title: A. J. Brown

text: Brown finished the season with 75 receptions for a school record 1,252 yards and a school-record-tying 11 touchdowns (shared with Laquon Treadwell) in 12 games, leading the team and the SEC. He was awarded the Conerly Trophy, given to the best college football player in the state of Mississippi.


title: A. J. Brown

text: Brown's 2018 junior season was shared with future NFL Pro-bowler DK Metcalf, and was highlighted by 9 receptions for 212 yards (at the time, second in school history only to his own record the previous year) and a touchdown against Vanderbilt. Brown again led the team and the SEC in receiving, finishing with a school-record 85 receptions (later passed by Moore) and 1,320 yards (still the record) and six touchdowns. He again had six 100-yard receiving games, tying his own record (shared with Treadwell and later Moore). He was named first-team All-SEC for the second consecutive year.


title: A. J. Brown

text: Following the 2018 season, Brown announced he would forgo his senior year and enter the 2019 NFL Draft. , he was the Ole Miss' all-time leader in receiving yards and 100-yard games (12).


title: A. J. Brown

text: Brown was selected by the Tennessee Titans in the second round (51st overall) of the 2019 NFL Draft. He was the fourth of 29 receivers taken in the draft, just 13 picks ahead of teammate DK Metcalf. On June 12, 2019, he signed a four-year deal worth $5,641,199 with a signing bonus of $2,122,690 and a 2019 cap hit of $1,025,670.


title: A. J. Brown

text: Brown made his NFL debut in the Titans' season-opener against the Cleveland Browns. In the game, he caught three passes for 100 yards in the 43–13 road victory. During Week 4 against the Atlanta Falcons, he caught his first two NFL touchdowns from Marcus Mariota in the 24–10 road victory. He finished the game with three receptions for 94 yards and the two aforementioned touchdowns. During Week 8 against the Tampa Bay Buccaneers, he caught an eight-yard touchdown in the 27–23 victory. In Week 12 against the Jacksonville Jaguars, Brown caught four receptions for 135 yards and a touchdown as the Titans won 42–20. In the next game against the Indianapolis Colts, he caught three passes for 45 yards in the 31–17 road victory.


title: A. J. Brown

text: During Week 14 against the Oakland Raiders, he caught five passes for 153 yards and two touchdowns, including a 91-yard touchdown, during the 42–21 road victory. In the following game against the Houston Texans, Brown caught eight passes for 114 yards and a touchdown during the 24–21 loss. In the next game against the New Orleans Saints, he rushed for a 49-yard touchdown and caught a 34-yard reception during the 38–28 loss. In the regular-season finale against the Texans, Brown caught four passes for 124 yards and a touchdown during the 35–14 road victory to help the Titans clinch a playoff berth. In his rookie season, Brown finished with 52 receptions for 1,051 receiving yards (leading all NFL rookies) and eight receiving touchdowns, causing some to regard him as "the steal of the 2019 draft". In three postseason games, Brown totaled five receptions for 64 yards as the Titans' season ended with a 35–24 loss in the AFC Championship to the Kansas City Chiefs.


title: A. J. Brown

text: In a Tuesday night game in Week 5 against the Buffalo Bills, Brown recorded seven catches for 82 yards and his first receiving touchdown of the season during the 42–16 win. In Week 6 against the Houston Texans, Brown had five receptions for 58 yards and two touchdowns in the 42–36 overtime victory. During Week 7 against the Pittsburgh Steelers, Brown finished with 153 receiving yards, including a 74-yard touchdown as the Titans lost 24–27.


title: A. J. Brown

text: In Week 9 against the Chicago Bears, Brown recorded four catches for 101 yards, including a 40-yard touchdown reception, during the 24–17 win.


title: A. J. Brown

text: In Week 12 against the Indianapolis Colts, Brown recorded four catches for 98 yards, including a 69-yard touchdown reception, and returned an onside kick for a touchdown during the 45–26 win.


title: A. J. Brown

text: In Week 14 against the Jacksonville Jaguars, Brown recorded seven catches for 112 yards and a touchdown during the 31–10 victory.


title: A. J. Brown

text: In Week 17 against the Houston Texans, Brown recorded ten catches for 151 yards and a touchdown during the 41–38 win. Brown had suffered injuries to both of his knees early in the season, causing him to miss two games. He underwent successful surgery to both of his knees January 19, 2021.


title: A. J. Brown

text: Brown entered the 2021 season as the starting wide receiver alongside Julio Jones. In Week 8, he had ten receptions for 155 receiving yards and a touchdown against the Indianapolis Colts. He suffered a chest injury in Week 11 and was placed on injured reserve on November 27, 2021. He was activated on December 23. In his first game back from injury, Brown recorded 11 receptions for 145 yards and a touchdown against the San Francisco 49ers. Overall, Brown finished the 2021 season with 63 receptions for 869 receiving yards and five receiving touchdowns in 13 games.


title: A. J. Brown

text: In the Divisional Round against the Cincinnati Bengals, he had five receptions for 142 yards and one touchdown in the 19-16 loss.


title: A. J. Brown

text: During the 2022 NFL Draft, Brown was traded to the Philadelphia Eagles in return for the 18th overall pick in the 2022 draft, which the Titans used to select wide receiver Treylon Burks from Arkansas – a player widely compared to Brown. Tennessee also received a third round pick in the draft. Brown signed a new four-year, $100 million contract with the Eagles, after the trade with $57 million guaranteed. The trade was opposed by Titans head coach Mike Vrabel, contributed to a decrease of 60 receptions and 860 yards among Titans wide receivers through 13 weeks, and was one reason for the Titans decision to fire general manager Jon Robinson at the point in the season.


title: A. J. Brown

text: Brown set the franchise record for most receiving yards in a player’s debut in Week 1 against the Detroit Lions, finishing with 155 yards on 10 receptions in a 38-35 victory. Against the Pittsburgh Steelers in Week 8, Brown recorded six receptions for 156 yards, including a career high three touchdown receptions. In a Week 13 blowout of the Tennessee Titans, Brown recorded eight receptions for 119 yards and two touchdowns against his former team.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Ponte Vedra Beach is a wealthy unincorporated seaside community and suburb of Jacksonville, Florida in St. Johns County, Florida, United States. Located southeast of downtown Jacksonville and north of St. Augustine, it is part of the Jacksonville Beaches area, and on the island nicknamed San Pablo Island.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: The area is known for its resorts, including the Ponte Vedra Inn and Club, the Lodge and Club, and the Marriott at Sawgrass. It lies within St. Johns County, which is the wealthiest county in Florida. Ponte Vedra Beach is an upper-income tourist resort area best known for its association with golf and is home to the PGA Tour and the Players Championship.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: What is now north Florida was visited several times by European explorers in the 16th century, but there is little evidence for them specifically coming to Ponte Vedra Beach. It may have been sighted by Juan Ponce de León during his voyage to Florida in 1513, but as his precise landfall is unknown, this claim can be made by many communities on the east coast of Florida.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: The area remained sparsely populated through the late 19th century, even as other seaside communities began to develop to the north. Minerals were discovered in 1914, and a community known as Mineral City grew around the mining operations. These minerals, mostly titanium (ilmenite), zircon, and rutile were recovered from beach sands by the Buckman and Pritchard Mining Company. The National Lead Company bought Buckman and Pritchard in 1921 and discontinued mining as demand dropped after World War I. In 1929 it began to develop the area to be similar to The Cloister in Sea Island, Georgia. Colonel Joseph C. Stehlin, who had been with the company in St. Louis, arrived on January 1, 1929 to manage development.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: The company wanted a more impressive name than Mineral City for its resort, so Colonel Stehlin and his wife, Elizabeth ("née" Morton), went to the library in St. Augustine to research various possibilities for a new name. Since Florida had been under Spanish rule, they looked on an old map and found the name Pontevedra on the Atlantic coast of Spain at "approximately" the same latitude as Mineral City. (Pontevedra, Spain, however, is over 800 miles farther north at about the same latitude as Boston.) The Galician name of the town was derived from a Roman bridge ("pontis vetera" or "old bridge") that spanned the nearby Lérez River centuries earlier. Colonel Stehlin submitted the name to the National Lead board for approval and Mineral City became Ponte Vedra.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: In the early 1920s, the National Lead Company built a nine-hole golf course designed by Herbert Bertram Strong, one of the founders of the PGA, plus a 12-room clubhouse constructed of logs for the use of its employees. After the company left the area, that real estate became the foundation of the Ponte Vedra Club.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Stockton, Whatley, Davin & Co., a local developer, became the owner of the Ponte Vedra Corporation in July 1934.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: During World War II the German submarine U-584 debarked four saboteurs at Ponte Vedra as part of the failed Operation Pastorius. The four German spies, all of whom had previously lived in the United States, came ashore on the night of June 16, 1942 carrying explosives and American money. After landing they strolled up the beach to Jacksonville Beach, where they caught a city bus to Jacksonville and departed by train for Cincinnati and Chicago. The invaders were captured before they could do any damage. They were tried by a military tribunal and executed.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: In 1972, real estate developers broke ground on the Sawgrass development. In the mid 1970s, Deane Beman, the Commissioner of the PGA golf tour, was looking for a permanent home for the Tournament Players Championship. Many places in northern Florida were being considered. In an attempt to bring positive attention to the area, developer Paul Fletcher offered a tract of land to Beman for $1.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Beman could not refuse this "one dollar deal" for the future home of The Players Championship and the headquarters of the PGA Tour. The Sawgrass Stadium Course has been the permanent home of The Players Championship since 1982.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Ponte Vedra Beach is wholly located east of the Intracoastal Waterway, south of the Duval County line, and north of Vilano Beach. The South Ponte Vedra Beach community is commonly considered to be a part of Ponte Vedra Beach. The Ponte Vedra area includes Ponte Vedra, Ponte Vedra Beach, South Ponte Vedra Beach (an area between the Atlantic and Guana Tolomato Matanzas National Estuarine Research Reserve), Sawgrass, and Palm Valley. In June 2006, the U.S. Postal Service designated an area to the south and southwest of the 32082 area as "Ponte Vedra" (as distinct from "Ponte Vedra Beach") and assigned it the ZIP code 32081.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Median household income in Ponte Vedra Beach is $102,918 and median family income is $109,181. The median age of the people and Ponte Vedra reveals it has 49.0 overall median age of all people which is the 2nd most of all the places in the area. The place with the highest overall median age of all people in the area is Sawgrass with an age of 55.8 measures 13.9% larger. The Ponte Vedra area is known for being a very influential area of North Florida, and boasts one of the best school districts in Florida. Ponte Vedra Beach was 50th on the list of 100 finalists for "CNN and Money Magazine's 2005 List of the Best Places to Live." It was the first place in Florida to be named in that year and one of only four areas in the state to make the cut. As of August 1, 2012 the average house costs around $720,000. There were three registered sex offenders living in Ponte Vedra, Florida as of April 10, 2017. The ratio of number of residents in Ponte Vedra to the number of sex offenders is 12,641 to 1. The ratio of registered sex offenders to the number of residents in the community is lower than the state average.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Public primary and secondary schools in Ponte Vedra Beach are administered by the St. Johns County School District. Allen D. Nease High School and Ponte Vedra High School, which was constructed to relieve the overcrowding of Allen D. Nease High School, serve as the two public high schools in the Ponte Vedra area. Alice B. Landrum Middle School is one of the primary, public middle schools in the area. There is also a K-8 school in the area called Valley Ridge Academy. The Ponte Vedra Palm Valley-Rawlings Elementary School serves as one of the primary, public elementary schools (K-5) in the area, as well as Ocean Palms Elementary School.


title: Ponte Vedra Beach, Florida

text: Ponte Vedra offers private education (K-8) at the Palmer Catholic Academy. Also, the Bolles School has one of their two lower school campuses in Ponte Vedra Beach, and offers education from pre-kindergarten to fifth grade before transferring students to the middle and high schools located in Jacksonville, Florida.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: The Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat, previously known as the Boeing Airpower Teaming System (ATS) and the Loyal Wingman project, is a stealth, multirole, unmanned aerial vehicle in development by Boeing Australia for the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF). It is designed as a force multiplier aircraft capable of flying alongside manned aircraft for support and performing autonomous missions independently using artificial intelligence.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: The Ghost Bat is an unmanned aircraft, with a current planned introduction date in 2024-25, which incorporates artificial intelligence and utilises a modular mission package system in the nose where the entire nose of the aircraft can be removed and quickly swapped for another nose with a different set of equipment or armaments for various missions including combat, force reconnaissance and electronic warfare. One role will be to support and protect manned Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) aircraft, such as the F-35A, F/A-18F, E-7A, and KC-30A whilst they conduct operations. The UAV will be designed to act as a "loyal wingman" that is controlled by a parent aircraft to accomplish tasks such as scouting or absorbing enemy fire if attacked as well as operating independently.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: The aircraft will be the first combat aircraft designed and developed in Australia in over half a century. Boeing has said that it will "depend on the market" whether the aircraft is manufactured in Queensland or the United States. On 21 September 2021, Boeing Australia unveiled the launch of a new manufacturing facility for its Loyal Wingman unmanned aircraft at Wellcamp Airport in Toowoomba, Queensland.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: The RAAF initially planned to buy three Airpower Teaming System (ATS) systems, as part of the Loyal Wingman Advanced Development Program (LWADP). The three drones were built at an automated production line in Brisbane, Queensland. The production line is a proof of concept for full-scale production. The order was increased to six with an A$115M contract days after the first flight.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: After a full-scale mock-up was revealed at the 2019 Avalon Airshow, the first real aircraft achieved a power-on of its systems in March 2020, and was rolled out in May 2020 by Boeing Australia with the release of images showing a detailed prototype of the aircraft and a video to illustrate the drone's operational abilities. Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison said, “This is a truly historic moment for our country and for Australian defence innovation. The Loyal Wingman will be pivotal to exploring the critical capabilities our Air Force needs to protect our nation and its allies into the future.”


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: Boeing announced it powered up the engine of its first Airpower Teaming System (ATS) unmanned aircraft for the first time in September 2020. The engine test is part of ground testing to prepare for first flight before the end of 2020.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: The Boeing Airpower Teaming System (ATS) prototype moved under its own power for the first time in October 2020, conducting low-speed taxi tests at RAAF Base Amberley. The Boeing Airpower Teaming System later performed a high-speed taxi test at an unnamed remote location in December 2020.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: Two more test flights occurred at RAAF Woomera Range Complex sometime in early November 2021 where a prototype successfully raised and engaged its landing gear while a second prototype completed its first test flight.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: An official naming ceremony was held at RAAF Base Amberley on 21 March 2022 to announce the Loyal Wingman would be known as the MQ-28A Ghost Bat in RAAF service, named after an Australian bat found in northern parts of the Australian continent. The ghost bat is an Australian native mammal known for teaming together in a pack to detect and hunt, which reflects the unique characteristics of the aircraft’s sensors and intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance abilities.


title: Boeing MQ-28 Ghost Bat

text: In August 2022 it was revealed by United States Secretary of the Air Force Frank Kendall that preliminary discussions were being held into purchasing the MQ-28 for United States service.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Thomas Louis Magliozzi (June 28, 1937 – November 3, 2014) and his brother Raymond Francis Magliozzi (born March 30, 1949) were the co-hosts of NPR's weekly radio show "Car Talk", where they were known as "Click and Clack, the Tappet Brothers". Their show was honored with a Peabody Award in 1992.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Tom died on November 3, 2014, aged 77, in Belmont, Massachusetts, of complications from Alzheimer's disease.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Tom Magliozzi was born in East Cambridge, Massachusetts. His education was entirely in Cambridge: Gannett School, Wellington School, Cambridge Rindge and Latin School, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, where he graduated. While at MIT, he participated in Air Force ROTC, and subsequently spent six months in the Army Reserve.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Ray Magliozzi was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts twelve years after his brother Tom. Ray also graduated from MIT.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Tom earned a degree from the MIT Sloan School of Management. He worked for Sylvania's Semiconductor Division in Woburn, Massachusetts and then for the Foxboro Company while earning his MBA from Northeastern University and teaching part-time at local universities. He grew tired of his job and quit, spending the next year doing odd jobs such as painting for other tenants in his apartment building.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Ray taught science in Bennington, Vermont, for a few years before returning to Cambridge in 1973. He and Tom then opened a do-it-yourself repair shop named Hacker's Haven. The shop rented space and equipment to people who were trying to fix their own cars, but it was not profitable. Nevertheless, the two enjoyed the experience and were invited in 1977 to be part of a panel of automotive experts on Boston's National Public Radio affiliate WBUR-FM. Subsequently, the brothers converted the shop into a standard auto-repair shop named the Good News Garage.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: In addition to the local radio show, Tom worked a day or two each week at the Technology Consulting Group run by a former MIT classmate in Boston, and he still taught at local universities. Tom believed college professors did not make much money without working other jobs, and that drove him to spend nine years working while getting his doctorate in Marketing from Boston University School of Management. After being a professor for eight years, he decided he disliked teaching and quit.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: In January 1987, Susan Stamberg of "Weekend Edition" on NPR asked the two brothers to contribute weekly to her program. Nine months later, "Car Talk" premiered as an independent NPR program. In 1992, Tom and Ray won a Peabody Award for "Car Talk" for "distinguished achievement and meritorious public service". Tom and Ray continued to work in their repair garage while they produced "Car Talk". On June 8, 2012, it was announced that "Car Talk" would stop producing new episodes in September 2012, though NPR would continue airing reruns of the show.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Producer Doug Berman said that Tom and Ray "changed public broadcasting forever" because the brothers "showed that real people are far more interesting than canned radio announcers." "The guys are culturally right up there with Mark Twain and the Marx Brothers."


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: In addition to the radio show, Tom wrote for CarTalk.com and ran his own consulting business. In 1999, the brothers returned to MIT to deliver a joint commencement speech to the graduates.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: In 1989, the brothers started a newspaper column "Click and Clack Talk Cars" which, like the radio show, mixed serious advice with humor. King Features distributes the column. Ray continued to write the column, retitled "Car Talk", after his brother's death in 2014, knowing he would have wanted the advice and humor to continue.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: Tom and Ray both appeared in the Pixar films "Cars" (2006) and "Cars 3" (2017). (Tom's role in the third film was accomplished through archival recordings, as it was produced after his death, while Ray reprised his role despite his retirement in 2012.) They played the owners of Rust-eze who discovered Lightning McQueen and gave him his first big break. Tom appeared as a 1963 Dodge Dart convertible, a reference to a car that he owned for many years and often mentioned on "Car Talk". Ray appeared as a 1964 Dodge A100 van. In both films, they admonished: "Don't drive like my brother", the catchphrase from the close of their radio show.


title: Tom and Ray Magliozzi

text: The Magliozzi brothers also appeared in the sitcom "Sabrina the Teenage Witch" in an episode called "Driving Mr. Goodman" which aired on May 3, 2002. Sabrina calls them on a magical car radio for car advice. In the same year they appeared in the PBS Kids show "Arthur" episode called "Pick a Car, Any Car" which aired on November 25, 2002. Arthur calls them with a question about the family car, which would have been hauled away by the local mechanic without their help. The answer turns out to be a baby rattle lodged in the car's tailpipe. In 2008, the brothers starred in their own PBS animated series "Click and Clack's As the Wrench Turns", playing fictionalized versions of themselves. They also hosted an episode of the PBS show "NOVA" entitled "The Car of the Future". Ray did radio and TV ads for eBay Motors in 2022.


title: Torc

text: A torc, also spelled torq or torque, is a large rigid or stiff neck ring in metal, made either as a single piece or from strands twisted together. The great majority are open at the front, although some had hook and ring closures and a few had mortice and tenon locking catches to close them. Many seem designed for near-permanent wear and would have been difficult to remove. Torcs are found in the Scythian, Illyrian, Thracian, Celtic, and other cultures of the European Iron Age from around the 8th century BC to the 3rd century AD. For the Iron Age Celts, the gold torc seems to have been a key object. It identifies the wearer as a person of high rank, and many of the finest works of ancient Celtic art are torcs. The Celtic torc disappears in the Migration Period, but during the Viking Age torc-style metal necklaces, now mainly in silver, came back into fashion. Torc styles of neck-ring are found as part of the jewellery styles of various other cultures and periods.


title: Torc

text: The word comes from Latin "torquis" (or "torques"), from "torqueo", "to twist", because of the twisted shape many of the rings have. Typically, neck-rings that open at the front when worn are called "torcs" and those that open at the back "collars". Smaller bracelets and armlets worn around the wrist or on the upper arm sometimes share very similar forms. Torcs were made from single or multiple intertwined metal rods, or "ropes" of twisted wire. Most of those that have been found are made from gold or bronze, less often silver, iron or other metals (gold, bronze and silver survive better than other metals when buried for long periods). Elaborate examples, sometimes hollow, used a variety of techniques but complex decoration was usually begun by casting and then worked by further techniques. The Ipswich Hoard includes unfinished torcs that give clear evidence of the stages of work. Flat-ended terminals are called "buffers", and in types like the "fused-buffer" shape, where what resemble two terminals are actually a single piece, the element is called a "muff".


title: Torc

text: There are several types of rigid gold and sometimes bronze necklaces and collars of the later European Bronze Age, from around 1200 BC, many of which are classed as "torcs". They are mostly twisted in various conformations, including the "twisted ribbon" type, where a thin strip of gold is twisted into a spiral. Other examples twist a bar with a square or X section, or just use round wire, with both types in the three 12th– or 11th-century BC specimens found at Tiers Cross, Pembrokeshire, Wales. The Milton Keynes Hoard contained two large examples of thicker rounded forms, as also used for bracelets.


title: Torc

text: The terminals are not emphasized as in typical Iron Age torcs, though many can be closed by hooking the simple terminals together. Many of these "torcs" are too small to be worn round the neck of an adult, and were either worn as bracelets or armlets, or by children or statues. Archaeologists find dating many torcs difficult, with some believing torcs were retained for periods of centuries as heirlooms, and others believing there were two periods of production. Differing ratios of silver in the gold of other objects—typically up to 15% in the Bronze Age but up to 20% in the Iron Age—can help decide the question. There are several flared gold torcs with a C-shaped section in the huge Mooghaun North Hoard of Late Bronze Age gold from 800 to 700 BC found in County Clare in Ireland.


title: Torc

text: To the East, torcs appear in Scythian art from the Early Iron Age, and include "classicizing" decoration drawing on styles from the east. Torcs are also found in Thraco-Cimmerian art. Torcs are found in the Tolstaya burial and the Karagodeuashk kurgan (Kuban area), both dating to the 4th century BC. A torc is part of the Pereshchepina hoard dating to the 7th century AD. Thin torcs, often with animal head terminals, are found in the art of the Persian Achaemenid Empire, with some other elements derived from Scythian art.


title: Torc

text: Depictions of the gods and goddesses of Celtic mythology sometimes show them wearing or carrying torcs, as in images of the god Cernunnos wearing one torc around his neck, with torcs hanging from his antlers or held in his hand, as on the Gundestrup cauldron. This may represent the deity as the source of power and riches, as the torc was a sign of nobility and high social status. The famous Roman copy of the original Greek sculpture "The Dying Gaul" depicts a wounded Gaulish warrior naked except for a torc, which is how Polybius described the "gaesatae", Celtic warriors from modern northern Italy or the Alps, fighting at the Battle of Telamon in 225 BC, although other Celts there were clothed. One of the earliest known depictions of a torc can be found on the Warrior of Hirschlanden (6th century BC), and a high proportion of the few Celtic statues of human figures, mostly male, show them wearing torcs.


title: Torc

text: Other possible functions that have been proposed for torcs include use as rattles in rituals or otherwise, as some have stones or metal pieces inside them, and representations of figures thought to be deities carrying torcs in their hand may depict this. Some are too heavy to wear for long, and may have been made to place on cult statues. Very few of these remain but they may well have been in wood and not survived. Torcs were clearly valuable, and often found broken in pieces, so being a store of value may have been an important part of their use. It has been noted that the Iberian gold examples seem to be made at fixed weights that are multiples of the Phoenician shekel.


title: Torc

text: With bracelets, torcs are "the most important category of Celtic gold", though armlets and anklets were also worn; in contrast finger-rings were less common among the early Celts. The earliest Celtic torcs are mostly found buried with women, for example, the gold torc from the La Tène period chariot burial of a princess, found in the Waldalgesheim chariot burial in Germany, and others found in female graves at Vix in France (illustrated) and Reinheim. Another La Tène example was found as part of a hoard or ritual deposit buried near Erstfeld in Switzerland. It is thought by some authors that the torc was mostly an ornament for women until the late 3rd century BC, when it became an attribute of warriors. However, there is evidence for male wear in the early period; in a rich double burial of the Hallstatt period at Hochmichele, the man wears an iron torc and the female a necklace with beads. A heavy torc in silver over an iron core with bull's head terminals, weighing over 6 kilos, from Trichtingen, Germany, probably dates to the 2nd century BC (illustrated).


title: Torc

text: Many finds of torcs, especially in groups and in association with other valuables but not associated with a burial, are clearly deliberate deposits whose function is unclear. They may have been ritual deposits or hidden for safekeeping in times of warfare. Some may represent the work-in-progress of a workshop. After the early period, torcs are especially prominent in the Celtic cultures reaching to a coast of the Atlantic, from modern Spain to Ireland, and on both sides of the English Channel.


title: Torc

text: Some very elaborately worked torcs with relief decoration in a late form of La Tène style have been found in Britain and Ireland, dating from roughly the 3rd to 1st centuries BC. There may be a connection with an older tradition in the British Isles of elaborate gold neckwear in the form of gold lunulas, which seem centred on Ireland in the Bronze Age, and later flat or curved wide collars; gold twisted ribbon torcs are found from both periods, but also imported styles such as the fused-buffer. The most elaborate late Insular torcs are thick and often hollow, some with terminals forming a ring or loop. The most famous English example is the 1st-century BC multi-stranded electrum Snettisham Torc found in northwestern Norfolk in England (illustrated), while the single hollow torc in the Broighter Gold hoard, with relief decoration all round the hoop, is the finest example of this type from Ireland, also 1st century BC. The Stirling Hoard, a rare find in Scotland of four gold torcs, two of them twisted ribbons, dating from the 3rd to 1st century BC, was discovered in September 2009.


title: Torc

text: The Roman Titus Manlius in 361 BC challenged a Gaul to single combat, killed him, and then took his torc. Because he always wore it, he received the nickname "Torquatus" (the one who wears a torc), and it was adopted by his family. After this, Romans adopted the torc as a decoration for distinguished soldiers and elite units during Republican times. A few Roman torcs have been discovered. Pliny the Elder records that after a battle in 386 BC (long before his lifetime) the Romans recovered 183 torcs from the Celtic dead, and similar booty is mentioned by other authors.


title: Torc

text: It is not clear whether the Gallo-Roman "Warrior of Vacheres", a sculpture of a soldier in Roman military dress, wears a torc as part of his Roman uniform or as a reflection of his Celtic background. Quintilian says that the Emperor Augustus was presented by Gauls with a gold torc weighing 100 Roman pounds (nearly ), far too heavy to wear. A torc from the 1st century BC Winchester Hoard, is broadly in Celtic style but uses the Roman technique of laced gold wire, suggesting it may have been a "diplomatic gift" from a Roman to a British tribal king.


title: Torc

text: A very late example of a torc used as ceremonial item in early Medieval Wales can be found in the writings of Gerald of Wales. The author wrote that there still existed a certain royal torc that had once been worn by Prince Cynog ap Brychan of Brycheiniog (fl. 492 AD) and was known as Saint Kynauc's Collar. Gerald encountered and described this relic first-hand while travelling through Wales in 1188. Of it he says, "it is most like to gold in weight, nature, and colour; it is in four pieces wrought round, joined together artificially, and clefted as it were in the middle, with a dog's head, the teeth standing outward; it is esteemed by the inhabitants so powerful a relic, that no man dares swear falsely when it is laid before him." It is of course possible that this torc long pre-dated the reign of Prince Cynog and was a much earlier relic that had been recycled during the British Dark Ages to be used as a symbol of royal authority. It is now lost.


title: Torc

text: There are mentions in medieval compilations of Irish mythology; for example in the Lebor Gabála Érenn (11th century) Elatha wore 5 golden torcs when meeting Eriu.


title: Torc

text: Most Achaemenid torcs are thin single round bars with matching animal heads as the terminals, facing each other at the front. Some Early Celtic forms depart from the normal style of torc by lacking a break at the throat, and instead are heavily decorated at the continuous front, with animal elements and short rows of "balusters", rounded projections coming to a blunt point; these are seen both on the sculpted torc worn by the stone "Glauberg Warrior" and a gold torc (illustrated) found in the same oppidum. Later Celtic torcs nearly all return to having a break at the throat and strong emphasis on the two terminals. The Vix torc has two very finely made winged horses standing on fancy platforms projecting sideways just before the terminals, which are flattened balls under lions' feet. Like other elite Celtic pieces in the "orientalizing" style, the decoration shows Greek influence but not a classical style, and the piece may have been made by Greeks in the Celtic taste, or a "Graeco-Etruscan workshop", or by Celts with foreign training.


title: Torc

text: Spiral ribbon torcs, usually with minimal terminals, continue a Bronze Age type and are found in the Stirling Hoard from Scotland, and elsewhere: "Although over 110 identifiable British [includes Ireland] ribbon torcs are known, the dating of these simple, flexible ornaments is elusive", perhaps indicating "a long-lived preference for ribbon torcs, which continued for over 1,000 years". The terminals were often slightly flared plain round cylinders which were folded back to hook round each other to fasten the torc at the throat. Other Celtic torcs may use various ways of forming the hoop: plain or patterned round bars, two or more bars twisted together, thin round rods (or thick wire) wound round a core, or woven gold wire. A rarer type twists a single bar with an X profile.


title: Torc

text: Except in British looped terminals, the terminals of Iron Age torcs are usually formed separately. The "buffer" form of terminal was the most popular in finds from modern France and Germany, with some "fused buffer" types opening at the rear or sides. In both buffer types and those with projecting fringes of ornament, decoration in low relief often continues back round the hoop as far as the midpoint of the side view. In Iberian torcs thin gold bars are often wound round a core of base metal, with the rear section a single round section with a decorated surface.


title: Torc

text: The c. 150 torcs found in the lands of the Iberian Celts of Galicia favoured terminals ending in balls coming to a point or small buffer ("pears"), or a shape with a double moulding called "scotiae". The pointed ball is also found in northern Italy, where the hoops often end by being turned back upon themselves so that the terminals face out to the sides, perhaps enabling closure by hooking round. Both of these mostly used plain round bars or thin rods wound round a core. In the terminals of British torcs loops or rings are common, and the main hoop may be two or more round bars twisted together, or several strands each made up of twisted wire. Decoration of the terminals in the finest examples is complex but all abstract. In these two types the hoop itself normally has no extra decoration, though the large torc in the Irish Broighter Gold hoard is decorated all round the hoop, the only Irish example decorated in this way.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Raymond Johnson Chapman (January 15, 1891 – August 17, 1920) was an American baseball player. He spent his entire career as a shortstop for the Cleveland Indians.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Chapman was hit in the head by a pitch thrown by pitcher Carl Mays and died 12 hours later. He is the only player to die directly from an injury received during a major league game. His death led baseball to establish a rule requiring umpires to replace the ball whenever it becomes dirty. Chapman's death and sanitary concerns also led to the ban on spitballs after the 1920 season. Chapman's death was one of the examples cited to justify the wearing of batting helmets. However, it took over 30 years to adopt the rule that required their use.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Chapman was born in Beaver Dam, Kentucky, and raised in Herrin, Illinois. He broke into the major leagues in 1912 with the Cleveland team, then known as the Naps.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Chapman led the American League in runs scored and walks in 1918. A top-notch bunter, Chapman is sixth on the all-time list for sacrifice hits and holds the single season record with 67 in 1917. Only Stuffy McInnis has more career sacrifices as a right-handed batter. Chapman was also an excellent shortstop who led the league in assists once. He batted .300 or better three times, and led the Indians in stolen bases four times. In 1917, he set a team record of 52 stolen bases, which stood until 1980. He was hitting .303 with 97 runs scored when he died. He was one of the few players whom Ty Cobb considered a friend.


title: Ray Chapman

text: There was conjecture that 1920 was going to be Chapman's last year as a pro baseball player. Shortly before the season began, Chapman married Kathleen Daly, who was the daughter of a prominent Cleveland businessman. Chapman had indicated he was going to retire to devote himself to the family business into which he was marrying, as well as to begin a family.


title: Ray Chapman

text: On August 16, 1920, Chapman was struck in the head and killed by a pitch thrown by Carl Mays during a game against the New York Yankees at the Polo Grounds.


title: Ray Chapman

text: At the time, pitchers commonly dirtied balls with soil, licorice, and tobacco juice, and scuffed, sandpapered, scarred, cut, or spiked them, giving a "misshapen, earth-colored ball that traveled through the air erratically, tended to soften in the later innings, and, as it came over the plate, was very hard to see."


title: Ray Chapman

text: Mays threw with a submarine delivery, and it was late afternoon. Eyewitnesses recounted that Chapman did not react to the pitch at all, presumably unable to see it. The sound of the ball striking Chapman's skull was so loud that Mays thought it had hit the end of Chapman's bat; he fielded the ball and threw to first base.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Home plate umpire Tommy Connolly, noticing that Chapman was bleeding from his left ear, screamed towards the stands for a doctor. Tris Speaker, who had been on deck, rushed to Chapman, as did several players from each team. Carl Mays merely stood on the mound. Chapman tried to walk, but his knees buckled. As he was helped off the field by his teammates, he mumbled "I'm all right; tell Mays not to worry... ring...Katie's ring," before falling unconscious. Chapman was taken to St. Lawrence Hospital, a short distance from the Polo Grounds where he died about 4:40 AM from brain damage. His pregnant wife Katie, summoned from Cleveland by phone, arrived at 10:00 a.m. and fainted on learning he had died.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Thousands of mourners attended Chapman's funeral at the Cathedral of St. John the Evangelist in Cleveland and he was buried at Lake View Cemetery.


title: Ray Chapman

text: Cleveland players wore black armbands for the remainder of the season. The Indians won the 1920 World Series and dedicated their victory to Chapman.


title: Ray Chapman

text: A bronze plaque was designed in Chapman's memory, funded by donations from fans, was hung at League Park and was moved to Cleveland Stadium when the Indians moved there in 1946. Sometime in the early 1970s, however, it was removed for unknown reasons. In 2007 it was refurbished and made part of Progressive Field's Heritage Park, which includes the Cleveland Guardians Hall of Fame and other exhibits from the team's history. Chapman had been inducted into the team Hall of Fame in 2006, part of the first new induction class since 1972.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: The ten to whom Paradise was promised (Arabic: or ) were ten early Muslims to whom, according to Sunni Islamic tradition, the Islamic prophet Muhammad () had promised Paradise.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: Several different lists of names exist, but most of them contain the four Rashidun caliphs Abu Bakr (), Umar (), Uthman (), and Ali (), as well as the members of the committee () that elected Uthman as caliph, i.e., Talha (), Zubayr (born , died 656), Abd al-Rahman ibn Awf (), and Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas (born , died ). The version that became canonical from the 9th century on also lists Sa'id ibn Zayd () and Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah ().


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: However, the earliest known version of the list, which may date to , contains the name of the first Umayyad caliph Mu'awiya (). Mu'awiya's place was occupied in later versions by Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah, or in some other versions also by Muhammad himself.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: The tradition may be pro-Qurayshi or pro-Umayyad in origin, but was adopted by 9th-century Sunni hadith collectors as part of the then developing Sunni tradition, in which reverence for the companions of the prophet (Arabic: ) held a special place. The collecting of yet other hadiths that heaped praise on these ten early Muslims, known by now as , developed into an independent Sunni genre by the 12th–13th century.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: Despite the fact that Ali, the first and most important Shi'i Imam, also appeared on the list, the authenticity of the tradition was rejected by early Shi'i scholars. This is in line with the broader Shi'i rejection of the first three Rashidun caliphs as usurpers of Ali's rightful position, as well as of those companions who supported Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman against Ali.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: Although the term (sometimes also , both meaning 'the ten to whom glad tidings were given') itself dates from a period after the 9th century, the list of ten as such already appears on a inscription made upon a plaster table which is thought to have belonged to the palace of Khalid al-Qasri, an Umayyad official who served as the governor of Iraq under Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik (). In this early version, the tenth person appearing on the list was Mu'awiya (), the first Umayyad caliph (). This is likely to be understood as an attempt to portray Mu'awiya, who in reality had been a relatively late follower of the prophet Muhammad, as one of the prophet's closest companions. However, this was not accepted by later tradition, where instead of Mu'awiya one finds either Muhammad himself, or the prominent early convert Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah ().


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: Apart from this early Umayyad inscription, the list is mainly preserved in a number of 9th-century Sunni hadith collections, which contain a prophetic hadith that generally consisted of the phrase spoken by Muhammad "Ten will be in Paradise", followed by a list of companions. In versions of this hadith recorded by Ahmad ibn Hanbal (780–855) and Abu Dawud (), the first name in the list is that of the prophet Muhammad himself, while in other versions as recorded by Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Ibn Sa'd (), and al-Tirmidhi (825–892), Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah appears in Muhammad's stead.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: There are eight names which are common to all versions of the list: the four Rashidun caliphs, and the members of the committee () appointed by Umar ibn al-Khattab at his deathbed which would go on to elect Uthman ibn Affan as the third caliph:


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: There is also one companion on the list who did not play any role of special significance in the early Muslim community, but who was held in high regard as one of the first persons to convert to Islam. Though he was not part of the election committee (which consisted only of the most prominent members of the Quraysh), he also supported the election of Uthman:


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: The tenth named figure in the list was either Mu'awiya, or Muhammad, or Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah, an early convert who played an important role in the election of Abu Bakr as caliph, and who was considered by Umar as a possible successor:


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: Sometimes, Abd Allah ibn Mas'ud (died ), an early convert who had served as Muhammad's personal assistant in Medina, and who was well known for his knowledge of the Quran, was also reckoned among the ten.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: Most members of the list of ten also appear on one particular version of a list of twelve early Muslims whom Muhammad is said to have appointed as 'apostles' (Arabic: ). This list, which like the list of the ten entirely consists of members of the Quraysh who emigrated with Muhammad from Mecca to Medina ('emigrants' or ), appears to have functioned as a direct rival to another list of twelve 'apostles', which consisted entirely of non-Qurayshi Muslims ('helpers' or ). In this sense, the list of the ten (which in its early versions also included Mu'awiya) may likewise have originated as a pro-Qurayshi or pro-Umayyad (the Ummayads also belonging to the Quraysh) tradition.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: The list appears in several 9th-century hadiths collected by Ahmad ibn Hanbal (780–855), Ibn Sa'd (), Abu Dawud (), and al-Tirmidhi (825–892). The canonical list as recorded by these early Sunni authors only omitted the name of Mu'awiya, which was replaced either by Muhammad himself or by Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah. Apart from that, the developing Sunni tradition represented by these 9th-century authors was happy to endorse a list of companions which did not only include the four Rashidun caliphs (the legitimacy of whose caliphate it supported against the Shi'is), but also the names of all the major warring parties at the First Fitna (Uthman, Ali, Talha, Zubayr), who could thus be seen as absolved from the sins of civil war by the prophet's promise of Paradise.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: The term itself does not yet appear in these early hadiths, but seems to have originated in later Sunni literature. In this literature, the concept of the ten developed as a special form of praise for the closest of Muhammad's companions, the emulation of whom had always been a defining element of Sunnism. Hadiths extolling each of the ten were brought together in works that were especially devoted to them, examples of which include:


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: In stark contrast to the Sunni tradition, Shi'i scholars generally rejected the hadiths about the ten to whom Paradise was promised as inauthentic. According to one Shi'i hadith recorded in the ("The Book of Sulaym ibn Qays"), Ali ibn Abi Talib –himself one of the ten – said that the other nine would in fact go to the lowest layers of hell.


title: The ten to whom Paradise was promised

text: The rejection by Shi'i scholars of the tradition of the ten is in line with the more general Shi'i rejection of the first three Rashidun caliphs (Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman) as usurpers of the rightful Imam, Ali ibn Abi Talib. The presence of all six members of the election committee () that elected Uthman as third caliph rather than Ali further renders it unthinkable that Shi'i scholars would validate the list.


title: Glass ceiling

text: A glass ceiling is a metaphor usually applied to women, used to represent an invisible barrier that prevents a given demographic from rising beyond a certain level in a hierarchy. No matter how invisible the glass ceiling is expressed, it is actually a difficult obstacle to overcome. The metaphor was first used by feminists in reference to barriers in the careers of high-achieving women. It was coined by Marilyn Loden during a speech in 1978.


title: Glass ceiling

text: In the United States, the concept is sometimes extended to refer to racial inequality in the United States. Minority women in white-majority countries often find the most difficulty in "breaking the glass ceiling" because they lie at the intersection of two historically marginalized groups: women and people of color. East Asian and East Asian American news outlets have coined the term "bamboo ceiling" to refer to the obstacles that all East Asian Americans face in advancing their careers. Similarly, a multitude of barriers that refugees and asylum seekers face in their search for meaningful employment is referred to as canvas ceiling.


title: Glass ceiling

text: Within the same concepts of the other terms surrounding the workplace, there are similar terms for restrictions and barriers concerning women and their roles within organizations and how they coincide with their maternal responsibilities. These "Invisible Barriers" function as metaphors to describe the extra circumstances that women go through, usually when they try to advance within areas of their careers and often while they try to advance within their lives outside their work spaces.


title: Glass ceiling

text: "A glass ceiling" represents a blockade that prohibits women from advancing toward the top of a hierarchical corporation. These women are prevented from getting promoted, especially to the executive rankings within their corporation. In the last twenty years, the women who have become more involved and pertinent in industries and organizations have rarely been in the executive ranks.


title: Glass ceiling

text: The corresponding "glass floor" which tends to exempt women from many of the unpleasant aspects of a hierarchy's lower levels is not generally considered a problem; in fact, attempts to raise awareness of that discriminatory inequality are frequently quashed.


title: Glass ceiling

text: The United States Federal Glass Ceiling Commission defines the glass ceiling as "the unseen, yet unbreachable barrier that keeps minorities and women from rising to the upper rungs of the corporate ladder, regardless of their qualifications or achievements."


title: Glass ceiling

text: David Cotter et. al (2001) defined four distinctive characteristics that must be met to conclude that a "glass ceiling" exists. A glass ceiling inequality represents:


title: Glass ceiling

text: Cotter and colleagues found that glass ceilings are correlated strongly with gender, with both white and minority women facing a glass ceiling in the course of their careers. In contrast, the researchers did not find evidence of a glass ceiling for African-American men.


title: Glass ceiling

text: The glass ceiling metaphor has often been used to describe invisible barriers ("glass") through which women can see elite positions but cannot reach them ("ceiling"). These barriers prevent large numbers of women and ethnic minorities from obtaining and securing the most powerful, prestigious and highest-grossing jobs in the workforce. Moreover, this effect prevents women from filling high-ranking positions and puts them at a disadvantage as potential candidates for advancement.


title: Glass ceiling

text: In 1839, French feminist and author George Sand used a similar phrase, "une voûte de cristal impénétrable", in a passage of "Gabriel", a never-performed play: "I was a woman; for suddenly my wings collapsed, ether closed in around my head like "an impenetrable crystal vault", and I fell..." [emphasis added]. The statement, a description of the heroine's dream of soaring with wings, has been interpreted as a feminine Icarus tale of a woman who attempts to ascend above her accepted role.


title: Glass ceiling

text: According to the April 3, 2015, "The Wall Street Journal" the term glass ceiling was notably used in 1979 by Maryanne Schriber and Katherine Lawrence at Hewlett-Packard. Lawrence outlined the concept at the National Press Club at the national meeting of the Women's Institute for the Freedom of the Press in Washington DC. The ceiling was defined as discriminatory promotion patterns where the written promotional policy is non-discriminatory, but in practice denies promotion to qualified females.


title: Glass ceiling

text: The term was later used in March 1984 by Gay Bryant, who is credited with popularizing the glass ceiling concept. She was the former editor of "Working Woman" magazine and was changing jobs to be the editor of "Family Circle." In an "Adweek" article written by Nora Frenkel, Bryant was reported as saying, "Women have reached a certain point—I call it the glass ceiling. They're at the top of middle management and they're stopping and getting stuck. There isn't enough room for all those women at the top. Some are going into business for themselves. Others are going out and raising families." Also in 1984, Bryant used the term in a chapter of the book "The Working Woman Report: Succeeding in Business in the 1980s." In the same book, Basia Hellwig used the term in another chapter.


title: Glass ceiling

text: In a widely cited article in the "Wall Street Journal" in March 1986 the term was used in the article's title: "The Glass Ceiling: Why Women Can't Seem to Break The Invisible Barrier That Blocks Them From the Top Jobs". The article was written by Carol Hymowitz and Timothy D. Schellhardt. Hymowitz and Schellhardt introduced glass ceiling was "not something that could be found in any corporate manual or even discussed at a business meeting; it was originally introduced as an invisible, covert, and unspoken phenomenon that existed to keep executive level leadership positions in the hands of Caucasian males."


title: Glass ceiling

text: As the term "glass ceiling" became more common, the public responded with differing ideas and opinions. Some argued that the concept is a myth because women choose to stay home and showed less dedication to advance into executive positions. As a result of continuing public debate, the US Labor Department's chief, Lynn Morley Martin, reported the results of a research project called "The Glass Ceiling Initiative", formed to investigate the low numbers of women and minorities in executive positions. This report defined the new term as "those artificial barriers based on attitudinal or organizational bias that prevent qualified individuals from advancing upward in their organization into management-level positions."


title: Glass ceiling

text: In 1991, as a part of Title II of the Civil Right Act of 1991, The United States Congress created the Glass Ceiling Commission. This 21 member Presidential Commission was chaired by Secretary of Labor Robert Reich, and was created to study the "barriers to the advancement of minorities and women within corporate hierarchies[,] to issue a report on its findings and conclusions, and to make recommendations on ways to dis- mantle the glass ceiling." The commission conducted extensive research including, surveys, public hearings and interviews, and released their findings in a report in 1995. The report, "Good for Business", offered "tangible guidelines and solutions on how these barriers can be overcome and eliminated". The goal of the commission was to provide recommendations on how to "shatter" the glass ceiling, specifically in the world of business. The report issued 12 recommendations on how to improve the workplace by increasing diversity in organizations and reducing discrimination through policy


title: Glass ceiling

text: The number of women CEOs in the Fortune Lists has increased between 1998 and 2020, despite women's labor force participation rate decreasing globally from 52.4% to 49.6% between 1995 and 2015. Only 19.2% of S&P 500 Board Seats were held by women in 2014, 80.2% of whom were considered white.


title: Glass ceiling

text: In 2017, the "Economist" updated their glass-ceiling index, combining data on higher education, labour-force participation, pay, child-care costs, maternity and paternity rights, business-school applications and representation in senior jobs. The countries where inequality was the lowest were Iceland, Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Poland.


title: Glass ceiling

text: In a 1993 report released through the U.S. Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences, researchers noted that although women have the same educational opportunities as their male counterparts, the Glass Ceiling persist due to systematic barriers, low representation and mobility, and stereotypes. The perpetuation of sexist stereotypes is one widely recognized reason as to why female employees are systematically inhibited from receiving advantageous opportunities in their chosen fields. A majority of Americans perceive women to be more emotional and men to be more aggressive. Gender stereotypes influence how leaders are chosen by employers and how workers of different sex are treated. Another stereotype towards women in workplaces is known as the "gender status belief" which claims that men are more competent and intelligent than women, which would explain why they have higher positions in the career hierarchy. Ultimately, this factor leads to perception of gender-based jobs in the labor market, so men are expected to have more work-related qualifications and hired for top positions. Perceived feminine stereotypes contribute to the glass ceiling faced by women in the workforce.


title: Glass ceiling

text: Gender stereotyping is thinking that men are better than women in management and leadership roles; it is the concept of alluding that women are inferior and better suited in their biological roles of mother and spouse. The nature of this stereotype is toxic and hindering to women's success and their rights in every aspect but it is even more damaging in the workplace in a patriarchal society. It represents an invisible but strong barrier that stands in the way of women. Men are put at the utmost positions for they are primally viewed as better leaders whereas women are stuck in low or medium level positions. These barriers to women's progression in management roles and a of significant issue. For example, the few women that have worked hard and relentlessly to break those barriers and have earned their deserving place in a leadership role are either viewed as "competent or warm" but never both. This is because the idea of a successful women is stereotyped within the idea that she must be a ruthless, competitive, cold person whereas a woman of a warm and caring nature will be perceived as not having the right skill set for leadership and progression because "she does not have what it takes".


title: Glass ceiling

text: When women leave their current place of employment to start their own businesses, they tend to hire other women. Men tend to hire other men. These hiring practices eliminate "the glass ceiling" because there is no more competition of capabilities and discrimination of gender. These support the segregated identification of "men's work" and "women's work."


title: Glass ceiling

text: Few women tend to reach positions in the upper echelon of society, and organizations are largely still almost exclusively led by men. Studies have shown that the glass ceiling still exists in varying levels in different nations and regions across the world. The stereotypes of women as emotional and sensitive could be seen as key characteristics as to why women struggle to break the glass ceiling. It is clear that even though societies differ from one another by culture, beliefs and norms, they hold similar expectations of women and their role in the society. These female stereotypes are often reinforced in societies that have traditional expectations of women. The stereotypes and perceptions of women are changing slowly across the world, which also reduces gender segregation in organizations.


title: Glass ceiling

text: A parallel phenomenon called the "glass escalator" has also been recognized. As more men join fields that were previously dominated by women, such as nursing and teaching, the men are promoted and given more opportunities compared to the women, as if the men were taking escalators and the women were taking the stairs. The chart from Carolyn K. Broner shows an example of the glass escalator in favor of men for female-dominant occupations in schools. While women have historically dominated the teaching profession, men tend to take higher positions in school systems such as deans or principals.


title: Glass ceiling

text: Men benefit financially from their gender status in historically female fields, often "reaping the benefits of their token status to reach higher levels in female-dominated work."


title: Glass ceiling

text: A 2008 study published in "Social Problems" found that sex segregation in nursing did not follow the "glass escalator" pattern of disproportional vertical distribution; rather, men and women gravitated towards different areas within the field, with male nurses tending to specialize in areas of work perceived as "masculine". The article noted that "men encounter powerful social pressures that direct them away from entering female-dominated occupations (Jacobs 1989, 1993)". Since female-dominated occupations are usually characterized with more feminine activities, men who enter these jobs can be perceived socially as "effeminate, homosexual, or sexual predators".


title: Glass ceiling

text: In the literature on gender discrimination, the concept of "sticky floors" complements the concept of a glass ceiling. Sticky floors can be described as the pattern that women are, compared to men, less likely to start to climb the job ladder. This is often due to discriminatory employment pattern that keeps workers, mainly women, in the lower ranks of the job scale, with low mobility and invisible barriers to career advancement. Thereby, this phenomenon is related to gender differentials at the bottom of the wage distribution. Building on the seminal study by Booth and co-authors in European Economic Review, during the last decade economists have attempted to identify sticky floors in the labour market. They found empirical evidence for the existence of sticky floors in countries such as Australia, Belgium, Italy, Thailand and the United States.


title: Glass ceiling

text: Similar to the sticky floor, the frozen middle describes the phenomenon of women's progress up the corporate ladder slowing, if not halting, in the ranks of middle management. Originally the term referred to the resistance corporate upper management faced from middle management when issuing directives. Due to a lack of ability or lack of drive in the ranks of middle management these directives do not come into fruition and as a result the company's bottom line suffers. The term was popularized by a "Harvard Business Review" article titled "Middle Management Excellence". Due to the growing proportion of women to men in the workforce, however, the term "frozen middle" has become more commonly ascribed to the aforementioned slowing of the careers of women in middle management. The 1996 study "A Study of the Career Development and Aspirations of Women in Middle Management" posits that social structures and networks within businesses that favor "good old boys" and norms of masculinity exist based on the experiences of women surveyed. According to the study, women who did not exhibit stereotypical masculine traits, (e.g. aggressiveness, thick skin, lack of emotional expression) and interpersonal communication tendencies were disadvantaged compared to their male peers. As the ratio of men to women increases in the upper levels of management, women's access to female mentors who could advise them on ways to navigate office politics is limited, further inhibiting upward mobility within a corporation or firm. Furthermore, the frozen middle affects female professionals in western and eastern countries such as the United States and Malaysia, respectively, as well as women in a variety of fields ranging from the aforementioned corporations to STEM fields.


title: Glass ceiling

text: The second shift focuses on the idea that women theoretically work a second shift in the manner of having a greater workload, not just doing a greater share of domestic work. All of the tasks that are engaged in outside the workplace are mainly tied to motherhood. Depending on location, household income, educational attainment, ethnicity and location, data shows that women do work a second shift in the sense of having a greater workload, not just doing a greater share of domestic work, but this is not apparent if simultaneous activity is overlooked. Alva Myrdal and Viola Klein as early as 1956 focused on the potential of both men and women working in settings that included paid and unpaid types of work environments. Research indicated that men and women could have equal time for activities outside the work environment for family and extra activities. This "second shift" has also been found to have physical effects as well. Women who engage in longer hours of work in pursuit of family balance often face increased mental health problems such as depression and anxiety. Increased irritability, lower motivation and energy, and other emotional issues were also found to occur as well. The overall happiness of women can be improved if a balance of career and home responsibilities is found.


title: Glass ceiling

text: "Mommy Track" refers to women who disregard their careers and professional responsibilities in order to satisfy the needs of their families. Women are often subject to long work hours that create an imbalance within the work-family schedule. There is research suggesting that women are able to operate on a part-time professional schedule compared to others who worked full-time while still engaged in external family activities. This research also suggests that flexible work arrangements allow the achievement of a healthy work and family balance. A difference has also been discovered in the cost and amount of effort in childbearing between women in higher skilled positions and roles, as opposed to women in lower-skilled jobs. This difference leads women to delay and postpone goals and career aspirations over many years.


title: Glass ceiling

text: The term "concrete floor" has been used to refer to the minimum number or the proportion of women necessary for a cabinet or board of directors to be perceived as legitimate.


title: Shin Seung-ho

text: Shin Seung-ho (born 11 November 1995) is a South Korean actor and model. As one of the leads, Shin received the most attention after appearing on "A-Teen" (2018). He is also known for appearing on "Love Alarm" (2019) and "Alchemy of Souls" (2022).


title: Ahmad bin Ali Stadium

text: Ahmad bin Ali Stadium (), popularly known as the Al-Rayyan Stadium, is an association football stadium located in the district of Rawdat Al Jahhaniya, Qatar, around northwest from the centre of Al Rayyan. It is currently used mostly for football matches and it is the home to Al-Rayyan Sports Club and Al-Kharitiyath Sports Club. The stadium is named after Ahmad bin Ali Al Thani, the Emir of Qatar from 1960 to 1972. The former stadium, built in 2003, had a seating capacity of 21,282 and was demolished in 2015. The new Al Rayyan Stadium has a seating capacity of 45,000.


title: Ahmad bin Ali Stadium

text: The former Ahmad bin Ali Stadium was demolished in 2015 to make way for the Al Rayyan Stadium. 90 percent of the rubble resulting from the demolition of the stadium is anticipated to be reused either for the new stadium or for public art projects.


title: Ahmad bin Ali Stadium

text: The construction of the new stadium started in early 2016. This was done by the joint venture between Al-Balagh and Larsen & Toubro. After the World Cup the stadium will be reduced to 21,000 seats. The new stadium was built for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, which Qatar is currently hosting.


title: Ahmad bin Ali Stadium

text: The renovation includes a huge 'media facade' with a membrane that will act as a screen for projections, news, commercials, sports updates, current tournament information and matches. Seating capacity was increased to 40,740, and all seats were shaded.


title: Ahmad bin Ali Stadium

text: The inauguration of the stadium took place on 18 December 2020, which was Qatar's National Day, and exactly two years before the country hosts the 2022 FIFA World Cup final. The stadium was one of two venues used for the 2020 FIFA Club World Cup.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: The Powerpuff Girls Movie is a 2002 American animated superhero film based on the Cartoon Network animated television series "The Powerpuff Girls". It was co-written and directed by series' creator Craig McCracken (in his directorial debut), co-written by Charlie Bean, Lauren Faust, Paul Rudish, and Don Shank, and stars the regular television cast of Cathy Cavadini, Tara Strong, E. G. Daily, Roger L. Jackson, Tom Kane, Tom Kenny, and Jennifer Hale. The film serves as a prequel to the series, and tells the origin story of how the Powerpuff Girls were created and came to be the defenders of Townsville and how Mojo Jojo became a supervillain.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Produced by Cartoon Network Studios as its first and only theatrical film, "The Powerpuff Girls Movie" premiered in Century City on June 22, 2002, and was released in theaters on July 3, 2002, by Warner Bros. Pictures. The film received positive reviews from critics and grossed $16 million worldwide against its $11 million budget.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: In the crime and injustice-riddled city of Townsville, Professor Utonium mixes sugar, spice and everything nice, hoping to produce the "perfect little girls" to improve Townsville. However, his laboratory assistant, the destructive chimpanzee Jojo, shoves him, causing him to accidentally break and spill a flask of Chemical X onto the concoction. The experiment succeeds, producing three little girls whom the Professor names Blossom, Bubbles, and Buttercup. He also discovers that the girls have gained superpowers from the added Chemical X. Despite the girls' recklessness with their powers, they all immediately grow to love each other as a family.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: On their first day of school, the girls learn about the game of tag and begin to play it among themselves, which quickly grows destructive once they use their powers. The girls take their game downtown, where they accidentally cause damage the city until the Professor calms them down. The next day, the citizens of Townsville treat the girls as outcasts due to their destructive behavior and the Professor is arrested for creating the girls. Believing that using their powers again will only anger the townspeople more, the girls try to make their way home from school on foot, but they become lost in an alleyway, where the Gangreen Gang attacks them. Jojo, who has become superintelligent due to the Chemical X explosion mutating his brain, rescues the trio.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Planning control of the city and revenge on the Professor for replacing him with the girls, Jojo gains the girls' sympathy by convincing them that he is also hated for his powers and tricks them into helping him build a laboratory and machine powered by Chemical X, which he claims will earn them the public's affections. Afterwards, Jojo rewards them with a trip to the local zoo, where he secretly implants small transportation devices on all the primates there. That night, Jojo brings the primates to his lab and uses his new machine to inject them with Chemical X, which turns them into evil mutants like himself. The next morning, after the Professor is released from prison, the girls show him all the "good" they have done, only to discover that the primates are attacking the city. Jojo, renaming himself as Mojo Jojo, publicly announces the girls assisted him, which damages their reputation further and makes the distraught Professor lose faith in them. Dejected, the girls exile themselves to an asteroid in outer space.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Mojo Jojo announces his intention to rule the planet, but becomes frustrated when his minions disobey him and concoct their own plans to terrorize Townsville. Overhearing the turmoil from space, the girls return to Earth and rescue the citizens, realizing they can use their powers to fight the primates. After his army is defeated, Mojo Jojo injects himself with Chemical X and grows into a giant monster, overpowering the girls in an intense battle. Rejecting Mojo Jojo's offer of an alliance to take over the world, the girls push him off a decrepit skyscraper just as the Professor arrives with an antidote for Chemical X to help the girls. Mojo Jojo lands on the Antidote X, which shrinks him down to his original size, battered and defeated.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: The girls consider using the Antidote X to erase their powers, thinking they would be accepted as normal girls, but the people of Townsville protest against this, apologize for misjudging them, and their heroism is praised. Townsville's Mayor requests that the Professor authorize the trio to use their powers to defend Townsville, to which he and the girls agree, becoming the city's beloved crime-fighting superhero team "The Powerpuff Girls".


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: During the film's production, series creator and director Craig McCracken did not want it to appeal exclusively to girls as the series' merchandise made it out to be (which included jewelry and necklaces), wanting to make an action-adventure film that felt closer to his conception of the Powerpuff Girls. When deciding what the final plot would be, the crew had "one that was purely an action show, and then one that was more of a subtle character piece"; Cartoon Network liked both of them, so the result is a hybrid. McCracken said that there was no real difference when directing the film in comparison to a standard TV episode:


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: "The Powerpuff Girls" was known for its audience being highly composed by "underground" adults, and the film adaptation was intended in part to appeal to that demographic, and according to Cartoon Network executives, "spark sales of DVDs and home videos, pack in crowds overseas and set kids scrambling to buy cartoon-themed merchandise", also calling the attention of more girls and teens. Jim Samples, executive vice president and general manager of the network, saw the year 2002 as a good opportunity to bring the show to the big screen, given the success of family features such as Disney's "Lilo & Stitch" and the live-action adaptation of "Scooby-Doo". During production, McCracken was encouraged by Cartoon Network to make an edgier film; he recalled via Tumblr:


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Like the series, the film's animation was provided by Rough Draft Korea, with additional digital compositing and effects by Mercury Filmworks and additional animation by Munich Animation Film. All work done overseas was then shipped to Los Angeles, where the main crew put every single shot together digitally at the recently opened Cartoon Network Studios. The film keeps the staple look of the television series with minimal changes, with characters such as the Girls and the Professor having a mostly geometric look. The backgrounds are hand-drawn with some computer-generated enhancements. It also went on to have some minor edits in pacing for the final cut, but "nothing so disastrous that it affected the final film", according to McCracken. It was noted that promotion for the film was rather limited when compared to that of other animated films from the same year, such as "". However, McCracken said that Warner Bros. was putting $20 million into promoting the film. Some of the production process was also documented for the film's subsequent home video releases. According to McCracken, 49 half-hour episodes of the TV series had been made up to that point, but production on the show went on hiatus to focus on the making of the movie.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: The crew was against including pop songs or any musical numbers that would interfere "in the body of the story" in order to respect audience expectations. However, the end credits are accompanied by a punk rock version of the series' ending theme by Bis, as well as "Pray for the Girls" by Frank Black and "That's What Girls Do" by No Secrets. James L. Venable, who worked on the television series, composed the film's score, blending traditional orchestration with electronica. He had listened to "old monster movie scores" and acts such as the Chemical Brothers and Propellerheads for inspiration in developing the series' musical style, which was then poured into the movie. McCracken thought the band Gorillaz would be fitting to perform the film's ending credits song, considering that the plot was about "evil monkeys attacking Townsville" and that the band members are animated. Gorillaz creators Jamie Hewlett and Damon Albarn showed interest in composing the song, but their schedule made it impossible to accomplish.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: By February 2002, the film was already being promoted on Cartoon Network's official website, where details about the "Be an Artist" contest were available, prompting fans in the United States under the age of 18 to send their drawings in the hopes of having it appear in a scene from the movie. In Latin America, kids could enter a contest in which the first place winner could earn three tickets for the film and a video camera. One of Delta Express' Boeing 737-200 planes featured a special aircraft with "Powerpuff Girls"-themed livery, and customers were given promotional items regarding the movie, including activity sheets, temporary tattoos and buttons.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Prior to the release of the film, Daisy Rock produced a heart-shaped, 3/4 scale, pink guitar featuring all three Powerpuff Girls, and another featuring Mojo Jojo in a "premium alder body" with a 24-3/4" scale. Both instruments had a limited release. Out of the one hundred, some were given to cable viewers during the Cartoon Cartoon Fridays primetime block on May 31, 2002. A few others were available on Cartoon Network's online store for a short period. Artists who participated in the first two "Powerpuff Girls" soundtracks also got their own copy. From July of that year, Jack in the Box restaurants offered six toys based on the movie as part of their kid's meal menu: Punching Buttercup, Kung-Fu Bubbles, Karate Kick Blossom, Mojo Jojo's Volcano Viewer, Bulging Brains Mojo Jojo, and Skyscraper Mo Mojo Jojo. In July 17, DC published the film's official comic adaptation, written by Amy Rogers and illustrated by Phil Moy.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: A premiere screening was held by Warner Bros. in Century City, California on June 22, 2002, which a part of the film's cast and crew attended, as well as celebrities such as Melissa Gilbert, Danny Bonaduce, Christine Lahti, Harry Hamlin, and Lisa Renee Foiles. In the United States, the film was rated PG by the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) for "non-stop frenetic animated action". The film was released in theaters on July 3, 2002, accompanied by a G-rated "Dexter's Laboratory" short titled "Chicken Scratch", in which Dexter gets chickenpox and tries not to scratch to avoid turning into an actual chicken. In various other countries, the "Tom and Jerry" short "The Mansion Cat" was screened instead, in which Tom tries to kick Jerry out of his owner's mansion, and "Chicken Scratch" was aired as a regular episode of "Dexter's Laboratory" instead. "The Powerpuff Girls Movie" later made its television debut on Cartoon Network on May 23, 2003.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: The film was released on Region 1 VHS and DVD on November 5, 2002. The DVD included extras such as deleted scenes, behind-the-scenes footage and audio commentaries. Despite being filmed in aspect ratio, the DVD and VHS are in only, much akin to that of the original series. The Region 2 DVD release presents the film in its original aspect ratio, but omits the audio commentary and bonus features, and is also in PAL format. The film has yet to be released on Blu-ray and digital.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: On Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of based on reviews, with an average rating of . The site's critical consensus reads, "It plays like an extended episode, but "The Powerpuff Girls Movie" is still lots of fun." On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 65 out of 100 based on 25 critics, indicating "generally favorable reviews". Audiences polled by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade of "B" on an A+ to F scale.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Bob Longino of the "Atlanta Journal-Constitution" praised the film, writing, "The intricate drawings emanate 1950s futuristic pizazz like a David Hockney scenescape. The inspired script is both sinfully cynical and aw-shucks sweet". He also called it "one of the few American creations that is both gleeful pop culture and exquisite high art." Nell Minow of "Common Sense Media" gave the film four stars out of five, saying that it "may be a treat for the fans of the show, but its non-stop excitement and sense of humor is going to win over just about anyone". Virginia Heffernan of "The New York Times" said that "the movie is cute [...] but its violent, snickering style is pure Americana", and that it evokes the "outlandish classic" look of McCracken's inspirations. Ben Nuckols wrote for Associated Press that the protagonists' big eyes were the "only remarkable thing", which he considered "a shame, because the girls are delightful and the movie is skillfully made". "New Sunday Times" praised the animation, particularly the sequence where the Powerpuff Girls play tag, and said that "there's a lot to like about this movie", calling it "a good first movie".


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: Jerry Beck wrote for Animation World Network that the film was "good looking [...] but suffered from story problems", whereas Christene Meyers from "Billings Gazette" thought that the story could have been told in a few minutes. Contrarily, IGN's KJB said that the movie did not "overstay its welcome" with its 70-minutes length run and gave it 4 out of 5 stars. Dan Via, writing for "The Washington Post", said that "even with its flaws, "The Powerpuff Girls Movie" offers dramatic pacing, cleverness and charm that are hard to come by in the summertime multiplex", ranging from moments of "epic stillness to the crash-bang-kapow flash of the action sequences". Mariano Kairuz, from the Argentine newspaper "Página/12", wrote: "It's one of the happily bizarre cartoon movies to hit theaters in quite some time. One might even wonder how Cartoon Network and Warner authorized the multi-million dollar budget for something that looks and feels somewhat uncommercial". Marc Savlov of "The Austin Chronicle" gave the film 3 and a half stars out of 5, describing it as "retro fun that contains a serious self-empowerment message for little girls and little boys alike", as well as "brilliant, wacky, and utterly charming fluff". In a review for the newspaper "Riverfront Times", Gregory Weinkauf said that the film's exploration of the girls' emotions during the asteroid scene was "a brilliant sequence" before the "blaze of chaotic action" in the third act. However, he was critical about the film's "bizarre anal sensibilities" ("e.g." "cheeky shots of monkey butts — electroshocks slithering up into them [and] turd-bombs plopping out of them") and what he deemed as a "psychosexual fodder" of the Mayor having a "pickle fetish" and Sara Bellum's "voluptuous curves [that] fill the frame but whose actual head and identity as a mature woman are curiously omitted." In early 2003, the Online Film Critics Society released its list of the Top 100 Animated Features of All Time, where "The Powerpuff Girls Movie" was placed at number 86. In 2019, "Paste" magazine ranked the film number 72 on its list of the 100 best superhero movies of all time.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: The film also received some mild criticism for its violence, which some felt was too extreme for a family-oriented film, especially in the wake of the 9/11 attacks the previous year.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: In the 2009 documentary "The Powerpuff Girls: Who, What Where, How, Why... Who Cares?", McCracken said, "In hindsight, maybe I wish it was a little sillier, a little more lighter, a little more... not so heavy the whole time." In 2016, he stated that due to the politics of the film's production, he would stick to the television industry instead of branching out into movies.


title: The Powerpuff Girls Movie

text: "The Powerpuff Girls Movie" premiered in theaters in the United States on July 3, 2002. Because of the popularity of the TV show, some analysts predicted it would gross $15 million over the Fourth of July weekend. However, Mekeisha Madden from "The News Tribune" noted that the movie was facing a strong competition against films like "Men in Black II" and "Lilo & Stitch": "The real question, according to some fans and industry experts, is if the movie is still timely. While the show is still hot with younger kids, "The Powerpuff Girts" reached its height in popularity with people over 14 in the summer of 2000". The movie only earned $6.1 million over its first five days of release, ranking ninth at the North American box office due to competition with "Men in Black II". Brandon Gray, a Box Office Mojo editor, asserted that "it didn't help that at many of the venues the picture didn't have evening showings, alienating many of the TV show's older fans". By July 26, the film had dropped to #34 on the U.S. box office ranking. Ultimately, it grossed $11.4 million domestically and $5 million overseas for a worldwide total of $16.4 million with a $11 million budget. Mike Lazzo (former senior vice president of Cartoon Network's Adult Swim) said that the movie flopped due to a bad combination of "business"—as for when and how it was released—and "creative" (with it being "just good" instead of "genius"). Screen Rant listed the movie as one of the 25 lowest-grossing superhero movies at the global box office.


title: Bengali calendars

text: The Bengali Calendar or Bangla Calendar (), colloquially (), is a solar calendar used in the Bengal region of the Indian subcontinent. A revised version of the calendar is the national and official calendar in Bangladesh and an earlier version of the calendar is followed in the Indian states of West Bengal, Tripura and Assam. The New Year in the Bengali calendar is known as "Pohela Boishakh".


title: Bengali calendars

text: The Bengali era is called "Bengali Sambat" (BS) or the "Bengali year" ( "Bangla Sôn", "Bangla sal", or "Bangabda") has a zero year that starts in 593/594 CE. It is 594 less than the AD or CE year in the Gregorian calendar if it is before "Pôhela Bôishakh", or 593 less if after "Pôhela Bôishakh".


title: Bengali calendars

text: The revised version of the Bengali calendar was officially adopted in Bangladesh in 1987. Among the Bengali community in India, the traditional Indian Hindu calendar continues to be in use, and it sets the Hindu festivals.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Some historians attribute the Bengali calendar to the 7th century Bengali king Shashanka, whose reign covered the Bengali era of 594 CE. The term "Bangabda" (Bangla year) is found too in two Shiva temples many centuries older than Akbar era, suggesting that a Bengali calendar existed long before Akbar's time.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Hindus developed a calendar system in ancient times. "Jyotisha", one of the six ancient Vedangas, was the Vedic era field of tracking and predicting the movements of astronomical bodies in order to keep time. The ancient Indian culture developed a sophisticated time keeping methodology and calendars for Vedic rituals.


title: Bengali calendars

text: The Hindu Vikrami calendar is named after king Vikramaditya and starts in 57 BC. In rural Bengali communities of India, the Bengali calendar is credited to "Bikromaditto", like many other parts of India and Nepal. However, unlike these regions where it starts in 57 BC, the Bengali calendar starts from 593 suggesting that the starting reference year was adjusted at some point.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Various dynasties whose territories extended into Bengal, prior to the 13th-century, used the Vikrami calendar. For example, Buddhist texts and inscriptions created in the Pala Empire era mention "Vikrama" and the months such as Ashvin, a system found in Sanskrit texts elsewhere in ancient and medieval Indian subcontinent.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Hindu scholars attempted to keep time by observing and calculating the cycles of sun (Surya), moon and the planets. These calculations about the sun appears in various Sanskrit astronomical texts in Sanskrit, such as the 5th century "Aryabhatiya" by Aryabhata, the 6th century "Romaka" by Latadeva and "Panca Siddhantika" by Varahamihira, the 7th century "Khandakhadyaka" by Brahmagupta and the 8th century "Sisyadhivrddida" by Lalla. These texts present Surya and various planets and estimate the characteristics of the respective planetary motion. Other texts such as "Surya Siddhanta" dated to have been complete sometime between the 5th century and 10th century.


title: Bengali calendars

text: The current Bengali calendar in use by Bengali people in the Indian states such as West Bengal, Tripura, Assam and Jharkhand is based on the Sanskrit text "Surya Siddhanta". It retains the historic Sanskrit names of the months, with the first month as Baishakh. Their calendar remains tied to the Hindu calendar system and is used to set the various Bengali Hindu festivals.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Another theory is that the calendar was first developed by Alauddin Husain Shah (reign 1494–1519), a Hussain Shahi sultan of Bengal by combining the lunar Islamic calendar (Hijri) with the solar calendar, prevalent in Bengal. Yet another theory states that the Sasanka calendar was adopted by Alauddin Husain Shah when he witnessed the difficulty with collecting land revenue by the Hijri calendar.


title: Bengali calendars

text: During the Mughal rule, land taxes were collected from Bengali people according to the Islamic Hijri calendar. This calendar was a lunar calendar, and its new year did not coincide with the solar agricultural cycles. According to some sources, the current Bengali calendar owes its origin in Bengal to the rule of Mughal Emperor Akbar who adopted it to time the tax year to the harvest. The Bangla year was therewith called "Bangabda". Akbar asked the royal astronomer Fathullah Shirazi to create a new calendar by combining the lunar Islamic calendar and solar Hindu calendar already in use, and this was known as "Fasholi shan" (harvest calendar). According to some historians, this started the Bengali calendar. According to Shamsuzzaman Khan, it could be Nawab Murshid Quli Khan, a Mughal governor, who first used the tradition of "Punyaho" as "a day for ceremonial land tax collection", and used Akbar's fiscal policy to start the Bangla calendar.


title: Bengali calendars

text: It is unclear whether it was adopted by Hussain Shah or Akbar. The tradition to use the Bengali calendar may have been started by Hussain Shah before Akbar. According to Amartya Sen, Akbar's official calendar "Tarikh-ilahi" with the zero year of 1556 was a blend of pre-existing Hindu and Islamic calendars. It was not used much in India outside of Akbar's Mughal court, and after his death the calendar he launched was abandoned. However, adds Sen, there are traces of the "Tarikh-ilahi" that survive in the Bengali calendar. Regardless of who adopted the Bengali calendar and the new year, states Sen, it helped collect land taxes after the spring harvest based on traditional Bengali calendar, because the Islamic Hijri calendar created administrative difficulties in setting the collection date.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Shamsuzzaman states, "it is called Bangla san or saal, which are Arabic and Parsee words respectively, suggests that it was introduced by a Muslim king or sultan." In contrast, according to Sen, its traditional name is "Bangabda". In the era of the Akbar, the calendar was called as "Tarikh-e-Elahi" (). In the "Tarikh-e-Elahi" version of the calendar, each day of the month had a separate name, and the months had different names from what they have now. According to Banglapedia, Akbar's grandson Shah Jahan reformed the calendar to use a seven-day week that begins on Sunday, and the names of the months were changed at an unknown time to match the month names of the existing Saka calendar. This calendar is the foundation of the calendar that has been in use by the people of Bangladesh.


title: Bengali calendars

text: In Bangladesh, the government planned to modify the old Bengali calendar again after 2018. The new changes to match national days with West. As a result of the modification (see table), Kartik will start on Thursday (17-10-2019) and the season of Hemanta is delayed by a day as the revised calendar went into effect from Wednesday (16-10-2019).


title: Bengali calendars

text: The Language Martyrs' Day of 21 February, Independence Day of 26 March and Victory Day of 16 December will fall on Falgun 8, Chaitra 12, and Poush 1, respectively of the Bengali calendar for next 100 years now as they did in the Gregorian calendar years 1952 and 1971, according to new rules. In the old Bengali calendar, 21 February fell on Falgun 9 earlier this year. After the change 16 December will fall on Poush 1, not on the second day of the month.


title: Bengali calendars

text: Bengali New Year will also fall on 14 April, Rabindra Joyanti of Baishakh 25 on 8 May and Nazrul Joyanti of Jaishthha 11 on 25 May.


title: Bengali calendars

text: The Bengali calendar had been revised twice earlier (see below). Astrophysicist Dr Meghnad Saha led the first revision in the 1950s (Indian national calendar) and Dr Muhammad Shahidullah in 1963.


title: Bengali calendars

text: The Bengali Calendar incorporates the seven-day week as used by many other calendars. The names of the days of the week in the Bengali Calendar are based on the Navagraha ( "nôbôgrôhô"). The day begins and ends at sunrise in the Bengali calendar, unlike in the Gregorian calendar, where the day starts at midnight.


title: Bengali calendars

text: According to some scholars, in the calendar originally introduced by Akbar in the year 1584 AD, each day of the month had a different name, but this was cumbersome, and his grandson Shah Jahan changed this to a 7-day week as in the Gregorian calendar, with the week also starting on a Sunday.


title: Bengali calendars

text: The current Bengali calendar in use in the Indian states is based on the Sanskrit text "Surya Siddhanta". It retains the historic Sanskrit names of the months, with the first month as Baishakh. Their calendar remains tied to the Hindu calendar system and is used to set the various Bengali Hindu festivals.


title: Bengali calendars

text: In Bangladesh, however, the old Bengali calendar was modified in 1966 by a committee headed by Muhammad Shahidullah, making the first five months 31 days long, the rest 30 days each, with the month of Falgun adjusted to 31 days in every leap year. This was officially adopted by Bangladesh in 1987.


title: Annik Honoré

text: Annik Honoré (12 October 1957 – 3 July 2014) was a Belgian journalist and music promoter best known for her association and affair with Ian Curtis, the former lead singer and lyricist of Joy Division. She co-founded record labels Les Disques du Crépuscule and Factory Benelux.


title: Annik Honoré

text: Honoré was born in Mons, Belgium on 12 October 1957. As a teenager she became interested in rock music, attending various concerts in London as well as other locations. She moved to London in 1979, taking a job as a secretary at the Belgian Embassy.


title: Annik Honoré

text: In late 1979, Honoré and journalist Michel Duval began promoting musical events at the Raffinerie du Plan K venue in Brussels. Joy Division, and Cabaret Voltaire performed on the club's opening night on 16 October. A few months later, in 1980, Honoré and Duval founded Factory Benelux as a Continental offshoot of Factory Records as well as Les Disques du Crépuscule, an independent Belgian music label. Honoré chose the name "Crépuscule."