importance to India as it significantly eases India's ability to transport troops and supplies to the border with Tibet in Arunachal Pradesh. Being located in an area of intense rainfall, its construction had been significantly slowed down by the fact that construction largely took place only during a period of four dry months between November and March.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The Bogibeel Bridge provides a connection between the Rangiya–Murkongselek section of the Northeast Frontier Railway, located on the northern bank of the Brahmaputra River, and the Lumding–Dibrugarh section that lies to the southern bank. A New Dibrugarh Railway Station, expected to be the largest in the region, has been proposed and is to be linked to the Rangiya–Murkongselek line via Chaulkhowa and Moranhat. The Railways have initiated the gauge conversion of the Dhamalgaon to Sisiborgaon rail line to the north of the bridge and commissioned the 44 km Chalkhowa–Moranhat line to the south.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The bridge traces its origins to the Assam Accord of 1985 and was one of several major infrastructural projects to be set up in Assam in accordance with the pact. It was sanctioned by the Government of India in 1997-98 and was expected to be completed by the end of the Ninth Five Year Plan. The foundation of the bridge was laid in January 1997 by Prime Minister H. D. Deve Gowda, but its construction was inaugurated only in 2002 by Prime Minister, A. B. Vajpayee. The project was to be completed in six years following the inauguration, however the work did not begin even in 2007, owing to lack of funds and attention. Consequently, that same year, the Bogibeel Bridge was granted a national project status by the Government of India in 2007 by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, but the implementation was slow, notwithstanding a Congress government in Assam. Accordingly, the Union Ministry of Finance funded 75% of the project costs while the Ministry of Railways financed the rest. The actual work on the project only began in 2011.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: In April 2008, the Northeast Frontier Railway contracted Gammon India to construct the sub-structure of the bridge while a consortium of Hindustan Construction Company, DSD Brückenbau GmbH, Germany and VNR Infrastructures won the bid to build the superstructure.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The bridge's construction was subject to large time and cost overruns over time. The cost, initially estimated at , escalated to by 2014. According to a press release by the Indian Ministry of Railway on 25 July 2014, in the main bridge 36 out of 42 well foundations and 28 out of 40 piers had been completed, while 2 out of 41 girders had been launched. An expenditure of was incurred on the project till March 2014, and a further outlay of was sanctioned for the year 2014–2015, with the project then-expected to be completed by March 2017. However, a correspondent writing in "The Hindu Business Line" claimed that when he visited the project in July 2014, only 15 out of the 42 piers were "coming up", while the work on the rest had barely begun.


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: On 2 December 2018, the bridge opened as the first freight train crossed it. On 25 December, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Bogibeel bridge, on the birth anniversary of former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, and also flag off an intercity express connecting Tinsukia and Naharlagun. The overall cost of the project ultimately escalated to as the total length of the bridge increased from to .


title: Bogibeel Bridge

text: The design of the bridge has 41 spans of 125 m and a superstructure of composite welded steel truss and reinforced concrete. It is designed to be able to carry a double line broad-gauge railway on the lower deck and a 3-lane road on the upper deck. Owing to its strategic importance, it was also built with supporting the movement of tanks and aircraft in mind. It is the longest combined rail and road bridge in India and second longest bridge in Assam over the Brahmaputra, after Bhupen Hazarika Setu at 9.15 km.


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: "Mr. Jones" is a song by American alternative rock band Counting Crows. It was released in December 1993 as the lead single from their debut album, "August and Everything After" (1993). It was the band's first radio hit and has been described as their breakout single. "Mr. Jones" reached number five on the Billboard Hot 100 Airplay charts (now "Billboard Radio Songs"). Internationally, the song peaked at number one in Canada and number seven in France. In April 2022, "American Songwriter" ranked the song at number four on their list of "The Top 10 Counting Crows Songs".


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: "Mr. Jones" debuted on the US "Billboard" Radio Songs chart on February 19, 1994, and entered the top 10 five weeks later. On May 14, 1994, the song reached its peak US chart position at number five.


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: The band's surprise success happened to coincide with Kurt Cobain's death. These events took a significant toll on Adam Duritz, the lead vocalist and principal songwriter. Duritz said in an interview, "We heard that, that [Kurt] had shot himself. And it really scared the hell out of me because I thought, these things in my life are getting so out of control." These events and feelings were the basis for "Catapult", the first track of "Recovering the Satellites".


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: According to Duritz (who was born in 1964), the song title had a hand in the naming by Jonathan Pontell of "Generation Jones", the group of people born between 1954 and 1965. "I feel honored that my song Mr. Jones was part of the inspiration for the name 'Generation Jones'."


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: The song incorporates two different key signatures into the music, as demonstrated by verses being written in A Minor with a chord structure of Am-F-Dm-G before transitioning into C major in the chorus and a new chord sequence of C-F-G. In addition, "Mr. Jones" is written in 4/4 and possesses a speed of 142 beats per minute.


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: The song is about struggling musicians (Duritz and bassist Marty Jones of The Himalayans) who "want to be big stars," believing that "when everybody loves me, I will never be lonely." Duritz would later recant these values; and in some later concert appearances, "Mr. Jones" was played in a subdued acoustic style, if at all. On the live CD Duritz changes the lyrics ""We all wanna be big, big stars, but we got different reasons for that" " to ""We all wanna be big, big stars, but then we get second thoughts about that""; he also changed the lyrics ""when everybody loves you, sometimes that's just about as funky as you can be"" to ""when everybody loves you, sometimes that's just about as fucked up as you can be.""


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: Some believe the song is a veiled reference to the protagonist of Bob Dylan's "Ballad of a Thin Man", based on the lyric ""I wanna be Bob Dylan, Mr. Jones wishes he was someone just a little more funky."" According to Adam Duritz on "VH1 Storytellers", "It's really a song about my friend Marty and I. We went out one night to watch his dad play, his dad was a Flamenco guitar player who lived in Spain (David Serva), and he was in San Francisco in the mission playing with his old Flamenco troupe. And after the gig we all went to this bar called the New Amsterdam in San Francisco on Columbus."


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: In a 2013 interview, Duritz explained that even though the song is named for his friend Marty Jones, it is actually about Duritz himself. "I wrote a song about me, I just happened to be out with him that night," Duritz said. The inspiration for the song came as Duritz and Jones were drunk at a bar after watching Jones' father perform, when they saw Kenney Dale Johnson, longtime drummer for the musician Chris Isaak, sitting with three women. "It just seemed like, you know, we couldn't even manage to talk to girls, ... we were just thinking if we were rock stars, it'd be easier. I went home and wrote the song," Duritz said.


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: In the live version of the song, as on the album "", the first couplet of the song is a quotation of the 1967 song "So You Want to Be a Rock 'n' Roll Star" by The Byrds.


title: Mr. Jones (Counting Crows song)

text: The band Hidden in Plain View did a cover of "Mr. Jones" which was released in 2004 on the album "Dead and Dreaming: An Indie Tribute to the Counting Crows".


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: The Tiger Rising is a 2022 American drama film written and directed by Ray Giarratana and starring Christian Convery, Madalen Mills, Katharine McPhee, Sam Trammell, Dennis Quaid and Queen Latifah. It is based on the 2001 book of the same name by Kate DiCamillo.


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: A young boy finds a tiger caged in the woods near where he lives. Together, they plan to head toward its home-to-be.


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: Principal photography occurred in Tifton, Georgia and Thomasville, Georgia in November 2019. Filming wrapped in December 2019.


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: On November 18, 2021, The Hollywood Reporter published an article about Ryan Donnell Smith, Allen Cheney, Emily Hunter Salveson and Ryan Winterstern not paying crew members before or after filming the movie.


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: In South Africa, the film earned $16,541 from 59 theaters in its opening weekend. In the United States and Canada, the film earned $364,216 from 872 theaters in its first weekend, and $214,980 in its second.


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: The film has a 17% approval rating on Rotten Tomatoes based on 18 reviews, with an average rating of 4.2/10. On Metacritic — which assigns a weighted mean score — the film has a score of 33 out of 100 based on 6 critics, indicating "generally unfavorable reviews".


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: Nick Schager of "Variety" gave the film a negative review and wrote, "The fact that writer-director Ray Giarratana’s film is based on Kate DiCamillo’s children’s book — and thus intended for young audiences — is hardly an excuse for such stodgy storytelling, which plays out with no mystery, ambiguity or subtlety."


title: The Tiger Rising (film)

text: Nadir Samara of "Screen Rant" awarded the film one star out of five and wrote, ""The Tiger Rising" is too serious & abstract for kids yet too ham-fisted for adults. Sadly, the tale has none of the imagination its protagonist does."


title: Social organization

text: In sociology, a social organization is a pattern of relationships between and among individuals and social groups.


title: Social organization

text: Characteristics of social organization can include qualities such as sexual composition, spatiotemporal cohesion, leadership, structure, division of labor, communication systems, and so on.


title: Social organization

text: And because of these characteristics of social organization, people can monitor their everyday work and involvement in other activities that are controlled forms of human interaction. These interactions include: affiliation, collective resources, substitutability of individuals and recorded control. These interactions come together to constitute common features in basic social units such as family, enterprises, clubs, states, etc. These are social organizations.


title: Social organization

text: Social organizations happen in everyday life. Many people belong to various social structures—institutional and informal. These include clubs, professional organizations, and religious institutions. To have a sense of identity with the social organization, being closer to one another helps build a sense of community. While organizations link many like-minded people, it can also cause a separation with others not in their organization due to the differences in thought. Social organizations are structured to where there is a hierarchical system. A hierarchical structure in social groups influences the way a group is structured and how likely it is that the group remains together.


title: Social organization

text: Four other interactions can also determine if the group stays together. A group must have a strong affiliation within itself. To be affiliated with an organization means having a connection and acceptance in that group. Affiliation means an obligation to come back to that organization. To be affiliated with an organization, it must know and recognize that you are a member. The organization gains power through the collective resources of these affiliations. Often affiliates have something invested in these resources that motivate them to continue to make the organization better. On the other hand, the organization must keep in mind the substitutability of these individuals. While the organization needs the affiliates and the resources to survive, it also must be able to replace leaving individuals to keep the organization going. Because of all these characteristics, it can often be difficult to be organized within the organization. This is where recorded control comes in, as writing things down makes them more clear and organized.


title: Social organization

text: Social organizations within society are constantly changing. Smaller scale social organizations in society include groups forming from common interests and conversations. Social organizations are created constantly and with time change.


title: Social organization

text: Smaller scaled social organizations include many everyday groups that people would not even think have these characteristics. These small social organizations can include things such as bands, clubs, or even sports teams. Within all of these small scaled groups, they contain the same characteristics as a large scale organization would. While these small social organizations do not have nearly as many people as large scale ones, they still interact and function in similar ways.


title: Social organization

text: Looking at a common small organization, a school sports team, it is easy to see how it can be a social organization. The members of the team all have the same goals, which is to win, and they all work together to accomplish that common goal. It is also clear to see the structure in the team. While everyone has the same goal in mind, they have different roles, or positions, that play a part to get there. To achieve their goal they must be united.


title: Social organization

text: In large-scale organizations, there is always some extent of bureaucracy. Having bureaucracy includes: a set of rules, specializations, and a hierarchical system. This allows for these larger sized organizations to try maximize efficiency. Large-scaled organizations also come with making sure managerial control is right. Typically, the impersonal authority approach is used. This is when the position of power is detached and impersonal with the other members of the organization. This is done to make sure that things run smoothly and the social organization stays the best it can be.


title: Social organization

text: A big social organization that most people are somewhat familiar with is a hospital. Within the hospital are small social organization—for example, the nursing staff and the surgery team. These smaller organizations work closer together to accomplish more for their area, which in turn makes the hospital more successful and long lasting. As a whole, the hospital contains all the characteristics of being a social organization. In a hospital, there are various relationships between all of the members of the staff and also with the patients. This is a main reason that a hospital is a social organization. There is also division of labor, structure, cohesiveness, and communication systems. To operate to the utmost effectiveness, a hospital needs to contain all of the characteristics of a social organization because that is what makes it strong. Without one of these things, it would be difficult for this organization to run.


title: Social organization

text: Although the assumption that many organizations run better with bureaucracy and a hierarchical system with management, there are other factors that can prove that wrong. These factors are whether or not the organization is "parallel" or "interdependent". To be parallel in an organization means that each department or section does not depend on the other in order to do its job. To be Interdependent means that you do depend on others to get the job done. If an organization is parallel, the hierarchical structure would not be necessary and would not be as effect as it would in an interdependent organization. Because of all the different sub-structures in parallel organizations (the different departments), it would be hard for hierarchical management to be in charge due to the different jobs. On the other hand, an interdependent organization would be easier to manage that way due to the cohesiveness throughout each department in the organization.


title: Social organization

text: Societies can also be organized through collectivist or individualistic means, which can have implications for economic growth, legal and political institutions and effectiveness, and social relations. This is based on the premise that the organization of society is a reflection of its cultural, historical, social, political and economic processes which therefore govern interaction.


title: Social organization

text: Collectivist social organization refers to developing countries that bypasses formal institutions and rather rely on informal institutions to uphold contractual obligations. This organization relies on a horizontal social structure, stressing relationships within communities rather than a social hierarchy between them. This kind of system has been largely attributed to cultures with strong religious, ethnic, or familial group ties and has been used in reference to developing countries. Therefore, they have suffered from colonialist efforts to establish individualistic social organizations that contradict indigenous cultural values. This has negative implications for interactions between groups rather than within them.


title: Social organization

text: In contrast, individualistic social organization implies interaction between individuals of different social groups. Enforcement stems from formal institutions such as courts of law. The economy and society are completely integrated, enabling transactions across groups and individuals, who may similarly switch from group to group, and allowing individuals to be less dependent on one group. These organizations have been deemed more efficient than collectivist societies, given the division of labor, formal enforcement institutions, and importance of innovation over social norms. This kind of social organization is traditionally associated with Western societies.


title: Social organization

text: Social organizations may be seen online in terms of communities. The online communities show patterns of how people would react in social networking situations. The technology allows people to use the constructed social organizations as a way to engage with one another without having to physically be in the same place.


title: Social organization

text: Looking at social organization online is a different way to think about it and a little challenging to connect the characteristics. While the characteristics of social organization are not completely the same for online organizations, they can be connected and talked about in a different context to make the cohesiveness between the two apparent. Online, there are various forms of communication and ways that people connect. Again, this allows them to talk and share the common interests (which is what makes them a social organization) and be a part of the organization without having to physically be with the other members. Although these online social organization do not take place in person, they still function as social organization because of the relationships within the group and the goal to keep the communities going.


title: Spartacus League

text: The Spartacus League (German: "Spartakusbund") was a Marxist revolutionary movement organized in Germany during World War I. It was founded in August 1914 as the "International Group" by Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Clara Zetkin, and other members of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) who were dissatisfied with the party's official policies in support of the war. In 1916 it renamed itself the Spartacus Group and in 1917 joined the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD), which had split off from the SPD, as its left wing faction. During the November Revolution of 1918 that broke out across Germany at the end of the war, the Group re-established itself as a nationwide, non-party organization called the "Spartacus League" with the goal of instituting a soviet republic that would include all of Germany. It became part of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) when it was formed on 1 January 1919 and at that point ceased to exist as a separate entity.


title: Spartacus League

text: The League's name referred to Spartacus, the leader of a slave revolt from 73 to 71 BC in the Roman Republic. For the Spartacists, his name symbolized the ongoing resistance of the oppressed against their exploiters and thus expressed the Marxist view of historical materialism, according to which history is driven by class struggles.


title: Spartacus League

text: At the 1907 congresses of the Second International in London and Stuttgart, it was decided that the European workers' parties would oppose the threat of war between the major European powers. At the 1912 Basel conference, additional antiwar measures were decided on, including that the working classes should "exert every effort to prevent the outbreak of war by the means they considered most effective". The SPD had explicitly and repeatedly opposed an imperialist war in Europe, approved measures against it and announced them publicly. During the July crisis of 1914 that followed the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Hungary, it reaffirmed its rejection of war in nationwide large-scale demonstrations by its supporters.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 4 August 1914, just days after the start of World War I, the Reichstag voted on loans to fund the war. The SPD's Reichstag membership voted unanimously in favor of both the loans and "Burgfriedenspolitik", a policy of political truce under which the parties would support war loans and not criticize the government or the war, and the trade unions would not strike. Even Karl Liebknecht, an outspoken anti-militarist, voted in favor because of the SPD's unwritten rule to maintain party solidarity and unity. With its approval of the imperial government's war policy, the SPD parliamentary group abandoned three program points that they had adhered to since the party's founding: proletarian internationalism, class struggle and opposition to militarism.


title: Spartacus League

text: The International Group came about through Rosa Luxemburg's initiative. Immediately after the vote on war loans, she invited the SPD opponents of the war who were her friends to her Berlin apartment. The evening meeting on 4 August 1914 was attended by six guests who, together with Luxemburg, formed the nucleus of the later Spartacus League: Hermann Duncker, Hugo Eberlein, Julian Marchlewski, Franz Mehring, Ernst Meyer and Wilhelm Pieck. In the following week, a number of others joined the group: Martha Arendsee, Fritz Ausländer, Heinrich Brandler, Käte Duncker, Otto Gäbel, Otto Geithner, Leo Jogiches, Karl Liebknecht, August Thalheimer and Bertha Thalheimer.


title: Spartacus League

text: The International Group saw the SPD's approval of the war loans as a betrayal of the goals of pan-European social democracy and especially of the international solidarity of the workers' movement against the war. It maintained its pre-war goals and rejected the war as an imperialist genocide by the ruling bourgeoisie directed against the interests of the peoples of Europe and the proletariat.


title: Spartacus League

text: The idea of a withdrawal from the SPD that was contemplated by some International Group members was quickly discarded since it was expected that the government would soon ban the SPD's activities and that the SPD majority would then abandon the political truce. It was decided to organize the struggle against the war within the SPD, to persuade the SPD majority to reject further war loans, and to restore international solidarity with other European workers' parties.


title: Spartacus League

text: The group's first step was to send 300 telegrams to SPD members urging them to publicly reject the SPD Reichstag faction's 4 August resolution. Only Clara Zetkin responded immediately and unreservedly in favor. Among the SPD's local groups, those in Berlin-Charlottenburg and Berlin-Mariendorf were initially the only ones to declare their support for the appeal. On 30 30 October 1914,the International Group publicly distanced itself from the SPD leadership, which had previously criticized the Second International in the Swiss newspaper "Berner Tagwacht". From that point on the group's members were under police surveillance, and soon after some were arrested and imprisoned.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 2 December 1914 Karl Liebknecht was the first and initially the only SPD deputy in the Reichstag to vote against the extension of the war loans. In January 1915, Otto Rühle and a number of others spoke out against the war and the party majority's affirmation of the war within the SPD parliamentary group.


title: Spartacus League

text: In March 1915 the group published a magazine under the name ""Internationale"", which appeared only once and was immediately confiscated by the police.


title: Spartacus League

text: In 1916 the group expanded its organization throughout the Reich. On 1 January it adopted as its program the ""Guiding Principles on the Tasks of International Social Democracy"" (German: "Leitsätze über die Aufgaben der internationalen Sozialdemokratie") that Rosa Luxemburg had written while in prison. On 27 January the first of the illegal "Spartacus Letters" appeared. They detailed the group's goals and gave it the popular name "Spartacus" that its members adopted, calling themselves the "Spartacus Group".


title: Spartacus League

text: The minority of declared opponents of the war within the SPD parliamentary group had grown to 20 by December 1915. Karl Liebknecht was expelled from the faction in January 1916, Otto Rühle resigned in solidarity with Liebknecht, and the 18 other dissenters were expelled in March 1916. Meanwhile, the Spartacus Group gained new members. Among the better known were Willi Budich, Edwin Hoernle, Paul Lange, Jacob Walcher and Friedrich Westmeyer.


title: Spartacus League

text: In April 1917 the opponents of the war within the SPD founded their own party, the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD); the rest of the SPD then took the name Majority Social Democratic Party (MSPD). The Spartacus Group joined the USPD even though it had previously opposed splitting the SPD. But it retained its group status as a "closed propaganda association" in order to influence the USPD. In the USPD, too, the internationalist Marxists were a minority. Revisionists like Eduard Bernstein and centrists like Hugo Haase and the SPD's former platform writer Karl Kautsky were in agreement with the Spartacists only when it came to rejecting war loans. At the Zimmerwald Conference, an international antiwar convention held in September 1915, they had refused to defend their rejection in the face of the factional discipline of the SPD in the Reichstag. The Spartacus Group had severely criticized them at the time.


title: Spartacus League

text: The Spartacus Group hailed the February 1917 revolution in Russia as a victory for its own cause that was important for Europe and the whole world. It did not however mention the Bolsheviks and remained uninfluenced by them. Rosa Luxemburg saw educating German workers about the revolution as the Spartacus Group's most important task at the time. From the summer of 1917 she and Leo Jogiches criticized the Bolsheviks' putschist policies against Alexander Kerensky's government. They also rejected Lenin's and Leon Trotsky's pursuit of a separate peace with the German Empire because they thought that such a peace would endanger both international proletarian opposition to war and the prospect for a successful German revolution. Luxemburg distanced herself from the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (3 March 1918) that ended the war between Germany and Russia, as well as from the supplementary agreement to it of 27 August 1918. She found the terrorist measures of the Bolsheviks under Felix Dzerzhinsky repugnant. In September 1918 she called the threats made by Lenin's friend Karl Radek to "slaughter the bourgeoisie" after an attempted assassination of Lenin "an idiocy of the first order".


title: Spartacus League

text: In her essay ""On the Russian Revolution"" from the fall of 1918, Luxemburg welcomed in principle the October Revolution of 1917, in which the Bolsheviks under Lenin and Leon Trotsky dissolved the Duma and seized state power, but she criticized the Bolsheviks' party organization, Lenin's cadre concept, and the intra-party dictatorship for the way they impeded and stifled the democratic participation of workers in the revolution. The other Spartacists deferred public criticism of the Bolsheviks out of loyalty. Paul Levi did not publish Luxemburg's essay until 1922, three years after the author's death.


title: Spartacus League

text: The Spartacus Group remained organizationally and politically independent of the Bolsheviks until it was absorbed into the KPD. It came closer to them politically only in the course of the November Revolution, when it decided in December 1918 to found a separate party with other left-wing radicals. This was in response to the USPD's rejection of a party congress proposed by Luxemburg.


title: Spartacus League

text: In October 1918 the German government passed a series of constitutional and legislative reforms, in part in the hope of securing better peace conditions from the Allies of World War I. The reforms strengthened the Reichstag and the parliamentary form of government, but the emperor still appointed the chancellor and retained command authority. On 7 October 1918 the Spartacus Group reacted to the reforms and to the SPD's participation in them with an illegally held Reich conference in Berlin. There a revolutionary program against war and capitalism was adopted. Its demands were:


title: Spartacus League

text: The demands for the democratization of the army were particularly detailed, as this was seen as the key to a successful revolution:


title: Spartacus League

text: The Spartacus Group issued a Reich-wide leaflet with these demands. It stressed that they were a touchstone for the democratic intentions of the MSPD, whose entry into the wartime government it regarded as a betrayal of the workers' interests.


title: Spartacus League

text: The Spartacus Group made reference to the 1848 "Communist Manifesto" of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and pledged itself to the dictatorship of the proletariat, i.e. workers' control of the means of production and operation. Unlike the Bolsheviks, however, the Spartacus Group was not constituted as an elite cadre party.


title: Spartacus League

text: The November Revolution started as a result the Kiel mutiny, when ships' crews resisted an order to prepare for a decisive battle with the British fleet. They appointed or elected workers' and soldiers' councils without the initiative or leadership of any of the left-wing parties. An essential prerequisite for this revolutionary coming together of workers and soldiers was the January 1918 strike in the German armaments industry. Revolutionary stewards who were independent of parties but often close to the USPD had emerged and now carried the revolution into big cities throughout the Reich. The newly formed workers' councils took up some of the demands of the Spartacus Group without it having called on them to do so or being able to exert any organizational influence on them, since until then such activity had been banned. The German workers' and soldiers' councils arose spontaneously in sections of the imperial military, local governments, and large industrial enterprises. They were not subordinate to a party and, unlike the Russian soviets, did not serve to pave the way for the exclusive control of any one party.


title: Spartacus League

text: In anticipation of the end of the war, Karl Liebknecht was released from prison under an amnesty on 23 October 1918. He joined the executive council of the Berlin Revolutionary Stewards on 26 October and planned mass demonstrations with them to launch a national revolution. Because the Stewards wanted to postpone such actions until 11 November, their schedule was overtaken by the Kiel sailors' uprising and the November Revolution it triggered.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 9 November 1918, a republic was proclaimed twice: Philipp Scheidemann (MSPD) proclaimed "the German Republic" from the balcony of the Reichstag building in the morning. Liebknecht then proclaimed "the free socialist republic of Germany" about two hours later in the Lustgarten, then later from the Berlin Palace.


title: Spartacus League

text: There was no joy over what had been achieved that day in the Spartacus Group. The following night the leaders agreed that only a "first, quick victory" had been won. The goals set were to completely eliminate feudalism and the aristocratic Prussian Junker class, to overcome national "fragmentation into fatherlands and little fatherlands", and to create a socialist republic. To this end, the workers' and soldiers' councils were to assume all power, the Reichstag and all state parliaments eliminated, along with the provisional Reich government under the majority Social Democrat Friedrich Ebert.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 11 November 1918, on Liebknecht's initiative, the Spartacus Group was re-founded at the Excelsior Hotel in Berlin. It became an autonomous, party-independent, national organization. The new name Spartacus League ("Spartakusbund)" was intended to express a higher level of organization and at the same time to distinguish it from the USPD. In the November Revolution the Spartacus League fought for taking power from the military, the socialization of key industries and the creation of a soviet republic as a future German state. Rosa Luxemburg wrote its platform, which called for immediate measures to protect the revolution:


title: Spartacus League

text: Over the next few weeks the Spartacus League tried to influence political developments in this direction with its daily newspaper "Die Rote Fahne" ("The Red Flag"). In the first issue Rosa Luxemburg called for the nationwide abolition of the death penalty as a first step toward fundamental judicial and social reform. From 10 December she advocated a soviet republic and the controlled disarmament of soldiers by workers' councils. This was because on 6 December the first exchange of fire had occurred between imperial soldiers and the supporters of the USPD and the council movement. Behind the event was the secret 10 November 1918 Ebert-Groener pact in which the chairman of the interim government, Friedrich Ebert, had agreed with Quartermaster General Wilhelm Groener of the Supreme Army Command to take swift action against leftist uprisings in exchange for an assurance of the armed forces' loyalty to the new government. The 6 December fighting took place because Groener, in order to prevent power from being taken away from the imperial military, wanted to prevent the meeting of Reich Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils planned for 16 December in Berlin.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 14 December, Rosa Luxemburg published an article of policy in "The Red Flag" entitled "What Does the Spartacus League Want?" It stated:


title: Spartacus League

text: "The Spartacus League will never take over governmental power other than by the clear, unequivocal will of the great majority of the proletarian masses in Germany, never other than by virtue of their conscious consent to the views, aims and methods of struggle of the Spartacus League. [...] The victory of the Spartacus League is not the beginning but at the end of the revolution: it is identical with the victory of the millions of the great mass of the socialist proletariat."


title: Spartacus League

text: The link to the council movement that emerged in 1918 and Rosa Luxemburg's theory of the spontaneity of the working class as the motor of revolution thus became the determining factors for the Spartacus League's theory of revolution.


title: Spartacus League

text: At the Reich Congress of Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, only ten of 489 delegates represented the Spartacus League. Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht were not even allowed to attend as guests. The majority of delegates voted to hold elections on 19 January 1919 for a constituent National Assembly. A disappointed Rosa Luxemburg described the congress as a "willing tool of the counterrevolution". The congress's results accelerated the Spartacists' drive to break away from the USPD and form their own party.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 24 December 1918 Friedrich Ebert attempted to disband and dismiss the People's Navy Division, which had been assigned to protect the interim government. The resulting skirmish of the Berlin Palace between it and units of the Reich military caused 34 deaths. The three USPD representatives on the Council of the People's Deputies blamed Ebert and, unaware of his secret agreement with Groener, saw his actions as an attempt to block the revolutionary goals they had jointly agreed on. They therefore resigned from the interim government on 29 December 1918.


title: Spartacus League

text: Because of Ebert's actions and the behavior of the USPD, which was criticized as fickle and inconsistent, the Spartacus League decided on 22 December 1918 to hold a Reich congress in Berlin on 30 December to discuss the founding of a party, the relationship to the USPD, and parliamentary elections. In the interim it had delegates elected from throughout Germany. Many arrived in Berlin as early as 29 December, and on the same day a majority of them decided to found a new party. Above all, the Polish guest Karl Radek convinced most of the representatives of the Spartacus League, the Bremen left-wing radicals and the International Communists of Germany (IKD) of the prospects and the necessity of unifying. In doing so Radek contradicted the central statement of the Spartacus program that the party would take over the government only through the clear will of a majority of the population. Radek said that a proletarian revolution always begins with a minority seizing political power.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 31 December 1918, 127 delegates, including 94 Spartacists and 29 IKD representatives, decided to unite to form the "Communist Party of Germany (Spartacus League)". Negotiations with the Revolutionary Stewards for their admission failed in part because Liebknecht did not want to drop the supplementary "Spartacus League" from the party name. Rosa Luxemburg had argued for "Socialist Party" in order to preserve the independence of German communists from the Bolsheviks and to facilitate their cooperation with other socialists.


title: Spartacus League

text: In addition to the party name, its relationship to parliamentarianism was highly controversial. The leading Spartacus members Rosa Luxemburg, Paul Levi, Leo Jogiches, Käte Duncker, and hesitantly also Karl Liebknecht, were in favor of the KPD participating in the upcoming elections. Otto Rühle and the IKD, on the other hand, strongly opposed participation. Their motion to boycott the elections received a majority of 62 votes to 23. The majority of the party congress shared the view formulated by Liebknecht a week earlier: "The National Assembly means nothing other than a formal political democracy. It does not at all mean that democracy which socialism has always demanded. The ballot is certainly not the lever by which the power of the capitalist social order can be unhinged."


title: Spartacus League

text: On 5 January 1919, the Berlin armaments factories' Revolutionary Stewards, who had organized the January strike the previous year, instigated an armed uprising in protest against the dismissal of Berlin Police President Emil Eichhorn for refusing to use his forces against the People's Navy Division during the skirmish at the Berlin Palace. The KPD joined the call to action. It attempted to involve the soldiers' councils of the Berlin regiments in the overthrow of Friedrich Ebert's government in what came to be known as the Spartacist uprising. It failed when the imperial army that had assembled around Berlin, along with newly formed Freikorps units put down the uprising on the orders of Gustav Noske (MSPD), the member of the Council of the People's Deputies who was responsible for military affairs.


title: Spartacus League

text: On 15 January the two most important Spartacists and KPD leaders, Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, were captured and murdered by members of the Guard Cavalry Rifle Division. Franz Mehring died at the end of January 1919 and in March 1919 Leo Jogiches was murdered in prison after being arrested while investigating the deaths of Luxemburg and Liebknecht. With the deaths of four of the founders of the Spartacus League, its history came to an end.


title: Spartacus League

text: The Spartacus League had advocated the solidarity of all revolutionary forces and a permanent commitment to the goals of the Communist Manifesto. Until the founding of the KPD, it saw itself as part of a class-conscious international social democracy which rests on the shoulders of the working mass of the people, meaning that working class organizations needed to express and enforce its will. The Spartacus League's founders had therefore criticized both the reformism of the majority social democrats and Lenin's one-party system and its tendencies toward a state bureaucracy after Russia's October Revolution.


title: Spartacus League

text: In March 1919 the KPD became a member of the Communist International, which at that time was dominated by the Bolsheviks, and from then on followed its political line more closely. After Lenin's death, the KPD leadership increasingly followed Stalin's ideological course and excluded his critics, including former Spartacists such as Paul Levi, August Thalheimer, Heinrich Brandler and others. The "left opposition", the council-communist Communist Workers Party of Germany and the General Workers Union, since they were united in their rejection of Stalinism, united in 1926 to form the "Spartacus League of Left Communist Organizations", also called "Spartacus League No. 2". Its attempt to unite radical left-wing groups as an alternative to the KPD achieved only further fragmentation.


title: Spartacus League

text: In 1919 the SPD and its press organs portrayed the Spartacus League as an offshoot of the Bolsheviks and the originator of uprisings and attempted coups. They invoked the danger of Bolshevism as something that had to be fought, even militarily, in order to save democracy. Although the Spartacus League had neither created, organized nor led the soviet movement and had no real options for attaining power, conservative and radical right-wing parties also shared the SPD's view, with the result that it became the prevalent one in the Weimar Republic.


title: Spartacus League

text: The historiography of the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) found the Spartacus League and its politics controversial. In 1938 Stalin classified the November Revolution as a "bourgeois" rather than a socialist revolution, devalued the councils of the time as "compliant tools of the bourgeois parliament" and held them responsible for the failure of the revolution. The leadership of the East German Communist Party followed the prescriptions from the time of its founding and thus did not interpret the Spartacus League as a revolutionary party, but rather emphasized its weaknesses and organizational shortcomings. In this way it justified the necessity of a centralized cadre party for a successful revolution. Otto Grotewohl held the MSPD primarily responsible for the failure of the November Revolution and the Weimar Republic. The Spartacus League and the KPD had committed "tactical", not strategic, mistakes.


title: Spartacus League

text: In West Germany the strongest influence of the Spartacus League was on the student movement of the 1960s. After its expulsion from the SPD in 1961, the majority of the Socialist German Student League (SDS) held a Marxist-Leninist view of history in which the Soviet Union, East Germany and the East German Communist Party sought to realize the goals of the Spartacus League. They saw and attempted to use pending educational and social reforms and opposition to the Vietnam War as a learning ground for building a new radical democratic international. The West German extra-parliamentary opposition took its cue from historical attempts at council democracy and, like the Spartacists and other Marxists, regarded it as a form of direct democracy superior to parliamentarianism. After its peak years in the sixties, the West German student movement continued to make use of the Spartacus name although it often had little relationship to the original Spartacus League.


title: Red (band)

text: Red (stylized as R3D or RED) is an American Christian rock band from Nashville, Tennessee, formed in 2002 by brothers guitarist Anthony Armstrong and bassist Randy Armstrong, with lead vocalist Michael Barnes. The band's first lineup also consisted of drummer Andrew Hendrix and guitarist Jasen Rauch. Currently, the line-up has consisted of the core trio of the Armstrong brothers and Barnes, along with touring drummer Brian Medeiros.


title: Red (band)

text: After they recorded several demos displaying a style of alternative, hard, and Christian rock music, Red landed a development deal with their longtime producer Rob Graves which led to a record deal with Christian label Essential Records in 2004. Their debut albums "End of Silence" (2006) and "Innocence & Instinct" (2009) were nominated for a Grammy Award for Best Rock Gospel Album, and spawned the popular singles "Breathe Into Me" and "Death of Me". Red's mainstream popularity grew and their third album, "Until We Have Faces" (2011), reached No. 2 on the "Billboard" 200, which was followed by "Release the Panic" (2013), which peaked at No. 7. After "Of Beauty and Rage" (2015), Red started work on their sixth album, "Gone" (2017), which released in October 2017. Their recent seventh studio album, "Declaration", was released on April 3, 2020.


title: Red (band)

text: Red was formed by identical twin brothers, guitarist Anthony and bassist Randy Armstrong, and lead vocalist and pianist Michael Barnes. The three grew up in Linesville, Pennsylvania, where Barnes first met the Armstrongs at elementary school and remained friends. They gained inspiration to pursue a music career after they attended festivals, including acts at the Christian-themed Creation Festival, and wished to perform on stage. They became members of Ascension, their early gigs taking place in youth centres around Erie, Pennsylvania, playing covers of contemporary Christian music before they turned to hard rock. After the three finished their education, they relocated to Nashville, Tennessee in February 2002 after Audio Adrenaline guitarist Barry Blair had heard their music online and invited them to record. The three worked day jobs, Barnes as a nurse in an emergency room and the Armstrongs in a mall, while using their spare time to form their own musical style, which was influenced by Linkin Park, Sevendust, and Chevelle as they liked the band's emotionally-driven music. The first line-up of Red was completed in 2004 following the addition of drummer Andrew Hendrix and guitarist Jasen Rauch. Randy said they wished for a band name that was "short, meaningful, and easy to remember", and spent two years searching for groups with a similar name and secured a trademark with "Red".


title: Red (band)

text: With the line-up secured, Red entered a longtime association with producer, songwriter, and musician Rob Graves. After they had recorded four demos in a garage and a nursery that displayed their style of alternative, hard and Christian rock music. Rauch, who had worked as an intern in the same Nashville studio as Graves and supplied them with free equipment, invited Graves to listen to their music for his opinions. Graves recalled: "It was really rough, all over the map, but I could hear the elements were there ... I told them it was really good, it had potential". Graves took them under his wing, and paid for studio time and the production of their first demos at Paragon Studios which happened across two years. Graves then signed Red to a development contract with his independent production company Six Feet Over, which led to a recording deal with Provident Label Group which then assigned them to its Christian label Essential Records after they liked their demo. Essential gave Red the green-light on a full-length album. Speaking on their Christian influence, Barnes said: "We are Christians in a band, but if people feel more comfortable and say that we are a Christian band, we do not to shy away from that". Hendrix parted ways with Red before recording began; he was replaced by drummer Hayden Lamb.


title: Red (band)

text: After spending two years on the album, "End of Silence" was released on June 6, 2006. Recorded in Nashville, the album features orchestral arrangements from Bernie Herms and David Davidson, reflecting on the group's interest in classical music. Rauch gave his insight on mainstream music and his own influences to the rest of the band as they were primarily followers of Christian music and had little knowledge of contemporary pop. The band's logo was designed by Randy Armstrong. It had a successful impact, receiving a Grammy Award nomination for Best Rock Gospel Album at the 49th awards, and reaching No. 6 on the "Billboard" Top Heatseekers and No. 7 on the Top Christian Albums charts. Later in 2007, it was re-released by Epic Records, and entered the "Billboard" 200 chart at No. 194. The album was certified gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in 2015 for selling over 500,000 physical copies in the US. The first of its six singles, "Breathe Into Me", reached No. 15 on the "Billboard" Mainstream Rock chart, won a GMA Dove Award for Recorded Song of the Year in the rock category, and was certified gold by the RIAA in 2015 for 500,000 digital sales.