title: Agave syrup

text: Agave syrup, also known as maguey syrup or agave nectar, is a sweetener commercially produced from several species of agave, including "Agave tequilana" (blue agave) and "Agave salmiana". Blue-agave syrup contains 56% fructose as a sugar providing sweetening properties.


title: Agave syrup

text: To produce agave syrup from the "Agave americana" and "A. tequilana" plants, the leaves are cut off the plant after it has been growing for seven to fourteen years. The juice is then extracted from the core of the agave, called the "piña". The juice is filtered, then heated to break the complex components (the polysaccharides) into simple sugars. The main polysaccharide is called fructan, a polymer of fructose molecules. This filtered juice is then concentrated to a syrupy liquid, slightly thinner than honey. Its color varies from light to dark amber, depending on the degree of processing.


title: Agave syrup

text: "Agave salmiana" is processed differently from "Agave tequiliana". As the plant develops, it starts to grow a stalk called a "quiote". The stalk is cut off before it fully grows, creating a hole in the center of the plant that fills with a liquid called "aguamiel". The liquid is collected daily. The liquid is then heated, breaking down its complex components into fructose, glucose, and sucrose, and preventing it from fermenting into pulque.


title: Agave syrup

text: An alternative method used to process the agave juice without heat is described in a United States patent for a process that uses enzymes derived from the mold "Aspergillus niger" to convert the inulin-rich extract into fructose. In slightly greater detail, the polyfructose extract obtained from the mashed agave pulp is hydrolyzed via a chemical process patented in 1998, with inulin enzymes (obtained from "Aspergillus niger"), to produce a hydrolyzed fructose extract. Concentrating the fructose yields the familiar syrup. Agave syrup (nectar) is listed on the inventory of foods generally recognized as safe (GRAS) by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration.


title: Agave syrup

text: The carbohydrate composition in agave syrup depends on the species from which the syrup was made. In "A. tequilana" (blue agave), the syrup contains some 56% to 60% fructose, 20% glucose, and trace amounts of sucrose, whereas in "A. salmiana", sucrose is the main sugar. Fructose molecules in "A. tequilana" syrup chain together to create fructans and fructooligosaccharides, which have sweetening effects.


title: Agave syrup

text: Blue-agave syrup is 1.4 to 1.6 times as sweet as sugar, and may be substituted for sugar in recipes. Because it comes from a plant, it is widely utilized as an alternative to honey for those following a vegan lifestyle, and is often added to some breakfast cereals as a binding agent. The specific strain known as blue agave syrup is not recommended for people with fructose intolerance.


title: Agave syrup

text: Agave syrups are sold in light, amber, dark, and raw varieties. Light agave syrup has a mild and almost neutral flavor, and is therefore sometimes used in delicate-tasting dishes and beverages. Amber agave syrup has a medium-intensity caramel flavor, and is used in dishes and drinks with stronger flavors. Dark agave syrup has even stronger caramel notes and imparts a distinct flavor to dishes, being used in some desserts, poultry, meat, and seafood dishes. Both amber and dark agave syrups are sometimes used "straight out of the bottle" as a topping for pancakes, waffles, and French toast. The dark version is unfiltered and therefore contains a higher concentration of the agave plant's minerals.


title: Agave syrup

text: In a 100-gram reference amount, blue-agave syrup supplies of food energy and is a moderate source of vitamin C and several B vitamins (table). It is composed of 76% carbohydrates, 23% water, 0.4% fat, and negligible protein.


title: Agave syrup

text: Having fructose as its primary sugar, blue-agave syrup (56% fructose) is similar in fructose content to high-fructose corn syrup (55% fructose content), the most common sweetener used in US manufactured beverages. In a tablespoon amount (about 25 ml or 25 grams), blue-agave syrup supplies , an amount similar to the value per tablespoon for high-fructose corn syrup ().


title: Agave syrup

text: Blue-agave syrup has a relatively high sweetness factor because it is composed of 56% fructose, having an effect on blood sugar comparable to fructose itself, as measured by its low glycemic index (GI) of between 11 and 19.


title: Dominique Tipper

text: Dominique Jade Tipper is a British actress, dancer and singer-songwriter. She rose to prominence in her role as Naomi Nagata, the engineer in the SyFy/Amazon Prime Video science fiction television series "The Expanse".


title: Dominique Tipper

text: Tipper was brought up in Limehouse, East London. As a child, she trained at the O'Farrell Stage and Theatre School and performed in shows at the Hackney Empire.


title: Dominique Tipper

text: Until 2012, Tipper performed as a commercial dancer with musical groups and artists. As a solo musician, she has published the promotional single "Superstar", among others.


title: Dominique Tipper

text: Tipper's film roles have included as Sarah in the British athletic drama "Fast Girls" in 2012, as Gabriela in the fantasy comedy horror "Vampire Academy" in 2014 and also as Maddie in the Austrian science fiction film "MindGamers" in 2015. She is best known for her television acting breakthrough in 2015 with her main cast role as Naomi Nagata in the science fiction series "The Expanse.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The Nissan L series of automobile engines was produced from 1967 through 1986 in both inline-four and inline-six configurations ranging from 1.3 L to 2.8 L. This was the engine of the Datsun 510, Datsun 240Z sports car, and Nissan Maxima. These engines are known for their reliability, durability, and parts interchangeability. It is a two-valves per cylinder SOHC non-crossflow engine, with an iron block and an aluminium head. The four-cylinder L series engines were replaced with the Z series and later the CA series, while the six-cylinder L series engines were replaced with the VG series and RB series.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L16 four-cylinder design was influenced by the Mercedes-Benz M180 engine that the Prince Motor Company developed in four- and six-cylinder displacements called the Prince G engine.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The six-cylinder L20 was rushed into production by Datsun in 1966 and was designed prior to the Prince merger using the Mercedes overhead cam engine as a model. Due to design and reliability problems it proved short-lived, and was replaced by the L16-based L20A.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L13 was a engine with a bore and stroke of that appeared in 1967. It was not available in the United States, but Canada received it in 1968 only. It produces SAE at 6,000 rpm (export models). In the Japanese market, the JIS rating was used and the figure is SAE at the same engine speed. Torque is SAE or JIS at 3,600 rpm. The L13 was essentially a short-stroke L16.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L16 was a Inline-four engine, fed by a 2-barrel Hitachi-SU carburettor, produced from 1967 through 1973 for the Nissan Bluebird, sold as the Datsun 510 in North America. Learning lessons from the original L20, the L16 was given a full design and development cycle in Nissan's Small Engine Division, resulting in a superior design that proved itself over time and served as the basis for the later L24 and L20A. The L16 also formed the basis of Nissan's "Modular L Series" lineup well into the 1980s. In US trim, it produces at 6000 rpm and maximum torque of at 3600 rpm through 1971, then . Bore and stroke were . The L16 replaced the Prince G-16 in 1975.


title: Nissan L engine

text: When this engine was installed in a 1972 Canadian 510 sedan model with manual transmission, two sets of points were installed in the distributor and this second set of points was in circuit only in third gear to obtain a different dwell angle. A similar arrangement exists in the US-spec 510/610 cars and 521/620 pickup trucks for the years 1970-1973.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L16S was an engine that was used in the 910 Bluebird sedan and van/wagon. This engine was equipped with an electronically controlled carburetor.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L16T was basically the same as the L16 but had twin SU carbs, flat top pistons (same as ones used in 240Z) and a slightly different head. It produces .


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L18 was a with a bore and stroke of engine produced from 1972 through 1976. It produces at 5,000 rpm in the most common trim. The L18 replaced the Prince G-18 in 1975. All variants used the same camshaft lobe lift. The L18 was a popular powerplant in many non-USA markets due to its under-2-liters displacement, which made it exempt from many fuel and classification tariffs.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L18E was an engine that was used in the S11 Silvia. The L18E is an upgraded version of the L18S, but with electronic fuel injection rather than a carburetor, that produces at 6,200 rpm. The L18E was added in the S11 Silvia's 1976 upgrade for the "Type-LSE" trim level.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L18T was basically the same as the L18 but had twin SU carbs, higher compression pistons, and lower volume combustion chambers. A high lift cam, bigger inlet valves and bigger exhaust valves were also fitted. It was installed into the 610-series Bluebird 180B SSS and UK market 910-U Bluebird 1.8 GL coupé. It produces . Also used in the Bluebird SSS Hardtop Coupé (910) for General LHD markets.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The "L20B" is a with a bore and stroke of engine produced from 1974 through 1985. In US spec, it produces in 1974-75 form with of torque as installed in the Datsun 610 and in 1977-78 form with of torque as installed in the 200SX. The L20B engine introduced larger-diameter main bearings while retaining a fully counterweighted crankshaft. The forged U60 crankshaft also ushered in the use of a six-bolt flywheel boss. The block introduced a taller deck height to accommodate the longer stroke and connecting rods. This specification would also be used later in the Z20 and Z22 engine series. The bigger powerplant even helped spawn an important new offering from Datsun's competition department - Solex twin-choke carburetor kits- complete fuel systems that help produce nearly double the power from the ubiquitous L20B. The legendary robustness and nearly square configuration have made this engine a popular choice among tuners for turbocharging.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The engine used a carburetor but switched to fuel injection (and round instead of square exhaust ports) in some non-USA markets in 1977. Carburetors were used in all US L20B applications for both cars and trucks. In the US, the L20B was used in six different model families -A10, 610, 710, S10, 620, and 720 models- making it the most versatile powerplant in the company's US history. To avoid confusion with the six-cylinder L20, Nissan designated this engine the L20B.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The "LZ" twin cam head was designed to give a power boost to the Datsun L series engine for competition purposes.


title: Nissan L engine

text: There are two different LZ cylinder heads. The early head is the same thickness as a normal L series head. The engine using the first head was referred to as the L14 twin cam. There was no mention of Z in the title. This L14 twin cam head engine has flat exit side exhaust ports, the early 12 bolt rocker cover and the coolant discharge on the inlet side of the head. All early twin cam engines appear to have the 14 bolt rocker cover (6 for the cover and 8 for the bolt-in plug holders). Later engines use the full flat cover with six bolts to secure it.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The LZ engine was built purely for Datsun/Nissan competition use. Engine size can vary between 1400 cc (LZ14) in the PB110 "1200", 1600 cc in the PB210, 1800 CC in the 710 2.0 litres in the PA10 Stanza, to 2.2 liter in the 910 bluebird rally cars. The naturally aspirated LZ engines used Solex carburettors depending on capacity. The LZ engine found its way into many categories, from "Datsun Works" rally cars, Formula Pacific, Group 4 (racing), Group 5 (racing) and Group C.


title: Nissan L engine

text: In some Japanese racing classes the LZ engine is fitted with low compression pistons and a "T05B" turbocharger. These engines are electronically fuel injected. A very successful example of the LZ turbo was in the famous Japanese "White Lightning" Silvia and "Tomica" R30 Skyline, both driven by Hoshino in the mid 1980s. The LZ turbo engine was also used in the 1986 Nissan March 85G Le Mans car.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The LZ turbo engine was tuned to produce at 7,600 rpm and at 6,400 rpm. The original LZ20B turbo engine used in the 1983 Nissan Silvia (S12) "White Lightning" Group 5 race car, produced at 8,000 rpm.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The LZ14 engine for the Formula Pacific race cars produces at 10,200 rpm. For qualifying and non endurance events the LZ14 can be tweaked to produce at 11,000 rpm. The LZ14 is naturally aspirated and has a bore and stroke of .


title: Nissan L engine

text: The LZ engine uses a standard L series engine block to mount the DOHC cylinder head. Usually the bottom end is dry sumped using a Tsubakimoto dry sump pump. The crankshaft used is a Nismo chrome moly "8 bolt flywheel" type. Connecting rods are various length, Cosworth style, to suit the engine stroke. The rod caps have aircraft grade rod bolts and are dowelled. Pistons are thin ring forged units.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The head was available for purchase from Nissan (Nismo) and was sanctioned by the FIA. The LZ14 was used during the 1973 Japanese GP, taking the top three positions. In open wheeler "Formula Pacific" racing the LZ14 engine dominated competition in most events it was entered in. It received multiple top rankings in some events.


title: Nissan L engine

text: There was also a diesel version of the four-cylinder L-series, used in amongst others the Bluebird 910 and the Vanette. Strangely, it was not installed in the 720 pickup (which has the SD22/25 when diesel powered) although the gas versions most often has the L-series engine. However, in case of a conversion of a gas powered 720 to diesel, it will be much easier to use a LD20 because it fits on the original gearbox and engine mounts.) The N/A version produced at 4600 rpm and of torque at 2400 rpm, later and of torque. The turbo version has at 4400 rpm and of torque at 2400 rpm.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L20 is a SOHC 12-valve engine produced from 1966. A bore and stroke of meant a displacement of . The original L20 was plagued by problems caused by its rushed development and was short lived. The L20 was used in the Nissan Skyline 2000 GT and Nissan Cedric 130, producing for the 2000 GT and for the Cedric.


title: Nissan L engine

text: A new L20, designated L20A, was introduced in 1970 and was based on the design of the L16. The L20A was used in HLC210 (Nissan Laurel/Datsun 200L, 75-77), G610 Bluebird U 2000 GT and GTX, 230/330 Series Cedrics, HIJC31 (Laurel, 81-85), and Fairlady Z (1970–1983). It produces . There was also the fuel injected L20E, with .


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L20ET is a turbo engine developed from the L20E. It is a 12-valve, six-cylinder, fuel-injected engine with a single chain driven cam, turbo (non intercooled), and a non crossflow head. It produces .


title: Nissan L engine

text: It was released in the late 1970s and fitted to the Skyline C210 and R30, Laurel, Leopard, Cedric, Gloria, and early Fairlady Z lines of automobiles.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L23 was a engine produced in 1968. It produces . This engine was produced in limited numbers and was replaced by the L24 the following year. Bore and stroke were . The L23 was based on the design of the original L20.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L24 was a engine produced from 1969 through 1984. It produces and the version with twin side draught SU Carburettors produces . Bore and stroke is .


title: Nissan L engine

text: A single carburetor version of the same engine was also standard in the Laurel sedan (240L) for various export markets, in the years 1982-1984. While the last generation Cedric to use this engine in Japan was the 230-series (1971–1975), Yue Loong of Taiwan installed it in 430-series Cedrics at least as late as 1984.


title: Nissan L engine

text: Electronic fuel injection was added for the L24E, produced from 1977 through 1986. This engine was used in export market cars only and was never sold in Japan.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L26 is the larger . Bore and stroke is . It was produced from 1973 through 1978. It produces . In 1975, the L26 replaced the Prince G-20. The L26 makes around .


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L28 is a 12-valve engine. Bore and stroke is . The basic L28 is carbureted. As fitted to the 160-series Nissan Patrol, the L28 produces at 4800 rpm and has a torque of at 3200 rpm.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L28E is the enlarged engine produced from 1975 to 1984 equipped with dish-top pistons from 1975 to 1978 and 1979 to 1983 with flat top pistons and a resulting compression ratio of 8.3:1. The E stands for electronic multiport fuel injection, provided by Bosch using the L-Jetronic system, and is one of the first Japanese produced vehicles to introduce the technology. For model year 1981 through model year 1983, the L28E received flat-top pistons and a high quench head, raising the compression ratio to 8.8:1, and thus increasing the power rating from (1975–1980) to (1981–1983).


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L28E was turbocharged in December 1980 to produce the L28ET for the 280ZX Turbo. The L28ET was produced through June 1983. The early versions had adjustable mechanical rockers though these were phased out after September 1982 in favor of hydraulic rockers. The L28ET produces at 5600 rpm and of torque at 2800 rpm. This engine was considered too powerful by Japan's Ministry of Transportation, who would only allow turbochargers to be installed in sub 2 litre-engined cars, and was therefore very limited in sales in its homeland.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The L28ET used a single Garrett AiResearch TB03 internally wastegated turbocharger and no intercooler. Boost was limited to . Other modest changes were made to the turbo model, with static compression reduced to 7.4:1, and automatic transmission models were given a higher-volume oil pump. The most significant change aside from the turbocharger itself was the introduction of a new engine control system, Nissan's Electronic Concentrated Control System (ECCS).


title: Nissan L engine

text: The LD28 is the diesel-version of the L28 engine. Robust 7-main bearing block design, like all L-series six-cylinder engines. Bore and stroke are respectively.


title: Nissan L engine

text: There were no factory turbocharged LD28 engines available in the US market, nor has Nissan ever equipped any of its US-market cars/light trucks with a turbo-diesel engine. LD28T's may be found in Japan, Australasia/New Zealand, southern Africa and parts of Europe.


title: Nissan L engine

text: Nissan also marketed LD28Ts as bare engines for genset and stationary engine uses and may be also found in maritime version.


title: Nissan L engine

text: When fitting an L28 with an LD28 crankshaft with standard bored cylinders it increases the engine displacement from to about 2900 cc. It was never actually produced by Nissan, but it is a very easy and common modification to the L28 done by many Skyline and Z car enthusiasts. The most popular modification is the overbored piston, which produces ; some add a turbo or two, but the more common setup is the triple Solex or Weber carburetors. The only downside is that LD28 cranks are expensive - used units are scarce, but new units are available from the factory. Fully counterweighted stroke and even stroke cranks can be bought from aftermarket companies.


title: Nissan L engine

text: In Japan and other parts of the world a popular low-cost modification was a ~ overbore using the Honda FT-500 / XL-500 motorcycle pistons along with the L14 connecting rods. Other enthusiasts use the much cheaper but heavier FJ20 or even KA24 engine pistons. All of these were cast pistons and had low endurance and would often fail prematurely, compared to custom forged pistons, when subjected to high compression and advanced ignition timing.


title: Nissan L engine

text: Rebello sells crate motors that are modified to this spec based on the L28, with displacements running from 3.0 to 3.2L. They also have a 2.7L for the L24 engine.


title: Nissan L engine

text: Another, rather unusual, modification to the L series, particularly the L28, is the "RBL" modification. The RB25 head and L28 block can bolt together, however the cooling and oil passages must be made to align and the belt system must be rebuilt. While this is possible (and has been done before), it is simply much easier to swap in a RB-series engine rather than making this modification, due to the more efficient nature of modifying the RB engines.


title: Nissan L engine

text: OS Giken has famously made a custom head for the L-series, called the TC24-B1. The original SOHC unit is replaced with a DOHC unit that is capable of handling 9,000 rpm. These units are extremely rare, but a new version called the TC24-B1Z is offered, an improvement that allows the L32 to handle up to 10,000 rpm and make over 400 hp. These parts are still rare and expensive to this day, but it remains as the "holy grail" of L-series modifications.


title: Nissan L engine

text: The most recent DOHC head developed for the L-series engine is called the "KN20". Developed by Datsunworks in Ocala, Florida, this head design is based on the Honda K20 series of engines, and was designed using 3D-printed sand casting. The design uses a combination of off-the-shelf Honda parts, modified and custom parts. Only a handful of KN20 kits have been sold, with most of them residing in North America and Japan.


title: Nissan L engine

text: Nissan themselves never produced a DOHC head for the L-series, however they did produce a DOHC inline-six cylinder engine in the same period: the S20.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Jozef Gašpar Tiso (; ; 13 October 1887 – 18 April 1947) was a Slovak politician and Roman Catholic priest who served as president of the Slovak Republic, a client state of Nazi Germany during World War II, from 1939 to 1945. In 1947, after the war, he was executed for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Bratislava.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Born in 1887 to Slovak parents in Nagybiccse (today Bytča), then part of Hungary, Austria-Hungary, Tiso studied several languages during his school career, including Hebrew and German. He was introduced to priesthood from an early age, and helped combat local poverty and alcoholism in what is now Slovakia. He joined the Slovak People's Party () in 1918 and became party leader in 1938 following the death of Andrej Hlinka. On 14 March 1939, the Slovak Assembly in Bratislava unanimously adopted Law 1/1939 transforming the autonomous Slovak Republic (that was until then part of Czechoslovakia) into an independent country. Two days after Nazi Germany seized the remainder of the Czech Lands, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was proclaimed.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Jozef Tiso, who was already the prime minister of the autonomous Slovakia (under Czechoslovak laws), became the Slovak Republic's prime minister, and, in October 1939, he was elected its president.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso collaborated with Germany in deportations of Jews, deporting many Slovak Jews to extermination and concentration camps in Germany and German-occupied Poland, while some Jews in Slovakia were murdered outright. Deportations were executed between 25 March 1942 until 20 October 1942. An anti-fascist partisan insurgency was waged, culminating in the Slovak National Uprising in summer 1944, which was suppressed by German military authorities, with many of its leaders executed. Consequently, on 30 September 1944, deportations of Jews were renewed, with additional 13,500 deported.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: When the Soviet Red Army overran the last parts of western Slovakia in April 1945, Tiso fled to Austria and then Germany, where American troops arrested him and then had him extradited back to the restored Czechoslovakia, where he was convicted of high treason, betrayal of the national uprising and collaboration with the Nazis, and then executed by hanging in 1947 and buried in Bratislava. In 2008, his remains were buried in the canonical crypt of the Catholic Cathedral in Nitra, Slovakia.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso was born in Bytča (then ) to Slovak parents, in Trencsén County, of the Kingdom of Hungary, part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He was raised in a religious family and studied at the local elementary school. Then, as a good student with a flair for languages, he studied at a lower grammar school in Žilina. The school had clearly Hungarian spirit, since all Slovak grammar schools were closed at the time of his study. Here, he began to use the Hungarian form of his name Tiszó József. In 1902, he began to study at higher Piarist grammar school in Nitra. The Bishop of Nitra, Imre Bende, offered him a chance to study for the priesthood at the prestigious Pázmáneum in Vienna. Tiso, taught by several elite professors, became familiar with various philosophies and the newest Papal Encyclicals. He also extended his language skills. Along with already known Hungarian, German and Latin, he studied Hebrew, Aramaic dialects and Arabic. The school reports describe him mostly as an "excellent", "exemplary", and "pious" student. Enrolling in the University of Vienna in 1906, he graduated as a Doctor of Theology in 1911.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: His early ministry was spent as an assistant priest in three parishes in today's Slovakia. Tiso was interested in public affairs and performed extensive educational and social work. During his fight against poverty and alcoholism, he may also have adopted some stereotypical and simplified views on Slovak-Jewish relations. Such views were not unusual in the contemporary society, including among priests or other people with higher education. He blamed the Jewish tavern owners for the rising alcoholism and he was also a member of self-help association selling food and clothing cheaper than the local Jewish store. Tiso became a member of Nép párt (Catholic People's Party) and contributed to its Slovak journal Kresťan (Christian).


title: Jozef Tiso

text: During the World War I, he served as a field curate of the 71st infantry regiment of the Austro-Hungarian Army recruited mostly from Slovak soldiers. The regiment suffered heavy losses in Galicia. Tiso got first-hand experience with horrors of war, but also with Germanisation and Russification of the local population. After a few months, his regiment was transferred to Slovenia, where he met Slovenian politician Anton Korošec, who was also a Roman Catholic priest. Tiso was inspired by a better organization of the Slovenian national movement. Tiso's military career was ended by a serious kidney illness and he was released from the military service. He did not return to his parish in Bánovce, but he was appointed as the Spiritual Director of the Nitra seminary by Bende's successor, Vilmos Batthyány. Tiso was also active at this time as a school teacher and journalist. He published his experiences from the war ("The Diary from the Northern Frontline"). In other articles written in a patriotic style, he emphasized the need for good military morale and discipline.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: However, this was nothing unusual, and it reflected a common style of the contemporary press, including a limited set of still printed Slovak newspapers. He also covered religious and educational topics, emphasizing a need for religious literature in Slovak.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso did not belong to politicians active in the pre-war national movement and his pre-war national orientation has been frequently questioned. His political opponents tried to draw him as a Magyarone (Magyarized Slovak) while some Slovak nationalists sought for proofs of his early national orientation. Both views are largely simplified. Tiso carefully avoided national self-categorization language, his behaviour might be framed in a "national indifference" approach - a practice largely spread in Central Europe before 1918. His only criticism targeted the Jews. In some of his pre-1918 writings Tiso complained about the state hierarchy or the ruling Liberal party, but he never denounced the Magyarisation or the Magyar nationalism. At the same time, he was more focused on social and religious activities among the Slovaks without revealing his ethnic or national self-identification. Most importantly, Tiso publicly acted as a loyal subject of the Habsburg dynasty. Interestingly that his writings rather reveals that his identity was stronger linked to the entire monarchy of Austria-Hungary, than to the Kingdom of Hungary, whose citizen he formally was.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In the autumn of 1918, Tiso recognized that the Austro-Hungarian monarchy was unsustainable. He also understood that the historical Kingdom of Hungary could not be preserved anymore. Regardless of the formal Czechoslovak declaration of independence, the way to real control of Czechoslovak bodies over Slovakia was not straightforward. Also, it was still unclear to which state Nitra would belong after the dissolution of Austria-Hungary. In these conditions, he began to prepare his readers for the new state and political regime. On 8 December 1918, the Hungarian National Council in Nitra delegated him to negotiate with the Czechoslovak Army which was invited to "restore and maintain public order". Tiso was named secretary of new Slovak National Council and embraced politics as a career.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In December 1918, Tiso became a member of the restored Slovak People's Party ("Slovenská ľudová strana," so called ""Ľudáks""). The party supported the idea of parliamentary democracy, defended interests of its Slovak Catholic voters and sought Slovak autonomy within the Czecho-Slovakia framework. Tiso, largely unknown before the coup, gradually strengthened his position in the party hierarchy. His elite education, high intelligence, energy, large working experiences with common people and his ability to speak in common terms made him a popular speaker and journalist of the party.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In 1919, he founded a subsidiary of the party in Nitra and he organized a gymnastic organization, Orol (Eagle), the counterweight of a similar Czech/Czechoslovak organization Sokol. Tiso first ran for parliament in the 1920 Czechoslovak parliamentary election. Although the electoral results from his district were bright spots in what was otherwise a disappointing election for the Ľudáks, the party did not reward him with a legislative seat. Tiso, however, easily claimed one in the 1925 election, which also resulted in a breakthrough victory for the party. Until 1938, he was a fixture in the Czecho-Slovakian parliament in Prague.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In 1921 Tiso was appointed Monsignor by the Vatican, although this appointment lapsed with the later death of Pope Benedict XV. From 1921 to 1923, he served as the secretary to the new Slovak bishop of Nitra, Karol Kmeťko. During the same period, nationalist political agitation earned Tiso two convictions by the Czechoslovak courts for incitement, one of which resulted in a short incarceration. Displeased, Kmeťko dropped him as secretary in 1923, but retained him as a Professor of Theology. In 1924, Tiso left Nitra to become dean of Bánovce nad Bebravou. He remained the Dean of Bánovce for the rest of his political career, returning there regularly every weekend also as a Czechoslovak minister, and as later as president.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In the interwar period, Tiso was a moderate politician and his ability to reach compromises made him a respected mediator of the party. He used more radical rhetoric as a journalist, putting aside much of the anti-Jewish rhetoric of his earlier journalistic activities. He attacked his opponents and did not always control his emotions. However, he usually returned to rational arguments in official political negotiations. Tiso sharply criticized policies of the central government regarding Slovaks and Slovakia. While the party still operated within a democratic framework, Tiso's colleague and political rival Vojtech Tuka formed two internal movements to oppose the state or its regime - the first collaborating with Hungarian irredentism and the second led by pro-fascist Rodobrana. Tiso did not participate in these.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In the late 1920s, Tiso became one of the party's leaders. When the president of the party Andrej Hlinka traveled in 1926 to the 28th International Eucharistic Congress in Chicago, he delegated Tiso to represent him in the presidium of the party. In his absence, Tiso led complicated negotiations about an entry of HSĽS into the government. He was successful and thus strengthened his position. In January 1927, he became the Czechoslovak Minister of Health and Physical Education. Since HSĽS previously operated as an opposition party and was not able to fulfill all of its promises, the participation in the government led to the loss of credibility. Tiso again proved his speaker skills and supported the decision to participate in the government. As a minister, Tiso successfully realized several important health service projects in Slovakia. Surprisingly, he refused the government ministry flat, staying in one of Prague monasteries. In October 1929, HSĽS left the government after the Tuka affair. Tiso was more inclined than Hlinka to find compromises with other parties to form alliances, but for a decade after 1929 his initiatives were not successful. In 1930, he became the official vice-president of the party and seemed destined to succeed Hlinka. He spent the 1930s competing for Hlinka's mantle with party radicals, most notably the rightist Karol Sidor – Tuka was in prison for much of this period for treason.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In 1930, Tiso published "The Ideology of the Hlinka's Slovak People's Party" explaining his views on the Czech-Slovak relationship. Notably, he claimed sovereignty of the Slovak nation over the territory of Slovakia and indirectly suggested the right of Slovaks to adopt also different solutions for things than the Czechoslovakian government in Prague. He repeated the same idea in his parliamentary speeches.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: By the middle 1930s, Tiso's views shifted toward authoritarian and totalitarian ideas. He repeatedly declared that HSĽS was the only party representing the Slovaks and the only party which spoke for the Slovak nation. These claims played a significant role in the later end of the democratic regime. "One nation, one party, one leader", Tiso declared at the party congress held in 1936. The party should cover all aspects of the life.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In 1938, with increasing pressure from Nazi Germany and Hungary, the representatives of HSĽS questioned neighboring states on their views for the future of Slovakia. In May 1938, Tiso held secret negotiations with the Hungarian Foreign Minister Affairs Kálmán Kánya during a eucharistic congress in Budapest. He declared that Slovakia might be prepared to rejoin Hungary as an autonomous federal state should Czechoslovakia cease to exist. However, the meeting did not go well. Tiso was disappointed by Kánya's attitude and alleged Hungarian historical claims on Slovakia and felt Kánya's behaviour was lofty and arrogant. He concluded that Hungary was not seriously interested in a common agreement and was focused more on the dissolution of Czechoslovakia, as was Germany. Therefore, well aware of the weak economic position of Slovakia, the lack of qualified people and an unstable international situation, he felt he was stuck with Czechoslovakia for the time being. When Hlinka died in August 1938, Tiso quickly consolidated control of the Ľudák party. Tiso was an official speaker from the party at Hlinka's funeral where he urged national unity and loyalty to the Czechoslovak republic. He, however, continued negotiations with the central government in Prague, explained the goals of potential autonomy and refused a military solution of the Czechoslovak-German crisis.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In October 1938, following the Munich Agreement, Germany annexed and occupied the Sudetenland, the main German-speaking parts of Czecho-Slovakia. On 6 October 1938, HSĽS took advantage of the weakening of central government and declared autonomy for Slovakia (some other parties in Slovakia supported this). The next day, he became Prime Minister of the Slovak Autonomous Region.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: One of his first tasks was to lead the Czechoslovak delegation during negotiations with Hungary in Komárno preceding the First Vienna Award. Prime Minister Tiso, who had never led a delegation in similar international negotiations, found himself in a difficult position. The central government of the Second Czechoslovak Republic (under the pressure of terrorist actions sponsored by the Hungarian government) and after serious changes of the international situation) accepted negotiations before being completely ready, and the government also found itself overloaded while trying to stabilize the situation with Germany. Tiso opposed the proposals of the Hungarian delegation but acted as a flexible and patient negotiator. When the Hungarian delegation refused further discussion, Tiso sought the help of Germany. This had already been promised by German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop, if necessary. Later, Tiso was shocked by the First Vienna Award, so much so that he initially refused to sign the protocol. In a radio speech to the citizens, Tiso did not mention Ribbentrop's promise, but blamed the Prague government and its "policies of the past twenty years".


title: Jozef Tiso

text: The day before the award, police arrested several Jews at a demonstration of the Hungarian Youth Organization calling for the cession of Komárno to Hungary. Their participation was then used in propaganda blaming the Jews for the result (Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy obviously did not carry out "the wish of the Jewry" but followed their own interests). On 3 November 1938, Tiso met with Jozef Faláth (the head of the "central office for the Jewish question" who had already contacts to Nazi Party politicians in Vienna) and Jozef Kirschbaum. Tiso, who was otherwise a relatively pragmatic politician, adopted an unusually firm solution. On 4 November 1938 he ordered the deportation of Jews "without property", and later those without citizenship, to the territory now annexed by Hungary. His government then deported more than 7,500 people including elderly people, pregnant women, and at least 570 children under age 15 to no man's land in rainy autumn weather. On 7 November, he cancelled the action.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: As a prime minister and minister of the interior of the autonomous government, Tiso had extensive powers. In October–December 1938, his government did not share power with any other Slovak public body, because the autonomous parliament was elected only thereafter. During this period, HSĽS forbade activities of all political parties except those that agreed to join the governing coalition "voluntarily" and two parties representing minority populations, the "German Party" and the "Unified Hungarian Party". HSĽS then organized rigged parliamentary elections. Even before the official announcement of the elections, Tiso told the German newspaper "Völkischer Beobachter" that there would be only one united ballot and Jews could not be elected. The deportations and some other actions of Tiso's autonomous government were against the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In February 1939, Dr Tiso entered into negotiations with Germany for a fully independent Slovakia, separated from Czechoslovakia. He held direct meetings with the German representative Arthur Seyss-Inquart, in which Tiso initially expressed doubts as to whether an independent Slovakia would be a viable entity. Czech military units subsequently occupied Slovakia and forced Tiso out of office on 9 March. However the Ruthenians, also resentful of the inclusion of their lands in Czechoslovakia, and the oppressions of the Prague government, now also sought autonomy.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso's Catholic-conservative feelings initially inhibited him from what appeared to be revolutionary moves. However, within a few days Hitler invited Tiso to Berlin, and offered assistance for Slovak nationhood. Hitler suggested that Slovakia should declare independence under German protection (i.e.: Protectorate status), and that if not Hungary might annex the remaining territory of Slovakia. Without making an agreement, Tiso now requested the Czecho-Slovak President to call a meeting of the Slovak Diet for 14 March. During that session Tiso made a speech informing the Diet of his conversation with Hitler, confirming that he reserved any move for an independence decision to come from the Slovak Diet. On the initiative of the President of the assembly, Martin Sokol (himself previously a strong proponent of the Czecho-Slovak state with guaranteed autonomy for Slovakia), endorsed a declaration of independence. On 15 March, Germany occupied the remaining rump of Czechoslovakia after Hitler coerced a sick Czech President Emil Hácha into acquiescing.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Slovakia became the Slovak Republic, an independent state (under German protection) which was formally recognised by the Soviet Union and Germany, with "de facto" recognition by the United Kingdom and France (but not by the United States who were largely responsible, in 1919, for the new artificial state of Czechoslovakia). Czech émigrés and the United States considered Slovakia a puppet state of Germany. After the later recognition of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile by Great Britain, the British Foreign Office notified the Czech Foreign Ministry that Britain did not recognise any territorial claims of Czechoslovakia, nor could they commit to any fixed boundaries for the state, nor recognise the legal continuation of Czechoslovakia.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso was initially Prime Minister from 14 March 1939 until 26 October 1939. Tiso not only supported Nazi Germany's invasion of Poland in September 1939 but contributed Slovak troops, which the Germans rewarded by allowing Slovakia to annex 300 square miles of Polish territory. On 1 October 1939, Dr Tiso officially became President of the Slovak People's Party. On 26 October, he became President of the Slovak Republic, and appointed Tuka as Prime Minister. After 1942, President Tiso was also styled "Vodca" ("Leader"), an imitation of German "Führer".


title: Jozef Tiso

text: At the Salzburg Conference on 28 July 1940, an agreement was reached to establish a National Socialist regime in Slovakia. Tuka attended the conference, as did Hitler, Tiso, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Alexander Mach (head of the Hlinka Guards), and Franz Karmasin, head of the local Carpathian German minority. As a result of the conference, two state agencies were created to deal with "Jewish affairs". The "Salzburg Summit" resulted in closer collaboration with Germany, and in Tuka and other political leaders increasing their powers at the expense of Tiso's original concept of a Catholic corporate state. The agreement called for dual command by the Slovak People's Party and the Hlinka Guard (HSĽS), and also an acceleration in Slovakia's anti-Jewish policies. The Nazi government appointed "Sturmabteilung" leader Manfred von Killinger as the German representative in Slovakia. Tiso however accepted these changes in subsequent conversation with Hitler. SS Officer Dieter Wisliceny was dispatched to Slovakia to act as an "adviser" on Jewish issues. The Party under Tiso and Tuka's leadership aligned itself with Nazi policy by implementing anti-semitic legislation in Slovakia. The main act was the Jewish Code, under which Jews in Slovakia could not own any real estate or luxury goods, were excluded from public office and free occupations, could not participate in sport or cultural events, were excluded from secondary schools and universities, and were required to wear the Star of David in public. Tiso himself had anti-semitic views (as his earlier journalism made clear) which were widespread in Slovakia.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Although there are dissenting opinions by modern politicians on his role in the Jewish deportations from Slovakia, it is clear that, in line with German policy and "suggestions" as well as his earlier anti-semitism, he encouraged these actions, despite condemnation of the deportations from some Slovak bishops. In February 1942, Slovakia became the first Nazi ally to agree to deportations. The Nazis had asked for 20,000 young able-bodied Jews for labour duties. Tiso had hoped that compliance would aid in the return of 120,000 Slovak workers from Germany. In August 1942, after the majority of Slovak Jews had been sent to German-occupied Poland and it became clear that the deportees were being systematically murdered, Tiso gave a speech in Holič in which he called for Slovaks to "cast off your parasite [the Jews]" and justified continuing deportations of Jews from Slovakia. On 30 August, Hitler commented "It is interesting how this little Catholic priest Tiso is sending us the Jews!". Vatican undersecretary Domenico Tardini complained: "Everyone understands that the Holy See cannot stop Hitler. But who can understand that it does not know how to rein in a priest?"


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Later in 1942, amid Vatican protests as news of the fate of the deportees filtered back, and the German advance into the Soviet Union was halted, Slovakia then became the first of Hitler's puppet states to shut down the deportations. Mazower wrote: "When the Vatican protested, the government responded with defiance: 'There is no foreign intervention which would stop us on the road to the liberation of Slovakia from Jewry', insisted President Tiso". Distressing scenes at railway yards of deportees being beaten by Hlinka guards had brought protests, including from leading churchmen such as Bishop Pavol Jantausch. The Vatican called in the Slovak ambassador twice to enquire as to what was happening in Slovakia. According to British historian Richard Evans, these interventions "caused Tiso, who after all was still a priest in holy orders, to have second thoughts about the programme". Giuseppe Burzio and others reported to Tiso that the Germans were murdering the deported Jews. Tiso hesitated and then refused to deport Slovakia's 24,000 remaining Jews. According to Mazower, "Church pressure and public anger resulted in perhaps 20,000 Jews being granted exemptions, effectively bringing the deportations there to an end".


title: Jozef Tiso

text: When in 1943 rumours of further deportations emerged, the Papal Nuncio in Istanbul, Msgr. Angelo Roncalli (later Pope John XXIII) and Burzio helped galvanize the Holy See into intervening in vigorous terms. On 7 April 1943, Burzio challenged Tuka over the rumours of extermination of Slovak Jews. The Vatican then condemned the renewal of the deportations on 5 May and the Slovakian episcopate issued a pastoral letter condemning totalitarianism and antisemitism on 8 May 1943. According to Evans, Tuka was "forced to backtrack by public protests, especially from the Church, which by this time had been convinced of the fate that awaited the deportees. Pressure from the Germans, including a direct confrontation between Hitler and Tiso on 22 April 1943, remained without effect."


title: Jozef Tiso

text: In August 1944, the Slovak National Uprising broke out against the Tiso government. German troops were sent to quell this and with them came Einsatzgruppe H and security police charged with rounding up or murdering Slovakia's remaining Jews. During the German occupation, another 13,500 Jews were deported, most of them to Auschwitz, and 5,000 imprisoned. Some were murdered in Slovakia itself, in particular at Kremnička and Nemecká.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso remained in office during the German army's occupation, but his presidency was relegated to a mostly titular role as Slovakia lost whatever "de facto" independence it had. Burzio begged Tiso directly to at least spare Catholics of Jewish ancestry from deportation and delivered an admonition from the Pope: "the injustice wrought by his government is harmful to the prestige of his country and enemies will exploit it to discredit clergy and the Church the world over".


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso lost all remnants of power when the Soviet Red Army conquered the last parts of western Slovakia in April 1945. He fled first to Austria, then to a Capuchin monastery in Altötting, Bavaria. In June 1945, he was arrested by the Americans and extradited to the reconstituted Czechoslovakia to stand trial in October 1945. On 15 April 1947, the Czechoslovak National Court (Národný súd) found him guilty of many of the allegations against him, and sentenced him to death for "state treason, betrayal of the antifascist partisan insurrection and collaboration with Nazism".


title: Jozef Tiso

text: The court concluded that Tiso's government had been responsible for the break-up of the Czechoslovak Republic; and found Tiso guilty of:


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Tiso was sentenced to death, to deprivation of his civil rights, and to confiscation of all of his property. Tiso appealed to the Czechoslovak president Edvard Beneš and expected a reprieve; his prosecutor had recommended clemency. However, no reprieve was forthcoming. Wearing his clerical outfit, Tiso was hanged in Bratislava on 18 April 1947. The Czechoslovak government buried him secretly to avoid having his grave become a shrine, but far-right followers of Tiso soon identified the grave in the St Martin cemetery in Bratislava as his. Decades later, after a DNA test in April 2008 that confirmed it, the body of Tiso was exhumed and buried in St Emmeram's Cathedral in Nitra, in accordance with canon law.


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Under communism, Tiso was formulaically denounced as a clerical Fascist. With the fall of communism in 1989, and the subsequent independence of Slovakia, heated debate began again on his role. James Mace Ward writes in Tiso's biography "Priest, Politician, Collaborator" (2013): "At its worst, [the debate] was fuel for an ultranationalist attempt to reconstruct Slovak society, helping to destabilize Czechoslovakia. At its best, the debate inspired a thoughtful reassessment of Tiso and encouraged Slovaks to grapple with the legacy of collaboration."


title: Jozef Tiso

text: Far-right admirers of Tiso created a highly controversial memorial grave in Martin cemetery that is mainly ignored by society; only a handful of ultranationalists or elderly people commemorate Tiso. Ultranationalist propaganda proclaims Tiso as a "martyr" who "sacrificed his life for his belief and nation", and so tries to paint him as an innocent victim of communism and a saint.


title: Black Twitter

text: Black Twitter is an internet community largely consisting of African-American users on the social network Twitter focused on issues of interest to the black community in the United States. Feminista Jones described it in "Salon" as "a collective of active, primarily African-American Twitter users who have created a virtual community … [and are] proving adept at bringing about a wide range of sociopolitical changes." A similar Black Twitter community grew in South Africa in the early 2010s.


title: Black Twitter

text: According to a 2013 report by the Pew Research Center, 28 percent of African Americans who used the Internet used Twitter, compared to 20 percent of online white, non-Hispanic Americans. By 2018, this gap had shrunk, with 26 percent of all African American adults using Twitter, compared to 24 percent of white adults and 20 percent of Hispanic adults. In addition, in 2013, 11 percent of African-American Twitter users said they used Twitter at least once a day, compared to 3 percent of white users. BlackTwitter.com was launched as a news aggregator reflective of black culture in 2020.


title: Black Twitter

text: User and social media researcher André Brock of the University of Iowa dates the first published comments on Black Twitter usage to a 2008 piece by blogger Anil Dash, and a 2009 article by Chris Wilson in "The Root" describing the viral success of Twitter joke memes such as #YouKnowYoureBlackWhen and #YouKnowYoureFromQueens that were primarily aimed at Black Twitter users. Brock cites the first reference to a Black Twitter community—as "Late Night Black People Twitter" and "Black People Twitter"—in the November 2009 article "What Were Black People Talking About on Twitter Last Night?" by Choire Sicha, co-founder of current-affairs website "The Awl". Sicha described it as "huge, organic and … seemingly seriously nocturnal"—in fact, active around the clock.


title: Black Twitter

text: Kyra Gaunt, an early adopter who participated in Black Twitter who also became a social media researcher, shared reactions to black users at the first 140 Characters Conference (#140Conf) that took place on November 17, 2009, at the O2 Indigo in London. Her slide deck offered examples of racist reactions to the topic #Thatsafrican that started trending in July 2008. She and other users claimed the trending topic was censored by the platform. She and other Black Twitter users began blogging and micro-blogging about Black Twitter identity. The blogging led to buzz-worthy media appearances about Twitter. Social media researcher Sarah Florini prefers to discuss the interactions among this community of users as an "enclave."


title: Black Twitter

text: An August 2010 article by Farhad Manjoo in "Slate", "How Black People Use Twitter," brought the community to wider attention. Manjoo wrote that young black people appeared to use Twitter in a particular way: "They form tighter clusters on the network—they follow one another more readily, they retweet each other more often, and more of their posts are @-replies—posts directed at other users." Manjoo cited Brendan Meeder of Carnegie Mellon University, who argued that the high level of reciprocity between the many users who initiate hashtags (or "blacktags") leads to a high-density, influential network.


title: Black Twitter

text: Furthermore, a 2014 dissertation by Meredith Clark, whom NPR in 2014 called "the go-to person about Black Twitter, studied the topic of African American practice of creating hashtags on Twitter by arguing that most people use them to “test their opinions with the assurance they are being shared within a space where fundamental values are still agreed upon". She explains that users on Black Twitter began to use hashtags as a way to attract members of society with similar ideals to a single conversation in order to interact with each other and feel as though they are engaged in a “safe space”. Clark characterizes the use of Black Twitter as critically important to the group, as the conversation helps “cement the hashtag as a cultural artifact recognizable in the minds of both Black Twitter participants and individuals with no knowledge of the initial discussion”. She argues that hashtags have transitioned from serving as a method of setting up conversation between separate parties to an underlying reason behind how users outside Black Twitter learn about the thoughts and feelings of African Americans in the present world.


title: Black Twitter

text: Manjoo's article in "Slate" drew criticism from American and Africana studies scholar Kimberly C. Ellis. She concluded that large parts of the article had generalized too much, and published a response to it titled "Why 'They' Don't Understand What Black People Do On Twitter." Pointing out the diversity of black people on Twitter, she said, "[I]t's clear that not only Slate but the rest of mainstream America has no real idea who Black people are, no real clue about our humanity, in general [...]. For us, Twitter is an electronic medium that allows enough flexibility for uninhibited and fabricated creativity while exhibiting more of the strengths of social media that allow us to build community. [...] Actually, we talk to each other AND we broadcast a message to the world, hence the popularity of the Trending Topics and Twitter usage, yes?" Ellis said that the most appropriate response she had seen to the "Slate" article was that by Twitter user @InnyVinny, who made the point that "black people are not a monolith" and then presented a wide array of brown Twitter bird drawings on her blogsite to express the diverse range of Black Twitter users; the #browntwitterbird hashtag immediately went viral, as users adopted or suggested new Twitter birds.


title: Black Twitter

text: According to Shani O. Hilton writing in 2013, the defining characteristic of Black Twitter is that its members "a) are interested in issues of race in the news and pop culture and b) tweet A LOT." She adds that while the community includes thousands of black Twitter users, in fact "not everyone within Black Twitter is black, and not every black person on Twitter is in Black Twitter". She also notes that the viral reach and focus of Black Twitter's hashtags have transformed it from a mere source of entertainment, and object of outside curiosity, to "a cultural force in its own right ... Now, black folks on Twitter aren't just influencing the conversation online, they're creating it."


title: Black Twitter

text: Apryl Williams and Doris Domoszlai (2013) similarly state, "There is no single identity or set of characteristics that define Black Twitter. Like all cultural groups, Black Twitter is dynamic, containing a variety of viewpoints and identities. We think of Black Twitter as a social construct created by a self-selecting community of users to describe aspects of black American society through their use of the Twitter platform. Not everyone on Black Twitter is black, and not everyone who is black is represented by Black Twitter."


title: Black Twitter

text: Feminista Jones has argued that Black Twitter's historical cultural roots are the spirituals, or work songs, sung by slaves in the United States, when finding a universal means of communication was essential to survival and grassroots organization.


title: Black Twitter

text: Several writers see Black Twitter interaction as a form of signifyin', wordplay involving tropes such as irony and hyperbole. André Brock states that the Black Tweeter is the signifier, while the hashtag is signifier, sign and signified, "marking ... the concept to be signified, the cultural context within which the tweet should be understood, and the 'call' awaiting a response." He writes: "Tweet-as-signifyin', then, can be understood as a discursive, public performance of Black identity."


title: Black Twitter

text: Sarah Florini of UW-Madison also interprets Black Twitter within the context of signifyin'. She writes that race is normally "deeply tied to corporeal signifiers"; in the absence of the body, black users display their racial identities through wordplay and other language that shows knowledge of black culture. Black Twitter has become an important platform for this performance.


title: Black Twitter

text: Florini notes that the specific construction of Twitter itself contributes to the ability for African Americans to signify on Black Twitter. She contends that "Twitter’s architecture creates participant structures that accommodate the crucial function of the audience during signifyin’". By being able to see each other's replies and retweets, the user base is able to jointly partake in an extended dialogue where each person tries to participate in the signifyin’. In addition, Florini adds that "Twitter mimics another key aspect of how signifyin’ games are traditionally played—speed". Specifically, the retweets and replies are able to be sent so quickly that it replaces the need for the audience members to interact in person.


title: Black Twitter

text: In addition the practices of signifying create a signalling that one is entering a communicative collective space rather than functioning as an individual. Tweets become part of Black Twitter by responding to the calls in the tag. Hashtags embody a performance of blackness through a transmission of racial knowledge into wordplay. Sarah Florini in particular focuses on how an active self-identification of blackness rejects notions of a post-racial society by disrupting the narratives of a color-blind society. This rejection of a post-racial society gets tied into the collective practices of performance by turning narratives such as the Republican National Committee's declaration of Rosa Parks ending racism into a moment of critique and ridicule under the guise of a game. Moments where performance of blackness meet social critique allow for the spaces of activism to be created. The Republican Party later rescinded their statement to acknowledge that racism was not over.


title: Black Twitter

text: Manjoo referred to the hashtags the black community uses as "blacktags," citing Baratunde Thurston, then of "The Onion", who argued that blacktags are a version of the dozens. Also an example of signifyin', this is a game popular with African Americans in which participants outdo each other by throwing insults back and forth ("Yo momma so bowlegged, she look like a bite out of a donut," "Yo momma sent her picture to the lonely hearts club, but they sent it back and said, 'We ain't that lonely!). According to Thurston, the brevity of tweets and the instant feedback mean Twitter fits well into the African tradition of call and response.


title: Black Twitter

text: Many scholars have highlighted how Black Twitter offers a platform for users to share humorous, yet insightful messages.


title: Black Twitter

text: More recently, Black Twitter spotlighted the "BBQing While Black", incident during which a white woman called police officers on a black family barbecuing in the park. Oakland police arrived; no one was arrested.


title: Black Twitter

text: When speaking on CNN about her dissent towards former President Donald Trump, CNN commentator Angela Rye stated "[she] will never claim Trump as her bigot president."


title: Black Twitter

text: In their 2018 book, "Race, Gender & Image Repair Case Studies in the Early 21st Century", Mia Moody-Ramirez and Hazel Cole explored how Black Twitter has been used to repair the image of individuals and corporations using William Benoit's typology of image repair. The popularity of #NiggerNavy provides an example of how social media users used Twitter to call out social injustices. Black Twitter reacted in January 2017 when Yahoo Finance misspelled the word "bigger" with an "n" instead of a "b", in a Twitter link to a story on President-elect Donald Trump's plans to enlarge America's navy, thus unintentionally changing what was meant as a "bigger navy" into a "nigger navy". This is a notable example of an "atomic typo" where a typo is undetected by spell checkers because the typo happens to be a correctly spelt word. The tweet containing a racial slur gained more than 1,000 retweets before being deleted, almost one hour after it was shared. Yahoo Finance published an apology shortly after, saying it was a "mistake". It was too late. Black Twitter turned #NiggerNavy into a joke for many Twitter users. Unlike other image repair cases in which celebrities used remorse and mortification,


title: Black Twitter

text: When highlighting Black Twitter, it is important to still acknowledge that it is an intersectional space as Black people have intersecting identities that impact how they engage in spaces and counterpublics. As research shows that college-aged women use social media more than college-aged men, Black college-aged women also use social media more than Black-college aged men. Digital counterpublics like Twitter have been important spaces for students to resist white supremacy. Dr. Marc Lamont Hill has positioned that, Black Twitter "is a digital counterpublic that enable[s]d critical pedagogy, political organizing, and both symbolic and material forms of resistance to anti-Black state violence within the United States." It was also mentioned by former CEO Jack Dorsey that Black Twitter is "such a powerful force". Although Black Twitter is used to unite black people in the fight against white supremacy, it's also imperative to highlight how Black Women in particular are treated on the platform. A study preformed by Amnesty International shows that Black Women are the most abused group on the platform. That study concludes that Black Women are 84 percent more likely to be targeted than their white counterparts and that they, along with Latinx Women, are faced with more abuse on the platform than any other demographic. Now, under Elon Musk's control over Twitter, this has led to the Black community fear that blocked accounts used for harassment, abuse, misinformation and violence could be allowed back on the platform due to Musk's viewpoints on free speech, stating that he will be "very reluctant to delete things."


title: Black Twitter

text: With Black women spending a lot of time on social media, their resistance to white supremacy and creating counter-narratives can be seen through hashtags developed like #BlackGirlMagic, #BlackGirlsMatter, etc. " Social media has become a crucial space for discussing, dismantling, and organizing against anti-Black racism for young Black women."


title: Black Twitter

text: Having been the topic of a 2012 SXSW Interactive panel led by Kimberly Ellis, Black Twitter came to wider public attention in July 2013, when it was credited with having stopped a book deal between a Seattle literary agent and one of the jurors in the trial of George Zimmerman. Zimmerman – who had only been arrested and charged after a large-scale social media campaign including petitions circulated on Twitter that attracted millions of signatures – was controversially acquitted that month of charges stemming from the February 2012 killing of Trayvon Martin, a black teenager in Florida. Black Twitter's swift response to the juror's proposed book, spearheaded by Twitter user Genie Lauren, who launched a change.org petition, resulted in coverage on CNN.


title: Black Twitter

text: The community was also involved in June 2013 in protesting to companies selling products by Paula Deen, the celebrity chef, after she was accused of racism, reportedly resulting in the loss of millions of dollars' worth of business. A #paulasbestdishes hashtag game started by writer and humorist Tracy Clayton went viral.


title: Black Twitter

text: In August 2013, outrage on Black Twitter over a Harriet Tubman "sex parody" video Russell Simmons had posted on his Def Comedy Jam website persuaded him to remove the video; he apologized for his error in judgment.


title: Black Twitter

text: Another example of Black Twitter influence occurred in May 2018 after Ambien maker Sanofi Aventis responded to Roseanne Barr, who blamed their sedative for the racist tweet she posted that resulted in the cancellation of her TV show, "Roseanne." Barr explained that she was "ambien tweeting" when she compared former Obama adviser Valerie Jarrett to the "spawn" of "Muslim brotherhood & Planet of the Apes." Sanofi responded: "People of all races, religions and nationalities work at Sanofi every day to improve the lives of people around the world. While all pharmaceutical treatments have side effects, racism is not a known side effect of any Sanofi medication." In response to Twitter chatter and criticism, Barr was killed off in "Roseanne" via an opioid overdose. The show was renamed, "The Conners".


title: Black Twitter

text: Demonstrating the continued influence of Black Twitter, a 2019 SXSW Education panel, organized by Kennetta Piper, was selected to address the topic, "We Tried to Tell Y’all: Black Twitter as a Source!" Panelists included Meredith Clark, Feminista Jones, Mia Moody-Ramirez and L. Joy Williams.


title: Black Twitter

text: In 2022, Black Twitter was credited with prompting national media coverage of the killing of Shanquella Robinson, a young American woman who mysteriously died in Mexico.


title: Black Twitter

text: The #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen hashtag was created by black feminist blogger/author Mikki Kendall in response to the Twitter comments of male feminist Hugo Schwyzer, a critique of mainstream feminism as catering to the needs of white women, while the concerns of black feminists are pushed to the side. The hashtag and subsequent conversations have been part of Black Twitter culture. In Kendall's own words: "#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen started in a moment of frustration. [...] When I launched the hashtag #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen, I thought it would largely be a discussion between people impacted by the latest bout of problematic behavior from mainstream white feminists. It was intended to be Twitter shorthand for how often feminists of color are told that the racism they feel they experience 'isn't a feminist issue'. The first few tweets reflect the deeply personal impact of such a long-running structural issue."


title: Black Twitter

text: After Ferguson, Missouri police officer Darren Wilson fatally shot unarmed resident Michael Brown, an attorney from Jackson, Mississippi named CJ Lawrence tweeted a photo of himself speaking at his commencement at Tougaloo College with former President Bill Clinton laughing in the background and a second photo of himself holding a bottle of Hennessy and a microphone. Lawrence posed the question, "If They Gunned me down which photo would the media use?" The hashtag became the number one trending topic in the world overnight and was ultimately named the most influential hashtag of 2014 by "Time" magazine. This was a direct criticism of the way Black victims of police violence were portrayed in media, with the assassination of their bodies being quickly followed with assassination of their characters in media. #IfTheyGunnedMeDown spread virally in the course of worldwide social media attention paid to the Ferguson crisis. The hashtag was posted several thousand times in the weeks following Lawrence's initial use of it. #IfTheyGunnedMeDown is now taught in elementary classrooms and in universities around the world. Lawrence, the creator, still lectures on #IfTheyGunnedMeDown and has since established his own media company, Black With No Chaser, to continue the mission of making sure that Black people control their narratives.


title: Black Twitter

text: The call and response aspects of a game where users work to outdo the other are exemplified in the creation of the blacktag #MigosSaid. Black Twitter engaged in a public display of using oral traditions to critique the hierarchy of pop culture. The movement stemmed from an initial tweet on June 22, 2014, when @Pipe_Tyson tweeted, "Migos best music group since the Beatles." This sparked an online joke where users began to use the hashtag #MigosSaid to examine lyrics of the popular rap group. While the game could widely be seen as a joke it also embodied a critique of popular representations of black artists. The hashtag made in fun was used to offer a counter argument to the view the Beatles and other white popular music figures are more culturally relevant than their black counterparts.


title: Black Twitter

text: The #BlackLivesMatter hashtag was created in 2013 by activists Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi. They felt that African Americans received unequal treatment from law enforcement. Alicia Garza describes the hashtag as follows: "Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks’ contributions to this society, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression."


title: Black Twitter

text: The #OscarsSoWhite hashtag was originally created in 2015 in response to the 87th Academy Awards' lack of diversity amongst the nominees in major categories. The hashtag was used again when the nominations were announced for the 88th Academy Awards the following year. April Reign, activist and former attorney, who is credited with starting the hashtag, tweeted, "It's actually worse than last year. Best Documentary and Best Original Screenplay. That's it. #OscarsSoWhite." In addition, she mentions that none of the African-American cast of "Straight Outta Compton" were recognized, while the Caucasian screenwriter received nominations.


title: Black Twitter

text: The #SayHerName hashtag was created in February 2015 as part of a gender-inclusive racial justice movement. The movement campaigns for black women in the United States against anti-Black violence and police violence. Gender-specific ways black women are affected by police brutality and anti-Black violence are highlighted in this movement, including the specific impact black queer women and black trans women encounter. The hashtag gained more popularity and the movement gained more momentum following Sandra Bland's death in police custody in July 2015. This hashtag is commonly used with #BlackLivesMatter, reinforcing the intersectionality of the movement.


title: Black Twitter

text: <nowiki>#</nowiki>IfIDieInPoliceCustody is another hashtag that started trending after Sandra Bland's death. In the tweets, people ask what you would want people to know about you if you died in police custody.


title: Black Twitter

text: The #ICantBreathe hashtag was created after the police killing of Eric Garner and the grand jury's decision to not indict Daniel Pantaleo, the police officer that choked Garner to death, on December 3, 2014. "I can't breathe" were Garner's final words and can be heard in the video footage of the arrest that led to his death. The hashtag trended for days and gained attention beyond Twitter. Basketball players, including LeBron James, wore shirts with the words for warm ups on December 8, 2014. The hashtag saw resurgence in 2020, following the death of George Floyd and the protests that followed.


title: Black Twitter

text: The #HandsUpDontShoot hashtag was created after the police shooting of Michael Brown and the grand jury's decision to not indict Darren Wilson, the white Ferguson police officer that shot Brown, on November 24, 2015. Witnesses claimed that Brown had his hands up and was surrendering when Wilson fatally shot him. However, this information was deemed not credible in the face of conflicting testimonies and impacted the jury's decision. What made this particular shooting unique, was that Michael Brown's deceased body lied in the ground for four hours. Ferguson residents took to Black Twitter to share images of his body, share the story of Michael Brown being killed with his hands up, and ultimately the failure of the state to value his life. As Dr. Marc Lamont Hill puts it, "These efforts, anchored by the hashtags #MichaelBrown, #Ferguson, and #HandsUpDontShoot, transformed Brown’s death from a local event to an international cause." Hands up, don't shoot is a slogan used by the Black Lives Matter movement and was used during protests after the ruling. The slogan was supported by members of the St. Louis Rams football team, who entered the field during a National Football League game holding their hands up. Using the hashtag on Twitter was a form of showing solidarity with those protesting, show opposition to the decision, and bring attention to police brutality. The #HandsUpDontShoot hashtag was immediately satirized with #PantsUpDontLoot when peaceful protests turned into riotous looting and firebombing that same evening.


title: Black Twitter

text: According to Ayanna Harrison, the hashtag #BlackBoyJoy first appeared as a "natural and necessary counterpart to the more established #BlackGirlMagic". The hashtag #BlackBoyJoy appeared following the 2016 Video Music Awards ceremony, after Chance the Rapper tweeted an image of himself on the red carpet using the hashtag.


title: Black Twitter

text: In 2015, #StayMadAbby surfaced on Black Twitter as Black students and college graduates rallied against Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia after he made comments about their supposed inability to graduate from universities he labeled "too fast". Scalia's comments came in 2015 during oral arguments for the affirmative action case "Fisher v. University of Texas". The suit, filed by one-time prospective student Abigail Fisher, alleged that she was denied admission to the University of Texas at Austin because she was white, and that other, less qualified candidates were admitted because of their race.


title: Black Twitter

text: The hashtag #StayMadAbby took off with hundreds of Black graduates tweeting photos of themselves clad in caps and gowns, as well as statistics pointedly noting that Black students only account for a small share of the UT Austin student body. The hashtag #BeckyWithTheBadGrades also emerged to spotlight Fisher. The hashtag referred both to Fisher and to a Beyoncé lyric from the song "Sorry" off her album, "Lemonade".


title: Black Twitter

text: Jonathan Pitts-Wiley, a former writer for "The Root", cautioned in 2010 that Black Twitter was just a slice of contemporary African-American culture. "For people who aren't on the inside," he wrote, "it's sort of an inside look at a slice of the black American modes of thought. I want to be particular about that—it's just a slice of it. Unfortunately, it may be a slice that confirms what many people already think they know about black culture."


title: Black Twitter

text: Daniella Gibbs Leger, wrote in a 2013 "HuffPost Black Voices" article that "Black Twitter is a real thing. It is often hilarious (as with the Paula Deen recipes hashtag); sometimes that humor comes with a bit of a sting (see any hashtag related to Don Lemon)." Referring to the controversy over the Tubman video, she concluded, "1. Don't mess with Black Twitter because it will come for you. 2. If you're about to post a really offensive joke, take 10 minutes and really think about it. 3. There are some really funny and clever people out there on Twitter. And 4. See number 1."


title: Black Twitter

text: While Black Twitter is used as a way to communicate within the black community, many people outside of said community and within do not understand the need to label it. In regards to this concern, Meredith Clark, a professor at the University of North Texas who studies black online communities, recalls one user's remarks, "Black Twitter is just Twitter."


title: Black Twitter

text: Additional criticism of Black Twitter is the lack of intersectionality. One example is the tweets made after rapper Tyga was pictured with the transgender porn actress Mia Isabella. Alicia Garza, one of the founders of the Black Lives Matter movement, explained the importance of intersectionality and makes it one of the priorities in the movement. She wrote that many people find certain "charismatic black men" more appealing, which leaves "sisters, queers, trans, and disabled [black] folk [to] take up roles in the background."


title: Black Twitter

text: Kenichi Serino wrote in 2013 in "The Christian Science Monitor" that South Africa was experiencing a similar Black Twitter phenomenon, with black discourse on Twitter becoming increasingly influential. In a country that has 11 official languages, Black Twitter users regularly embedded words from isiZulu, isiXhosa, and Sesotho in their tweets. In August 2016 there were approximately 7.7 million South Africans on Twitter – by August 2017, this grew to about eight million users, with 63.8% of South Africans being online. But according to journalism lecturer Unathi Kondile, black people had taken to Twitter as "a free online platform where black voices can assert themselves and their views without editors or publishers deciding if their views matter."


title: Black Twitter

text: The #MenAreTrash hashtag was another prominent topic in 2017 on South African Twitter. Black women took to the social media platform to address numerous issues such as rape, patriarchy and domestic violence.


title: Black Twitter

text: Trending almost on a daily basis in South Africa is the #OperationDudula hashtag. The hashtag is used to rally people against immigration. According to journalist Pumza Fihlani, the movement behind the hashtag was founded by Nhlanhla 'Lux' Dlamini, and became prominent in 2021.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The Basque Country representative football team (officially, in Basque, 'Euskal selekzioa') represents the Basque Country in football. It selects players from the Basque Country autonomous community, Navarre and the French Basque Country and is organised by the Basque Football Federation. It is not affiliated with FIFA or UEFA and therefore only allowed to play friendly matches against FIFA or non-FIFA affiliated teams.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The team has been referred to by various names including "Euskadiko selekzioa, Euskal Herriko futbol selekzioa, Selección de Euskadi, Vasconia, Equipo Vasco, Euskadi XI" and "Basque XI". Most of their home matches have been played in the San Mamés Stadium which was replaced in 2013 by the new San Mamés.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The Basque Country has had a football team of its own since 1930. During the Second Spanish Republic, they played firstly under the name of " Baskoniako selekzioa" (the Vasconia team) and then from 1936 as "Euzkadiko selekzioa" (the Euskadi team). During Franco's 36-year dictatorship it only played two games. After Franco's death in 1975, the team was reformed using the name "Euskadiko selekzioa" and from the early 1990s began playing regular friendly matches, usually during La Liga's Christmas break. Up to the present time they have played 40 matches against a wide range of FIFA national teams such as Russia, Nigeria, Uruguay, Serbia, Tunisia, Estonia, Venezuela and Costa Rica, plus others against non-FIFA teams of various types.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In 2007, the team's name was controversially changed to "Euskal Herriko futbol Selekzioa" causing disagreements which led to the annual matches being cancelled. In 2008, a compromise was reached and it was changed again to "Euskal selekzioa". In the lower grades (such as in the for youths and the UEFA Regions' Cup for amateurs), the team is either called "Euskadiko selekzioa" or "Seleccíon del País Vasco" and exclusively represents the Basque Country autonomous community (Euskadi), with Navarre competing separately.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: On 29 September 1913 the Royal Spanish Football Federation was formally created and along with it four regional federations (Norte, Oeste, Este and Centro). Each regional federation organised its own league, and also selected a team to play against other regions. The Basque Country was grouped with Cantabria in 'Norte' (North). As most of the biggest teams in the Norte federation were Basque, such as Athletic Bilbao, Real Sociedad, Real Unión, and Arenas Club de Getxo, the team fielded by the federation was often composed entirely of Basque players, and was called 'Vasconia', 'el equipo Vasco'(the Basque team), or sometimes just 'Norte'. On 3 January 1915 they played their first match which was against Catalonia in Bilbao and won 6–1, and then on 7 February they played them again but in Barcelona, this time drawing 2–2. In May 1915 they won the inaugural Copa del Príncipe de Asturias tournament in Madrid after beating Catalonia 1–0 with a goal from Legarreta and then holding the hosts, 'Centro' (a Castile/Madrid XI), to a 1–1 draw, in which the author of the Basque goal was Patricio. In the same competition they drew 1–1 with. In May 1916, 'Norte' faced Catalonia twice in Barcelona, winning by 1–3 on the 21st, and drawing 0–0 on the 22nd. On 4 June of the same year they beat Catalonia 5–0 in Bilbao.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: On 22 November 1916 the Cantabrian teams left the North Federation, joining the newly formed Cantabrian Federation (Federación Cantábrica de Clubes de Football), which encompassed Asturian and Cantabrian clubs. This Asturias/Cantabria XI participated in the 1917 and 1918 editions of the Copa del Príncipe de Asturias, finishing third and second respectively. In 1918 the province of Gipuzkoa formed its own federation and its own team, leaving the province of Biscay on their own in Federation Norte. In 1919 the Asturians decided to form their own federation ("Federación Regional Asturiana de Clubes de Fútbol") so the Cantabrian teams rejoined 'Norte', but now it only had teams from Cantabria and Biscay. This complicated situation of federations splitting off continued for a few more years. In 1922 separate teams were created for Biscay and Cantabria because the former decided to form their own federation (Biscayan Federation).


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In the summer of 1922 a team calling itself 'the Basque team' (Equipo Vasco) was sent to South America. Although the trip was organised by the Gipuzkoan federation, 4 of the 19 players in the squad were from the Biscayan federation. They played once against the Argentine national side, losing 4–0, then drew 1–1 against Porteño, and finally winning 0–4 against a team selected from Argentina's interior league. The team also played the Uruguayan national side twice, losing both games, before visiting Brazil where they played in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: After the team had arrived back in Spain on 5 October 1922, the players resumed playing for either Biscay or Gipuzkoa. Both Gipuzkoa and Biscay participated in the 1922-23 and 1923-24 Copa del Príncipe de Asturias, with the later reaching the semi-finals of the 1923-24 edition after defeating Asturias in Bilbao 4–2 thanks to a second-half brace from Travieso, but then lost to eventual champions Catalonia, who had already eliminated Gipuzkoa from the competition.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: It wasn't until 1930 that the Biscayan and Gipuzkoan federations finally came together to create the first permanent team with the name 'Vasconia' ('Baskoniako selekzioa') to represent the Basque Country. Their first game was against Catalonia on 8 June 1930, which they won by 0–1 in Montjuïc, and they played Catalonia again on 1 January 1931 in Bilbao, winning that match 3–2.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: During the first year of the Spanish Civil War the Basque team changed its name to Euzkadiko selekzioa. Their first match with that name was against Cantabria on 29 November 1936 in Santander, when the Cantabrians won 3–2.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In 1937 the first president of the Basque autonomous region José Antonio Aguirre, who in his youth had been a player for Athletic Bilbao, decided to send a Basque football team abroad with the dual aim of raising money to fund the cost of the civil war, and also as a form of propaganda letting the world know about the conflict in Spain. At the same time a choir called Eresoinka was formed to tour Europe for the same purpose. Money raised was reportedly used to fund a hospital in La Rosarie, France, used by Spanish refugees, and also to help support the thousands of Basque children who had been sent abroad for safety.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: Also attached to the team were Perico Birichinaga, as a masseur, and Ricardo Irezábal and Manu de la Sota, both as delegates.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The team made its debut on Monday 26 April 1937 in Paris's Parc des Princes against the French champions, Racing Paris, winning 0–3. This happened to be the same day that Guernica was bombed by Nazi Germany's Luftwaffe. In May 1937 they toured France beating Olympique Marseille 2–5, losing 3–1 to Sète, and playing Racing Paris twice more, 3–3 and 2–3.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In May 1937, the team began to have problems with FIFA. Due to the civil war in Spain FIFA had banned all FIFA-affiliated countries and clubs from playing any Spanish teams. A match due to take place on 30 May in the Netherlands against Rotterdam was cancelled by the Dutch Federation. But many clubs and national sides continued to play the Basque team because they sympathised with Republican Spain which the team symbolised. The team's first match against a nation from outside of Spain was a 3–2 defeat, also in May 1937, to Czechoslovakia, who had been runners up in the 1934 World Cup. In June, they played Czechoslovakia again losing 2–1. Then they played Silesia in Chorzów on 9 June.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: When Bilbao was captured by Franco's forces on 19 June 1937 the Basque team were in Moscow, having been invited by the Soviet Union's Politburo due to political motivations. They then toured the country during that summer, playing against Lokomotiv Moscow (1–5), Dynamo Moscow twice (1–2) and (4–7), Dinamo Leningrad (2–2), Spartak Moscow (6–2), Dynamo Kiev (1–3), Dinamo Tbilisi (0–2), the Georgian football team (1–3), and finally Dinamo Minsk (1–6). Their only loss was against Spartak Moscow. The Soviet authorities were determined to win the final game in Moscow, so the Spartak team was improved by bringing players from other parts of the country to play for the team just for that match. Lastly they travelled to Norway and Denmark in August where they beat an Østfold select (1–3), Norwegian AIF (2–3), and completed their biggest win to date against Denmark's (1–11).


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In the autumn of 1937 the team crossed the Atlantic to play in Mexico where FIFA had given them permission to play clubs and the national side. FC Barcelona had undertaken a similar tour a few months earlier. After playing nine matches in the capital and one in Guadalajara they crossed over to Cuba where their problems with FIFA got worse. FIFA demanded that Cuba should not play the Basque Country. So the Basque team only played club sides, playing four matches, winning one and losing two. Next they travelled to Argentina, arriving on 25 February 1938. They stayed there for three months but officially played no matches due to their problems with FIFA. As they had run out of money and had no way of raising any, many of the big Argentine sides raised money for them. They then crossed the Andes to Valparaíso, Chile, where on 9 May 1938 they played Santiago Wanderers, but the result is not known. Later in May they travelled again to Cuba, this time playing the Cuban national team twice, before returning to Mexico. In the 1938–39 season they played under the name Club Deportivo Euzkadi in the Liga Mexicana de Football Amateur Association, one of the two major leagues in Mexico at that time where they won 7, drew 1 and lost 4 games, eventually coming runners up in the league. The Spanish civil war ended in April 1939 so when the season ended the team was broken up and as a reward each member received 10,000 pesetas. Most of the players stayed on in the Americas and joined teams there.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: Between 1939 and 1975 the Basque football team played only twice due to General Franco's dictatorship which severely limited the freedoms previously enjoyed by the regions of Spain. The first time was on 25 June 1966 on the 50th anniversary of Real Unión's founding. A team made up of players from the Basque Country played Real Madrid in the Gal Stadium in Irun, losing 0–2. Playing for the Basque Country were Carmelo Cedrún, (Alarcia), Gorriti, Martínez, Marigil, (Zabala), Azcárate, (Iruretagoyena), Iguarán, Amas, Dionisio Urreizti, Landa, (Chapela), Mauri, (Mendiluce) and Erro. Don Santiago Bernabéu had the honour of kicking off.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The second time was in San Mamés, Bilbao, on 21 February 1971 when a memorial match for Juan Gardeazábal was played between the Basque Country and Catalonia. The Basque Country lost 1–2. Playing for the Basque Country were Zamora, Deusto, Irusquieta, Zugazaga, Echeberría, Lema, Guisasola, Estéfano, Santamaría, Arambarri, Ibáñez, Marañon, Fernando Ansola, Araquistáin, Rojo II, Urtiaga, and Ortuondo.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The first game following the dictatorship was played on 2 March 1978 in San Mamés against the USSR. The team were called the 'Selección Vasca' and drew 0–0.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: On 16 August 1979 they played under the name 'Euskadiko selekzioa' for the first time since 1938 at San Mames stadium during the Great Week of Bilbao, winning 4–1 against a League of Ireland XI. Controversy was caused before the match by the Spanish government deciding that the song of the Basque football team (Gernikako Arbola – The Tree of Guernica) should not be sung before the game. This resulted in Carlos Garaikoetxea (the Lehendakari, head of the Basque regional parliament), the presidents of the regional councils and the mayors of the Basque capitals, all leaving the presidential box to sit elsewhere in the stadium to show their protest. CA Osasuna was the only club with players called up for the match who refused to release them. Iraragorri and Langara (two players from the 1937 team) kicked off, and Iribar served as captain. The game was played as a fundraiser for a campaign promoting the Basque language called "Bai Euskarari", organized by Sustraiak, as a response to its suppression during the dictatorship.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: A few months later the Basque team won again, 4–0 against Bulgaria in San Sebastián's Atotxa Stadium. In 1980, in Vitoria, they lost 1–5 to Hungary. Other key matches included defeats to Cameroon (0–1) and Wales (0–1), and victory over Serbia (4–0). Then, in 2007, after 69 years without playing outside Spain, the Basque Country faced Venezuela in San Cristóbal, winning 4–3. Prior to this, their last game outside Spain had been in June 1939, in the Spanish Civil War era against Club Atlético Corrales in Mexico City.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In 2007 the team's name was changed to 'Euskal Herria' (Euskal Herriko Futbol Selekzioa), and on 29 December they played a match against Catalonia in San Mames. The result was Euskal Herria 1, Catalonia 1.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: The name change, driven by the Basque Football Federation, was denounced by politicians from the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), including the Lehendakari, Juan José Ibarretxe, and also the main Spanish political parties such as the Partido Popular (PP) and PSOE. For this reason the Basque Football Federation proposed returning to the team's previous name, 'Euskadi' (Euskadiko Selekzioa), for the match scheduled for December 2008 against Iran. 165 Basque players signed a statement announcing that they would not play unless the team was called 'Euskal Herria'. The controversy went beyond the sports arena and against this statement were positioned many political parties such as the PNV, PSE-PSOE and PP, and supporting it were Eusko Alkartasuna, Ezker Batua and Eusko Abertzale Ekintza. At the heart of this dispute were the meanings of the two terms 'Euskadi' and 'Euskal Herria'. For the politicians of the PNV who favoured the name 'Euskadi', they saw this as the historic name used by the Basque football team since the 1930s and geographically they said it always included the Spanish Basque Country, the French Basque Country and Navarre (from where the players are selected), but to the players and the politicians supporting them, only the term 'Euskal Herria' had this geographic meaning and to them 'Euskadi' only referred to the Spanish Basque Country. This difference of opinion encompassed the nuances of the names, their history known or unknown, and changing public opinions towards what name should be used when referring to all people of Basque culture. In the end the match was cancelled.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In 2009 a consensus was reached to use the name 'Euskal Selekzioa'. However, discrepancies between the federation, players and ESAIT led to the match, scheduled again to be played against Iran, not to be played. In 2010 however, although there was still no agreement between players and federation, the players agreed to play the match to be played on 29 December in San Mames, between the Basque Country and Venezuela, which ended 3–1. At this match the gold badge of honour of the Basque Football Federation was presented to Joseba Etxeberria, former player of Athletic Club Bilbao, for being the most capped player of the Basque team, and he was allowed to take the kick-off.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In 2011 the Basque football team played two matches. Firstly on 25 May they visited Estonia, winning 1–2, then on 28 December they played their last game in the old San Mamés against Tunisia, losing 0–2.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: On 28 December 2013, the Basque team played its first match in the new San Mames stadium against Peru winning 6–0.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: On 28 December 2014, a centenary match was played in San Mames against Catalonia to celebrate 100 years since the first match between these two sides. The game ended 1–1. The same teams played a year later, with Aritz Aduriz scoring the only goal in a 1–0 Basque win in Barcelona.


title: Basque Country national football team

text: In October 2017, the federation confirmed that the Basque team would not play a friendly in late December that year as had become traditional (for reasons including scheduling difficulties, credibility in the football community and a noted decline in attendances at the festive matches), but instead would look to schedule a fixture during one of the FIFA International Match Calendar dates, possibly in March 2018. However, a proposed meeting with Chile did not come to pass. Eventually, a fixture was arranged for the Basque team to face Venezuela in October 2018 at Mendizorroza, which they won 4–2.