title: Snagglepuss

text: Butler reused his Snagglepuss voice for two other Hanna-Barbera characters: Jonathan Wellington "Mudsy" Muddlemore from "The Funky Phantom" and Brutus the lion from "The Roman Holidays".


title: Snagglepuss

text: Snagglepuss lives in a cavern, which he constantly tries to make more habitable for himself. No matter what he does, however, he always winds up back where he started or worse off than he was before. In some episodes, Snagglepuss is chased by Major Minor (voiced by Don Messick), a tiny-sized hunter. A few episodes involved him trying to court a lioness named Lila (voiced by Jean Vander Pyl) but who always rejected his advances for being too boorish or pathetic.


title: Snagglepuss

text: Butler's voicing of the character recalls the work of actor Bert Lahr, especially the more mellow moods of Lahr's Cowardly Lion in the 1939 film "The Wizard of Oz".


title: Snagglepuss

text: Snagglepuss has three signature catchphrases. His most famous is his perpetual exclamation "Heavens to Murgatroyd!" Before dashing offscreen to make an escape or run an errand, Snagglepuss announces the move in the form of a theatrical stage direction, saying "Exit, stage left!" (or "right," as the case may be, or "up" or "down" even). Finally, Snagglepuss tends to add the word "even" for emphasis at the ends of sentences:


title: Snagglepuss

text: Snagglepuss' pink color, lilting voice and theatrical manner led to the character being interpreted by some viewers over the years as stereotypically gay. This conjecture was touched upon over the years in many parodies but was seriously explored in a retelling of the character's life titled "", a 2018 comic miniseries from DC Comics that was part of their "Hanna-Barbera Beyond" initiative.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The Indus Water Treaty (IWT) is a water-distribution treaty between India and Pakistan, arranged and negotiated by the World Bank, to use the water available in the Indus River and its tributaries. It was signed in Karachi on 19 September 1960 by then Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and then Pakistani president Ayub Khan.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The Treaty gives control over the waters of the three "eastern rivers" — the Beas, Ravi and Sutlej with a mean annual flow of 33 million acre-feet (MAF) — to India, while control over the waters of the three "western rivers" — the Indus, Chenab and Jhelum with a mean annual flow of 80 MAF — to Pakistan. India has about 20% of the total water carried by the Indus system while Pakistan has 80%. The treaty allows India to use the western river waters for limited irrigation use and unlimited non-consumptive use for such applications as power generation, navigation, floating of property, fish culture, etc. It lays down detailed regulations for India in building projects over the western rivers. The preamble of the treaty recognises the rights and obligations of each country in the optimum use of water from the Indus system in a spirit of goodwill, friendship and cooperation. This has not reduced the Pakistani fears that India could potentially create floods or droughts in Pakistan, especially in times of war. This concern was raised again after India released 170,000 cusecs into the Ravi during the 2022 Pakistan floods, an event that had already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced 30 million people prior to the release.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: In 1948, the water rights of the river system were the focus of an Indo-Pakistani water dispute. Since the ratification of the treaty in 1960, India and Pakistan have not engaged in any water wars, despite engaging in several military conflicts. Most disagreements and disputes have been settled via legal procedures, provided for within the framework of the treaty. The Indus Waters Treaty is considered one of the most successful water sharing endeavours in the world today, even though analysts acknowledge the need to update certain technical specifications and expand the scope of the agreement to address climate change.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The Indus system of rivers comprises three western rivers — the Indus, the Jhelum and Chenab — and three eastern rivers — the Sutlej, the Beas and the Ravi. Per Article I of IWT, any river/ tributary and its catchment area of the Indus system of rivers that are not part of the other five rivers, is part of the Indus River including its creeks, delta channels, connecting lakes, etc. According to this treaty, the eastern rivers are allocated for exclusive water use by India after the permitted water uses in Pakistan before they cross finally into Pakistan. Similarly, Pakistan has an exclusive water use of the western rivers after the permitted water uses in India. Article IV (14) of IWT states that any water use developed out of the underutilized waters of another country, will not acquire water use rights due to a lapse of time. Mostly, the treaty resulted in the partitioning of the rivers rather than sharing of their waters.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: A transition period of 10 years was permitted in which India was bound to supply water to Pakistan from its eastern rivers until Pakistan was able to build the canal system for utilization of waters of the western rivers. Per Article 5.1 of IWT, India agreed to make a fixed contribution of UK Pound Sterling 62,060,000/= (Pound Sterling sixty-two million and sixty thousand only or 125 metric tons of gold when gold standard was followed) towards the cost of construction of new head-works and canal system for irrigation from western rivers in Punjab province of Pakistan. India had paid the total amount in ten equal annual installments despite the 1965 Indo-Pak war. Both countries agreed in the treaty to exchange data and co-operate in the optimum use of water from the Indus system of rivers. For this purpose, the treaty creates the Permanent Indus Commission, with a commissioner appointed by each country. It would follow the set procedure for adjudicating any future differences and disputes arising over the implementation or interpretation of the treaty. The commission has survived three wars and provides an ongoing mechanism for consultation and conflict resolution through inspection, exchange of data and visits. The commission is required to meet at least once in a year to discuss potential disputes as well as cooperative arrangements for the development of the Indus system of rivers. Per article VIII (8), both commissioners together shall submit an annual report to both countries on its works. But these annual reports are never made public even by Pakistan which claims repeated violations of the treaty by India.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: Either party must notify the other of plans to construct any engineering works which would affect the other party and to provide data about such works. The annual inspections and exchange of data continue, unperturbed by tensions on the subcontinent. Salal dam was constructed after entering mutual agreement by both countries. Tulbul Project is pending for clearance for decades even after protracted discussions between India and Pakistan. In cases of dispute or disagreement, Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) or a neutral technical expert respectively is called in for arbitration. Technical expert's ruling was followed for clearing the Baglihar power plant and PCA verdict was followed for clearing the Kishanganga Hydroelectric Plant. Pakistan is claiming violation of the treaty regarding 850 MW Ratle Hydroelectric Plant and asked for the establishment of a Court of Arbitration (PCA) whereas India asked for the appointment of a Neutral Expert. India has not yet raised any violation of Article II of IWT by Pakistan though Pakistan is using groundwater for various uses in the basin area of Ravi and Sutlej before these rivers finally cross in to Pakistan. Pakistan also constructed river training works in such a manner to reduce river flooding in its area and enhance flooding in Great Rann of Kutch area of India violating Article IV(3a). Pakistan raising disputes and approaching the PCA against Indian projects, could result in the abolition of the IWT when its provisions are interpreted in detail by the PCA verdicts.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The waters of the Indus system of rivers begin mainly in Tibet and the Himalayan mountains in the states of Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir. They flow through the states of Punjab and Sindh before emptying into the Arabian Sea south of Karachi and Kori Creek in Gujarat. The average annual available water resource in Pakistan is 177 MAF or 218.4 billion cubic meters. Where once there was only a narrow strip of irrigated land along these rivers, developments over the last century have created a large network of canals and storage facilities that provide water for more than in Pakistan alone by 2009, one of the largest irrigated area of any one river system.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The partition of British India created a conflict over the waters of the Indus basin. The newly formed states were at odds over how to share and manage what was essentially a cohesive and unitary network of irrigation. Furthermore, the geography of partition was such that the source rivers of the Indus basin were in India. Pakistan felt its livelihood threatened by the prospect of Indian control over the tributaries that fed water into the Pakistani portion of the basin. Where India certainly had its own ambitions for the profitable development of the basin, Pakistan felt acutely threatened by a conflict over the main source of water for its cultivable land. During the first years of partition, the waters of the Indus were apportioned by the Inter-Dominion Accord of May 4, 1948. This accord required India to release sufficient waters to the Pakistani regions of the basin in return for annual payments from the government of Pakistan. The accord was meant to meet immediate requirements and was followed by negotiations for a more permanent solution. However, neither side was willing to compromise their respective positions and negotiations reached a stalemate. From the Indian point of view, there was nothing that Pakistan could do to force India to divert, from any of its schemes, the river water into the irrigation canals of Pakistan. Pakistan wanted to take the matter at that time to the International Court of Justice, but India refused, arguing that the conflict required a bilateral resolution.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: In 1951, David Lilienthal, formerly the chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority and of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, visited the region to write a series of articles for "Collier's" magazine. Lilienthal had a keen interest in the subcontinent and was welcomed by the highest levels of both Indian and Pakistani governments. Although his visit was sponsored by "Collier's", Lilienthal was briefed by the state department and executive branch officials, who hoped that Lilienthal could help bridge the gap between India and Pakistan and also gauge hostilities on the subcontinent. During the course of his visit, it became clear to Lilienthal that tensions between India and Pakistan were acute, but also unable to be erased with one sweeping gesture. He wrote in his journal:India and Pakistan were on the verge of war over Kashmir. There seemed to be no possibility of negotiating this issue until tensions abated. One way to reduce hostility . . . would be to concentrate on other important issues where cooperation was possible. Progress in these areas would promote a sense of community between the two nations which might, in time, lead to a Kashmir settlement. Accordingly, I proposed that India and Pakistan work out a program jointly to develop and jointly operate the Indus Basin River system, upon which both nations were dependent for irrigation water. With new dams and irrigation canals, the Indus and its tributaries could be made to yield the additional water each country needed for increased food production. In the article, I suggested that the World Bank might use its good offices to bring the parties to an agreement and help in the financing of an Indus Development program. Lilienthal's idea was well received by officials at the World Bank (then the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) and subsequently, by the Indian and Pakistani governments. Eugene R. Black, then president of the World Bank, told Lilienthal that his proposal "makes good sense all round". Black wrote that the Bank was interested in the economic progress of the two countries and had been concerned that the Indus dispute could only be a serious handicap to this development. India's previous objections to third party arbitration were remedied by the Bank's insistence that it would not adjudicate the conflict but rather work as a conduit for agreement.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: Black also made a distinction between the "functional" and "political" aspects of the Indus dispute. In his correspondence with Indian and Pakistan leaders, Black asserted that the Indus dispute could most realistically be solved if the functional aspects of disagreement were negotiated apart from political considerations. He envisioned a group that tackled the question of how best to utilize the waters of the Indus Basin, leaving aside questions of historic rights or allocations.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: Black proposed a Working Party made up of Indian, Pakistani and World Bank engineers. The World Bank delegation would act as a consultative group, charged with offering suggestions and speeding dialogue. In his opening statement to the Working Party, Black spoke of why he was optimistic about the group's success:One aspect of Mr. Lilienthal's proposal appealed to me from the first. I mean his insistence that the Indus problem is an engineering problem and should be dealt with by engineers. One of the strengths of the engineering profession is that, all over the world, engineers speak the same language and approach problems with common standards of judgment.Black's hopes for a quick resolution to the Indus dispute were premature. While the Bank had expected that the two sides would come to an agreement on the allocation of waters, neither India nor Pakistan seemed willing to compromise their positions. While Pakistan insisted on its historical right to waters of all the Indus tributaries and that half of West Punjab was under threat of desertification, the Indian side argued that the previous distribution of waters should not set future allocation. Instead, the Indian side set up a new basis of distribution, with the waters of the Western tributaries going to Pakistan and the Eastern tributaries to India. The substantive technical discussions that Black had hoped for were stymied by the political considerations he had expected to avoid.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The World Bank soon became frustrated with this lack of progress. What had originally been envisioned as a technical dispute that would quickly untangle itself started to seem intractable. India and Pakistan were unable to agree on the technical aspects of allocation, let alone the implementation of any agreed-upon distribution of waters. Finally, in 1954, after nearly two years of negotiation, the World Bank offered its own proposal, stepping beyond the limited role it had apportioned for itself and forcing the two sides to consider concrete plans for the future of the basin. The proposal offered India the three eastern tributaries of the basin and Pakistan the three western tributaries. Canals and storage dams were to be constructed to divert waters from the western rivers and replace the eastern river supply lost by Pakistan.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: While the Indian side was amenable to the World Bank proposal, Pakistan found it unacceptable. The World Bank allocated the eastern rivers to India and the western rivers to Pakistan. This new distribution did not account for the historical usage of the Indus basin or the fact that West Punjab's Eastern districts could turn into deserts, and repudiated Pakistan's negotiating position. Where India had stood for a new system of allocation, Pakistan felt that its share of waters should be based on pre-partition distribution. The World Bank proposal was more in line with the Indian plan, and this angered the Pakistani delegation. They threatened to withdraw from the Working Party, and negotiations verged on collapse.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: However, neither side could afford the dissolution of talks. The Pakistani press met rumors of an end to negotiation with talk of increased hostilities; the government was ill-prepared to forego talks for a violent conflict with India and was forced to reconsider its position. India was also eager to settle the Indus issue; large development projects were put on hold by negotiations, and Indian leaders were eager to divert water for irrigation. In December 1954, the two sides returned to the negotiating table. The World Bank proposal was transformed from a basis of settlement to a basis for negotiation and the talks continued, stop and go, for the next six years.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: One of the last stumbling blocks to an agreement concerning financing for the construction of canals and storage facilities that would transfer water from the western rivers to Pakistan. This transfer was necessary to make up for the water Pakistan was giving up by ceding its rights to the eastern rivers. The World Bank initially planned for India to pay for these works, but India refused. The Bank responded with a plan for external financing. An "Indus Basin Development Fund Agreement" (Karachi, 19 September 1960); a treaty between Australia, Canada, West Germany, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the United States with the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IRDC) and Pakistan who agreed to provide Pakistan a combination of funds and loans. This solution cleared the remaining stumbling blocks to the agreement and the IWT was signed by both countries on the same day in 1960 applicable with retrospective effect from 1 April 1960 but "Indus Basin Development Fund Agreement" provisions do not affect the IWT in any way per its Article XI(3). The grants and loans to Pakistan were extended in 1964 through a supplementary agreement.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: Presently, the World Bank role in the treaty is limited to keep the dispute settlement process moving when a party/country is not cooperating to follow the arbitration procedure given in the treaty in case of a dispute.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: From the Indus System of Rivers, India got nearly 33 MAF at 16% whereas Pakistan got nearly 177 MAF at 84%. However India can use the western river waters for irrigation up to 701,000 acres with new water storage capacity not exceeding 1.25 MAF and new storage works with hydropower plants (excluding permitted water storage under unlimited run of the river hydro projects) with storage not exceeding 1.6 MAF and nominal flood storage capacity of 0.75 MAF. These water allocations made to the Jammu and Kashmir state of India are meager to meet its irrigation water requirements whereas the treaty permitted enough water to irrigate 80.52% of the cultivated lands in the Indus river basin of Pakistan. The storage capacity permitted by the treaty for hydropower generation is less than the total annual silt that would accumulate in the reservoirs if the total hydro potential of the state was to be exploited fully. Pakistan is also losing additional benefits by not permitting moderate water storage in upstream J&K state whose water would be ultimately released to Pakistan for its use and avoid few dams requirement in its territory. Ultimately, J&K state is bound to resort to costly de-silting of its reservoirs to keep them operational. Whereas Pakistan is planning to build multi-purpose water reservoirs with massive storage for impounding multi-year inflows such as 4,500 MW Diamer-Bhasha Dam, 3,600 MW Kalabagh Dam, 600 MW Akhori Dam, Dasu Dam, Bunji Dam, Thakot dam, Patan dam, etc. projects with huge population resettlement. In case of any dam break, downstream areas in Pakistan as well as Kutch region in India would face unprecedented water deluge or submergence as these dams are located in highly active seismic zones.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: In 2003 J&K state assembly passed a unanimous resolution for the abrogation of the treaty and again in June 2016, the Jammu and Kashmir assembly demanded for revision of the Indus Water Treaty. The legislators feel that the treaty trampled upon the rights of the people and treats the state of Jammu and Kashmir as a non-entity.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: However, India derives military advantage out of IWT as its scope is confined to the Indus system of rivers (both eastern and western rivers) basin area located in India and also in Ravi and Sutlej basins located in Pakistan per Articles II(1 to 4) and III(2 to 3) and the IWT deals only with the sharing of water available/flowing in Indian part between Pakistan and India. As per the IWT, Pakistan bombing / destroying dams, barrages, power stations, etc. located in Indian part of the Indus system of rivers is violation of the IWT which can lead to abrogation of IWT.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: Pakistan raised concerns with World Bank regarding India's new dam project on the Chenab River, saying that it is not in conformity with the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) and argued that India could use these reservoirs to create artificial water shortage or flooding in Pakistan.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: In 2019, in the aftermath of the Pulwama attack, the Union Minister for Water Resources and a senior leader in the ruling party BJP Nitin Gadkari said that all water flowing from India will be diverted to Indian states to punish Pakistan for an alleged connection to the attack, something which the Pakistani Government denied and condemned. Union Minister of State for Jal Shakti Rattan Lal Kataria said that "every effort is made" to stop the flow of water downstream from the three assigned rivers.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: During the 2022 Pakistan Floods, India released more than 170,000 cusecs of water from the Ujh Barrage In mid-August, a tributary of the Ravi River. Previously during the same season, water was released into the Chenab River. The water was released amidst the already occurring floods in Pakistan caused by record-breaking rains in the country during the Monsoon. Sindh received 784% more rain than the August average. By the end of August, more than 1,100 people were killed and more than 30 million displaced. After the announcement of the water release by India, the Flood Forecasting Division (FFD) and the Punjab Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) raised moderate to high flood warnings In Narowal, Lahore, Sheikhupura, and Okara. Prior to the release, the FFD had low to medium warnings for most districts. The Foreign Office of Pakistan expressed concern, saying that the Indian practice of releasing water into already flooded rivers and regions has become a "recurrent" problem.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The Indus River water also flows into the Kori Creek, located in Rann of Kutch area of Gujarat state in India, through its delta channel called Nara River via Shakoor Lake before joining the sea. Without the consent of India, from 1987 to 1997 Pakistan constructed the Left Bank Outfall Drain (LBOD) project passing through the Great Rann of Kutch area with assistance from the world bank. In violation of IWT Article IV(10), the LBOD's purpose is to bypass the saline and polluted water flowing in to the Indus delta of Pakistan and diverted to reach the sea via the Rann of Kutch area. Water released by the LBOD enhances the flooding in India and contaminates the quality of water bodies which are a source of water to salt farms spread over a vast area. The LBOD water is planned to join the sea via the disputed Sir Creek, but LBOD water enters Indian territory due to many breaches in its left bank caused by floods Since Gujarat state of India being the lower most riparian part of the Indus basin, Pakistan is bound to provide all the details of engineering works taken up by Pakistan to India to ensure no material damage is caused to India as per the provisions of Article IV of the treaty and shall not proceed with the project works till the disagreements are settled by arbitration process.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: In the aftermath of the 2016 Uri attack, India threatened to revoke the Indus Waters Treaty. The Prime Minister Narendra Modi declared, "blood and water cannot flow together." So far, such threats have not materialised. However, India decided to restart the Tulbul Project on the Jhelum River in the Kashmir Valley, which was previously suspended in response to Pakistan's objections. Political analyst Hasan Askari Rizvi in Lahore said that any change to the water supply of Pakistan would have a "devastating impact". On constant fears of Pakistan, India stated in February 2020 that it wants to follow the IWT in letter and spirit.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: The Indus system of rivers carries nearly 210 MAF average annual flows, of which India is able to utilize nearly 31 MAF (15% of the total) from the three eastern rivers. Water available above the rim stations (7 MAF at Madhopur headworks in Ravi basin, 13 MAF at Mandi Plain/Harike headworks in Beas basin and 14 MAF at Ropar headworks in Sutlej basin) is 34 MAF which excludes the water available in the downstream areas of these rim stations. Excluding the flood water released into the downstream Ravi River from the Madhopur headworks, additionally 4.549 MAF water in an average year is available between Madhopur headworks and the final crossing point (Ravi siphon) into Pakistan which is not yet put to use by India and flowing additionally into Pakistan. Also flood water flows into Pakistan from Hussainiwala headworks which is the terminal barrage across the Sutlej River in India. In addition, India is entitled to use western river's waters for limited agricultural uses and unlimited domestic, non-consumptive, hydropower generation, etc. uses. By 2019, India utilizes 31 MAF of its share, and nearly 7.5 MAF of India's unutilised share flows to downstream Pakistan territory from Ravi and Sutlej rivers. India is undertaking three projects to utilize its full share of the eastern rivers, (a) Shahpurkandi dam project on the Ravi River (b) the second Ravi-Beas link in Punjab and (c) the Ujh Dam project on Ujh River in Jammu and Kashmir. This water will be used by Punjab along with northern hill states.


title: Indus Waters Treaty

text: Qamar, M.U., Azmat, M. & Claps, P. Pitfalls in transboundary Indus Water Treaty: a perspective to prevent unattended threats to the global security. npj Clean Water 2, 22 (2019) doi:10.1038/s41545-019-0046-x


title: Lisa Lisa

text: Lisa Velez (born January 15, 1967), better known by her stage name Lisa Lisa, is an American singer. She rose to fame in the 1980s as one-third of the band Lisa Lisa and Cult Jam.


title: Lisa Lisa

text: According to "Spin" magazine, Velez was born in 1967 in Hell's Kitchen in New York City as the youngest of ten to a religious mother, who supported the family by babysitting, and an absentee father. Of Puerto Rican descent, Velez learned to speak Spanish at home and English in school. She sang in her church choir, at the Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, along with her six sisters, and was an A student at Julia Richman High School in Manhattan. At Sacred Heart she studied alongside several future members of the Irish American criminal organization, The Westies. In school she was also part of a traveling singing group that sang Motown hits and songs from old Broadway musicals.


title: Lisa Lisa

text: Lisa Lisa and Cult Jam was founded when Velez successfully auditioned for the Brooklyn production team Full Force. She met drummer Mike Hughes at Funhouse, a Manhattan underage club that she frequented to be discovered. She described the atmosphere as, "a young place, no liquor served in that place at all, so I kinda liked it. I used to dance a lot, but I was always aware of where I was turning, so I would watch and find out who's who, where's where." Hughes spotted her, finding her attractive and asked her to audition for the production team. She took the subway to a house in Brooklyn, her first trip to the borough, without her protective older brother, who was to later become her bodyguard.


title: Lisa Lisa

text: With Hughes and Alex "Spanador" Moseley, Lisa Lisa and Cult Jam recorded their debut single, "I Wonder If I Take You Home", soon after forming in 1985, releasing it as an independent single. The group quickly signed to Columbia Records, which re-released the single, and it climbed into the R&B top ten in the US and the top 20 in the UK. The group amassed a number of hit songs throughout the 1980s.


title: Lisa Lisa

text: Velez said of her moniker "I guess they had the type of idea like, okay, [the U.T.F.O. hit] 'Roxanne, Roxanne' worked, why not Lisa Lisa? I thought it was cute because I knew it would cause controversy, talk." About getting paid, Velez expressed "I don't think about the money. I'm not doing this for the money. I was pulling in 600 to 700 a week when I was working at Benetton, so it doesn't mean shit to me. I'm just doing this 'cause I want to sing." By the end of the '80s, however, the group's success had begun to decline. Their fourth and final album, "Straight Outta Hell's Kitchen", was less of a commercial success, though it did include a hit with "Let the Beat Hit 'Em", which reached the top 40 on the US pop chart and was a hit on both the R&B and club charts. The group disbanded in 1991, and Velez pursued both solo singing and acting careers, and Moseley and Hughes went on to do other projects.


title: Lisa Lisa

text: Lisa Lisa released a solo album called "LL77" in 1994, which included the moderate club hit "When I Fell in Love" (which was remixed by Junior Vasquez) and the notable single "Skip to My Lu", which hit No. 38 on the R&B chart. She resurfaced circa 2001 on the Nickelodeon series "Taina", in which she played the title character's mother. On June 24, 2008, Lisa Lisa presented an award at the BET Awards, sparking interest that she may be plotting a comeback. In 2009, she released "Life 'n Love", a full-length album of new material on Mass Appeal Entertainment featuring the single "Can't Wait" with guest rapper Pitbull. The album also features a cover version of the song "Stand" which was originally performed by Taylor Dayne on her 1998 album "Naked without You". In March 2014, she appeared with Stevie B., TKA, Sa-Fire, and others at the eighth annual Forever Freestyle showcase at the Lehman College Center for the Performing Arts in the Bronx.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Kenneth Erwin Hagin (August 20, 1917 – September 19, 2003) was an American preacher. He is known for pioneering the Word of Faith movement.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Kenneth E. Hagin was born August 20, 1917, in McKinney, Texas, the son of Lillie Viola Drake Hagin and Jess Hagin. According to Hagin's testimony, he was born with a deformed heart and what was believed to be an incurable blood disease. He was not expected to live and at age 15 he became paralyzed and bedridden. In April 1933 he converted to Christianity. During a dramatic conversion experience, he reported dying, due to the deformed heart, three times in 10 minutes, each time seeing the horrors of hell and then returning to life. He remained paralyzed after his conversion.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: On August 8, 1934, he says he was raised from his deathbed by a revelation of "faith in God's Word" after reading Mark 11:23–24. He was also healed of his paralysis and never struggled with walking. His dramatic healing is detailed in Roberts Liardon's book "God's Generals".


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: In 1936, he founded his first non-denominational church. He preached his first sermon as the pastor of a small, community Baptist church in Roland, Texas. In 1937, he became an Assemblies of God minister. During the next twelve years he pastored five Assemblies of God churches in Texas: in the cities of Tom Bean, Farmersville (twice), Talco, Greggton, and Van. Van, Texas was the last church he pastored before starting to travel.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: On November 25, 1938, he married Oretha Rooker. They had two children. Their first child Kenneth Wayne Hagin, known as Kenneth Hagin Jr., was born on September 3, 1939. A daughter, Patricia (Hagin) Harrison, was born 19 months later on March 27, 1941. His son Kenneth Wayne Hagin is currently the pastor of Rhema Bible Church and President of Kenneth Hagin Ministries.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Hagin began an itinerant ministry as a Bible teacher and evangelist in 1949 after an appearance by Jesus. He joined the Voice of Healing Revival in the U.S. with Oral Roberts, Gordon Lindsay and T. L. Osborn between 1947 and 1958.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Hagin was given full admission to the Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship International (also known as the FGBMFI) which had been established in 1951.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: On January 23, 1963, he formed the Kenneth E. Hagin Evangelistic Association (now Kenneth Hagin Ministries) in Garland, Texas. In September 1966, the ministry offices were moved to Tulsa, Oklahoma into a space previously used by T.L. Osborn. He started selling his sermons on reel-to-reel tape in 1966. In November of that year, he taught for the first time on radio on KSKY in Dallas.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: In 1967, he began a regular radio broadcast that still continues as "Faith Seminar of the Air." Teaching by his son, Rev. Kenneth Hagin Jr, is heard on the program.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Since Hagin's incorporation 1963, his organization grew to include numerous media outreaches and ministries. These are:


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: At a camp meeting in 1973, Hagin announced the creation of a "bible training center." In 1974, Hagin opened RHEMA Bible Training College, in Broken Arrow, Oklahoma, which now has training centers in fourteen different countries, planted over 1,500 congregations worldwide, and has 25,000 alumni.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: In 1979, he founded the Prayer and Healing Center to provide a place for the sick to come and "have the opportunity to build their faith." Its Healing School continues to be held free of charge twice a day on the Rhema campus.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: On May 20, 1994, Hagin received an Honorary Doctor of Divinity Degree from Faith Theological Seminary in Tampa, Florida.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Hagin went to bed on Saturday September 13 feeling well, according to a news release from his ministry. He sat at the breakfast table on Sunday morning and smiled at his wife, Oretha, then sighed and his head fell to his chest. He died on Friday, September 19, 2003, at the age of 86.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Hagin founded Rhema Bible Training College, previously Rhema Bible Training Center, in 1974. The college is accredited by Transworld Accrediting Commission International, This Bible institute is located on in Broken Arrow, a suburb of Tulsa, Oklahoma. The curriculum is derived from a Charismatic/Pentecostal heritage. There are seven ministry concentrations specializing in Children's Ministry, Youth Ministry, Evangelism, Pastoral Care, Missions, Biblical Studies, and Supportive Ministry. Rhema has established training centers in Austria, Brazil, Colombia, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Mexico, Peru, Romania, Greece, Singapore, South Africa, the South Pacific, Thailand, Nigeria, Zambia, Egypt, and the Philippines.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: After Hagin's death in 2003, his son, Kenneth W. Hagin, continued to run the institution. Rhema has trained over 80,000 graduates who reside and minister in 52 countries.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Locally, Rhema is known for its annual Christmas display, which in recent years has included more than 2 million lights synchronized to Christmas music.


title: Kenneth E. Hagin

text: Rhema was granted an exception to Title IX in 2016, Its 2020-2021 student handbook states that among students, "RBTC will not allow any type of physical or sexual activity/behavior other than what the Bible states is permitted for a husband and wife who are legally married. This includes, but is not limited to, homosexual activities, fornication, adultery, pornography, and so forth ..."


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Cyril Richard Rescorla (May 27, 1939 – September 11, 2001) was a British-American soldier, police officer, educator and private security specialist. He served as a British Army paratrooper during the Cyprus Emergency and a commissioned officer in the United States Army during the Vietnam War. He rose to the rank of colonel in the Army before entering the private sector, where he worked in corporate security.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: As the director of security for the financial services firm Morgan Stanley at the World Trade Center, Rescorla anticipated attacks on the towers and implemented evacuation procedures that were credited with saving thousands of lives. He died during the attacks of September 11, 2001, going back to help evacuate more people in the South Tower after he had organized the evacuation of the Morgan Stanley offices.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla was born in Hayle, Cornwall, on May 27, 1939. He grew up there with his grandparents and his mother, who worked as a housekeeper and companion to the elderly. In 1943, during World War II, Hayle served as headquarters for the 175th Infantry Regiment of the U.S. 29th Infantry Division, largely composed of U.S. soldiers from Maryland and Virginia preparing for the D-Day invasion of Normandy. Young Rescorla idolized the U.S. soldiers and wanted to become a soldier because of them.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla was a natural sportsman, setting a school record in the shot put, and was an avid boxer. When a professional boxing match was scheduled between a British boxer and a U.S. heavyweight contender named Tami Mauriello, his friends backed the Briton. Rescorla said "I'm for Tammy" [sic] and after Mauriello won the fight, everyone in Hayle knew him as "Tammy".


title: Rick Rescorla

text: In 1956, at age 16, Rescorla left Hayle to join the army. At the time, Britain practiced conscription (known as National Service), which required every young man to serve for two years in the Armed Forces. Rescorla, however, chose instead to volunteer. This required him to serve three years as the conditions for volunteers were considered to be better than those of conscripted soldiers. He enlisted in the British Army in 1957, training as a paratrooper with The Parachute Regiment and then serving with an intelligence unit in Cyprus during the EOKA Cypriot insurgency from 1957 to 1960.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: At the end of his Short-Service Commission, Rescorla joined the Northern Rhodesia Police (now the Zambia Police Service) as a police inspector on a three-year contract from 1960 to 1963, experiences that made him a fierce anti-Communist. It was during the latter post that he met and forged a "life-altering friendship" with American soldier Daniel J. Hill, who encouraged Rescorla to join the U.S. Army after he chose to accept discharge from the British rather than turn his guns on fellow white colonists resisting independence.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: On returning to London, he joined the Metropolitan Police Service. He later moved to the United States after being unable to settle down in London, being interested in fighting instead.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Upon arrival in the United States, Rescorla lived at a YMCA hostel in Brooklyn until he was able to enlist in the army. "Rick", as he would thereafter be known, enlisted in the United States Army in 1963 and after basic training at Fort Dix, he attended Officer Candidate School and airborne training at Fort Benning. Upon graduation, Rescorla was assigned as a platoon leader in the 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry Regiment, 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile).


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla was sent to Vietnam, where he served under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Hal Moore. The two participated in the 1965 Battle of Ia Drang, which Moore would later describe in a 1992 book he co-authored "We Were Soldiers Once… And Young", (from which the 2002 Mel Gibson film "We Were Soldiers" would be adapted); Rescorla is the soldier pictured on the book jacket cover. Co-author Lieutenant General Hal Moore described him as "the best platoon leader I ever saw". Rescorla's men nicknamed him "Hard Core" for his bravery in battle and revered him for his good humor and compassion toward his men; Rescorla jokingly called his platoon "Hard Corps".


title: Rick Rescorla

text: He is also mentioned in the book "Baptism" by Larry Gwin who also fought at Ia Drang. The fourteenth chapter of the book, "Rescorla's Game", describes him as the "Cornish Hawk". Despite this tough image, according to his second wife and widow Susan Rescorla in her book, "Touched by a Hero", music was "so central" to Rick's life that he sang to his troops in Vietnam to calm them – something he would later employ during 9/11 evacuations. In the 1965 Vietnam battle, Rescorla sang the Australian version of "Wild Colonial Boy" to give confidence to his troops.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla's Vietnam War honors included the Silver Star, the Bronze Star with Oak Leaf Cluster, a Purple Heart and the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: He left active duty in 1967 and reached the rank of Colonel in the United States Army Reserve before retiring from the military in 1990. In April 2001, Rescorla was chosen for induction into the Infantry Officer Candidate School Hall of Fame and was invited to participate in ceremonies at Fort Benning.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: After service in Vietnam, Rescorla returned to the U.S. and used his military benefits to study creative writing at the University of Oklahoma, eventually earning a Bachelor of Arts degree, followed by a Master of Arts degree in English, and his law degree from the Oklahoma City University School of Law. He then moved to South Carolina, where he taught criminal justice at the University of South Carolina for three years and published a textbook on the subject.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla left teaching for higher-paying jobs in corporate security. Moving to New Jersey in 1985, he joined Dean Witter Reynolds at their offices at the World Trade Center in Manhattan.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: After the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, Rescorla worried about a terrorist attack on the World Trade Center. Because his old American friend from Northern Rhodesia, Daniel Hill, was trained in counterterrorism, in 1990, Rescorla asked him to visit the World Trade Center to assess its security. When Rescorla asked Hill how he would attack the building were he a terrorist, Hill asked to see the basement, and after the two walked down to the basement parking garage without being stopped by any visible security, Hill pointed to an easily accessible load-bearing column, and said, "This is a soft touch. I’d drive a truck full of explosives in here, walk out, and light it off." That year, Rescorla and Hill wrote a report to the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, which owns the site, insisting on the need for more security in the parking garage. Their recommendations, which would have been expensive to implement, were ignored, according to James B. Stewart's biography of Rescorla, "Heart of a Soldier". In the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, terrorists would detonate a truck bomb 30 feet from where Rescorla and Hill had predicted.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Following the 1993 bombing, Rescorla invited Hill to New York, where he hired him as a security consultant in order to analyze the building's security. Although no arrests had yet been made in the case, Rescorla suspected that the bomb had been planted by Muslim terrorists, probably Palestinians, or that an Iraqi colonel of engineers might have orchestrated the attack. Hill let his beard grow and visited several mosques in New Jersey, showing up for morning prayers at dawn. Speaking fluent Arabic, he took on the character of an anti-American Muslim in order to infiltrate and interview the other visitors to the mosques. He concluded that the attack was likely planned by a radical imam at a mosque in New York or New Jersey. Subsequently, followers of Sheikh Omar Abdel Rahman, a Brooklyn-based radical Muslim cleric, were convicted of the bombing.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla gained credibility and authority after the bombing, which resulted in a change to the culture of Morgan Stanley. Rescorla wanted the company out of the building because he continued to feel, as did Hill, that the World Trade Center was still a target for terrorists and that the next attack could involve a plane crashing into one of the towers. He recommended to his superiors at Morgan Stanley that the company leave Manhattan office space, mentioning that labor costs were lower in New Jersey and that the firm's employees and equipment would be safer in a proposed four-story building. However, this recommendation was not followed because the company's lease at the World Trade Center would not terminate until 2006. At Rescorla's insistence, all employees (including senior executives) then practiced emergency evacuations every three months.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: After Dean Witter merged with Morgan Stanley in 1997, the company eventually occupied 22 floors in the South Tower and several floors in a building nearby. Rescorla's office was on the South Tower’s 44th floor. Feeling that the authorities lost legitimacy after they failed to respond to his 1990 warnings, he concluded that employees of Morgan Stanley, which was the largest tenant in the World Trade Center, could not rely on first responders in an emergency and needed to empower themselves through surprise fire drills, in which he trained employees to meet in the hallway between stairwells and go down the stairs two by two to the 44th floor. Rescorla's strict approach to these drills put him into conflict with some high-powered executives, who resented the interruption to their daily activities, but he nonetheless insisted that these rehearsals were necessary to train the employees in the event of an emergency. He timed employees with a stopwatch when they moved too slowly and lectured them on fire emergency basics.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: In a 1998 interview conducted on the 44th floor of the World Trade Center that was later incorporated into the short film "Voice of the Prophet", which premiered at the 2002 Sundance Film Festival, Rescorla recounted his experiences in battle and warned that American military actions abroad could spur retaliation by enemies of the United States. He said, "Terrorist forces can tie up conventional forces and bring them to their knees. Just one man willing to give his life for what he believes in, chooses the time and place and there is no way that any soldiers can be 100% alert."


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla and Hill were also critical of the police response during the 1999 Columbine High School massacre, commenting, "The police were sitting outside while kids were getting killed. They should have put themselves between the perpetrators and the victims. That was abject cowardice." Rescorla felt that if he and Hill were younger, they "could have flown to Colorado, gone in that building, and ended that shit before the law did."


title: Rick Rescorla

text: At 8:46 A.M. on the morning of September 11, 2001, American Airlines Flight 11 struck the North Tower of the World Trade Center (WTC 1). Rescorla heard the explosion and saw the tower burning from his office window in the 44th floor of the South Tower (WTC 2). When a Port Authority announcement came over the P.A. system urging people to stay at their desks, and before United Airlines Flight 175 would strike the South Tower at 9:03 A.M., Rescorla ignored the announcement, grabbed his bullhorn, walkie-talkie and cell phone, and began systematically to order the roughly 2,700 Morgan Stanley employees in the South Tower to evacuate, in addition to the employees in WTC 5, numbering around 1,000. While watching the news coverage, in a phone call to his best friend, Dan Hill, Rescorla said, "The dumb sons of bitches told me not to evacuate," and, "They said it's just Building One. I told them I'm getting my people the fuck out of here." He directed people down a stairwell from a bottleneck on the 44th floor, keeping people away from elevators while telling them to remain calm.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla had boosted morale among his men in Vietnam by singing Cornish songs from his youth, and now he did the same in the stairwell, singing songs such as one based on the Welsh song "Men of Harlech":


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Between songs, Rescorla called his wife, telling her, "Stop crying. I have to get these people out safely. If something should happen to me, I want you to know I've never been happier. You made my life," and Susan replied, "You made my life, too" before the phone went dead. After successfully evacuating almost all of Morgan Stanley's 2,700 employees, he went back into the building. When one of his colleagues told him he too had to evacuate the World Trade Center, Rescorla replied, "As soon as I make sure everyone else is out." He was last seen on the 10th floor of the South Tower, heading upward, shortly before its collapse at 9:59 A.M., 56 minutes after being struck by United Airlines Flight 175. A total of 13 Morgan Stanley employees died in the September 11 attacks, including Rescorla, his deputies Wesley Mercer and Jorge Valezquez, and security guard Godwin Forde, who had collectively stayed behind to help others. Rescorla was declared dead three weeks after the attacks. Although medical examiners continued to identify victims of the attacks from recovered remains as late as September 2021, as of that date, none have been identified as those of Rescorla.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla and his first wife, Betsy Nathan, met as students at the University of Oklahoma. They married in Dallas in 1972. Their first child was born in South Carolina in 1976. Their second child was born in 1978, while they were living in Chicago. The family then moved to New Jersey. Rescorla and Nathan divorced after their children were grown.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: In 1994, Rescorla was diagnosed with prostate cancer and underwent surgery to remove his prostate. Initially, the prognosis was positive, but, by 1998, the cancer had spread to his bone marrow. He underwent treatment, which involved painful injections directly into his stomach every month and taking prescribed medications that dehydrated him and caused his body to swell. He also employed traditional Chinese medicine and meditation.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: In late July 1998, Rescorla met his second wife, Susan Greer, while jogging near her Morristown, New Jersey, home. She was an assistant to a dean at Fairleigh Dickinson University and a twice-divorced mother of three daughters. Rescorla had been living in the area to be near his children after his divorce. Susan first spoke to him to ask him why he was jogging barefoot, a practice common in Northern Rhodesia, where few natives wore shoes and which he had adopted out of curiosity. Rescorla also mentioned to Greer that he was writing a play, "Mkubwa Junction", which was set in Northern Rhodesia and based on his time there. The two moved into a Morristown townhouse together that October. They were married on February 20, 1999, in St. Augustine, Florida, where his longtime friend Daniel Hill had lived since 1975. Hill would serve as Rescorla's best man for the second time. Rescorla also chose St. Augustine because he wanted to be married somewhere near the sea, to remind him of his homeland of Cornwall. They later honeymooned in Hayle, Cornwall, in May 2000. During this time, Rescorla exhibited a positive outlook about his cancer.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla was fond of the food and the culture of the Portuguese community in Newark, New Jersey, and was learning to speak Portuguese, in addition to Arabic. He also was fascinated with the American West and was interested in experiencing the spiritual aspects of Amerindian culture. He and Susan participated in yoga, ballroom dancing and studying Italian together.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla was survived by his wife, Susan, his two children and his three stepdaughters by Susan. Rescorla had requested that he be cremated, and his ashes be strewn in Hayle. Having revered the eagle as a symbol of both American freedom and Native American mysticism, he had also told Susan that when he died he wanted her to contribute money to an endowment for eagles.


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Rescorla was uncomfortable about being portrayed as a war hero. Although he had given some interviews to his Vietnam commander, Harold Moore, for his 1992 book, "We Were Soldiers Once… And Young", Rescorla chose not to read it when he saw that its cover featured a combat photograph of him. When he learned that the book was being made into a film starring Mel Gibson, he told his wife Susan that he had no intention of seeing it, as he felt uncomfortable with anything that portrayed him or other survivors as war heroes, commenting, "The real heroes are dead."


title: Rick Rescorla

text: Nevertheless, Rescorla's activities during the September 11 attacks were quickly brought to national attention by the news media, including a detailed account by Michael Grunwald in the October 28, 2001 edition of "The Washington Post" of Rescorla's life and "epic death, one of those inspirational hero-tales that have sprouted like wildflowers from the Twin Towers rubble." Other memorials and tributes to Rescorla include:


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: Kussmaul breathing is a deep and labored breathing pattern often associated with severe metabolic acidosis, particularly diabetic ketoacidosis (DKA) but also kidney failure. It is a form of hyperventilation, which is any breathing pattern that reduces carbon dioxide in the blood due to increased rate or depth of respiration.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: In metabolic acidosis, breathing is first rapid and shallow but as acidosis worsens, breathing gradually becomes deep, labored and gasping. It is this latter type of breathing pattern that is referred to as Kussmaul breathing.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: Adolph Kussmaul, who introduced the term, referred to breathing when metabolic acidosis was sufficiently severe for the respiratory rate to be normal or reduced. This definition is also followed by several other sources, including for instance Merriam-Webster, which defines Kussmaul breathing as "abnormally slow deep respiration characteristic of air hunger and occurring especially in acidotic states". Other sources, however, use the term Kussmaul respiration also when acidosis is less severe, in which case breathing is rapid.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: Kussmaul breathing occurs only in advanced stages of acidosis, and is not commonly seen. Rapid, shallow breathing may be observed in less severe cases but Kussmaul breathing is a characteristic deep, gasping - even desperate - manner of respiratory distress. Occasionally, medical literature may refer to any abnormal breathing pattern in acidosis as Kussmaul breathing.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: Kussmaul breathing is named for Adolph Kussmaul, the 19th century German doctor who first noted it among patients with advanced diabetes mellitus. Kussmaul's sign is also an eponymous finding attributable to Kussmaul, and should be distinguished from Kussmaul breathing. He published his finding in a classic 1874 paper.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: Kussmaul breathing is respiratory compensation for a metabolic acidosis, most commonly occurring in diabetics in diabetic ketoacidosis. Blood gases of a patient with Kussmaul breathing will show a low partial pressure of CO in conjunction with low bicarbonate because of a forced increased respiration (blowing off the carbon dioxide). Base excess is severely negative. The patient feels an urge to breathe deeply, an "air hunger", and it appears almost involuntary.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: A metabolic acidosis soon produces hyperventilation, but at first it will tend to be rapid and relatively shallow. Kussmaul breathing develops as the acidosis grows more severe. Indeed, Kussmaul originally identified this type of breathing as a sign of coma and imminent death in diabetic patients.


title: Kussmaul breathing

text: Duration of fasting, presence or absence of liver enlargement and Kussmaul breathing provide clues to the differential diagnosis of high blood sugar in the inborn errors of metabolism.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodava people or Kodavas are an ethno-linguistic group from the region of Kodagu in the southern Indian state of Karnataka, who natively speak the Kodava language. They are traditionally land-owning agriculturists and patrilineal, with martial customs. Kodavas worship ancestors and weapons. They used to worship swords, bows, arrows and later guns. Hence, Kodavas are the only ones in India permitted to carry firearms without a license.


title: Kodava people

text: The words "Kodava" (the indigenous people, language and culture) and "Kodagu" (the land) come from the same root word 'Koda' of unknown meaning. Some claim it means 'hills', others say it means 'west' but both relate to the Western Ghats' location. Kodagu is called "Kodava Naad" in the native Kodava language. The word "Kodagu" was anglicized to "Coorgs" by the British Raj. For centuries, the Kodavas have lived in Kodagu cultivating paddy fields, maintaining cattle herds and coffee plantations, and carrying arms during war.


title: Kodava people

text: The Hindu Puranas (Kaveri Purana of Skanda Purana) claim that Chandra Varma, (lunar dynasty warrior) and son of Emperor of Matsya Desha, was the ancestor of the Kodavas. An ardent devotee of Goddess Mahalakshmi, he had gone on pilgrimage to several holy places all over India. Chandra Varma had a privy army who escorted him on his campaigns until he came into Kodagu(Coorg). Coorg, the source of the River Kaveri, was uninhabited jungle land when he arrived to settle here. Thereafter he became the first Raja of the Coorg principality. He had 11 sons, the eldest among them was Devakantha who later succeeded him as Raja. They were married to the daughters of the Raja of Vidarbha.


title: Kodava people

text: Historians agree that the Kodavas have lived in Kodagu for over a thousand years, hence they are the earliest agriculturists and probably the oldest settled inhabitants of the area.


title: Kodava people

text: The earliest mention about Coorg can be seen in the works those date back to the Sangam period. The Ezhimala dynasty had jurisdiction over two "Nadu"s - The coastal "Poozhinadu" and the hilly eastern "Karkanadu". According to the works of Sangam literature, "Poozhinadu" consisted much of the coastal belt between Mangalore and Kozhikode. "Karkanadu" consisted of Wayanad-Gudalur hilly region with parts of Kodagu (Coorg).


title: Kodava people

text: The Kadamba ruled North Karnataka along with Goa and parts of Maharashtra while the Gangas ruled South Karnataka and parts of Andhra and Tamil Nadu prior to 1000AD. The regions of Hassan, Kodagu (Coorg), Tulunad and Waynad were ruled between them. Later the cholas entered Karnataka to rule, but it was short lived. The Hoysalas succeeded them and ruled Southern Karnataka (including Tulunad and Coorg) and parts of Tamil Nadu. In the aftermath of the Delhi Sultanate invasion of South India (around 1319) the Vijaynagara Hindu Empire arose to rule South India until their downfall in the 16th century. From around 1600 until 1834 the Haleri Rajas ruled over Coorg.


title: Kodava people

text: Samadhis were built for army chief Biddanda Bopu, who was the commander-in-chief for the army of Dodda Vira Rajendra, and his son Biddanda Somaiah. On the samadhi of Biddanda Bopu, there is a plate carved in Kannada praising him for his bravery shown in the wars fought against Tipu Sultan.


title: Kodava people

text: In 1834 the last of the Haleri Rajas Chikka Vira Raja fell out of favour with the East India Company who then intervened by launching an invasion Kodagu. A short but bloody campaign occurred in which a number of British soldiers and officers were killed. Near Somwarpet where the Coorgs were led by Mathanda Appachu the resistance was most furious. But this Coorg campaign came to a quick end when the Raja sent his Diwan Apparanda Bopu to surrender to the British and lead them from Kushalnagar into Madikeri. Thereafter Kodagu was annexed by the British and the Raja was exiled. Apparanda Bopu and Cheppudira Ponnappa were retained as the Dewans of Coorg.


title: Kodava people

text: The so-called Coorg rebellion of 1837 actually occurred in Sulya which was separated from Coorg Province in 1834 and attached to South Canara district of Madras Province. Led by Guddemane Appaiah Gowda, and others it was not supported to Gowdas alone nor opposed by all Kodavas. "A large number of people from Coorg settled in Lower Coorg also participated in the revolt... There are no reliable sources which prove such a bitter hatred among the Coorgs and the Gowdas of Sullia." In fact, Kodavas from Nalkunadu led by Subedar Mandira Uthaiah (Nalknadu Uttu) and Subedar Nerpanda Madaiah, Subedar Kollira Achaiah, Chermandanda Subbaiah and Subedar Cheeyakpoovanda Devaiaha actively participated in the revolt.


title: Kodava people

text: A British officer, Colonel Green, entered Mangalore by ship from Kannur. A detachment of troops under his command participated in numerous battles against Coorg forces. The two Coorg Diwans Apparanda Bopu and Cheppudira Ponnappa were great diplomats. Apparanda Bopu was first suspected by the British who first wanted to throw him into jail. But the two stopped Col Green and convinced the British to spare the lives of Kedambadi Rame Gowda, Chetty Kudiya, Mandira Uthaiah, Shantheyanda Mallayya, Subedar Nerpanda Madaiah and Subedar Kollira Achaiah and other rebel leaders. However they were unable to save all the leaders. In this manner all the Lingayats, Gowdas, Kodavas, Bunts and others who survived have to thank the two Coorg Diwans for convincing the British not to execute them.


title: Kodava people

text: During the period of British rule, Coorgs entered politics, government service, medicine, education, and law. Under British protection, Kodagu became a State with nominal independence (Coorg State). The British recognised the exceptional martial abilities of the Kodavas and used them in the Indian Army. Many Kodavas fought in the two World Wars. Dewan Bahadur Ketolira Chengappa was the last Chief Commissioner of Coorg in 1947. In 1950 Coorg was recognised as one of 27 different states of the Indian Union but in 1956 the state of Coorg was merged into Mysore (now Karnataka).


title: Kodava people

text: There were many freedom fighters among the Kodavas as well, like Iynanda P. Kariappa, who was a leader of the INC and was sent to Delhi Jail by the British, he later on became the first MLA of Coorg State, and was also the District board President. Pandyanda Belliappa (Kodagu's Gandhi), Kollimada C. Carumbaiah, C.M. Poonacha, Chekkera Monnaiah, Mallengada Chengappa, Ajjikuttira Chinnappa, Ponnimada Machaiah, Kalengada Chinnappa, Chokira Madappa, Pandikanda Madappa, Kotera Accavva, Balyatanda Muddavva, Mukkatira Bojamma, Machimanda Medakka, Appanderanda Kalamma and others. It is noteworthy that there was an army of freedom fighters from the Kodava community such as Puliyanda Subbaiah from Maggula village.


title: Kodava people

text: A Kodava woman is called Kodavathi Kodavas have distinctive dresses, the men wearing wraparound robes called the Kupya (now only seen at ceremonial occasions), and the women with a distinctive style of wearing the sari. The Kodava woman wears a sari with the pleats at the back and the loose end pinned at the right shoulder. The men have many distinctive practices such as carrying ceremonial knives, and martial war dances.


title: Kodava people

text: Boiled rice (koolu) is a staple food of the Kodavas for lunch and dinner. Coconut, jackfruit, plantain, mango, and other fruits and vegetables are widely used. Ghee is used in well-to-do families and on festive occasions. Rice in the form of Kanji or Koolu was served at meals along with curries and other additional dishes during olden days. Non-vegetarian food was not objectionable and alcoholic drinks as a rule weren't prohibited. Pork, chicken, and river fish are commonly consumed as also are varieties of game meat. Pork is a common dish at many households and the famous Kodava 'Pandhi Curry' (which is almost deep Brown in color due to the use of garcinia cambogia vinegar called Kachumpuli) is served along with 'Kadumbuttu'(steamed rice balls). Sweet dishes like akki payasa are prepared during festive occasions. Other special dishes include otti (rice roti), paaputtu, thaliya putt (similar to idli), noolputtu (rice noodles) served with traditional Coorg chicken curry dominated by coconut and other masala, bymbale (bamboo shoots), wild mushrooms, various leafy vegetables, ferns, crabs, thambuttu (a sweet specially prepared during their harvest festival called puthari), raw mango curry, tender jackfruit curry, jackfruit seeds curry, traditional sauce,etc.


title: Kodava people

text: Kodava settlements in Coorg are in the form of Okka family groups that are scattered across agricultural and forested holdings, where traditional Ainmane houses form focal meeting points in the rural landscape. The emergence of townships, as such, has been a relatively recent phenomenon and many of the main towns in Kodagu are inhabited by recent migrants and non-Kodavas.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodavas enjoyed equal status with the Nairs, Bunts, Vokkaligas and Vellalas in the Hindu caste system.


title: Kodava people

text: Kodava festivities center around their agriculture and military tradition. Originally most of their lives were spent in the field: cultivating, harvesting and guarding their fields from the depredations of wild animals, or otherwise they were either waging war or hunting for game.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodavas began to celebrate a few Hindu festivals such as Ugadi, Ayudha Puja (Dasara, also called Navratri, Vijaydashami, Durga Puja or Dussehra) and Mahashivaratri under the Haleri Rajas(1602–1834).


title: Kodava people

text: However Kodavas traditionally celebrate the following three main festivals peculiar to Kodagu alone (two are cultural and one religious) - Kail Poldh, Kaveri Changrandi (Tula Sankramana) and Puthari.


title: Kodava people

text: Few more small festivals celebrated within the family groups are Karana Kodupo ( offerings to the 'Guru Karana' the main ancestor of the family & feasting), Pasanamurthy Therre Kattuva(offerings to god pasanamurthy), etc.,


title: Kodava people

text: The Naad namme (village festival) varying from village to village this festival runs for a week of time in some places and a minimum of three days in some villages, some parts call this festival as Boad Namme where each day will have its own type celebrations like a group of men and children dressing up in different attires like tiger, women, various themes and bands and do a procession overnight to all the houses in the village entertaining the villagers (some places people offer money to these groups) and later next day they all go to a holy lake near the Oor Devastana (village temple) usually located in Deva kaad (god's forest) take bath, change their attire & take blessings of God in temple. These days are followed by poojas and food offerings in temple (veg food). In some places, non veg food is also served outside the temple to villagers at the end of the festival. This is celebrated every year in all the parts of Kodagu, some places celebrate once in two years.


title: Kodava people

text: Kail Poldh is celebrated on 3 September. Officially, the festival begins on the 18th day after the sun enters the Simha Raasi (the Western sign of Leo). Kail means weapon or armoury and Poldh means festival. The day signifies the completion of "naati" - meaning the transplantation of the rice (paddy) crop. The festival signifies the day when men should prepare to guard their crop from wild boars and other animals, since during the preceding months, in which the family were engaged in the fields, all weapons were normally deposited in the "Kanni Kombare", or the prayer room.


title: Kodava people

text: Hence on the day of Kailpoldu, the weapons are taken out of the Pooja room, cleaned and decorated with flowers. They are then kept in the "Nellakki Nadubade", the central hall of the house and the place of community worship. Each member of the family has a bath, after which they worship the weapons. Feasting and drinking follow. The eldest member of the family hands a gun to the senior member of the family, signifying the commencement of the festivities. The Menu for the day is Kadumbutte (steamed rice balls) and Pandhi Curry (Pork Curry) and Alcoholic beverages are also served.


title: Kodava people

text: The whole family assembles in the "Mand" (open ground), where physical contests and sports, including marksmanship, are conducted. In the past the hunting and cooking of wild game was part of the celebration, but today shooting skills are tested by firing at a coconut tied onto the branch of a tall tree. Traditional rural sports, like grabbing a coconut from the hands of a group of 8–10 people (thenge porata), throwing a stone the size of a cricket ball at a coconut from a distance of 10–15 paces (thenge eed), lifting a stone ball of 30–40 cm lying at one's feet and throwing it backwards over the shoulders, etc., are now conducted in community groups called Kodava Samajas in towns and cities.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kaveri Sankramana festival normally takes place in mid-October. It is associated with the river Kaveri, which flows through the district from its source at Talakaveri. At a predetermined time, when the sun enters Tula Rasi (Tula sankramana), a fountain from a small tank fills the larger holy tank at Talakaveri. Thousands of people gather to dip in this holy water. The water is collected in bottles and reaches every home throughout Kodagu. This holy water is called Theertha, and is preserved in all Kodava homes. A spoonful of this water is fed to the dying, in the belief that they will attain "moksha" (spiritual emancipation) and gain entry to heaven.


title: Kodava people

text: On this day, married women wearing new silk saris perform "puja" to a vegetable, symbolising the goddess Kaveri. The vegetable is usually a cucumber or a coconut, wrapped in a piece of red silk cloth and decorated with flowers and jewels (mainly 'Pathak' (Kodava Mangalasuthra)). This is called the Kanni Puje. The word Kanni denotes the goddess Parvati, who incarnated as Kaveri. Three sets of betel leaves and areca nut are kept in front of the goddess with bunches of glass bangles. All the members of the family pray to the goddess by throwing rice and prostrating themselves before the image.


title: Kodava people

text: The elder members of the family ceremonially bless the younger. An older married woman then draws water from the well and starts cooking. The menu of the day is dosa and vegetable curry (usually sweet pumpkin curry (kumbala kari) ) and payasa. Nothing but vegetarian food is cooked on this day, and this is the only festival which is strictly vegetarian. Alcohol is prohibited. The Kaveri cult has its center and origin in Kodagu. It is only those Kodava rites associated with the river Kaveri that are Brahmanical in influence.


title: Kodava people

text: Puttari (pudiya ari) means "new rice" and is the rice harvest festival. This takes place in late November or early December and is always on the night of a full moon. Celebrations and preparations for this festival start a week in advance by all family members cleaning up the entire house and surroundings, painting the house (whitewash in olden days).


title: Kodava people

text: On the day of Puttari, the whole family assembles and all the ancestral homes (ain mane) and houses are decorated with marigold flowers and green mango leaves. Specific foods are prepared: thambuttu (a sweet made with ripe bananas and roasted rice flour), kadambutt pandhi curi and also a special food of yam and jaggery water with coconut which is eaten before going to the field. All food prepared is first offered to the ancestors (meedi) before the family eats.


title: Kodava people

text: Then the eldest member of the family hands a sickle to the head of the family and one of the women leads a procession to the paddy fields with a lit lamp in her hands. A gun is fired to mark the beginning of the harvest, with chanting of "Poli Poli Deva" (may the Gods grant bountious harvests) by all present. Then the symbolic harvesting of the crop begins. The paddy is cut and stacked and tied in sheaves that are then carried home to be offered to the gods. The sheaves are attached over the front door and the main lamp in the home to mark the generosity of the gods and attract a good harvest in the following season.


title: Kodava people

text: The younger generation then lite fire crackers and revel, symbolising prosperity. Groups of youngsters visit neighboring houses to celebrate and are given monetary gifts. A week later, this money is pooled and the entire village celebrates a communal dinner. All family members gather for this meal. Dinner normally consists of meat dishes, such as pork, and mutton curry. Alcoholic beverages are also served at such feasts in Coorg.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodavas have a local trinity comprising the "Kuladevi" (patron goddess) Kaveri, "Maguru" (chief preceptor) Igguthappa and "Guru Karana" (revered common ancestor). The Kodavas of Kodagu are polytheist Hindus who believe in reincarnation, revere the cow and originally worshipped the natural elements and their ancestors. Their chief deities are Bhagwathi (Lakshmi), Mahadeva (Shiva), Bhadrakali (a form of Parvati as Kali), Muthappa and Aiyappa.


title: Kodava people

text: Igguthappa, the most important local God, is an incarnation of Lord Subramani, the God of snakes, rain, harvest and rice (Incidentally, the famous Kukke Subramani temple located near Kodagu is dedicated to snakes, hence Subramani is the God of snakes despite the misconception that his carrier, the peacock, which eats grains and insects, is wrongly believed to kill and eat snakes). The reverence of various spirits in addition to the established gods of Hinduism is also part of their religion. This is similar to the bhuta aradhana of Tulunad. There are many spirits worshipped in Kodagu. The Kodavas also practised snake worship. Consumption of soma (liquor) and pork is permitted,


title: Kodava people

text: They maintained sacred groves on their public village lands from ancient times, hunting and cutting trees was prohibited in these woods called the Devakadu. However these days the government and private speculative land buyers have acquired these sacred groves and converted them into farms for monetary gains and with disrespect towards native religious feelings. The Kodavas believe in astrology as well.


title: Kodava people

text: On their ancestral clan lands they have a shrine (Kaimada), which is the shrine of the clan's first ancestor (Guru Karana - Karana). The spirits of departed souls who were prominent figures in the community and had done good deeds while they were alive were worshipped. These spirit gods do not have a set form of physical representation. Symbolically a piece of rock is sanctified and considered as such a spirit deity. A number of weapons, made of wood or metal, are kept in the Kaimadas. Every year, members of each family get together to remember the 'Karana's of their family and give offerings (similar to Ofrenda).


title: Kodava people

text: Each village had a Bhagwathi, each lane had a snake deity and each nad(region) had an Aiyappa. The Kodavas worshipped Mahadeva as well. Some of the main shrines of the Kodavas are the temples of Talakaveri, Bhagamandala, Padi Igguthappa, Peggala (Heggala), Kakot Parambu and Bythoor. The Kodavas also revere and visit the shrines of Kukke Subramanya and Dharmasthala Manjunatha in Tulunad.


title: Kodava people

text: The word Kodakar was the Malayalam word for a Kodava, and it comes from the word "Kodag-kara". The ancient Kodavas of Kodagu had land trade with Northern Malabar, especially with Thalassery (Tellicherry) port on the coast, and would also go on regular pilgrimage to the temples of the region. Devotees from Kodagu were, and still are, frequent visitors to the temples of Kannur and Waynad (districts of North Kerala). These temples are in places like Baithur or Bythoor (Vayathur and Ulikkal), Payyavoor, Parassinikkadavu, Thirunelli, Kanjirath, Nileshwar and Payyanur. Also the Nambima (Namboothiri) priests of North Malabar traditionally served as the temple priests in the temples of Kodagu. The folk songs of the Kodavas speak of the temple deities having originated in North Malabar. These folk songs while talking of Kodagu and its people also mention the temple regions as well as the Thiyyar, Nambiya (Nambiar), the Nambima (Namboothiri) and the Nayamma (the Kodava word for Nair - in Malayalam Nayanmmar means Nairs) people of Northern Malabar.


title: Kodava people

text: Baithurappa (Bythoorappa) is a chief deity of the Kodavas. The Puggera family of Kodavas were hereditary temple managers at the Bythoor (Vayathur, in Kerala and near Karnataka's Kodagu border) temple which was in the dominion of the Mannanar raja, who like the Kolathiri (Chera Raja) was an ally of the Kodavas. Every year Kodavas from Southern Kodagu pilgrimage to this place. Likewise the Bovverianda and the Mundiolanda families of Kodavas were the hereditary temple managers at the Payyavur temple which was under the Kolathiri (Chera) kings. This is because a few of the Kodavas lived in North Malabar in the Taliparamba (ancient capital of the Cheras) region in the ancient past and fought on their side as mercenary soldiers.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodavas revered weapons, such as guns and the traditional sword and dagger, which are essential for their ceremonial purposes and in accordance to their religious and cultural customs. The Kodavas stood guard at the Mysore, Mangalore and Malabar boundary posts. The support of the Kodagu native police, army and offices, held by Jamma ryots (native militia farmers, also called jamma tenure-holders), who were mostly Kodavas while including people from a few other communities as well, exempted the Kodavas from the 1861 Indian Arms Act. The 1878 Indian Arms Act listed among those groups of persons not restricted by the Act: "all persons of Kodava race, and all jumma tenure-holders in Coorg who by their tenures are liable for police and military duties."


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodava language, called Kodava takk, is an independent and has quite a few words from languages of neighboring states as well as from Kannada. Kodava takk similarity in accent and pronunciation with that of Beary bashe, a dialect spoken by Bearys of Coastal Karnataka.


title: Kodava people

text: Family histories, rituals and other records were scripted on palm leaves by astrologers. These ancient, scripted leaves called Pattole (patt=palm, ole=leaf) are still preserved at Kodava Ainmanes. Appaneravanda Hardas Appachcha Kavi and Nadikerianda Chinnappa are the two important poets and writers of Kodava language. The Pattole Palame, a collection of Kodava folksongs and traditions compiled in the early 1900s by Nadikerianda Chinnappa, was first published in 1924. The most important Kodava literature, it is said to be one of the earliest, if not the earliest, collection of the folklore of a community in an Indian language. The fourth edition of the Pattole Palame was published in 2002 by the Karnataka Kodava Sahitya Academy. Nearly two-thirds of the book consists of folksongs that were handed down orally through generations. Many of these songs are sung even today during marriage and death ceremonies, during our festivals relating to the seasons and during festivals in honour of local deities and heroes. Traditionally known as Balo Pat, these songs are sung by four men who beat dudis (drums) as they sing. The songs have haunting melodies and evoke memories of times long past. Kodava folk dances are performed to the beat of many of these songs. The Pattole Palame was written using the Kannada script originally; it has been translated into English by Boverianda Nanjamma and Chinnappa, grandchildren of Nadikerianda Chinnappa, and has been published by Rupa & Co., New Delhi.


title: Kodava people

text: Kodava people are the native speakers of Kodava language are origins of district of Kodagu. As per 1991 census, the speakers of Kodava Takk make up to 0.25% of the total population of the Karnataka state. According to "Karnataka Kodava Sahitya Academy", apart from Kodavas, 18 other ethnic groups speak Kodava Takk in and outside the district including Amma Kodavas, Kodava Heggade, Iri, Koyava, Banna, Madivala, Hajama, Kembatti, and Meda. Though the language has no script, recently a German linguist by name Gregg M. Cox developed a new writing system for the language known as the "Coorgi-Cox alphabet", used by a number of individuals within Kodagu. Some films are also produced in this language portraying the tradition, culture and nativity of the Kodavas. Kodava Cinema industry is very small and in the year 1972 first Kodava film was produced named 'Nada Mann Nada Kool' directed by S.R.Rajan (1972).


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodavas revered nature and their ancestors they formerly hunted for sport, the Kodavas would even conduct ceremonies symbolically uniting in marriage the spirits of killed tigers with the spirit of the hunter, highlighting the intimate relationship between Kodava culture and the wildlife living in their forest realm. Sacred groves, known as devarakadu (devara = God's and kadu = forest), continue to be maintained in their natural state amongst the coffee plantations since the time of the Rajas. Each village has at least one devarakadu, which is believed to be an abode of the gods, with strict laws and taboos against poaching and felling of trees. These groves are also an important storehouse of biodiversity in the district.


title: Kodava people

text: A system of land tenure, known as Jamma (privileged tenureship), was formerly instituted in Kodagu during the pre-colonial Paleri Dynasty of the Lingayat Rajas. Jamma agricultural lands were held almost exclusively by Kodavas as a hereditary right, and were both indivisible and inalienable. Importantly, rights over the adjacent uncultivated woods (bane) were also attached to Jamma tenure, such that relatively expansive agricultural-forestry estates have remained intact across Kodagu. The exclusion of plantation crops, such as coffee, from India's Land Ceiling Act has further insulated these holdings from post independence land reform efforts across India. Importantly, rights over the adjacent forests (bane) were also attached to Jamma tenure, such that relatively expansive agricultural-forestry estates have remained intact across Kodagu. A unique feature of Jamma tenure is that tree rights remained with the Rajas, and were subsequently transferred to the colonial and post-independence governments and remains an import determinant of land use practices in the district.


title: Kodava people

text: Coffee cultivatuion is widely believed to have been introduced in the western ghats from the Yemeni port of Mocha by the Muslim saint, Baba Budan, in the 16th century and some time after its introduction, coffee cultivation was embraced by the Kodavas in western Karnataka. Following the British annexation of Kodagu in 1834, large numbers of European planters began settling in the forested mountains to cultivate coffee, dramatically changing the economic and environmental management structures of Kodava society. Today, more than one third of India's coffee is grown in Kodagu district, making it the most important coffee growing district in India, the world's fifth largest coffee-producing country.


title: Kodava people

text: Throughout the medieval period and until well into the 19th century, the Kodavas had a pre-eminent role in Kodagu. By the middle of the 19th century, however, this dominance started waning. British individuals bought large stretches of land in Coorg and founded plantations. Institutions like the joint family system began to disappear. A number of socio-religious reform movements in India took shape from the 1800s. The Kodavas also felt the need for reform in response to such changes. The sense of decline gave an impetus to the spirit of reform that expressed itself in the work of religious men like Sadguru Appayya Swami. Trouble arose for the community during the post-colonial years, after the Land Reform Act enacted in 1974. Many large land owners lost their lands to the tenants (land to the tiller) and the socio-economic structure of the prominent community of Kodavas changed irreversibly. These Land reforms led to massive loss of land-ownership by the Kodava gentry who were relegated to poverty overnight. The decline of Kodava dominance was however tempered by their conversion through the 20th century to the academic and professional classes and their dominance in Kodagu politics.


title: Kodava people

text: Efforts by community leaders have brought together all Kodava groups the world over under an umbrella " Federation of Kodava Samajas". It is a federation of about 27 Kodava Samajas and is headquartered at Balagodu, Virajpet Taluk, Kodagu District.


title: Kodava people

text: The foundation of the Coorg Association (predecessor of the Bangalore Kodava Samaj) was laid in Bangalore, in 1912. The Kodava Samaja (R), Bangalore is an organisation created for the traditional and cultural conservation, social well-being and welfare of the Kodava community. It is headquartered at Vasanthnagar in the city of Bangalore in Karnataka State, India. Expatriate Kodavas both in other states of India as well as in countries other than India have formed Kodava Samajas (Kodava Associations) in their states and countries of domicile. Examples are the Bangalore Kodava Samaja (already mentioned) with 33 branches in Bangalore City, the Mysore Kodava Samaja, the Canadian Kodavas in North America and the Muscat Kodavas of Oman. These associations of non-Kodagu origin retain the cultural uniqueness of the Kodavas at the same time adapting many practices to the times and country of their adoption. Lately, some organisations including the "Codava National Council (CNC)" and "Kodava Rashtriya Samiti" are demanding Kodava homeland status and autonomy to Kodagu district. The population of the Kodavas is around 1.5 lakh (150,000).


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodava community numbers about one-fifth out of a total population of over 500,000, in Kodagu. Many Kodava people have migrated to areas outside Kodagu, to other Indian cities and regions, predominantly to Bangalore, Mysore, Mangalore, Ooty, Chennai, Mumbai, Kerala, Hyderabad and Delhi for better job prospects. A few of them have now migrated outside India to foreign countries, like North America (the US and Canada), the Middle East (especially Dubai in UAE and Muscat in Oman), the UK and Australia (especially to Sydney where they are prominent members in the financial industry as well as contributing to the health industry).


title: Kodava people

text: Besides the Kodavas there were other indigenous people who followed the same culture and spoke the same Kodava language. One of them, the Amma Kodavas, were believed to be the original priests' at all important temples in Coorg including temples of Talakaveri, Igguthappa and Irupu. The religious customs and practices of the hill people of Coorg gradually and subtly began to be influenced by the Brahmin practises and rituals. The role of the Coorg priest, via: Amma Kodavas declined and that of the Brahmin priest increased. In due course, the Amma Kodavas had no role to play in the religious aspects of the people of Coorg.


title: Kodava people

text: The loss of this important role earned some powerful Brahmin sympathisers, one of whom was a Havyaka Brahmin Thimmapaya, who had a large following of Amma Kodavas. During the later part of the 19th century, it appears that an attempt was made for assimilating the Amma Kodavas into the Brahmin fold. One batch of Amma Kodavas performed the rites to wear the sacred thread. Another batch is reported to have done so early in the 20th Century. Both these batches were assigned the Gothra names of their Brahmin patrons. The process of assimilation did not move any further. Today, many of the Amma Kodavas wear the sacred thread, a large number of them performing the rites a day before marriage (not after puberty, as done by the mainstream Brahmins). There are as many, who do not wear the sacred thread. Some of the Amma Kodavas do not have gotras assigned to them. They are vegetarians and endogamous. However, all other social activities such as marriage, dress and festivals are similar to the Kodavas.


title: Kodava people

text: Kodagu Brahmin people have been residing in Coorg since the haleri dynasty. They have been said to have migrated during that period from the South Canarese area. Their prime occupation was to perform rituals and were Archakas in the temples of Kodagu. Kodagu Brahmins celebrate kodava festivals such as puthari, kaveri sankramana but not kailpodh. They are pure vegetarians and wear the sacred thread. They speak Kannada, Havigannada or Havyaka or Tulu. follow kodava customs to an extent. They have clan system as well like the others some of them are, 'Cukkemane', 'Doddmane', 'Makkimane', 'Paremane', 'Kirumakki mane', 'Narasajjanamane', ' Kadangamakki mane', 'Nooroklunaadumane', 'Mottemane' , Mooterimane and many more. They worship spirits or'theray' and ancestors as well. They perform a ritual at every year end called "Bhandaara pooje" when all the clan members unite for the event.They have 'gothras' assigned just like the amma kodavas. Currently they have settled in bigger cities and even abroad for better occupations. They are also coffee planters and have made a mark in the military and defense services. Being a part of kodava society for many ages they are equipped with weapons i.e. 'thok' or 'kovi' and are used efficiently.They have local cuisines as well like thambuli, majjigehuli, kanile palya, pathrode, akki rotti etc. Jewelry includes 'kaasina maale' 'havaladasara', kadaga (coorg kada), or 'muttina sara'and 'thaali'. Their thaali is not 'kokke thaathi' . The original Bhrahmins of Kodagu are the Havyaka, Shivalli, Madhva or Smartha or any other type of Bhrahmins who migrated to this region under various dynastis. A major group of Brahmins are said to have migrated from Haleri during the time of Chola dynasty. These Brahmins can mostly be traced to have roots with Iyers. Although they have been residents of Kodagu, none of their mother tongue has never been 'Kodava thak', although some of them may know the language to converse.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodagu Heggades are another of these indigenous castes of Coorg although originally they were believed to have come from North Malabar. They have around 100 family names. They follow the Kodava habits and customs, dress like other Kodavas and speak Kodava Takk. The Kodagu Heggades and the Amma Kodavas are similar to the Kodavas and hence might have been related to them in the ancient past.


title: Kodava people

text: Kodava Maaple is a Muslim community residing in Kodagu district of Karnataka State in southern India. In Coorg many Kodavas were converted into Islam during the rule of Tippu Sultan in Coorg. They are called the 'Kodava Maaple' or 'Jamma Maaples' ( not to be confused with the Kerala Mappillas). However some of the Kodava Maaples have married with the Kerala Mappilas and Mangalore Bearys. They contract marriage alliances with the Muslims of Coorg, Mangalore and Kerala. The Kodava Maaples belong to Sunni Islam, refrain from alcohol and eat only Halal. They maintained their original Kodava clan names and dress habits and spoke Coorg language although now they do follow some Kerala Muslim and Beary customs also.


title: Kodava people

text: These include communities such as, kodava thiyya, kodava Nair, kodava Koleya, kodava Airi, kodava Malekudiya, kodava Meda, kodava Kembatti, kodava Kapala, kodava Kavadi, kodava Kolla, kodava Koyava, kodava Banna, kodava Golla, kodavaKanya, kodava Maleya and others. . and they culturally ingrained themselves in the Kodava Society. They speak Kodava takk and follow the Kodava customs and habits t.


title: Kodava people

text: (Kodagu, Dakshina Kannada Gowda) communities, as their name indicates, hail mostly from those districts before the British period Amara sullia and puttur wa under coorg . Originally they are the migrants from Ikkeri (Keladi) Maha Samsthana (present Shimoga, Chikka Magaluru and Hassan Districts). They were originally Natha Pantha and Shivaites owing allegiance to Kigga and Sringeri Matha. Later Emperor Vishnuvardhana's rule they became Vaishnavites and worship 'Tirupati Timmappa' (Balaji of Thirupati) and 'Sabbakka' (Sharada of Sringeri). They are also called Tuluva Gowdas as they spoke Tulu when they came from Ikkeri, later in the Haleri kingdom, and settled the Mangalore-Udupi (Dakshina Kannada-Udupi) region. They now speak the Are Bhashe or Gowda Kannada dialect of Tulu and Kannada. They are said to have 10 Kutumba and 18 Balis as their primordial root families, from which arose around a Nooru Mane or hundred families. In Kodagu, there were quite a few families settled in Kodagu from the time of Lingayat King of Coorg, Rev. G. Richter, in Gazetteer of Coorg (1870) lists them as Tulu Gowdas (Vokkaligas in Kodagu are residents of yelusaviraseeme taluk from immemorial.


title: Kodava people

text: Around 2000, some of the Kodava language speakers were included in the Other Backward Classes list of Karnataka. The Kodavas were listed as "Kodagaru" under the "Category III A" of the Other Backwards Caste (OBC) List of Karnataka State Government. The Coorg National Council had appealed to the State Government to correct this and mention them as Kodavas and to include them in the "Central Government Other Backward Castes (OBC) List". Among the other castes included in the "Category III A" of the State OBC List are the Kodagu Gowda (Gowda).


title: Kodava people

text: The Amma Kodava, the Kodagu Banna and the Kodagu Heggade have been included under the "Category II A" of the "State OBC" list, while the Kodagu Kapala have been included under "Category I A" of the State OBC List. All four have been included in the "Central Government Other Backward Castes (OBC) List".


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodavas have contributed immensely towards the growth of the Indian nation, despite them being in small numbers. Their most significant contributions are in the armed forces and in sports. Originally being land-owning militiamen farmers from Kodagu, hence their traditional twin occupations were as agriculturists and as soldiers.


title: Kodava people

text: The Kodava ancestors grew paddy and plantation crops like bananas and pepper, their descendants are now into coffee cultivation. The distinguished among them had been local chieftains, palace officials, officers of the Raja's army and brave battle veterans, therefore invariably having attained fame in either government service or in the local army.


title: Kodava people

text: Many Kodavas joined the Indian armed forces both as officers and as servicemen. They distinguished themselves in times of war and peace, army-men are still shown the most respect in Kodagu (Coorg). Quite a number of Kodavas have been martyred on enemy frontiers. Many Kodavas participated in the two World Wars before Indian Independence and in the wars against China and Pakistan after 1947.


title: Kodava people

text: Field Marshal Cariappa of the Rajput Regiment and General Thimayya of the Kumaon Regiment were the most distinguished army-men among the Kodavas. Many other Kodavas have been made Lt. Generals, Major Generals, Brigadiers and Air Marshals. Lt. General A. C. Iyappa (or Apparanda Aiyappa) is best remembered for his contributions towards the Corps of Signals and towards Bharat Electronics Limited. There were several war heroes as well such as Nadikerianda Bheemaiah, a JCO who was awarded the Vir Chakra for conspicuous bravery in J&K Operations in 1947, Air Marshal Cheppudira D Subbaia who was a fighter pilot during WW II and was awarded the Vir Chakra and the PVSM, Squadron Leader Ajjamada B Devaiah, (known as the 'wings of fire') another fighter pilot was awarded the Maha Vir Chakra after he shot down an enemy aircraft and died in Pakistan during the 1965 Indo Pak War, Major Ganapathi Puttichanda Somiah, (known as the 'Major who kept his cool') awarded the Maha Vir Chakra, during the Indian Intervention in Sri Lanka, Major Ranjan Chengappa, Shaurya Chakra Awardee who was in Congo for UN mission as part of a peace keeping force, Col Chembanda M Thimanna, awarded the Shaurya Chakra for bravery in counter insurgency operations, Major Chottangada Ganesh Madappa, was awarded Shaurya Chakra posthumously in 1996, Squadron Leader Mandepanda Appachu Ganapathy, awarded the Vir Chakra in 1972 (when as a Flight Lieutenant he shot down Pakistani Sabre Jets). Major (now Retd Maj Gen) K P Nanjappa was awarded the Vir Chakra in 1971.


title: Kodava people

text: There was a separate Coorg regiment (now forming a unit of the Indian Regiment of Artillery, this unit being called the 37 (Coorg) Anti-Tank Regiment RIA) which largely included people from non-Kodava backgrounds while the Kodavas themselves served in different other regiments; this is in keeping with the army's non-bias policy according to which people were recruited in regiments other than those belonging to their region and community of birth.


title: Kodava people

text: Kodavas have a long history of association with the game of field hockey. The district of Kodagu is considered as the "cradle of Indian hockey".