title: Philip Johnson

text: The cathedral quickly became a Southern California landmark, but its costs helped drive the church into debt. When the church declared bankruptcy in 2012, it was purchased by the Roman Catholic Diocese of Orange and became the Roman Catholic cathedral for Orange County.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Working with John Burgee, Johnson did not confine himself to a single style, and was comfortable mixing elements of modernism and postmodernism. For the Cleveland Play House, he built a romanesque brick structure; His skyscrapers in the 1980s were clad in granite and marble, and usually had some feature borrowed from historic architecture. In New York he designed the Museum of Television and Radio, (now the Paley Center for Media) (1991).


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1982, working in collaboration with John Burgee, he finished one of his most famous buildings, 550 Madison Avenue, (first known as AT&T Building, then the Sony building before taking its present name). Built between 1978 and 1982, it is a skyscraper with an eight-story high arched entry and a split pediment at the top which resembles an enormous piece of 18th-century Chippendale furniture. It was not the first work of Postmodern architecture, as Robert Venturi and Frank Gehry had already built smaller scale postmodern buildings, and Michael Graves had completed the Portland Building (1980–82) in Portland, Oregon, two years earlier; But the building's Manhattan location, size and originality made it the most famous and recognizable example of postmodern architecture. It was designated a city landmark by the New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission in 2018.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Between 1979 and 1984, Johnson and Burgee built PPG Place the postmodern headquarters of the Pittsburgh Plate Glass Company. It is a complex of six buildings within three city blocks, covering five and a half acres. The centerpiece is the forty-story tower, One PPG Place,which has a crown of spires at the corners which suggest the neogothic tower of the Houses of Parliament in London.


title: Philip Johnson

text: During the 1980s Johnson and Burgee completed a series of other notable postmodern landmarks. The TC Energy Center (Formerly Republic Bank Center, later, Bank of America Center), in Houston (1983), was the first postmodern skyscraper in the Houston skyline. Fifty-six Stories high, it has two setbacks creating what appear to be three different buildings, one against the other. The Three triangular gables were


title: Philip Johnson

text: inspired by Flemish Renaissance architecture. The interior and exterior are covered with rough-textured red granite, which also covers the surrounding sidewalks.


title: Philip Johnson

text: The new building for the Hines College of Architecture (1985) of the University of Houston paid homage to forms drawn from earlier periods of architectural history, using modern materials, construction methods and scale. The facade of the Hines building resembles, on a larger scale, the neoclassic facades of the French architect Claude Nicolas Ledoux.


title: Philip Johnson

text: 400 West Market (1993), in Louisville, Kentucky is a thirty-five story office tower built of reinforced concrete rather than the typical steel. It is topped by a concrete cupola, a vestige of the building's original owner and builder, Capital Holding.


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1986, Johnson and Burgee had moved their offices into one of their new buildings, the Lipstick Building, the popular name of the elliptical skyscraper they built at 885 Third Avenue in New York, and given its nickname because of its resemblance to the color and shape of a stick of lipstick.


title: Philip Johnson

text: As their business flourished and number of clients grew, the feud between Burgee and Johnson continued to grow. In 1988, the firm's name was changed to John Burgee Architects with Johnson as the "design consultant". In 1991, Johnson responded by establishing his own firm. The feud ended badly for Burgee; he was saddled with all of the debts of the firm, while Johnson no longer had any responsibility. Burgees was eventually forced to declare bankruptcy, and to retire, while Johnson continued to get commissions.


title: Philip Johnson

text: After four years as a solo practitioner, Johnson invited Alan Ritchie to join him as a partner. Ritchie had been a partner for many years in the Johnson-Burgee office and was the partner-in-charge of the AT&T building and the 190 South LaSalle office building, a skyscraper designed as an homage to the demolished Masonic Temple of Chicago. In 1994, they formed the new practice of Philip Johnson-Alan Ritchie Architects. During the next ten years, they worked closely together and explored new directions in architecture, designing buildings as sculptural objects.


title: Philip Johnson

text: The Gate of Europe in Madrid (1989 - 1996) was originally a collaboration with Burgee, and one of his rare works in Europe. It features two office buildings leaning toward each other, the first example of this style, which spread to America. The towers are twenty-six stories each, and both lean by 15 degrees from vertical.


title: Philip Johnson

text: 191 Peachtree Tower in Atlanta was a project begun with Burgee. It is composed of two fifty-story towers joined, and crowned with two classical pavilions.


title: Philip Johnson

text: The Comerica Tower (1991-1993) was also begun with Burgee. Like their earlier Postmodern works, it featured elements borrowed from historical architecture, particularly the triangular gables, borrowed from Renaissance Flemish architecture. It is the second tallest building in the state of Michigan.


title: Philip Johnson

text: The Chapel of St. Basil at the University of St. Thomas in Houston, Texas (1992) is notable late work. The design includes a domed chapel, a campanile, and a mediation garden, a labyrinth. Its structure is combination of the basic forms; a cube, a sphere, and a plane. The cube contains the worship area, beneath a semi-sphere, which is presented as the symbolic opening to heaven. The vertical rectangular granite plane divides the church and opens the chapel to light. During daytime the interior is lit entirely with natural light.


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1995, Johnson added a postmodern element to his own residence, the Glass House. This was a new entry pavilion in a sculptural form, which he called the "Monsta", or "Monster".


title: Philip Johnson

text: Other late works include the Cathedral of Hope in Dallas, the Habitable Sculpture (a 26-story apartment tower in lower Manhattan); The Children's Museum in Guadalajara, Mexico, and The Chrysler Center in Detroit.


title: Philip Johnson

text: The Urban Glass House in lower Manhattan was one of last designs with Alan Ritchie, and was not completed after Johnson's death. It is a condominium building in lower Manhattan whose form was inspired by Johnson's most famous early work, the Glass House in New Canaan, Connecticut.


title: Philip Johnson

text: The final building he designed with Richie was the Pennsylvania Academy of Music building in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, which was completed in 2008, three years after his death.


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1978, Johnson was awarded an American Institute of Architects Gold Medal. In 1979, he became the first recipient of the Pritzker Architecture Prize the most prestigious international architectural award.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Johnson was gay. He came out publicly in 1993, and was regarded as "the best-known openly gay architect in America".


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1934, Philip Johnson began his first serious relationship with Jimmie Daniels, a cabaret singer. The relationship lasted only one year.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Johnson died in his sleep at his Glass House retreat on January 25, 2005, at the age of ninety-eight. His partner of 45 years, David Whitney, died later that year at age 66.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Johnson was among the public figures at the core of the effort to save Olana, the home of Frederic Edwin Church, before it was dedicated a National Historic Landmark in 1965 and subsequently became a New York State Historic Site.


title: Philip Johnson

text: In his will Johnson left his residential compound to the National Trust for Historic Preservation. It is now open to the public.


title: Philip Johnson

text: As an art collector Johnson had an eclectic eye. He supported avant-garde movements and young artists often before they became widely known. His collection of American art was strong in Abstract expressionism, Pop Art, Minimalism, Neo-Dada, Color Field, Lyrical Abstraction, and Neo-Expressionism and he often donated important works from his collection to institutions like MoMA, and other important private museums and University collections like the Norton Simon Museum, the Sheldon Museum of Art and the Iris & B. Gerald Cantor Center for Visual Arts at Stanford University among many others.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Johnson's publicly held archive, including architectural drawings, project records, and other papers up until 1964 are held by the Drawings and Archives Department of Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library at Columbia University, the Getty, and the Museum of Modern Art.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Reviewing Franz Schulze's biography of Johnson, Kazys Varnelis wrote that "between 1932 and 1940, Johnson was an antisemite, fascist sympathizer, and active propagandist for the Nazi government." According to Varnelis, "Johnson makes no apologetic gesture toward his past behavior unless he is confronted by direct questioning, nothing even as paltry as an open letter accounting for and regretting his past actions and condemning the motives that led him to them". Johnson's activities included organizing political rallies for populist Huey Long; funding figures such as the right-wing agitator Joe McWilliams and his "Christian Mobilizers"; and writing for three periodicals, including Charles Coughlin's "Social Justice", whose "almost every issue contained articles about the 'Jewish conspiracy' or about destructive economic forces led by figures with Jewish names".


title: Philip Johnson

text: Because his family had a home in Germany and spent their summers there, Johnson traveled there frequently. As a "Social Justice" correspondent, he covered the huge Nazi rally at Nuremberg and the 1939 invasion of Poland with approval. The American correspondent William L. Shirer, traveling with him on the Nazi-sponsored press tour, labeled him in "Berlin Diary", as "the American fascist" and suspected him of spying for the Germans. On the same tour, three weeks after Poland fell to the Nazis, Johnson, with Shirer, "was with German troops at the front as the guest of the Propaganda Ministry". He wrote to a friend that "The German green uniforms made the place look gay and happy... There were not many Jews to be seen. We saw Warsaw burn and Modlin being bombed. It was a stirring spectacle."


title: Philip Johnson

text: In his "Social Justice" report on his trip to Poland, Johnson declared that the German victory amounted to an unmitigated triumph for the Polish people and that nothing in the war's outcome need concern Americans. Johnson went on to say that German forces had not significantly harmed Polish civilians, and said that "99 percent of the towns I visited since the war are not only intact but full of Polish peasants and Jewish shopkeepers." He said reports of Nazi mistreatment of Poles was "misinformed". Referring to political developments in France, Johnson wrote in "Social Justice" that "Lack of leadership and direction in the state has let the one group get control who always gain power in a nation's time of weakness—the Jews". In 1940 Johnson quit journalism and distanced himself from politics.


title: Philip Johnson

text: In April 1942, on reports that Johnson might be working in Colonel Donovan's Office of the Coordinator of Information, the United States Assistant Attorney General James H. Rowe wrote to Director Hoover, saying, "I can think of no more dangerous man to have working in an agency which possesses so many military secrets." Johnson was later investigated by the FBI, but no charges were brought against him, and he was cleared for military service.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Johnson was inducted into the U.S. Army in Cambridge, Massachusetts on March 12, 1943, but controversy continued. His name arose again in the so-called "Great Sedition Trial" of 1944 through his former contacts in the 1930s with its main target, the former diplomat and economist Lawrence Dennis, who in the 1930s supported fascist economics as an alternative to capitalism. Dennis was charged with sedition, or advocating the forcible overthrow of the U.S. government, under the Smith Act. Johnson was accused of "close and steady contact" with Dennis in the spring of 1938, and providing financial support towards publishing Dennis's 1940 book "The Dynamics of War and Revolution". Johnson had already testified in 1942 in the government case against another former associate, the German poet and journalist George Sylvester Viereck in 1942. The ongoing federal case against Dennis, an FBI investigation, and a congressional investigation investigated about 30 people, including Johnson, but in the end he was not charged. Johnson was formally asked to appear at trial as a witness, and - by his own account - was speaking to prosecutor O. John Rogge, but after Judge Edward C. Eicher died of a heart attack a mistrial was declared and the case was dropped.


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1993, when asked by "Vanity Fair" about his past political views, he said, "I have no excuse (for) such unbelievable stupidity. ... I don't know how you expiate guilt."


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 1956, he donated a design for Congregation Kneses Tifereth Israel in Port Chester, New York. Architecture professor Anat Geva observed in a paper that "all critics agree that his design of the Port Chester Synagogue can be considered as his attempt to ask for forgiveness."


title: Philip Johnson

text: He discussed his trips to Germany and his infatuation with fascism in a 1996 interview with Charlie Rose. He said, "It was the stupidest thing I ever did, and I never forgive myself and I never can atone for it. There's nothing I can do... That's been torture to me ever since." He admitted to Rose that, while he had "difficulty" with Franklin D. Roosevelt because of his inability to achieve what he set out, he "worshiped the man" and "voted for him four times." Replying to Rose asking if he liked "strong figures", he said "Sure do. I like good architects that are strong, like Gehry."


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 2018, Nikil Saval wrote in "The New Yorker" that "Johnson would later describe Hitler as 'a spellbinder'; in 1964, well after he had been forced to abjure his Nazi past, he insisted in letters that Hitler was 'better than Roosevelt.'"


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 2020, in the wake of the murder of George Floyd and the wave of place name changes that followed, the Johnson Study Group—a group of 40 architects, designers, and educators—approached the Museum of Modern Art asking that honors given to Johnson be removed from public view, citing his "commitment to white supremacy", spread of Nazi publications, involvement with American fascist politics, and "effective segregation" of the architectural collection at the museum. "When it comes to racist urban planning policies in the 20th century and a deeply Eurocentric antiblack archive of American architecture," V. Mitch McEwen said, "MoMA under white supremacist Philip Johnson did largely create the problem. It innovated white supremacy in architecture...where under his leadership not a single work by any Black architect or designer was included."


title: Philip Johnson

text: In a 2020 article in "Elle Decor" magazine, articles editor Charles Curkin asked Pritzker Prize laureate Balkrishna Doshi if the architecture world was due for a reckoning, citing the Museum of Modern Art's chief architecture and design curatorship still being named after Johnson. Doshi's replied that "Life itself is due for a reckoning, and architects must give respect to life."


title: Philip Johnson

text: In 2020, Johnson's name was dropped from the Harvard University Philip Johnson Thesis House, which was designed by Johnson. Sarah Whiting, dean of the Harvard Graduate School of Design, announced the change on December 5, 2020, citing Johnson's "widely documented white supremacist views and activities."


title: Philip Johnson

text: Architect V. Mitch McEwen said that Johnson "innovated white supremacy in architecture," but gave no specific examples.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Johnson is mentioned (along with fellow architect Richard Rogers) in the song "Thru These Architect's Eyes" on the album "Outside" (1995) by David Bowie.


title: Philip Johnson

text: Philip Johnson's Glass House, along with Mies van der Rohe's Farnsworth House, was the subject of Sarah Morris's 2010 film "Points on a Line". Morris filmed at both sites over the course of several months, among other locations including The Four Seasons Restaurant, the Seagram Building, Mies van der Roheʼs controversial 860–880 Lake Shore Drive Apartments, and Chicagoʼs Newberry Library.


title: Chicha

text: Chicha is a fermented (alcoholic) or non-fermented beverage of Latin America, emerging from the Andes and Amazonia regions. In both the pre- and post-Spanish conquest periods, corn beer ("chicha de jora") made from a variety of maize landraces has been the most common form of "chicha". However, "chicha" is also made from a variety of other cultigens and wild plants, including, among others, quinoa ("Chenopodium quinia"), kañiwa ("Chenopodium pallidicaule"), peanut, manioc (also called yuca or cassava), palm fruit, rice, potato, oca ("Oxalis tuberosa"), and chañar ("Geoffroea decorticans"). There are many regional variations of "chicha". In the Inca Empire, "chicha" had ceremonial and ritual uses.


title: Chicha

text: The exact origin of the word "chicha" is debated. One belief is that the word "chicha" is of Taino origin and became a generic term used by the Spanish to define any and all fermented beverages brewed by indigenous peoples in the Americas. It is possible that one of the first uses of the term "chicha" was from a group of people who lived in Colombia and Panama, the Kuna. However, according to the Real Academia Española and other authors, the word "chicha" comes from the Kuna word or "chiab" which means maize. According to Don Luis G. Iza it comes from the Nahuatl word , which means "fermented water"; the verb "chicha" meaning "to sour a drink" and the postfix "-atl" meaning water. These etymologies are not mutually exclusive.


title: Chicha

text: The Spanish idiom "ni chicha ni limonada" (neither "chicha" nor lemonade) means "neither one thing nor another" (roughly equivalent to the English "neither fish nor fowl").


title: Chicha

text: Chicha de jora is a corn beer prepared by germinating maize, extracting the malt sugars, boiling the wort, and fermenting it in large vessels, traditionally huge earthenware vats, for several days.


title: Chicha

text: Usually, the brewer makes chicha in large amounts and uses many of these clay vats to do so. These vats break down easily and can only be used a few times. The brewers can arrange their vessels in rows, with fires in the middle, to reduce heat loss.


title: Chicha

text: The process for making chicha is essentially the same as the process for the production of malted barley beer. It is traditionally made with Jora corn, a type of malted corn from the Andes. The specific type or combination of corn used in the making of "chicha de jora" shows where it was made. Some add quinoa or other adjuncts to give it consistency; then it is boiled. During the boiling process, the chicha is stirred and aerated so as to prevent overboiling. "Chancaca", a hard form of sugar (like sugar cane), helps with the fermentation process.


title: Chicha

text: After the milling of the corn and the brewing of the drink, the chicha is then sieved. Traditionally, it is sieved through a large cloth. This is to separate the corn from the desired chicha.


title: Chicha

text: In some cultures, instead of germinating the maize to release the starches therein, the maize is ground, moistened by saliva in the chicha maker's mouth, and formed into small balls, which are then flattened and laid out to dry. Naturally occurring ptyalin enzymes in the maker's saliva catalyses the breakdown of starch in the maize into maltose. This process of chewing grains or other starches was used in the production of alcoholic beverages in pre-modern cultures around the world, including, for example, sake in Japan. "Chicha" prepared in this manner is known as "chicha de muko".


title: Chicha

text: Chicha morada is a non-fermented chicha usually made from ears of purple maize ("maíz morado"), which are boiled with pineapple rind, cinnamon, and cloves. This gives a strong, purple-colored liquid, which is then mixed with sugar and lemon. This beverage is usually taken as a refreshment, but in recent years many health benefits of purple corn have been found. Chicha morada is common in Bolivian and Peruvian cultures and is generally drunk as an accompaniment to food.


title: Chicha

text: Women are most associated with the production of chicha. Men and children are still involved with the process of making chicha, but women control the production and distribution. For many women in Andean society, making and selling chicha is a key part of their identity because it provides a substantial amount of political power and leverage.


title: Chicha

text: Chicha de jora has been prepared and consumed in communities throughout in the Andes for millennia. The Inca used chicha for ritual purposes and consumed it in vast quantities during religious festivals. Mills in which it was probably made were found at Machu Picchu.


title: Chicha

text: During the Inca Empire women were taught the techniques of brewing chicha in Aqlla Wasi (feminine schools).


title: Chicha

text: "Chicherias" ("chicha" taverns) were places to consume "chicha". Many have historically been unlicensed, home-based businesses that produce "chicha" on site.


title: Chicha

text: Normally sold in large "caporal" (1/2 liter) glasses to be drunk on location, or by liter, if taken home, chicha is generally sold straight from the earthenware "chomba" where it was brewed. On the Northern coast of Peru, it is often served in a dried gourd known as a Poto while in the Peruvian Andes it is often served in a qero. Qeros are traditionally made from wood with intricate designs carved on the outside. In colonial times qeros transitioned to be painted with figurative depictions on the exterior instead of carving. Some qeros were also made of metals and many are now made of glass. Inca leaders used identical pairs of qeros to extend invitations to drink. These invitations represented an indebtedness upon the invitee. In this way, the drinking of chicha via qeros cemented relationships of power and alliances between people and groups.


title: Chicha

text: There are a number of regional varieties of chicha, which can be roughly divided into lowland (Amazonia) and highland varieties, of which there are many.


title: Chicha

text: Throughout the Amazon Basin (including the interiors of Ecuador, Peru, and Brazil), chicha is usually made from cassava, but also cooking plantain is known to be used. Traditionally, the women chew the washed and peeled cassava and spit the juice into a bowl. Cassava root is very starchy, and therefore the enzymes in the preparer's saliva rapidly convert the starch to simple sugar, which is further converted by wild yeast or bacteria into alcohol. After the juice has fermented in the bowl for a few hours, the result will be mildly sweet and sour chicha, similar in appearance to defatted milk. In Peruvian Amazonia, the drink is called "masato".


title: Chicha

text: It is traditional for families to offer chicha to arriving guests. Children are offered new chicha that has not fermented, whereas adults are offered fermented chicha; the most highly fermented chicha, with its significant alcohol content, is reserved for men.


title: Chicha

text: In Bolivia chicha is most often made from maize, especially in the highlands, but amaranth chicha is also traditional and popular. Chicha made from sweet manioc, plantain, or banana is also common in the lowlands. Bolivian chicha often has alcohol. A good description of the preparation of a Bolivian way to make chicha can be found in Cutler, Hugh and Martin Cardenas, "Chicha a Native South American Beer".


title: Chicha

text: In Chile, there are two main types of chicha: apple chicha produced in southern Chile and grape chicha produced in central Chile. Both are alcoholic beverages with no distillation, only fermentation. Chicha is mostly consumed in the countryside and during festivities, such as Fiestas Patrias on September 18. Chicha is usually not found in formal supermarkets unless close to September 18.


title: Chicha

text: In Bogotá, the capital of present-day Colombia, the recipe is plain; cooked maize with sugar, fermented for six to eight days.


title: Chicha

text: A major chicha beer festival, "Yamor", is held in early September in Otavalo. It has its roots in the 1970s, when the locals decided to revive an ancient tradition of marking the maize harvest before the September equinox. These locals spoke Quechua, and "Yamor" was the name for chicha. The festival includes bands, parades, fireworks, and chicha sampling.


title: Chicha

text: In El Salvador, "chicha" usually refers to an alcoholic drink made with maize, panela, and pineapple. It is used as a drink and also as an ingredient on many traditional dishes, such as "gallo en chicha", a local version of coq au vin. A non-alcoholic version usually named "fresco de chicha" (chicha soft drink) is made with the same ingredients, but without allowing it to ferment.


title: Chicha

text: In Honduras, the Pech people practiced a ritual called Kesh where a shaman contacted the spiritual world. A Kesh could be held for various reasons, a few including to help appease the angry spirits or to help a deceased member of the community on his or her journey after death. During this ritual, they drank Chicha made of yuca, minia, and yuca tamales. The ritual is no longer practiced, but the drink is still reserved for special occasions with family only.


title: Chicha

text: In Managua and Granada, "chicha de maiz" is a typical drink, unfermented and served very cold. It is often flavored with banana or vanilla flavors, and its saleswomen can be heard calling "¡Chicha, cafe y jugo frio!" in the squares.


title: Chicha

text: Nicaraguan "chicha de maiz" is made by soaking the corn in water overnight. On the following day it is ground and placed in water, red food coloring is added, and the whole mixture is cooked. Once cooled, sugar and more water is added. On the following day, one adds further water, sugar and flavoring. Although fermented chicha is available, the unfermented type is the most common.


title: Chicha

text: In Panama, "chicha" can simply mean "fruit drink". Unfermented chicha often is called "batido", another name for any drink containing a fruit puree. Locally, among the Kuna or Gundetule of the San Blas chain of islands "chicha fuerte" refers to the fermented maize and Grandmother Saliva mixture, which chicha is enjoyed in special or Holy days. While chicha fuerte most traditionally refers to chicha made of germinated corn (germination helps to convert starch to sugar), any number of fruits can be fermented into unique, homemade versions of the beverage. In rural areas, chicha fuerte is the refreshment of choice during and after community work parties ("juntas"), as well as during community dances ("tamboritos").


title: Chicha

text: Chicha's importance in the social and religious world of Latin America can best be seen by focusing on the drink's central role in ancient Peru. Corn was considered a sacred crop, but Chicha, in particular, was considered very high status. Chicha was consumed in great quantities during and after the work of harvesting, making for a festive mood of singing, dancing, and joking. Chicha was offered to gods and ancestors, much like other fermented beverages around the world were. For example, at the Incan capital of Cuzco, the king poured chicha into a gold bowl at the navel of the universe, an ornamental stone dais with throne and pillar, in the central plaza. The chicha cascaded down this “gullet of the Sun God” to the Temple of Sun, as awestruck spectators watched the high god quaff the precious brew. At most festivals, ordinary people participated in days of prodigious drinking after the main feast, as the Spanish looked on aghast at the drunkenness.


title: Chicha

text: Human sacrifices first had to be rubbed in the dregs of chicha, and then tube-fed with more chicha for days while lying buried alive in tombs. Special sacred places, scattered throughout the empire, and mummies of previous kings and ancestors were ritually bathed in maize flour and presented with chicha offerings, to the accompaniment of dancing and panpipe music. Even today, Peruvians sprinkle some chicha to “mother earth” from the communal cup when they sit down together to drink; the cup then proceeds in the order of each drinker's social status, as an unending succession of toasts are offered.


title: Chicha

text: In Venezuela chicha or "chicha de arroz" is made of boiled rice, milk, sugar; it is generally of white color and has the consistency of eggnog. It is usually served as a sweet, refreshing beverage with ground cinnamon or condensed milk toppings. This "chicha de arroz" contains no alcohol as it is not fermented. Sometimes it is made with pasta or semolina instead of rice and is commonly called "chicha de pasta".


title: Chicha

text: In most large cities, chicha is offered by street vendors, commonly referred to as "chicheros"; these vendors usually use a flour-like mix and just add water, and generally serve them with chopped ice and a straw and may ask to add cinnamon, chocolate chips or sugared condensed milk on top. It can also be found in commercial presentations just like milk and juices. The Venezuelan Andean regions (such as Mérida) prepare an alternative version, with added fermented pineapple, which has a more liquory taste. This variety is commonly referred to as "Chicha Andina" and is a typical Christmastime beverage.


title: Chicha

text: Chicha use can reveal how people perceive their own cultural identity and express ideas about gender, race, nationality, and community. Chicha use contributes to how people build community and a collective identity for maintaining social networks. It is often consumed in the context of feasts and festivals, which are valuable contexts for strengthening social and cultural connections. The production and consumption of chicha contributes to social organization and can affect social status.


title: Chicha

text: Chicha consumption included its use in rites of passage for indigenous peoples such as the Incas. Chicha was important in ceremonies for adolescent boys coming of age, especially for the sons of Inca nobility. Young men would get their adult names in ceremonies using chicha. One thing that these boys did was to go on a pilgrimage to mountains such as Huanacauri that had significant meaning. Boys did this about a month before a ceremony honoring maturation. After the pilgrimage, the boys chewed maize to make the chicha they would drink at the end of the month-long ceremony. One activity was running down the side of a mountain to get a "kero" of chicha given to them by young women in order to encourage them.


title: Chicha

text: The use of chicha can also be seen when looking at women who lived during the Incas reign before the arrival of the Spanish. Women were important to the community of the Incas. There was a select group of women that would receive formal instruction, these women were the "aclla", also known as "Chosen Women". This group of women was extracted from their family-homes and taken to the "acllahuasi" or "House of the Chosen Women". These women were dedicated to Inca religion, weaving, cooking and chicha-brewing. Much of the chicha they would go to ceremonies, or when the community would get to together to worship their god. They started the chicha process by chewing maize to create mushy texture that would be fermented. The product of the "acllas" was considered sacred because of the women who produced it. This was a special privilege that many women did not have except for the "most attractive women."


title: Chicha

text: The Incas themselves show the importance of chicha. The lords or royalty probably drank chicha from silver and gold cups known as "keros". Also, after defeating an enemy Inca rulers would have heads of the defeated enemy converted into cup to drink chicha from. An example of this could be seen when Atawallpa drank chicha from opposing foes skull. By doing this it showed how superior the Incas themselves were to by leading their army to victory and chicha was at the forefront. After major military victories the Incas would celebrate by drinking chicha. When the Incas and the Spanish conquistadors met, the conquistadors would not understand the significance of chicha. Titu Cusi explains how his uncle, Atahualpa reacted when the intruders did not respect chicha. Kusi says, "The Spaniard, upon receiving the drink in his hand, spilled it which greatly angered my uncle. And after that, the two Spaniards showed my uncle a letter, or book, or something, saying that this was the inscription of God and the King and my uncle, as he felt offended by the spilling of the chicha, took the letter and knocked to the ground saying: I don't know what you have given me. Go on, leave." Another instance like this occurred between Atawallpa and the Spanish, it left with Atawallpa saying, "Since you don't respect me I won't respect you either." This story recorded by Titu Cusi shows the significant relationship the Incas had with chicha. If someone insulted this beverage they would take it personally because it offended their beliefs and community.


title: Chicha

text: In the economy of the Incas, there was not an exchange of currencies. Rather, the economy depended on trading products, the exchanging of services, and the Inca distributing items out to the people that work for him. Chicha that was produced by men along the coastline in order to trade or present to their Inca. This differed from the women that were producing the chicha inland because they were doing so for community gathers and other important ceremonies. Relationships were important in the Inca community and good relations with the Inca could allow a family to be provided with supplementary goods that not everyone had access to. The Inca would give chicha to families and to the males that that contributed to mit'a.


title: Chicha

text: In the economy of the Incas it was important that there was a steady flow of chicha, amongst other goods that were important to everyday life. In the fields of the Andes, there was special emphasis where maize would be planted and it was taken seriously where the maize fields would be located. "Agricultural rituals linked the production of maize to the liquid transfer of power in society with chicha." The ability to plant maize showed an important social role someone had amongst their community. Due to the significance of planting maize, the state would probably be in charge of these farms. The significance of drinking chicha together as a community was another important aspect to the way the Incas went about everyday life. It was incorporated into the meals that the Incas ate.


title: Chicha

text: The production of chicha was a necessity to all because it was a sacred item to the people. "Among the Incas, corn was a divine gift to humanity, and its consumption as a fermented beverage in political meetings formed communion between those where drinking and the ancestors, the and the entirety of the Inca cosmology." This beverage allowed the people to go back to the story of creation and be reminded of the creator god Wiraqocha. The Incas saw this beverage in sexual way because of the way the earth produced for them. The Incas saw chicha as semen and when dumped onto the Earth they thought that they were feeding the Earth.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: The Rock of () is a landmark inselberg in Colombia. It is located in the town and municipality of Guatapé, Antioquia. It is also known as The Stone of , or simply ' or ' (), as the town of , which borders , has also historically claimed the rock as their own and thus has led to different names for the site.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: The landform is a granitic rock remnant that has resisted weathering and erosion, likely as result of being less fractured than the surrounding bedrock. The Peñón de Guatapé is an outcrop of the Antioquia Batholith and towers up to 200 meters (656 feet) above its base. Visitors can scale the rock via a staircase with 708 steps built into one side.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: Near the base of the Rock, there are food and market stalls for shopping. About halfway up the stairs, there is a shrine to the Virgin Mary. The summit contains a three-story viewpoint tower, a convenience store, and a seating area.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: According to geologists, the rock is approximately 65 million years old. The indigenous Tahamí, former inhabitants of this region, worshiped the rock and called it in their language "mojarrá" or "mujará" (meaning 'rock' or 'stone').


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: The rock was first officially climbed in July 16, 1954, when Luis Eduardo Villegas López, Pedro Nel Ramírez, and Ramón Díaz climbed the rock in a five-day endeavor, using sticks that were fixed against the rock's wall.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: A new species of plant, named "Pitcairnia heterophylla" by a German scientist, was found on the top of the rock.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: A viewing spot was built on top of the rock, where it is possible to acquire handicrafts, postcards, and other local goods. It is possible to see the 500 km shore-perimeter dam. There are 649 steps to the uppermost step atop the building at the summit, a fact reinforced by yellow numbers also seen in the climb up the stairs.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: On the western face of the stone there are painted large white letters "G" and an incomplete "U" (only the single vertical stroke was completed, resembling an "I"). The towns of Guatapé and El Peñol had long disputed ownership of the rock, and the residents of Guatapé decided to settle the matter by painting the town's name on the rock in huge white letters. It did not take long for the residents of El Peñol to notice the work, and a large mob was assembled to stop it, leaving behind the unfinished graffiti.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: The rock rises from the bottom of the hydroelectric dam of Peñon de Guatapé. This monolith was spotted as a border landmark between country farms and the two cities.


title: El Peñón de Guatapé

text: At its highest part, on the rear (southeast side), it has an elevation of above sea level, with an average temperature of . The "Peñol" is long and wide. It has some breaks, one of which was used to construct the 740 steps of the stairway to the summit.


title: Widal test

text: The Widal test, developed in 1896 and named after its inventor, Georges-Fernand Widal, is an indirect agglutination test for enteric fever or undulant fever whereby bacteria causing typhoid fever is mixed with a serum containing specific antibodies obtained from an infected individual. In cases of "Salmonella" infection, it is a demonstration of the presence of O-soma false-positive result. Test results need to be interpreted carefully to account for any history of enteric fever, typhoid vaccination, and the general level of antibodies in the populations in endemic areas of the world. As with all serological tests, the rise in antibody levels needed to perform the diagnosis takes 7–14 days, which limits its applicability in early diagnosis. Other means of diagnosing "Salmonella typhi" (and "paratyphi") include cultures of blood, urine and faeces. These organisms produce HS from thiosulfate and can be identified easily on differential media such as bismuth sulfite agar. Typhidot is the other test used to ascertain the diagnosis of typhoid fever. A new serological test called the Tubex test is neither superior nor better performing than the Widal test. Therefore, Tubex test is not recommended for diagnosis of typhoid fever.


title: Widal test

text: 2-mercaptoethanol is often added to the Widal test. This agent more easily denatures the IgM class of antibodies, so if a decrease in the titer is seen after using this agent, it means that the contribution of IgM has been removed leaving the IgG component. This differentiation of antibody classes is important as it allows for the distinction of a recent (IgM) from an old infection (IgG).


title: Widal test

text: The Widal test is positive if TO antigen titer is more than 1:160 in an active infection, or if TH antigen titer is more than 1:160 in past infection or in immunized persons. A single Widal test is of little clinical relevance especially in endemic areas such as Indian subcontinent, Africa and South-east Asia. This is due to recurrent exposure to the typhoid causing bacteria, immunization and high chances of cross-reaction from infections, such as malaria and non typhoidal salmonella.


title: Widal test

text: If no other tests (either bacteriologic culture or more specific serology) are available, a fourfold increase in the titer (e.g., from 1:40 to 1:640) in the course of the infection, or a conversion from an IgM reaction to an IgG reaction of at least the same titer, would be consistent with a typhoid infection.


title: Eromenos

text: In ancient Greece, an eromenos was the younger and passive (or 'receptive') partner in a male homosexual relationship. The partner of an "eromenos" was the "erastes", the older and active partner. The "eromenos" was often depicted as a beautiful, and smaller and more youthful-looking than the "erastes".


title: Eromenos

text: "Erômenos" (ἐρώμενος) means ‘one who is sexually desired’ in Greek language and is the past participle of the verb "eramai", to have sexual desire. In "Greek Homosexuality", the first modern scholarly work on this topic, Kenneth Dover used the literal translation of the Greek word as an English word to refer to the passive partner in Greek homosexual relationship. Though in many contexts the younger man is also called "pais", ‘boy’, the word can also be used for child, girl, son, daughter and slave, and therefore "eromenos" would be more specific and can “avoid the cumbrousness and…imprecision of ‘boy’”. It is in contrast to the masculine active participle erάn (‘be in love with…’, ‘have a passionate desire for’). The word "erastes" (lover), however, can be adapted to a married man’s role in both heterosexual and homosexual relationship.


title: Eromenos

text: In vase paintings and other artworks, the "eromenos" is often depicted as a beautiful young adult. His relatively smaller stature suggests his passive role in the relationship and younger age as well as social status. Usually, they show a combination of a youthful-looking face with a body which possesses mature musculature. The lack of beard and pubic hair are an important clue in identifying an "eromenos", though this may possibly be attributed to style. A poem quoted in "Greek Sexuality" (couplet 1327f) shows that ‘the poet will never cease to ‘fawn on’ the boy so long as the boy’s cheek is hairless.


title: Eromenos

text: Therefore, we can conclude that "eromenos" is not a fixed term, as it is only a stage in the development of young Greek men. After they grow up, their relationship with the "erastes" could end and they could get married or start another relationship. This experience, similar to some forms of socially-constructed bisexuality, is also shown in books, such as how Bion the Borysthenite condemns Alcibiades, "that in his adolescence he drew away the husbands from their wives, and as a young man the wives from their husbands." According to Garrison, for Cretan boys, the passage to adulthood is the ‘prewedding’ of sex with a mature man.


title: Eromenos

text: The image of Ganymede in the figure above is the ideal portrait of an "eromenos". The muscles on his body contrasts with the hoop, a child's toy which emphasises the shape of his genitals and inner thighs, and he holds the cockerel, which is the love gift from Zeus. There is no moustache or pubic hair.


title: Eromenos

text: John Beazley’s three types of erotic scenes appear in Athenian vase paintings. "Eromenoi" are often touched on chin and genitals by their "erastes" (alpha group), presented with gifts (beta group) or entwined between the thighs of their "erastes" (gamma group). Meanwhile, Eva Cantarella discovered that representations of pederastic relationships contain two successive moments of courtship. The first phase is similar to Beazley’s alpha group, while in the second phase the "eromenos" stands behind the "erastes" with his penis between his thighs, somehow similar to the gamma group.


title: Eromenos

text: This vase (Brygos Painter) depicts a classical scene of an "erastes" courting an "eromenos". As the "eromenos"’ legs are positioned between the "erastes"’ thighs with the "erastes" touching his penis and his chin, it is similar to the alpha group. The pectoral and belly muscles show that he was well-trained in wrestling schools, and the bag of ‘Kydonian apples’ or quinces is a sign of his sexual awakening.


title: Eromenos

text: Dover and Gundel Koch-Harnack have argued that the gift-giving scene to the "eromenos" is in fact a courting scene. Common gifts include a sprig of flowers, a rabbit, and a fighting cock.


title: Eromenos

text: The love for an "eromenos" is a frequent topic in Ancient Greek poems. Dover studied poems related to pederasty and quoted some verses expressing love to the eromonos, ‘O boy with the virginal eyes, I seek you, but you do not listen, not knowing that you are the charioteer of my soul!’ Also, A surviving fragment of Solon from the early sixth century B.C. writes that ‘Till he loves a lad in the flower of youth, bewitched by thighs and by sweet lips.’


title: Eromenos

text: The graffiti of Thera verified that anal penetration was normal in pederastic relationships, for in the inscriptions, Krimon used the verb "oipein" (male sexual act performed as either active or passive partner in Dorian dialect) to describe the intercourse with his "eromenos", which indicates anal penetration. Also, literature suggested that the charm of the "eromenos" lay in his attractive anal area, which was described by various metaphors such as rosebud, fruits, figs or gold.


title: Eromenos

text: It is noteworthy that most of the Greek verses about homosexuality were about how the "erastes" longed for the "eromenos", but few were written from the perspective of the "eromenos".


title: Eromenos

text: The "erastes-eromenos" relationship can be not only between humans but also between humans and gods. The love between Apollo and Hyacinth was said to have been the archetype of pederasty in Sparta. Apollo fell in love with Hyacinth on account of his youthful beauty, and became his instructor in archery, music, hunting and the gymnasium. Hyacinth was killed by the discus thrown by Apollo when studying discus-throwing with him, and in some versions of myths it was Zephyr (a divinity of the wind) who also loved Hyacinth, and who disturbed the wind to cause this accident.


title: Eromenos

text: Though usually known as the mortal lover of Aphrodite, Adonis was said to be loved by other gods such as Apollo, Heracles and Dionysus, for his youth and beauty.


title: Eromenos

text: The "Homeric Hymn of Aphrodite" gives an explicit portrait of the erotic relationship between Ganymede and Zeus. Ganymede is a beautiful youth kidnapped by Zeus from Troy and who became immortal on Olympus. He was depicted in ancient vase paintings as the ideal of the "eromenos".


title: Eromenos

text: The Athenians banned slaves from pursuing courtship of freeborn youths with themselves as the active partner, as "Against Timarchus" states that ‘A slave shall not be the lover of a free boy nor follow after him, or else he shall receive fifty blows of the public lash’; but this did not apply to free men. Nevertheless, to be in such a relationship with honour, "eromenoi" were supposed to resist the pursuit of their "erastes" to test their love, before finally yielding. According to Foucault, an "eromenos" should avoid being chased too easily, receiving too many gifts or quickly getting into a relationship before the "erastes" proved their passion, love and responsibility. Moreover, the perception of pederasty varied in different cities. While it was allowed in Elis and Boeotia, Ionians did not accept pederastic courtship. Athenians held a complicated attitude, as it was considered that Athenian fathers ought to protect their sons from suitors.


title: Eromenos

text: Some scholars believe that what the "eromenoi" gained from their "erastes" were not material rewards, but intellectual and moral edification, as well as learning how to achieve ejaculation, as pederasty was regarded as a process of education and sensual pleasure. For over a millennium, this relationship was the primary way of educating young men of the ruling class in military skills, social values, literature and the arts. Eric Bethe, the first classical scholar to acknowledge Greek homosexuality, believed that the transmission of semen via anal intercourse was regarded as the conduit whereby the noble qualities of tutor-love were passed down to the youth. However, Michel Foucault argued that, according to Plutarch, the "erastes"' sexual contact was imposed through violence, and the "eromenos" could only feel anger, hatred, the desire for revenge and social shame through having become an object of contempt, which he described as "acharistos".


title: Eromenos

text: James Neill reads the relationship between the "erastes" and the "eromenos" as the younger man's liminal passage into adulthood. The youth attracted heroic noble men by his beauty and virtue, and from among them chose his adult lover, who later tutored him in warrior skills, arts and other knowledge. After the youth acquired these qualities, he would be transformed into an adult.


title: Eromenos

text: In heterosexual erotic images in Ancient Greece, the gender roles of male and female are often depicted as the dominant and subordinate positions. Women are depicted bending over, recumbent, or supported by men positioned upright or on top; while "eromenoi" are often depicted as experiencing ‘intercrural sex’ (i.e., between the thighs), with their partners standing face-to-face with them.


title: Eromenos

text: To "erastes", whether the appeal and seduction of the "eromenos" lies in their masculinity or femininity is contested. Dover discovered a line of Athenian Kritias quoted by a Roman writer, ‘In males, the most beautiful appearance is that which is female; but in females, the opposite.’ However, due to the lack of specific context and further supporting evidence, we cannot conclude that female characteristics of "eromenos" are the stimuli of pederasty. He also found that beardless male and female faces share the same contours, except for the eyes. Some scholars like Eva Cantarella and Cohen found that the lengths of time during which one ought to resist one's suitors' advances were similar in both same-sex and different-sex courtships; since the honour lay not in the refusal, but the choice of which was the best time to give in. Also, Garrison argues that the love of boys by men is emblematic of attitudes prevalent among the ruling class, in which love for women is devalued. The love for "eromenoi" can be related to misogyny in Ancient Greece.


title: Eromenos

text: Not all homosexual relationships in Ancient Greece are typified as pederasty or as the "erastes-eromenos" relationship. The love between Achilles and Patroclus might be a counterargument to pederasty, for both of them showed their masculinity in this heroic, blood-brother like relationship, and were around the same age, with Patroclus only slightly older than Achilles.


title: Eromenos

text: The 20th-century English and South African writer Mary Renault was famous for her romantic novels on pederasty in Ancient Greece. Her novel "The Last of the Wine" (1956) tells the love story of Alexias, a beautiful and noble Athenian youth and Socrates’ student who was chased by a number of older men because of his beauty. Bernard F. Dick commented on her novels that they provided historically accurate representation of Greek homosexuality. Her fan community also created artworks that imitate Greek vase paintings portraying courting scenes between the "erastes" and "eromenos".


title: Eromenos

text: Dover, Kenneth James. "Greek Homosexuality". Updated and with a New Postcript. ed. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989.


title: Eromenos

text: Garrison, Daniel H. "Sexual Culture in Ancient Greece". Oklahoma Series in Classical Culture; v. 24. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000.


title: Eromenos

text: Masterson, Mark, Nancy Sorkin Rabinowitz, and James Robson. "Sex in Antiquity: Exploring Gender and Sexuality in the Ancient World. Rewriting Antiquity". Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2015.


title: Eromenos

text: Neill, James. "The Origins and Role of Same-sex Relations in Human Societies". Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland &, 2009.


title: Eromenos

text: Percy, William A. "Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece". Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Vali (, nominative singular of the stem वालिन् ("Valin")), also known as Bali, was a king of Kishkindha in the Hindu epic Ramayana. He was the husband of Tara, the biological son of Vriksharaja, the elder brother of Sugriva, and father of Angada. He was killed by Rama, an "avatar" of Vishnu. Vali was invincible during the"Treta Yuga". Vali defeated some great warriors, only because he was blessed with the ability to obtain half the strength of his opponent. Rama killed Vali by shooting him in the chest. However, during his first attempt, Rama could not recognise between Vali and Sugriva due to their resemblance. Thus, during the next attempt, Sugriva wore a garland of red flowers and went to battle with Vali. This time, Rama could recognise Vali and shot an arrow that killed him.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Vali was the husband of Tara. As one myth goes, fourteen types of gem or treasure were produced from the churning of the ocean during the time of Kurma avatar. One gem is that various apsaras (divine nymphs) were produced and Tara was an apsara produced from the churning of the ocean. Vali who was with his father Indra, helping them in the churning of ocean, took Tara and married her.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Vali was very courageous. This can be understood from the fact that, when Tara tried to stop him and begged him not to go to fight Sugriva, by saying that it is Rama who is helping Sugriva and has come to Sugriva's rescue; Vali replied to Tara that even if he is fighting against God he cannot ignore a challenge for a fight and remain quiet. He adds that even if the caller for the fight had been his own son Angada, he would still go to fight.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: According to the Ramayana, a raging demon known as Mayavi came to the doors of Kishkindha and challenged Vali to a fight. Vali accepted the challenge. When he came forth, the demon got terrified and ran into a cave. Vali entered the cave and told Sugriva to wait outside. When Vali did not return and he heard demonic voices from inside the cave and blood oozing from inside the cave, Sugriva mistakenly concluded that Vali was dead. He closed the cave with a large boulder and presumed kingship over Kishkindha. However, inside the cave, Vali killed the demon and returned home. Upon seeing Sugriva act as a king, Vali thought his brother had betrayed him. Sugriva tried to explain his actions, but Vali didn't listen. Sugriva ran off to Rishyamuka mountain, the only place Vali would be unable to enter because of the curse of the sage Matanga.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Vali was granted a boon by Brahma after sitting in penance. Vali asked Brahma for a boon such that in any duel, Vali's opponent would lose half his strength to Vali. Brahma granted the boon happily. Already Vali was extremely powerful with his power almost equal to that of 1000 elephants. Thus, Vali became invincible. It was said that no one could defeat Vali in head-on battle.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Ravana learns about Vali and his strengths through Narada. Hearing Narada praising Vali, Ravana became extremely arrogant and went to Kishkinda. There Vali was in meditation. Ravana challenged Vali to come and fight. First Sugriva fought with Ravana and was defeated. Ravana then reached Vali and challenged him. Vali and Ravana then fought a fierce battle. Vali tied him with his tail (carried him on his shoulders in some other versions) then arrested Ravana. Vali started carrying Ravana under his armpit for years. Ravana could not bear the insult and delivered a severe blow with a lot of anger on Vali's face. Vali suffered huge pain and had to release him. Ravana was impressed with Vali and asked him for friendship.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Wandering in the forest with his brother Lakshmana in search of his wife Sita – kidnapped by the rakshasa king Ravana, Rama meets rakshasa Kabandha and kills him, freeing him from a curse. The freed Kabandha advises Rama to seek the help of Sugriva to find Sita.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Continuing on his journey, Rama meets Hanuman and is impressed by his intelligence and skills as an orator. This also boosts Rama's confidence in Sugriva. Sugriva tells him the story of how Vali became his enemy. In Sugriva's version, he is entirely innocent and Rama believes him.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Sugriva is very scared of Vali and he is full of doubts that Rama could kill him. He tells him many remarkable stories of Vali's power. As proof, he shows Rama a hole in a saal tree which Vali had made in one shot. When it is Rama's turn, he penetrates seven saal trees in a row with one arrow. After going through the trees, the arrow even makes a strike on a huge rock and splits it into pieces. Sugriva is happy and says, "O Rama, you are great."


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Rama asks Sugriva to challenge Vali and bring him outside Kishkindha. As Rama explains later, for 14 years he cannot enter a city. Moreover, Rama does not want any unnecessary bloodbath of Vali's army with whom he wants to maintain friendly relations. Despite this, killing Vali would not be impossible for Rama as Sugriva and Vali were identical twins. Just a few days before, Rama had killed Khara and Dushana and their army of 14,000 rakshasas.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Sugriva formed an alliance with Rama. Rama had been travelling the length of India in search of his kidnapped wife, Sita. Sugriva asked Rama's help in return for his help in defeating Ravana and rescuing Sita. The two hatched a plan to topple Vali from the throne.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Sugriva challenged Vali to a fight. When Vali sallied forth to meet the challenge, Rama emerged from the forest to shoot and kill him with an arrow.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: The dying Vali told Rama, "If you are searching for your wife you should have come to me for help and friendship. Whoever took Sita, I would have brought them to your feet, to your mercy."


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: After death of Vali, Sugriva recaptures his kingdom and regains his wife Ruma. Angada, son of Vali and Tara, is made Yuvaraja, or the crown prince.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Rama's slaying of Vali had a special significance. In the beginning, Vali argued with Rama about his killing. Rama explained to him about the various purusharthas and how everything was pre-ordained according to the kalachakra and granted him moksha. Vali was then convinced and also asked his son Angada to stand by his uncle Sugriva and assist in the divine work of Rama.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Vali's son, Angada, joined Rama's army and was given important responsibilities in Rama's war against Ravana.


title: Vali (Ramayana)

text: Because Rama had killed Vali, Rama blessed Vali that he would die of his arrow which he would fire by camouflage when he took the incarnation of Krishna. Later on he was born as Jara the hunter in "Dvapara Yuga" to kill Krishna, the next avatar of Vishnu, in same way as said by Rama. He was searching for hunt in forest and he saw a deer but it actually was Krishna's bare foot. He shot an arrow with an iron piece of mace attached to it.


title: Red telephone box

text: The red telephone box, a telephone kiosk for a public telephone designed by Sir Giles Gilbert Scott, is a familiar sight on the streets of the United Kingdom, Malta, Bermuda and Gibraltar.


title: Red telephone box

text: Despite a reduction in their numbers in recent years, the traditional British red telephone kiosk can still be seen in many places throughout the UK, and in current or former British colonies around the world. The colour red was chosen to make them easy to spot.


title: Red telephone box

text: From 1926 onwards, the fascias of the kiosks were emblazoned with a prominent crown, representing the British government. The red phone box is often seen as a British cultural icon throughout the world. In 2006, the K2 telephone box was voted one of Britain's top 10 design icons, which included the Mini, Supermarine Spitfire, London tube map, World Wide Web, Concorde and the AEC Routemaster bus. In 2009, the K2 was selected by the Royal Mail for their "British Design Classics" commemorative postage stamp issue.


title: Red telephone box

text: Many of the phone box designs are protected by trade mark registrations and copyright, held by British Telecommunications plc.


title: Red telephone box

text: The first standard public telephone kiosk introduced by the United Kingdom Post Office was produced in concrete in 1921 and was designated K1 (Kiosk No.1). The Post Office had taken over almost all of the country's telephone network in 1912. Some local authorities refused to give permission for the K1; Eastbourne Corporation insisted that the kiosks could only be installed if they had thatched roofs. The design of the K1 was not of the same family as the familiar red telephone boxes. As of 2021, there remain fourteen K1 boxes in the UK, including seven that are in museums and museum collections. A further two remain in the Republic of Ireland. Seven of the UK's fourteen have been listed at Grade II by Historic England, some of them still located on British streets, including one situated in Trinity Market in Kingston-upon-Hull, and another in Bembridge High Street, Isle of Wight.


title: Red telephone box

text: The red telephone box was the result of a competition in 1924 to design a kiosk that would be acceptable to the London Metropolitan Boroughs which had hitherto resisted the Post Office's effort to erect K1 kiosks on their streets.


title: Red telephone box

text: The Royal Fine Art Commission was instrumental in the choice of the British standard kiosk. Because of widespread dissatisfaction with the GPO's design, the Metropolitan Boroughs Joint Standing Committee organised a competition for a superior one in 1923, but the results were disappointing. The Birmingham Civic Society then produced a design of its own—in reinforced concrete—but it was informed by the Director of Telephones that the design produced by the Office of the Engineer-in-Chief was preferred; as the "Architects' Journal" commented, "no one with any knowledge of design could feel anything but indignation with the pattern that seems to satisfy the official mind". The Birmingham Civic Society did not give up and, with additional pressure from the Royal Institute of British Architects, the Town Planning Institute and the Royal Academy, the Postmaster General was forced to think again; and the result was that the RFAC organised a limited competition.


title: Red telephone box

text: The organisers invited entries from three respected architects and, along with the designs from the Post Office and from The Birmingham Civic Society, the Fine Arts Commission judged the competition and selected the design submitted by Sir Giles Gilbert Scott. The invitation had come at the time when Scott had been made a trustee of Sir John Soane's Museum: his design for the competition was in the classical style, but topped with a dome reminiscent of those designed by Soane for his own family mausoleum in St Pancras Old Churchyard, and for the mausoleum for Sir Francis Bourgeois at Dulwich Picture Gallery, both in London. However, Gavin Stamp thinks it "unlikely" that Scott was directly inspired by either of these precedents, arguing instead that "a dome above segmental curves is, in fact, a logical solution to the geometrical problem of designing a sculptural termination to a square pillar when a flat top is not suitable".


title: Red telephone box

text: The original wooden prototypes of the entries were later put into public service at under-cover sites around London. That of Scott's design is the only one known to survive and is still where it was originally placed, in the left entrance arch to the Royal Academy.


title: Red telephone box

text: The Post Office chose to make Scott's winning design in cast iron (Scott had suggested mild steel) and to paint it red (Scott had suggested silver, with a "greeny-blue" interior) and, with other minor changes of detail, it was brought into service as the Kiosk No.2 or K2. From 1926 K2 was deployed in and around London and the K1 continued to be erected elsewhere.


title: Red telephone box

text: The K3, introduced in 1929, again by Giles Gilbert Scott, was similar to the K2 but was constructed from reinforced concrete and intended for nationwide use. Cheaper than the K2, it was still significantly more costly than the K1 and so that remained the choice for low-revenue sites. The standard colour scheme for both the K1 and the K3 was a light stone colour, with red glazing bars. A rare surviving K3 kiosk can be seen beside the Penguin Beach exhibit at ZSL London Zoo, where it has been protected from the weather by the projecting eaves and restored to its original colour scheme. There is another in use at Rhynd in Perthshire.


title: Red telephone box

text: The K4 (designed by the Post Office Engineering Department in 1927) incorporated a post box and machines for buying postage stamps on the exterior. Only a single batch of 50 K4 kiosks were built. Some contemporary reports said the noise of the stamp-machines in operation disturbed phone-users, and the rolls of stamps in the machines became damp and stuck together in wet weather. This has been widely repeated (including by Stamp) but Johannessen chose not to, having found no evidence to support the story. Ten survive with four in public use at Frodsham, Warrington, Whitley Bay and near Tunstall, East Riding of Yorkshire. A fine example of a K4 may also be found outside the station building at Bewdley on the Severn Valley Railway. There is a fully restored K4 (including correct telephone and coin operations) at the Bury Transport Museum, Greater Manchester.


title: Red telephone box

text: The K5 was a metal-faced plywood construction introduced in 1934 and designed to be assembled and dismantled and used at exhibitions. It is not known how many were produced, and there is little evidence they ever reached more than prototype stage. A replica (constructed using the original drawings) can be seen at the Avoncroft Museum (Bromsgrove, Worcestershire), as part of its National Telephone Kiosk Collection.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 1935 the K6 (kiosk number six) was designed to commemorate the Silver Jubilee of George V. It was consequently sometimes known as the "Jubilee" kiosk. It went into production in 1936. The K6 was the first red telephone kiosk to be extensively used outside London, and many thousands were deployed in virtually every town and city, replacing most of the existing kiosks and establishing thousands of new sites. In 1935 there had been 19,000 public telephones in the UK: by 1940, thanks to the K6, there were 35,000.


title: Red telephone box

text: The design was again by Scott, and was essentially a smaller and more streamlined version of the K2, intended to be produced at a considerably cheaper cost, and to occupy less pavement space. The principal differences between the two designs were:


title: Red telephone box

text: The K6 has since become a British icon, but it was not universally loved at the start. The red colour caused particular local difficulties and there were many requests for less visible colours. The Post Office was forced into allowing a less strident grey with red glazing bars scheme for areas of natural and architectural beauty. Ironically, some of these areas that have preserved their telephone boxes have now painted them red. The paint colour used most widely today is known as "currant red" and is defined by a British Standard, BS381C-Red539.


title: Red telephone box

text: With continued demand for K6 kiosks, siting them was more widespread than ever before. A purpose built kiosk trailer was designed from 1953 to reduce the running costs of cranes.


title: Red telephone box

text: The K6 was the most prolific kiosk in the UK and its growth, from 1935, can be seen from the BT archives:


title: Red telephone box

text: The K1 and the later K3 concrete kiosks were produced at various (and largely unrecorded) locations, around the country. This made quality control and supervision of the manufacturing process difficult, when compared to the GPO's experience with cast-iron post boxes, and was an important aspect of the GPO's move towards cast-iron telephone kiosks. Over the years, five foundries were involved in this work for the Post Office. Lion Foundry in Kirkintilloch, MacFarlane (Saracen Foundry), and Carron Ironworks near Falkirk all produced batches of the K2, the K6 and the K8; and, in addition, Carron produced the single batch of K4 kiosks. The other two manufacturers were McDowall Steven and Bratt Colbran, both of which produced only relatively small batches of the pre-war Mk1 K6.


title: Red telephone box

text: Many kiosks have been fitted with replacement backs; unmodified examples usually have the identity of their manufacturer marked on a plate on the outside at the bottom of their back panel. The only exceptions are the few Mk1 models made by Bratt Colbran, which are anonymous. A supplementary way of identifying the manufacturer is by means of casting marks on the various component parts – i.e. LF, CC, MF, MS and BC – which were used to various extents over the years. A more consistent manufacturer mark can be found at about shoulder height on the inner face of the back panel. These marks generally identify both the manufacturer and the precise model of kiosk. Up to around 1949, the year of manufacture is also included. The non-BT K6 kiosks erected later, usually painted black, are for the most part new castings from new manufacturers.


title: Red telephone box

text: From 1926 onwards, the fascias of Post Office kiosks were emblazoned with a prominent crown, representing the British government, of which the Post Office was an agency. The design was initially the "Tudor Crown", then in widespread use in government service. The same crown was used in all parts of the United Kingdom and British Empire. On the K2, the design was pierced through the ironwork, and acted as a ventilation hole. On the K6, a separate ventilation slot was provided, and the crown was embossed in bas-relief.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 1953 the new Queen, Elizabeth II, decided to replace the Tudor Crown in all contexts with a representation of the actual crown used for most English, and later British, coronations, St Edward's Crown; it began to appear on the fascias of K6 kiosks.


title: Red telephone box

text: St Edward's Crown was initially used on kiosks in all parts of the United Kingdom. However, in Scotland, following protests over the use of English insignia, the Post Office (like other government agencies there) began to use, from 1955, a representation of the actual Crown of Scotland. To accommodate the two different designs of crown on K6 kiosks, the fascia sections were cast with a slot in them, into which a plate bearing the appropriate crown was inserted before the roof section was fitted.


title: Red telephone box

text: The crowns were originally painted the same red as the rest of the box. However, since the early 1990s, when the heritage value of red kiosks began to be widely recognised, British Telecom picked out the crowns (on both K2s and K6s) in gold paint.


title: Red telephone box

text: Kiosks installed in Kingston upon Hull were not fitted with a crown, as those kiosks were installed by the Hull Corporation (later Hull City Council, then Kingston Communications). All boxes in Hull were also painted in cream.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 1959 architect Neville Conder was commissioned to design a new box. The K7 design went no further than the prototype stage. K8, introduced in 1968, was designed by Bruce Martin. It was used primarily for new sites; around 11,000 were installed, replacing earlier models only when they needed relocating or had been damaged beyond repair. The K8 retained a red colour scheme, but it was a different shade of red: a slightly brighter "Poppy Red", which went on to become the standard colour across all kiosks.


title: Red telephone box

text: The K8 featured a single large glass panel on two sides and the door. While improving visibility and illumination inside the box, these were vulnerable to damage. There were two versions, the Mk1 and the Mk2, differing mainly in the detail of the roof and the surround of the 'TELEPHONE' opals.


title: Red telephone box

text: In order to create a new box with easier access, lower maintenance and brighter lighting, the Post Office introduced a prototype run of "Croydon" telephone boxes from 1972, so-named as they were erected in Croydon. The Croydon boxes, painted bright yellow with a black handset silhouette, were erected as an experimental prototype to replace the red telephone boxes. However, although the trials were successful, the quality of the materials and design made it too expensive for the Post Office to mass-produce, and the design was not adopted.


title: Red telephone box

text: In the late 1970s or late 1980s a new, smaller, hooded booth was introduced known as Booth 7A. These yellow booths were introduced into areas where previous red telephone boxes had been vandalised or even pulled out of the ground. They became known as "Oakham" boxes – a reference to the similarity in shape to "Oak Ham" brand tinned meat.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 1980, in preparation for privatisation, Post Office Telephones was rebranded as British Telecom (BT). In February 1981, it was announced that all the red telephone boxes would be repainted yellow, which was BT's new corporate colour. There was an immediate public outcry; the "Daily Mail" launched a campaign "against the yellow peril" and questions were asked in Parliament. In the House of Lords, the Earl of Gowrie, the Minister of State for Employment, called on BT "to abandon this ridiculous scheme". In the House of Commons, Mark Lennox-Boyd MP asked Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher if she would treat the decision "with the greatest possible dismay". Thatcher, who was responsible for the privatisation, would only say that she could "see my honourable Friend's point". Shortly afterwards, BT announced that only 90 of the 77,000 remaining traditional boxes had been painted different colours "as an experiment" and that no final decision had been reached.


title: Red telephone box

text: After privatisation in 1982, British Telecom introduced the KX100, a more utilitarian design, which began to replace most of the existing boxes. The KX100 was one of a series of designs, including the wheelchair-accessible open-sided KX200, and the triangular-footprint KX300. In January 1985, Nick Kane, the Director of Marketing for BT Local Communications Services announced that the old red telephone boxes would be replaced because they "...no longer meet the needs of our customers. Few people like to use them. They are expensive and difficult to clean and maintain and cannot be used by handicapped people". This time, BT did not relent, despite another vociferous campaign.


title: Red telephone box

text: Many local authorities used legislation designed to protect buildings of architectural or historic importance to keep old telephone boxes in prominent locations and around 2,000 of them were given listed status. Several thousand others were left on low-revenue mostly rural sites, but many thousands of recovered K2 and K6 boxes were sold off. Some kiosks have been converted to be used as shower cubicles in private homes. In Kingston upon Thames a number of old K6 boxes were used to form a work of art resembling a row of fallen dominoes. In January 2020 it was estimated that 8,000 traditional red telephone boxes remained in public service. The KX+, better known as the KX100 PLUS, introduced in 1996 had a domed roof reminiscent of the familiar K2 and K6. Subsequent designs departed significantly from the old-style red boxes. BT followed the KX series with the Multi.phone in 1999 and the ST6 in 2007.


title: Red telephone box

text: BT is one of the partners in InLinkUK, a communications service intended to replace over 1,000 payphones in major UK cities. The InLink stations, renamed "Street Hubs" by BT after InLinkUK Ltd failed, provide free public Wi-Fi, phone calls and device charging.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 1990, phone boxes peaked at about 100,000. In 2021, 21,000 remained in use. Regulator Ofcom was to protect 5,000 public phone boxes around the UK from closure where there are high accident rates—e.g. mountain rescue—or poor mobile telephone coverage. Some are required to have battery support in case of power cuts. Ofcom's criteria to protect a phone box from removal are: its location is not covered by all four main mobile networks; or it is located at an accident or suicide hotspot; or at least 52 calls have been made from it over the past 12 months; or exceptional circumstances require a public call box. BT and Kcom, which maintain phone boxes, could propose to remove boxes that did not meet one of these criteria, subject to formally consulting local communities first. After storm Arwen in 2021 communities lost power and mobile phone service, and reported that they wished they still had their phone box.


title: Red telephone box

text: Payphone use had dropped from about 800 million minutes in 2002 to 7 million in 2020, as 96% of UK adults had a mobile phone. In the year to May 2020 about 5 million calls were made from phone boxes, with 150,000 to emergency services, 25,000 to protection service ChildLine, and 20,000 to suicide protection service Samaritans.


title: Red telephone box

text: As organisations can buy a red phone box for £1 for other uses, over 6,000 have been converted to community libraries, to house public defibrillators, and for other purposes. One has been converted into an aquarium. Some boxes are rented out for an initial fee of thousands of pounds, then perhaps £400 a month—box with plenty of passing traffic can be a good place to make sales from.


title: Red telephone box

text: Phone boxes have always been unprofitable, even in their heyday, and more so following the collapse in usage; vandalism was common, and boxes full of money an invitation to theft.


title: Red telephone box

text: Little-used red telephone boxes can be adopted by parish councils in England for other uses. Some examples are shown below. The kiosk may be used for any legal purpose other than telephony and the contract of sale includes the following clause 5.5.4:


title: Red telephone box

text: The buyer shall covenant not to sell, lease or license the Goods to a competitor to the Seller nor to permit a competitor to install electronic communications apparatus (as defined in schedule 2 of the Telecommunications Act 1984) within the Goods or itself (as the Buyer) shall not install, provide or operate any form of electronic communications apparatus (as defined in schedule 2 of the Telecommunications Act 1984) within the Goods.


title: Red telephone box

text: It is unclear why BT wishes to prohibit the kiosk from being re-used for electronic communications and why the regulator, Ofcom, has allowed it. In the US, there is an active movement seeking new telecom uses for little-used telephone booths, for example as wi-fi hotspots.


title: Red telephone box

text: During 2009 a K6 in the village of Westbury-sub-Mendip in Somerset was converted into a library or book exchange replacing the services of the mobile library which no longer visits the village. Similar libraries now exist in the villages of North Cadbury in Somerset, Great Budworth in Cheshire,Little Shelford and Upwood in Cambridgeshire and some 150 other locations. One such box was donated by Cumbernauld's town twinning association and installed as a library in Bron, France. The Telephone Box Book Exchange in Cutnall Green opened in June 2016.


title: Red telephone box

text: Another K6 stands in Barga, Italy, where it is used as a BookCrossing library. It was donated in 2008 by a couple from Edinburgh, Scotland.


title: Red telephone box

text: Also in 2009, the town of Settle in North Yorkshire established the Gallery on the Green in a K6, which had been adopted by the Parish Council. The Gallery has featured a range of exhibitions (see the online gallery on the website) of both notable artists and photographers (Tessa Bunney, Martin Parr, Mariana Cook) and local community groups. Its most famous contributor was Brian May, with his stereoscopic photography show 'A Village Lost and Found'.


title: Red telephone box

text: Following a competition by a Girl Guide unit in 2011 to find a use for their local disused telephone box in Glendaruel, Argyll, it has been fitted with a defibrillator. The equipment can be accessed only by following instructions from the Scottish Ambulance Service during an emergency call. The conversion of the box was paid for by BT under the Adopt A Kiosk scheme and the defibrillator was supplied by the Community Heartbeat Trust. Similar installations have been made in many other places, including Loweswater, Cumbria, Auchenblae, Aberdeenshire, Withernwick, East Riding of Yorkshire, and Witney, Oxfordshire.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 2010, in the village of Brookwood, Surrey, a project was initiated to restore and preserve the sole remaining K6 kiosk in the village. The kiosk had been adopted by Woking Borough Council in 2009 and a group of residents set about restoring the kiosk. This was achieved through private donations and sponsorship from local businesses. A blog detailed the restoration.


title: Red telephone box

text: From October 2014, several of London's disused K6 telephone boxes have been painted green and converted to free mobile phone chargers named Solarboxes. They have been considered an outdoor kiosk alternative to indoor chargers such as the Chargebox.


title: Red telephone box

text: Several of these distinctive telephone boxes have been installed on the Norman, Oklahoma, campus of the University of Oklahoma, where they continue to serve their originally intended function. Elsewhere in the United States, a few have also been installed in downtown Glenview, Illinois, and Glencoe, Illinois. There is also one outside the British Embassy in Washington, D.C. A red telephone box can also be found on the Courthouse Square in Oxford, Mississippi. Two are in use in Tennessee: one is on the square in Collierville, Tennessee, and the other is located next to Pepper Palace in The Village Shops shopping centre in Gatlinburg, Tennessee.


title: Red telephone box

text: A red telephone box is in use in the student centre of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In addition, there is a red telephone box outside the town building (town hall/police station/post office) in the tiny mountain town of Rowe, Massachusetts, which is an original installation dating back to when the town of Rowe first got telephone service. Two red telephone boxes are on display at the World Showcase area of Disney's Epcot in Orlando, Florida, one located in the United Kingdom area and one in the Canada area. One is on display at English Gardens – A Place for Weddings in Winter Park close to downtown Orlando. An original K6 can also be found outside the Allied Building in Treasure Island, Florida. There are also a few red boxes at the Ellenton Outlet Mall, just off I-75, near Bradenton, Florida. These still have their original STD code cards in place and have working US payphone equipment. There is a red telephone box in Westminster, Maryland on the corner of West Main Street and Rt. 27 outside Johanson's Dining House.


title: Red telephone box

text: In Lake Havasu City, Arizona, a few K6s arrived when the old London Bridge was preserved there. As they are in the US, and not under British restriction, they are fully functional, but with updated electronics to make them code compliant.


title: Red telephone box

text: Australia and New Zealand each had their own design of red telephone box, and some examples have been preserved in sensitive or historic sites. A brief and colourful campaign was run to "save" the red telephone box in New Zealand by the Wizard of New Zealand.


title: Red telephone box

text: Many K3 phone boxes survive in Portugal, where they were exported by the Anglo-Portuguese Telephone Company, and where the climate was less harmful to their concrete fabric than in Britain. They are a common sight, for example, in the city of Porto.


title: Red telephone box

text: British K6 phone boxes are to be found, painted green, in the centre of Kinsale, a historic town in County Cork in the Republic of Ireland.


title: Red telephone box

text: Red telephone boxes are also found across Malta, some islands of the West Indies such as Antigua, Barbados, as well as in Cyprus, showing that the colonial influence is still present. Some of those telephone booths are being used as internet kiosks.


title: Red telephone box

text: Boxes can also be found in the centre of the town of Chinon, France, and in the German towns of Bad Münstereifel, Bielefeld and Eppingen.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 2008 ten K6 telephone boxes were imported from the United Kingdom to the Israeli city of Petah Tikva and installed on its main street, Haim Ozer.


title: Red telephone box

text: Kingston upon Hull ran a municipal telephone system from 1904. There were several such municipal services in the UK, but whereas most had been brought under the Post Office monopoly by 1913, Hull's, being very efficient, was allowed to remain under the control of Hull Corporation (the city council). As a result, although the Corporation used K6 kiosks, they were painted cream and had the crown omitted from the design. The Hull telephone system was privatised in 1999 and taken over by Kingston Communications (KC; later renamed KCOM Group in 2007). In about 2007 KC removed many of the cream K6 boxes. After public complaints at the loss of heritage it was agreed that about 125 of the boxes would be retained, and they remain in use. KC also allocated limited numbers (around 1,000) for sale to the public and many were sold off even before they had been removed from service. Hull also continues to use K8 and KX100 PLUS kiosks, and in the past has used other non-GPO/BT designs.


title: Red telephone box

text: Guernsey Telecoms painted its kiosks yellow with white window frames; they were repainted in blue when the company was sold to Cable and Wireless in 2002.


title: Red telephone box

text: Manx Telecom has left its kiosks in the red colour used by its predecessors British Telecom and the GPO. The telephone box in Cregneash was temporarily painted green, as was the practice in many rural areas of Britain, but this was only for a film and the phone box is now red again.


title: Red telephone box

text: Scottish sculptor David Mach created the permanent public work "Out of Order" in 1989 in Kingston upon Thames, London. It takes the form of a row of twelve K6 telephone boxes, the first one upright, the others gradually falling over like dominoes. It was originally intended that the last upright box was to contain a working telephone.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 2012, BT helped celebrate the 25th anniversary of the free-phone charity ChildLine by commissioning eighty artists to design and decorate full-sized K6 replicas. These were displayed in public spaces across London and then auctioned by Sotheby's as BT Artboxes. Artists included Peter Blake, Willie Christie, David Mach, Denis Masi, Zaha Hadid and Ian Ritchie.


title: Red telephone box

text: The red telephone box has appeared in British pop culture. In music it has featured in Adele's video "Hello", the front cover of One Direction's album "Take Me Home", and the back cover of David Bowie's album "The Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and the Spiders from Mars". It was the subject of the 1980 single "Red Frame/White Light" by OMD. In film it features in a prominent scene in the 1955 black comedy "The Ladykillers" where a motley gang of crooks led by Professor Marcus (Alec Guinness) cram into one, and a red telephone box near Scotland Yard appears in "Harry Potter and the Order of the Phoenix" (2007) as Harry Potter and Arthur Weasley enter the Ministry of Magic.


title: Red telephone box

text: In 2016, British chef Gordon Ramsay opened a British-themed fish restaurant in the Las Vegas Strip, with the doors to the entrance resembling the red telephone box.


title: Red telephone box

text: File:K1 Telephone Box, Lowestoft Transport Museum, 13th June 2009.JPG|K1 Telephone Box, Lowestoft Transport Museum


title: Red telephone box

text: File:K3 Telephone Kiosk, Scotland.jpg|The only K3 Mk2 kiosk still in use, near Rhynd in Perth and Kinross, Scotland


title: Red telephone box

text: File:Green Telephone Box - geograph.org.uk - 1329446.jpg|A green K6 box near Stokesley in North Yorkshire


title: Red telephone box

text: File:Preserved Hull telephone box.JPG|Preserved Kingston-upon-Hull crown-less K6 in original Hull Corporation livery in Hull Transport Museum


title: Red telephone box

text: File:Black telephone boxes, Piccadilly - DSC04253.JPG|Two black K6 telephone boxes in Piccadilly in the City of Westminster, operated by New World Payphones Ltd


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Donald Charles Alfred Crowhurst (1932 – July 1969) was a British businessman and amateur sailor who disappeared while competing in the "Sunday Times" Golden Globe Race, a single-handed, round-the-world yacht race. Soon after he started the race his ship began taking on water and he wrote that it would probably sink in heavy seas. He secretly abandoned the race while reporting false positions, in an attempt to appear to complete a circumnavigation without actually doing so. His ship's logbooks, found after his disappearance, suggest that the stress he was under and associated psychological deterioration may have led to his suicide.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Crowhurst's participation in the race has exerted a fascination over many commentators and artists. It has inspired a number of books, stage plays and films, including a documentary, "Deep Water" (2006), and two feature films, "Crowhurst" (2017) and "The Mercy" (also 2017), in which Crowhurst is played by the actors Justin Salinger and Colin Firth, respectively. His innovative but ill-prepared boat, the "Teignmouth Electron", ended its days as a dive boat in the Caribbean and its decaying remains can still be found in the dunes above a beach in the Cayman Islands.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Crowhurst was born in 1932 in Ghaziabad, British India. His mother was a schoolteacher and his father worked in the Indian railways. During her pregnancy, his mother had longed for a daughter, and Crowhurst was dressed as a girl until the age of seven. After India gained its independence, his family moved back to England. The family's retirement savings were invested in an Indian sporting goods factory, which later burned down during rioting after the Partition of India.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Crowhurst's father died in 1948. Due to family financial problems, Crowhurst was forced to leave school early that year and started a five-year apprenticeship at the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnborough Airfield. In 1953 he received a Royal Air Force commission as a pilot, but was asked to leave in 1954 for reasons that remain unclear, and was subsequently commissioned into the Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers in 1956. After leaving the Army in the same year owing to a disciplinary incident, Crowhurst eventually moved to Bridgwater, where he started a business called Electron Utilisation in 1962. He was a member of the Liberal Party and was elected to Bridgwater Borough Council.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Crowhurst, a weekend sailor, designed and built a radio direction finder called the Navicator, a handheld device that allowed the user to take bearings on marine and aviation radio beacons. While he did have some success selling his navigational equipment, his business began to fail. In an effort to gain publicity, he started trying to gain sponsors to enter the "Sunday Times" Golden Globe Race. His main sponsor was English entrepreneur Stanley Best, who had invested heavily in Crowhurst's failing business. Once committed to the race, Crowhurst mortgaged both his business and home against Best's continued financial support, placing himself in a grave financial situation.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: The Golden Globe Race was inspired by Francis Chichester's successful single-handed round-the-world voyage, stopping in Sydney. The considerable publicity his achievement garnered led a number of sailors to plan the next logical step – a non-stop, single-handed, round-the-world sail.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: "The Sunday Times" had sponsored Chichester, with highly profitable results, and was interested in being involved with the first non-stop circumnavigation, but it had the problem of not knowing which sailor to sponsor. The solution was to promote the Golden Globe Race, a single-handed, round-the-world race, open to all comers, with automatic entry. That was in contrast to other races of the time, for which entrants were required to demonstrate their single-handed sailing ability prior to entry.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Entrants were required to start between 1 June and 31 October 1968, to pass through the Southern Ocean in summer. The prizes offered were the Golden Globe trophy for the first single-handed circumnavigation, and a £5,000 cash prize for the fastest. This was then a considerable sum, equivalent to almost £80,000 in 2019.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: The other contestants were Robin Knox-Johnston, Nigel Tetley, Bernard Moitessier, Chay Blyth, John Ridgway, William King, Alex Carozzo and Loïck Fougeron. "Tahiti" Bill Howell, a noted multihull sailor and competitor in the 1964 and 1968 "OSTAR" races, originally signed up as an entrant but did not actually race.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: Crowhurst hired Rodney Hallworth, a crime reporter for the "Daily Mail" and then the "Daily Express", as his public relations officer.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: The boat Crowhurst built for the voyage, "Teignmouth Electron", was a modified trimaran designed by Californian Arthur Piver. At the time, this was an unproven type of boat for a voyage of such length. Trimarans have the potential to sail much more quickly than monohulled sailboats, but early designs in particular could be very slow if overloaded, and had considerable difficulty sailing close to the wind. Trimarans are popular with many sailors for their stability, but if capsized (for example by a rogue wave), they are virtually impossible to right, though crews have lived for months with a boat in the inverted position and ultimately survived.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: To improve the safety of the boat Crowhurst had planned to add an inflatable buoyancy bag on the top of the mast to prevent capsizing; the bag would be activated by water sensors on the hull designed to detect an impending capsize. This innovation would hold the mast horizontal on the surface of the water, and a clever arrangement of pumps would allow him to flood the uppermost outer hull, which would (in conjunction with wave action) pull the boat upright. His scheme was to prove these devices by sailing round the world with them, then go into business manufacturing the system.


title: Donald Crowhurst

text: However, Crowhurst had a very short time in which to build and equip his boat while securing financing and sponsors for the race. In the end, all of his safety devices were left uncompleted; he planned to complete them while under way. Also, many of his spares and supplies were left behind in the confusion of the final preparations. To top all this, Crowhurst had never sailed on a trimaran before taking delivery of his boat several weeks before the beginning of the race.