title: Komsomol

text: By 1925 Komsomol had 1 million members, and many others were in theater groups for younger children. In March 1926, Komsomol membership reached a NEP-period peak of 1,750,000 members: only 6 percent of the eligible youth population. Only when Stalin came to power and abandoned the NEP in the first Five Year Plan (1928–1933) did membership increase drastically. The youngest youth eligible for Komsomol membership were fourteen years old. The upper age-limit for ordinary personnel was twenty-eight, but Komsomol functionaries could be older. Younger children joined the allied Vladimir Lenin All-Union Pioneer Organization. While membership was nominally voluntary, those who failed to join had no access to officially sponsored holidays and found it very difficult (if not impossible) to pursue higher education.


title: Komsomol

text: The Komsomol had little direct influence on the Communist Party or on the government of the Soviet Union, but it played an important role as a mechanism for teaching the values of the CPSU to the younger generation. The Komsomol also served as a mobile pool of labor and political activism, with the ability to relocate to areas of high-priority at short notice. In the 1920s the Kremlin assigned Komsomol major responsibilities for promoting industrialization at the factory level. In 1929, 7,000 Komsomol cadets were building the tractor factory in Stalingrad (volgagrad), 57,000 others built factories in the Urals, and 36,500 were assigned work underground in the coal mines. The goal was to provide an energetic hard-core of Bolshevik activists to influence their coworkers the factories and mines that were at the center of communist ideology.


title: Komsomol

text: Active members received privileges and preferences in promotion. For example, Yuri Andropov, CPSU General Secretary (1982–1984), achieved notice through work with the Komsomol organization of Karelia in 1940–1944. At its largest, during the 1970s, the Komsomol had tens of millions of members.


title: Komsomol

text: During the early phases of perestroika in the mid-1980s, when the Soviet authorities began cautiously introducing private enterprise, the Komsomol received privileges with respect to initiating businesses, with the motivation of giving youth a better chance. The government, unions and the Komsomol jointly introduced Centers for Scientific and Technical Creativity for Youth (1987). At the same time, many Komsomol managers joined and directed the Russian Regional and State Anti-Monopoly Committees. Folklore quickly coined a motto: "The Komsomol is a school of Capitalism", hinting at Vladimir Lenin's "Trade unions are a school of Communism".


title: Komsomol

text: The reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev, perestroika and glasnost, finally revealed that the quality of Komsomol management was bad. The Komsomol, long associated with conservatism and bureaucracy, had always largely lacked political power. The radical "Twentieth Congress of the Komsomol" (April 1987) altered the rules of the organization to represent a market orientation. However, the reforms of the Twentieth Congress eventually destroyed the Komsomol, with lack of purpose and the waning of interest, membership, and quality of membership. At the "Twenty-second Congress of the Komsomol" in September 1991, the organization was disbanded. The Komsomol's newspaper, "Komsomolskaya Pravda", outlived the organization and is still published ().


title: Komsomol

text: A number of youth organizations of successor parties to the CPSU continue to use the name "Komsomol", as does the youth organization of Ukrainian communists: Komsomol of Ukraine.


title: Komsomol

text: Not only was the ideal Communist youth an asset to his or her organization, but (s)he also "lived correctly". This meant that every aspect of a Komsomolets’s life was to be in accordance with Party doctrine. Smoking, drinking, religion, and any other activity the Bolsheviks saw as threatening were discouraged as "hooliganism". The Komsomol sought to provide its members with alternative leisure activities that promoted the improvement of society, such as volunteer work, sports, and political and drama clubs. These efforts proved largely unsuccessful, since the Bolshevik Party and the Komsomol were not in touch with Soviet youth's desires and thus were unable to address them. Soviet youth remained relatively politically unaware or uninterested during the NEP period.


title: Komsomol

text: In 1922, with the establishment of the New Economic Policy, the Soviet government changed their rhetoric directed towards the youth from a revolutionary, militaristic tone to one with emphasis on philosophical education through book-learning and stability of the state by peaceful means. The young communists were uninterested in these new principles, and mass culture campaigns became the most important tool used by the Komsomol as an attempt to retain membership during the 1920s.


title: Komsomol

text: One of the most popular campaigns was the Novyi Byt (The New Way of Life). At these assemblies, the leadership of the Komsomol promoted the values they considered to be the most important for the ideal young communist. The New Soviet Man was to be "a lively, active, healthy, disciplined youngster who subordinates himself to the collective and is prepared for and dedicated to learn, study, and work." By establishing strict guidelines to what they expected, the Komsomol was able to denounce the traits and habits they saw as being harmful to the youth. It condemned sexual promiscuity, drinking, smoking and general mischievous behavior, as it posed moral danger to the organization’s young members. The majority of the youth did not take this well, as unsavory activities were enticing to them. At a time when membership was at its lowest (1.7 million in 1925), the Komsomol harmed only itself, as this type of campaign further distanced the organization from their target audience.


title: Komsomol

text: The Komsomol also launched campaigns of an anti-religious nature. The new communist regime wished to dismantle the already limited control the Orthodox church had on society, and the young were generally more interested in seeing the upheaval of old traditions than their elders who had lived under the tsar’s rule. The Komsomol rallied members to march in the streets, declaring their independence from religion. Problems came when the enthusiastic youth took this passion too far. Open harassment of church members sprang up, and earned the Komsomol a negative image in the minds of older generations. When the League made attempts to draw back on their anti-religious rhetoric, Soviet youth became increasingly disinterested in the organization.


title: Komsomol

text: Many youths were drawn to "hooliganism" and the Western culture of entertainment, which included cinema and fashion magazines. It is no coincidence that these youths were primarily from the peasantry or working class. They saw Western culture as a way to elevate or distinguish themselves from their humble beginnings. The Soviet authorities eventually made their own films with ideologically "pure" messages, but it was not the same. Soviet pictures, which were often informational or political, lacked the draw of Westerns or romances from Hollywood. Both the authorities and the youths themselves blamed the NEP for corrupting Soviet youth culture. Because the Komsomol was simply not as attractive to these young men and women, the government began to limit their cultural and entertainment options. This signalled the end of the NEP, and the end of the brief influx of Western culture in the Soviet Union before Stalin’s ascendancy.


title: Komsomol

text: Militant young Communists were a threat to the older Bolsheviks because they had the potential to undermine the new, NEP-based society. The shift from destruction of an old state to creation of a new one, mirrored by the shift from War Communism to the NEP, was necessary to maintain and stabilise the Bolshevik regime. The Party’s disapproval of young militants was necessary in order not only to define what was considered proper behavior, but also to maintain social and political control over the masses. However, after Stalin came to power and the NEP was abandoned in favor of the Five-Year Plans, many of the young socialists ideas were absorbed back into the mainstream and they no longer presented a problem.


title: Komsomol

text: The ideology of the new Soviet government under Vladimir Lenin strove to break down societal barriers believed to be harmful to the goal of unity. Specifically, it hoped to elevate women to a level of equality with men. The Komsomol pushed hard to recruit young women and raise them in this new consciousness. In the period of the early 1920s, women primarily stayed at home and performed the majority of housework. Membership of the Komsomol seemed to offer a doorway into public life at a level previously unseen by women of the time. Young women enthusiastically joined as they were finally given a chance to detach themselves from the traditional patriarchal structure. Moreover, they were drawn to the Komsomol because it promised them an education during a time when young girls were deprived of a proper one in favor of preparing them for household duties. The Soviets encouraged women to take an active role in the new system and participate in the same activities and work as their male counterparts.


title: Komsomol

text: Major conflicts surfaced when the regime took these new steps. The Bolshevik Party was not the most popular at the time, and much of the rest of the nation wished to hold onto their patriarchal values. Parents hesitated to allow their daughters to join the youth organization, because "the Komsomol seemed like an immoral organization, for it removed young girls from adult control, and then required them to attend meetings held at night." Soviet citizens felt that if they released their hold on their children, they would be corrupted by the Komsomol’s influence. They also worried that if their daughters became independent and promiscuous, then no man would want to marry them. Moreover, parents wondered who would take care of the home if all the young women left home to join the Komsomol.


title: Komsomol

text: Women, generally, were also unprepared for the realities of the workforce. The ancient structure of female subordination allowed for little in terms of work experience. Men had been given better education and were traditionally raised to take part in military and industry. Therefore, they had a much wider range of opportunity than women whose only role had been caretaking. Here lies the irony of the regime’s efforts: the Komsomol tried desperately to empower young women to achieve equality, yet women’s perceptions of themselves worsened because they were now being directly compared to their much more prepared counterparts.


title: Komsomol

text: Even though the Communist Party preached and demanded equality, men dominated both the governing body and the Komsomol’s leadership. Upward mobility, contrary to initial belief, was incredibly hard for women to achieve. In addition, the organization openly encouraged its female members to pursue positions of teaching and nurturing of young Soviets.


title: Komsomol

text: The Komsomol also found it difficult to recruit and motivate young women amongst the rural populations. During NEP, this demographic represented only 8% of the organization. Poor membership numbers from rural areas were the result of several different factors. By 1925, the failure to implement equality in the Komsomol was evident to young rural women, society still perceiving them to be inferior both because they were women and because they came from the peasant class. Various women’s organizations criticized the Komsomol for these failures. Chiefly, the Women’s Bureau of the Communist Party, known as Zhenotdel, openly criticized the youth organization. Komsomol women were provided little in the way of programs that might encourage their involvement. Annual conferences, where organization leaders gathered to discuss topics of interest to female members, were in fact the only activities in which early Komsomol women took part. The Youth League therefore made concerted efforts to resolve these issues and raise membership amongst peasant women.


title: Komsomol

text: The Komsomol’s original tactic to recruit peasant women failed miserably. Representatives were sent to the countryside to reveal to potential recruits that they were being oppressed by male dominance, and that the youth organization provided them with an opportunity to recreate themselves as independent women. However, women did not rally to the League in the numbers that the organization hoped for. The Komsomol turned to the Zhenotdel, which was more favorable to young peasant women, and cooperated with them to achieve better results. Another strategy was the addition of activities suited to the interests of the target demographic. Sewing and knitting classes became popular during the 1920s for rural Komsomol women. Additionally, educational classes, such as health and feminine hygiene were used to both draw more female members and alleviate concerns of rural parents. Peasant families were more inclined to allow their daughters to join the Komsomol since they knew they would be participating in beneficial programs rather than mischievous behaviors such as drinking and dancing.


title: Komsomol

text: Soldiers returning from the Civil War, students in provincial towns, and workers fleeing the poverty of the cities established the first rural Komsomol cells in 1918. Most administrators, who wanted to retain the "proletarian character" of the organization, did not initially welcome peasants into the Komsomol. However, it soon became obvious that peasants were too large a part of the population (80%) to ignore. Also, peasants, who were benefiting from the NEP’s compromise with small producers, were in a better position to join than workers, who struggled with unemployment and other economic problems and thus had less interest in joining.


title: Komsomol

text: Older peasants reacted negatively to the growth of the Komsomol in rural areas. They saw the administrators as intruders who prevented their children from fulfilling their family obligations. The Komsomol needed full-time commitment, and peasant youths, who saw it as a chance for social mobility, education, and economic success, were willing to abandon their traditional duties to join. At the end of NEP, the majority of Komsomol members were peasants, while the administration remained largely urban.


title: Komsomol

text: Both the urban and rural populations had problems with the Komsomol’s attempts to unify the two demographics. Rural parents believed that because the League’s administration was city-centered, their children would be negatively influenced by city dwellers. In addition, land-owning peasants were much more affected by the government’s revocation of private ownership, and many were uninterested in allowing their children to participate. For its part, the urban population viewed itself as superior to the peasants. They saw the rural members as backward and uneducated, and were angered by their swelling numbers.


title: Komsomol

text: Komsomol adopted meritocratic, supposedly class-blind membership policies in 1935, but the result was a decline in working-class youth members, and a dominance by the better educated youth.


title: Komsomol

text: The Komsomol received three Orders of Lenin, one Order of the Red Banner, one Order of the Red Banner of Labour, and one Order of the October Revolution. The asteroid 1283 Komsomolia is named after the Komsomol, as is Komsomolets Island in the Arctic Ocean. The Komsomolets armored tractor was a model used during the Second World War, while the first Soviet nuclear submarine was K-3 "Leninsky Komsomol"; a later submarine was called K-278 "Komsomolets".


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Presidential elections were held in Russia on 16 June 1996, with a second round being held on 3 July. It resulted in a victory for the incumbent President of Russia Boris Yeltsin, who ran as an independent politician. Yeltsin defeated Communist challenger Gennady Zyuganov in the run-off, receiving 54.4% of the vote. The election was marred by allegations of voter fraud against Yeltsin and foreign interference from the United States government. His inauguration ceremony took place on 9 August.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Yeltsin would not complete the second term for which he was elected, as he resigned on 31 December 1999, eight months before the scheduled end of his term on 9 August 2000. This was the first presidential election to take place in post-Soviet Russia. This has also been so far the only Russian presidential election in which no candidate was able to win on the first round, and as such a run-off was necessary.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In 1991, Boris Yeltsin was elected to a five-year term as President of Russia, which was still a part of the Soviet Union at the time. The next election was scheduled be held sometime in 1996. In late December 1991, Soviet Russia became a sovereign nation in wake of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This meant that the scheduled election would now be the first ever presidential election to be held in a fully sovereign Russia.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In a 1993 Russian government referendum question (III), Russian voters rejected holding an early presidential election, and the presidential election remained scheduled to be held in the year 1996. Later in 1993, the Constitution of Russia was adopted. In the constitution, future presidential terms were stipulated to last for four years, meaning that the 1996 election would elect a president to serve a four-year term. When incumbent president Yeltsin launched his reelection campaign in early 1996, he was widely predicted to lose. Public opinion of Yeltsin was at a historical low point. Due to this, there was talk about Yeltsin potentially postponing or canceling the election; however, he ultimately decided against this.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Shortly before the election campaign, Yeltsin had faced a number of significant political humiliations which harmed his political stature. In the 1995 Russian legislative election, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) had achieved dominance in the State Duma. On 9 January 1996, Chechen rebels seized thousands of hostages in Dagestan and Yeltsin's response to this was viewed as a failure. Additionally, Yeltsin was overseeing a terrible economy. Russian economy was still contracting and many workers had continued to be unpaid for months.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: By early 1996, Yeltsin's public approval was so poor that he was polling at fifth place among presidential candidates, with only 8 percent support, while CPRF leader Gennady Zyuganov was in the lead with 21 percent support. When Zyuganov showed up at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in February 1996, many Western leaders and the international media were eager to see him, and treated him with regards to believing that he would likely be the next president of Russia; however, Yeltsin managed to reverse his fortunes, ultimately defeating Zyuganov in the second round of the election.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Brytsalov claimed that his leadership would eliminate the country's poverty, promising that if he were elected, there would be "no poor pensioners, no poor workers, no poor entrepreneurs, no poor farmers."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: His plan, which he dubbed "Russian socialism", was for large companies to begin paying wages comparable to companies in other industrialized nations. The plan anticipated that the employees of the companies would consequentially pay larger income taxes, spend more on consumer goods, and increase their productivity at their jobs. The feasibility of this plan was criticized, as Russian companies were considered to be unable to pay such wages.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Brytsalov promoted himself with the superlative claim of being "the richest man in Russia" and flaunted his wealth.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Despite being a (recently elected) deputy of the State Duma, Brytsalov did not have a voting-record. In his legislative career, he had very low attendance and extremely little participation.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Brytsalov was seen as a marginal candidate, and was generally regarded as unlikely to win the election.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev ran as an independent candidate. He ran as a self-proclaimed social democrat. His campaign was hampered both by strong public disdain towards him and a strong lack of media coverage for his candidacy.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Politician and renown ophthalmologist Svyatoslav Fyodorov ran as the candidate of the Party of Workers' Self-Government. He is the founder and leader of the party, which was, at the time, arguably the most influential social-democratic movement in Russia.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In 1994 Fyodorov had described his political objective by stating, "I want peasants to own farms, workers to own factories, physicians to own clinics, and everyone to pay a 30% tax, and the rest is theirs."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Fyodorov advocated for the mass creation of joint stock companies to guarantee workers a share of profits and allow them to actively participate in management of their companies. He dubbed this concept "democratic capitalism" or "popular socialism". He had advocated such a policy since as early as 1991. Fyodorov advocated for economic freedom, simple and moderate taxation, stimulation of production, and a ban on exports of most raw materials. Fyodorov promised that his policies would double the nation's GDP within five years. Fyodorov proclaimed to draw inspiration in his politics from both Ross Perot and Deng Xiaoping.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Up until early May, Fyodorov unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate the creation of a third force coalition, with negotiations largely centering on a coalition between him and fellow candidates Yavlinsky and Lebed.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: General Alexander Lebed ran as the nominee of the Congress of Russian Communities, a centrist nationalist party. Lebed promoted himself as an authoritative leader that would introduce law and order, tackle corruption and allow capitalism to blossom. While he presented an authoritarian personality, he held moderate positions.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: After reaching an informal agreement with Yeltsin in April (under which Lebed promised to endorse Yeltsin in the second round of the election), Lebed began to see positive news coverage, as well as a greater overall quantity of media coverage. This was done as part of an effort by Yeltsin's camp to promote Lebed in the hopes that he would syphon off votes from other nationalist candidates in the first-round.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Up until early May, Lebed had entertained negotiations with Yavlinsky and Fyodorov to jointly form a third force coalition.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Martin Shakkum ran as an independent candidate. An associate of radical economist Stansilav Shatalin, Shakkum was on the right wing of the Russian political spectrum. While he presented an authoritarian personality, he held moderate positions on many social issues.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Independent candidate Aman Tuleyev (a member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) styled himself as a "Muslim Communist". The head of the Kemerovo Oblast legislature, Tuleyev was considered to be charismatic, energetic, and well as well-liked by the Communist Party's base. He turned-in his signatures the day before the deadline. He was considered to be a fallback communist candidate, in case Zyuganov's candidacy faltered.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Tuleyev's rhetoric straddled between hard-line communism and social-democracy. Generally a hard-liner, he had nonetheless occasionally taken moderate stances, such as seeking tax cuts. Tuleyev's positions centered upon communism and creating a disciplined (uncorrupt) government.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Despite the fact that Tuleyev dropped out of the race before the election, he had already been on the ballot during a portion of the early voting period.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Politician and former Olympic weightlifter Yury Vlasov ran as an independent candidate. His politics were characterized as nationalist. Vlasov openly espoused antisemitic rhetoric. He promoted himself as patriot fighting both communism and an alleged "Zionist conspiracy" against the Russian people.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Vlasov dubbed his politics as "people's patriotism". His campaign platform proclaimed, "There is only one single force that is able to unite almost all and at the same time become the ideological basis of the Russian state – popular patriotism".


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: While he had been a supporter of democratic reforms in the Soviet Union, following its collapse Vlasov had embraced authoritarian political views.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Vlasov likened his politics to Gaullism. He claimed that his politics were a more effective unifying force than communist or democratic ideals.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: While he was nominally an independent candidate, Vlasov's campaign was supported by the People's National Party. However, by the end of the election, many in the party grew dissatisfied with Vlasov's campaign style, believing he failed to campaign aggressively enough.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Despite polling at under one percent, Vlasov had stated that he anticipated capturing between six and seven percent of the vote. He swore to refuse supporting either Yeltsin or support Zyuganov in the runoff.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Grigory Yavlinsky ran as the nominee of Yabloko. Yavlinsky officially accepted Yabloko's nomination on 27 January.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In terms of social issues, Yavlinsky occupied the political left. In terms of economic issues, Yavlinsky occupied the far-right of the Russian political spectrum. His ideology most strongly appealed to Russia's population of young intellectuals.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Yabloko has been a programmatic party, as opposed to a populist one. This proved to be a weakness for Yavlinsky's campaign, as he and his party opted to maintain their long-established party positions on many issues, rather than reshaping their agenda in order to better capitalize on the political tides. This had also been the case in the preceding 1995 electoral campaign, during which Yabloko similarly had opted to focus on complex economic issues, rather than focusing on bread and butter issues.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Up until early May Yavlinsky unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate the creation of a third force coalition, with negotiations largely centering on a coalition between him and fellow candidates Lebed and Fyodorov.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: While his prospects of winning were originally faltering, Yeltsin was able to resuscitate his image and pull off a successful campaign.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Yeltsin's original strategy, devised by Oleg Soskovets, involved him pivoting towards the nationalist wing of Russia's politics in order to directly compete for votes with Zyuganov and Zhirinovsky. However, this strategy was ultimately abandoned in favor of one devised by reformists. Yeltsin's new campaign strategy was, essentially, to convince voters that they had to choose him as the lesser of two evils. This strategy sought to recast Yeltsin as an individual single-handedly fighting to stave off communist control. The campaign framed a narrative that portrayed Yeltsin as Russia's best hope for stability. The campaign worked to shift the narrative of the election into a referendum on whether voters wanted to return to their communist past (with Zyuganov), or continue with reforms (with Yeltsin).


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Yeltsin was able to leverage the power of his office. This included using government funds to finance campaign promises, utilizing state media organizations, and currying favoritism amongst financial and media oligarchs.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Two days after the conclusion of the first round, Yeltsin appointed former general Alexander Lebed, who had finished third with 14.7% of vote, to the post of Secretary of Security Council of the Russian Federation and the President's National Security Advisor. Lebed in turn endorsed Yeltsin in the runoff election. Meanwhile, Yeltsin suffered from a serious heart attack and disappeared from public view. His condition was kept secret through 3 July second round election. During this period of time, Yeltsin's campaign team created a "virtual Yeltsin" shown in the media through staged interviews that never happened and pre-recorded radio addresses.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky campaigned on nationalist rhetoric.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: After his surprisingly strong third-place finish in the 1991 presidential election and the surprisingly strong first-place performance of the LDPR in the 1993 legislative election, Zhirinivsky had once been seen as a rising force in Russian politics, and a future contender for the presidency. However, boorish and outlandish conduct by Zhirinovsky had diminished the public perception of his stature to such a degree that, by 1996, he was seen as a buffoonish figure and was no longer seen as a viable candidate.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Communist Party of the Russian Federation-leader Gennady Zyuganov successfully advanced to the second-round of the election, where he was defeated by Yeltsin.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Coming off of a very successful Communist Party performance in the 1995 legislative election, when he launched his campaign, Zyuganov had originally been seen as the frontrunner to win the election.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In their report, the International Republican Institute stated that their election observers, "witnessed no deliberate attempts to commit electoral fraud and, indeed, in the tracking of protocols through the various levels of Russia's electoral system, observed transparency in the process."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In their analysis, the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs declared that, while the election failed to be "free and fair" in regards to media coverage and campaign financing, it appeared to have largely succeeded in being "free and fair" in regards to the administration of voting and vote-counting.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) reported that the first round of the election, "appeared to be generally well run, and not seriously marred by some problems which occurred in the pre-election campaign. The delegation considered the first round of the Russian Presidential elections to have been conducted in a generally free and fair manner."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: The OSCE also reported that, "Delegation members considered voter participation in the political campaign to be quite active compared to previous Russian elections. A relatively open flow of information concerning candidates and their platforms was made available to voters during the pre-election campaign. However, opposition candidates charged that the state controlled electronic broadcast media did not provide fair and balanced coverage, and this was also observed to be the case by delegation members. The bias appeared to be primarily in favor of the President." Additionally, the OSCE reported that, "The delegation found that Polling Station Election Committees (PSECs) "generally" followed proper procedures and enforced the one-man-one-vote principle, although "scattered" instances of minor irregularities, such as family voting and voting outside of polling booths were observed."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In a post-election analysis published in the journal "Presidential Studies Quarterly" Erik Depov asserted, "The inaccuracy of many early predictions was primarily because Yeltsin's successful re-election bid had as much to do with the dynamics of the electoral campaign as with the results of his first term in office. If the 1996 presidential campaign proved anything, it illustrated the danger of underestimating Yeltsin's ability to meet a serious political challenge head on and prevail despite apparently insurmountable odds."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: During the campaign, Yeltsin's opponents criticized his use of state coffers to fund programs that would bolster his approval with voters. Yeltsin had been utilizing state finances to fund programs (such as pensions) with the aim of convincing voters of his willingness to fulfill promises he which he was making on the campaign trail. Yeltsin's opponents charged that, in doing this, he was essentially buying votes. However, Yeltsin's team argued that he was simply doing his job as president.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: During the second round campaign, Zyuganov asserted in a letter to the parliament, the Central Electoral Commission, and the media that Yeltsin was buying votes with money that should be used to pay wage and pension arrears and that he had pressured local leaders into working for his campaign. He also alleged that Yeltsin was using "tens of trillions of rubles" from the state budget for campaign purposes. Zyuganov argued that such practices would call into question the results of the voting and urged immediate measures that would insure equal conditions for the candidates.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In 1991, at the time of the previous presidential election, Russia had only two major television channels. RTR had supported Yeltsin, while ORT had criticized him and provided broad coverage of the views of his opponents. In the 1996 election, however, none of Russia's major television networks were critical of Yeltsin. Yeltsin had successfully enlisted the national television channels (ORT, RTR, NTV) and most of the written press to essentially act as agents of his campaign.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: The European Institute for Media found that Yeltsin received 53% of all media coverage of the campaign, while Zyuganov received only 18%. In their evaluation of the biases of news stories, EIM awarded each candidate 1 point for every positive story they received and subtracted a point for every negative story they received. In the first round of the election, Yeltsin scored +492 and Zyuganov scored −313. In the second round of the election, Yeltsin scored +247 and Zyuganov scored −240.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Television networks marginalized all of Yeltsin's opponents aside from Zyuganov, helping to create the perception that there were only two viable candidates. This allowed Yeltsin to pose as the lesser-evil. Near the end of the election's first-round, however, the networks began also providing coverage to the candidacy of Lebed, who had already agreed to support Yeltsin in the second round.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Supplementing the work of the numerous public relations and media firms that were hired by the Yeltsin campaign, a number of media outlets "volunteered" their services to Yeltsin's reelection effort. For instance, "Kommersant" (one of the most prominent business newspapers in the country) published an anti-communist paper called "Ne Dai Bog" (meaning, "God forbid"). At ORT, a special committee was placed in charge of planning a marathon of anticommunist films and documentaries to be broadcast on the channel ahead of the election.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Led by the efforts of Mikhail Lesin, the media painted a picture of a fateful choice for Russia, between Yeltsin and a "return to totalitarianism." They even played up the threat of civil war if a Communist were elected president.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: One of the reasons for the media's overwhelming favoritism of Yeltsin was their fear that a Communist government would dismantle Russia's right to a free press. Another factor contributing to the media's support of Yeltsin was that his government still owned two of the national television channels, and still provided the majority of funding to the majority of independent newspapers. In addition, Yeltsin's government also was in charge of supplying licenses to media outlets. Yeltsin's government and Luzhkov, mayor of Moscow, flexed their power and reminded the owners, publishers, and editors that newspaper licenses and Moscow leases for facilities were "under review". There were also instances of direct payments made for positive coverage (so-called "dollar journalism").


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Yeltsin had managed to enlist Russia's emerging business elite to work in his campaign, including those who ran media corporations. This included Vladimir Gusinsky, owner of Most Bank, Independent Television and NTV. NTV which had, prior to the campaign, been critical towards Yeltsin's actions in Chechnya, changed the tone of their coverage. Igor Malashenko, Gusinsky's appointed head of NTV, even joined the Yeltsin campaign and led its media relations in a rather visible conflict-of-interest. In early 1996, Gusinsky and his political rival Boris Berezovsky (chairman of the Board of ORT) decided that they would put aside their differences in order to work together to support the reelection Boris Yeltsin. By mid-1996, Yeltsin had recruited a team of a handful of financial and media oligarchs to bankroll the Yeltsin campaign and guarantee favorable media coverage the president on national television and in leading newspapers. In return, Yeltsin's presidential administration allowed well-connected Russian business leaders to acquire majority stakes in some of Russia's most valuable state-owned assets.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Additionally, to further guarantee consistent media coverage, in February Yeltsin had fired the chairperson of the All-Russia State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company and replaced him with Eduard Sagalaev.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: While the anti-communist pro-Yeltsin media bias certainly contributed to Yeltsin's victory, it was not the sole factor. A similar anti-communist media bias in the run-up to the 1995 parliamentary elections had failed to prevent a communist victory. Additionally, Yeltsin himself had been able to win the 1991 presidential election in spite of a strongly unfavorable media bias towards him.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Yeltsin's campaign disregarded numerous campaign regulations. Analysis has indicated that Yeltsin's campaign spent well in excess of spending limits. Yeltsin also violated a law against broadcasting advertisements before 15 March. Yeltsin undertook many abuses of his power in order to assist his campaign effort.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Instances of fraud were indicated to have taken place, but the various political actors, including the opposition, did not challenge the result.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: The Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation found in 1996 that the original second-round results reported from Mordovia were falsified. A significant number of votes that had been cast for Zyuganov were recorded as "Against All Candidates". The vote totals from Mordovia were subsequently adjusted by the Central Election Commission in order to remedy this.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: The Central Election Commission also discovered fraud in Dagestan, an ethnic republic which had experienced a very improbable change in voting patterns between rounds. The vote totals were revised to remedy this.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Another instance of fraud was discovered in Karachay-Cherkessia by the Central Election Commission. The vote totals were adjusted to remedy for this as well.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: There have been a number of allegations claiming that there were further, and greater, instances of fraud than the aforementioned instances that had been discovered by the Central Election Commission. They include a number of allegations that assert that the election was unfair and favored Yeltsin, as well as some allegations that go as far as to assert that the entire election was fraudulent.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In addition to federal subjects in which fraud was discovered by the CEC, some results, such as those from Russia's ethnic republics of Tatarstan and Bashkortostan, showed highly-unlikely changes in voting patterns between the two rounds of voting. That has aroused suspicions of election fraud. However, any fraud that may have contributed to those discrepancies is unlikely to have had a material effect on the outcome of the election. One hypothesis that has been given for the dramatic increase in support that Yeltsin saw in some regions was that prior to the second round vote, administrative pressure was applied in those regions to coerce voters into supporting Yeltsin.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Allegations have been made that in the first round of the election, several regions of Russia committed electoral fraud in favor of Zyuganov. It has also been further alleged that several of the republics switched the direction of their fraud during the second round to favor Yeltsin instead.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Mikhail Gorbachev has voiced a belief that the results of the election were falsified. He has stated that he believes that the results underreported his actual share of the vote.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: At a meeting with opposition leaders in 2012, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev was reported to have said, "There is hardly any doubt who won [that race]. It was not Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Some have argued that the role of American president Bill Clinton's administration in securing an International Monetary Fund loan for Russia was an act of foreign electoral intervention. The topic of American influence on Russian elections is developed in US popular culture, such as in the 2003 comedy "Spinning Boris".


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: Knowing that his voter base was pro-Western, Yeltsin lobbied President Clinton to speak praisefully of Russia's transition to democracy. Yeltsin believed that this would strengthen his support from voters. Yeltsin warned President Clinton of the possible ramifications of a Zyuganov victory, saying, "There is a U.S. press campaign suggesting that people should not be afraid of the communists; that they are good, honorable and kind people. I warn people not to believe this. More than half of them are fanatics; they would destroy everything. It would mean civil war. They would abolish the boundaries between the republics. They want to take back Crimea; they even make claims against Alaska. ... There are two paths for Russia's development. I do not need power. But when I felt the threat of communism, I decided that I had to run. We will prevent it."


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In their conversations, President Clinton assured Yeltsin that he would give him his publicly declared personal endorsement, saying, "I've been trying to find a way to say to the Russian people 'this election will have consequences,' and we are clear about what it is we support." Yeltsin made other requests, such as admission into the G8 (not granted), a $2.5 billion direct cash loan to the government (not granted), and a delay in NATO expansion (granted). Clinton refrained from covert operations, avoiding potential backlash if discovered.


title: 1996 Russian presidential election

text: In January 1997, noting the support Yeltsin had received in 1996 from the Clinton administration, former candidate Alexander Lebed visited the United States to rally support from American businesses for a potential run in the 2000 Russian presidential election. As one analyst wrote at the time (of Lebed): "He may perceive that Yeltsin benefited greatly from support from the Americans in the last campaign. Bill Clinton made a trip to Moscow during the campaign. And the International Monetary Fund extended loans that enabled the Government to make credible promises to pay wages."


title: Kani Kusruti

text: Kani Kusruti (born 12 September 1985) is an Indian actress and model. She first gained recognition in 2009 with the film "Kerala Cafe", where her performance was critically acclaimed. Kani won the Best Actress at Kerala State Film Awards in 2020 and the BRICS Best Actress Award at the Moscow International Film Festival for her performance as Khadeeja in the film "Biriyaani".


title: Kani Kusruti

text: Kani was born in Cheruvakkal, a small village in Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, to social activist and rationalist parents Jayasree A. K. and Maitreya Maitreyan. Her parents had dropped their last names to erase the social hierarchy marker that comes with last names in India. At 15, she invented her last name "Kusruti" (meaning "mischievous" in Malayalam) to fill in a requirement in her class 10th exam application. She grew up in Thiruvananthapuram, where she got introduced to the Abhinaya Theatre Research Centre, "a common platform for theatre practitioners". She later moved to Thrissur, where she enrolled in the theatre arts program at the Thrissur School of Drama, between 2005 and 2007. She completed her theatre education at the L'École Internationale de Théâtre Jacques Lecoq, where she studied physical theatre for two years.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: At Abhinaya, Kusruti made her theatre debut in Baudhayana's classic farce "Bhagavadajjukam". She played the lead role of Vasantsena in the production from 2000 to 2006. The play toured across theatre festivals, including the Bharat Rang Mahotsav and the International Theatre Festival of Kerala. She rendered the part of Kamala in M. G. Jyotish's stage adaptation of Hermann Hesse's "Siddhartha". In 2007, the production was invited to the Villeneuve en Scene Festival d'Avignon.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: In 2009, after returning from L'École Internationale de Théâtre Jacques Lecoq, Kusruti appeared in the anthology film "Kerala Cafe", in the segment "Island Express" directed by Shankar Ramakrishnan. In 2010, she played a Naxalite in the Mohanlal starrer "Shikkar", but her nuanced rendition of a sex worker in the 2010 film "Cocktail" got her noticed by mainstream audiences.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: In December 2010, Kani collaborated on creating 'Las Indias', a "mega performance event" directed by the thespian and theatre pedagogist Elias Cohen. The performance was staged in a bus, that was designed for the production. The Indo-Latin American theatre company, the Singing Sticks Theatre Ensemble evolved out of Las Indias. The bus that was originally created for Las Indias, was used once again for an interactive theatre roadshow 'Tsunami Express: Highway of Hopes', which Kusruti collaborated on making.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: In 2011, Kani joined the renowned touring theatre company Footsbarn to work on a new production of Shakespeare's "Tempest". She played Miranda in the resulting performance "The Indian Tempest". After touring Ireland, Spain, France, Portugal and India, the production opened at Shakespeare's Globe in 2013.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: Kusruti researched, co-developed and acted in the Indo-Polish production 'Burning Flowers - 7 Dreams of a Woman', directed by and produced by Teatr Biuro Podróży.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: In 2015, Kani became a household presence with the soap opera "Eswaran Sakshiyayi", directed by K. K. Rajeev. She played the part of Advocate Tresa, a lawyer who joins in on the investigation for her brother's murder.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: Kusruti's mother Dr. Jayasree AK, a community medicine specialist and social activist, lectures at Pariyaram Medical College, and is a regular guest on talk shows. Her father Maitreya Maitreyan has worked for, and led, several human rights movements in Kerala.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: She lives in Mumbai with her partner, the filmmaker and science communicator Anand Gandhi. She identifies herself as an atheist and a rationalist. On 19 February 2019, she revealed she quit acting due to sexual demands from filmmakers. The actress has now made serious claims against the Malayalam film industry. Shockingly, Kani has claimed that filmmakers even approached her mom to convince her to give in to their demands. Kani chose to go back to theatre, but she couldn't earn enough in that industry to make a living.


title: Kani Kusruti

text: However, Kani is hopeful about the Malayalam film industry after the #MeToo Movement and initiations like Women in Cinema Collective. In 2019, Kusruti along with 48 other notable artists in the country had written an open letter to Narendra Modi over incidents of lynching in the country.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Hirschsprung's disease (HD or HSCR) is a birth defect in which nerves are missing from parts of the intestine. The most prominent symptom is constipation. Other symptoms may include vomiting, abdominal pain, diarrhea and slow growth. Symptoms usually become apparent in the first two months of life. Complications may include enterocolitis, megacolon, bowel obstruction and intestinal perforation.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The disorder may occur by itself or in association with other genetic disorders such as Down syndrome or Waardenburg syndrome. About half of isolated cases are linked to a specific genetic mutation, and about 20% occur within families. Some of these occur in an autosomal dominant manner. The cause of the remaining cases is unclear. If otherwise normal parents have one child with the condition, the next child has a 4% risk of being affected. The condition is divided into two main types, short-segment and long-segment, depending on how much of the bowel is affected. Rarely, the small bowel may be affected, as well. Diagnosis is based on symptoms and confirmed by biopsy.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Treatment is generally by surgery to remove the affected section of bowel. The surgical procedure most often carried out is known as a "pull through". Occasionally, an intestinal transplantation may be recommended. Hirschsprung's disease occurs in about one in 5,000 of newborns. Males are more often affected than females. The condition is believed to have first been described in 1691 by Dutch anatomist Frederik Ruysch and is named after Danish physician Harald Hirschsprung following his description in 1888.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Typically, Hirschsprung disease is diagnosed shortly after birth, although it may develop well into adulthood, because of the presence of megacolon, or because the baby fails to pass the first stool (meconium) within 48 hours of delivery. Normally, 90% of babies pass their first meconium within 24 hours, and 99% within 48 hours.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Other symptoms include symptoms of bowel perforation such as vomiting, constipation, poor feeding, lethargy, and diarrhea. Symptoms of bowel obstruction would include vomiting of bile and abdominal distension. Those who pass stools after 36 to 48 hours after birth should raise suspicion of Hirschsprung disease. Such suspicion can also be risen if there is only passage of stools after suppository, rectal exam, or enema. Children who do not respond to constipation treatment for six months should also raise suspicion of such disease. Enterocolitis, an acute complication of Hirschsprung disease, is characterised by sudden onset of fever, abdominal distension, vomiting, passage of bloody stools or release of explosive gas or stools after rectal examination.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Some cases are diagnosed later, into childhood, but usually before age 10. The child may experience fecal retention, constipation, or abdominal distention.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The disorder may occur by itself or in association with other genetic disorders such as Down syndrome. About half of isolated cases are linked to a specific genetic mutation and about 20% occur within families. Some of these occur in an autosomal dominant manner. The cause of the remaining cases is unclear. If otherwise normal parents have one child with the condition, the next child has a 4% risk of being affected.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Several genes and specific regions on chromosomes (loci) have been shown or suggested to be associated with Hirschsprung's disease:


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The "RET" proto-oncogene accounts for the highest proportion of both familial and sporadic cases, with a wide range of mutations scattered along its entire coding region. A proto-oncogene can cause cancer if it is mutated or overexpressed.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: "RET" is a gene that codes for proteins that assist cells of the neural crest in their movement through the digestive tract during the development of the embryo. Those neural crest cells eventually form bundles of nerve cells called ganglions. "EDNRB" codes for proteins that connect these nerve cells to the digestive tract. Thus, mutations in these two genes could directly lead to the absence of certain nerve fibers in the colon. Research suggests that several genes are associated with Hirschsprung's disease. Also, new research suggests that mutations in genomic sequences involved in regulating" EDNRB" have a bigger impact on Hirschsprung's disease than previously thought.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: "RET" can mutate in many ways and is associated with Down syndrome. Since Down syndrome is comorbid in 2% of Hirschsprung's cases, a likelihood exists that "RET" is involved heavily in both Hirschsprung's disease and Down syndrome. "RET" is also associated with medullary thyroid cancer and neuroblastoma, which is a type of cancer common in children. Both of these disorders are more common in Hirschsprung's patients than in the general population. One function that "RE"T controls is the travel of the neural crest cells through the intestines in the developing fetus. The earlier the "RET" mutation occurs in Hirschsprung's disease, the more severe the disorder becomes.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Common and rare DNA variations in the neuregulin 1 ("NRG1") and NRG3 ("NRG3") were first shown to be associated with the disease in Chinese patients through a Genome Wide Association Study by the Hong Kong team in 2009 and 2012, respectively Subsequent studies in both Asian and Caucasian patients confirmed the initial findings by the University of Hong Kong. Both rare and common variants in these two genes have been identified in additional Chinese, Thai, Korean, Indonesian, and Spanish patients. These two genes are known to play a role in the formation of the enteric nervous system; thus, they are likely to be involved in the pathology of Hirschsprung's disease, at least in some cases.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Another gene associated with this condition is NADPH oxidase, EF-hand calcium binding domain 5 (NOX5). This gene is located on the long arm of chromosome 15 (15q23).


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: During normal prenatal development, cells from the neural crest migrate into the large intestine (colon) to form the networks of nerves called the myenteric plexus (Auerbach plexus) (between the smooth muscle layers of the gastrointestinal tract wall) and the submucosal plexus (Meissner plexus) (within the submucosa of the gastrointestinal tract wall). In Hirschsprung disease, the migration is not complete and part of the colon lacks these nerve bodies that regulate the activity of the colon. The affected segment of the colon cannot relax and pass stool through the colon, creating an obstruction.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The most accepted theory of the cause of Hirschsprung is a defect in the craniocaudal migration of neuroblasts originating from the neural crest that occurs during the first 12 weeks of gestation. Defects in the differentiation of neuroblasts into ganglion cells and accelerated ganglion cell destruction within the intestine may also contribute to the disorder.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: This lack of ganglion cells in the myenteric and submucosal plexus is well documented in Hirschsprung's disease. With Hirschsprung's disease, the segment lacking neurons (aganglionic) becomes constricted, causing the normal, proximal section of bowel to become distended with feces. This narrowing of the distal colon and the failure of relaxation in the aganglionic segment are thought to be caused by the lack of neurons containing nitric oxide synthase.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The most cited feature is absence of ganglion cells: notably in males, 75% have none in the end of the colon (rectosigmoid) and 8% lack ganglion cells in the entire colon. The enlarged section of the bowel is found proximally, while the narrowed, aganglionic section is found distally, closer to the end of the bowel. The absence of ganglion cells results in a persistent overstimulation of nerves in the affected region, resulting in contraction.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Definitive diagnosis is made by suction biopsy of the distally narrowed segment. A histologic examination of the tissue would show a lack of ganglionic nerve cells. Diagnostic techniques involve anorectal manometry, barium enema, and rectal biopsy.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The suction rectal biopsy is considered the current international gold standard in the diagnosis of Hirschsprung's disease.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Radiologic findings may also assist with diagnosis. Cineanography (fluoroscopy of contrast medium passing anorectal region) assists in determining the level of the affected intestines.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Treatment of Hirschsprung's disease consists of surgical removal (resection) of the abnormal section of the colon, followed by reanastomosis.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The first stage of treatment used to be a reversible colostomy. In this approach, the healthy end of the large intestine is cut and attached to an opening created on the front of the abdomen. The contents of the bowel are discharged through the hole in the abdomen and into a bag. Later, when the patient's weight, age, and condition are right, the "new" functional end of the bowel is connected with the anus. The first surgical treatment involving surgical resection followed by reanastomosis without a colostomy occurred as early as 1933 by Doctor Baird in Birmingham on a one-year-old boy.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The Swedish-American surgeon Orvar Swenson (1909–2012), who discovered the cause of Hirschsprung's, first performed its surgical treatment, the pull-through surgery, in 1948. The pull-through procedure repairs the colon by connecting the functioning portion of the bowel to the anus. The pull-through procedure is the typical method for treating Hirschsprung's in younger patients. Swenson devised the original procedure, and the pull-through surgery has been modified many times.'


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Currently, several different surgical approaches are used, which include the Swenson, Soave, Duhamel, and Boley procedures. The Swenson procedure leaves a small portion of the diseased bowel. The Soave procedure, named after the Italian pediatric surgeon, (1917–1984), leaves the outer wall of the colon unaltered. The Boley procedure, pioneered by the American surgeon, Scott Boley (b. 1941), is a small modification of the Soave procedure, so the term "Soave-Boley" procedure is sometimes used. The Duhamel procedure, named for the French pediatric surgeon Bernard Duhamel (1917–1996), uses a surgical stapler to connect the good and bad bowel.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: For the 15% of children who do not obtain full bowel control, other treatments are available. Constipation may be remedied by laxatives or a high-fiber diet. In those patients, serious dehydration can play a major factor in their lifestyles. A lack of bowel control may be addressed by an ileostomy – similar to a colostomy, but uses the end of the small intestine rather than the colon. The Malone antegrade colonic enema (ACE) is also an option. In a Malone ACE, a tube goes through the abdominal wall to the appendix, or if available, to the colon. The bowel is then flushed daily. Children as young as 6 years of age may administer this daily flush on their own.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: If the affected portion of the lower intestine is restricted to the lower portion of the rectum, other surgical procedures may be performed, such as a posterior rectal myectomy. The prognosis is good in 70% of cases. Chronic postoperative constipation is present in 7 to 8% of the operated cases. Postoperative enterocolitis, a severe manifestation, is present in the 10–20% of operated patients.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: According to a 1984 study conducted in Maryland, Hirschsprung's disease appears in 18.6 per 100,000 live births. In Japan, it occurs at a similar rate of about one in 5,000 births (20 per 100,000). It is more common in male than female (4.32:1) and in white rather than nonwhite. Nine percent of the Hirschsprung cases were also diagnosed as having Down syndrome. Most cases are diagnosed before the patient is 10 years of age.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The first report of Hirschsprung's disease dates to 1691, when it was described by Dutch anatomist Frederik Ruysch. However, the disease is named after Harald Hirschsprung, the Danish physician who first described two infants who died of this disorder in 1888.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: Hirschsprung's disease is a congenital disorder of the colon in which certain nerve cells, known as ganglion cells, are absent, causing chronic constipation. In patients with Hirschsprung disease, both myenteric and submucosal plexuses are absent. A barium enema is the mainstay of diagnosis of Hirschsprung's, though a rectal biopsy showing the lack of ganglion cells is the only certain method of diagnosis.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The first publication on an important genetic discovery of the disease was from Martucciello Giuseppe "et al." in 1992. The authors described a case of a patient with total colonic aganglionosis associated with a 46, XX, del 10 (q11.21 q21.2) karyotype. The major gene of Hirschsprung disease was identified in this chromosomal 10 region, it was the RET proto-oncogene.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: The usual treatment is "pull-through" surgery where the portion of the colon that does have nerve cells is pulled through and sewn over the part that lacks nerve cells. For a long time, Hirschsprung's was considered a multifactorial disorder, where a combination of nature and nurture was considered to be the cause. However, in August 1993, two articles by independent groups in "Nature Genetics" said that Hirschsprung's disease could be mapped to a stretch of chromosome 10.


title: Hirschsprung's disease

text: This research also suggested that a single gene was responsible for the disorder. However, the researchers were unable to isolate it.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: This form of anthropomorphism is very common in "otaku" subcultures. With the exception of "kemonomimi" (which are human-like characters that have animal features), many "moe" anthropomorphizations started as "dōjin" efforts. An early form of moe anthropomorphism is the Gundam MS Girl created by Mika Akitaka in 1982. Many anthropomorphizations were the results of discussions on Japanese Internet forums such as 2channel or Futaba Channel. The trend spread out of "dōjin" circles as commercial anime and manga also prominently feature characters who are personifications of inanimate objects.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: The media studies scholar Yuji Sone has argued that since "moe" anthropomorphism is usually personified by beautiful young girls, it is an example of the outgrowth of otaku subcultural habitus into sexual fantasies. The psychologist Tamaki Saitō regards "moe" anthropomorphism as an example of "mitate-e" art due to its simultaneous use of both high and low art to provide additional, sometimes humorous, meanings. Saitō also connects this anthropomorphism with a "desire for transformation" associated with the "shōjo" (girl) form.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: "Kemonomimi" (), literally meaning "animal ears", is the concept of depicting human and human-like characters with animal ears, and by extension, other features such as tails. Kemonomimi is often used in moe anthropomorphism, to depict animal characters in human form. Catgirls and catboys are the most prolific and common in this category, although bunnygirls, foxgirls, doggirls, and wolfgirls are also common. Kemonomimi characters typically appear human except for added animal-like qualities. In Hiroki Azuma's theory of otaku database consumption, animal ears are one type of ""moe" element," which is combined with other elements in a character in order to create an affective response in fans. A notable franchise featuring moe anthropomorphism and "kemonomimi" is "Kemono Friends", which is focused on a myriad of anthropomorphized animals in the form of girls and young women, ranging from real animals to cryptids and legendary creatures. Another notable series is "Uma Musume Pretty Derby" which focuses on girls as famous Japanese racehorses. Mimiketto is a doujinshi convention dedicated to "kemonomimi" works.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: When "moe" appearances are given to various creatures from folklore, mythology or fantasy, they are usually called monster girls (or sometimes boys). Their bestial traits may be fully retained, de-emphasized into mere personality tics or removed altogether. An early example of this is with the independent video game/doujin soft series "Touhou Project" beginning in 1997 which depicts "yōkai" and other mythical beings as beautiful girls and women who summon spell cards to unleash a barrage of abstract projectile patterns called "danmaku". It was further popularized by such manga as "Monster Musume" and "A Centaur's Life", and has grown into its own genre. Rarely, the monster girls are relatively unchanged from their original form and personality, such as mermaids and centaurides.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: The fan-created Bowsette, a gender-swapped and "moe" anthropomorphized version of the "Mario" antagonist Bowser that gives him the appearance of Princess Peach via the "Super Crown" powerup, became one of the most popular Internet memes of 2018. The popularity of the character later led to other "Mario" enemies being given "moe" interpretations, the most prominent of which was Boosette (based on the King Boo character).


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: Although "Chobits" (2001) and Toy's iMac Girl (1998) came first, the meme of turning computer-related phenomena into "moe" subjects did not start until , the anthropomorphization of Internet Explorer's "Stop" button. The idea of Shiitake-chan came in 2001 on 2channel, starting with a poster who claims he saw the "Stop" button as a shiitake. When Microsoft released Windows 7 in Japan, they included a theme pack centered around a personification of the OS named "Nanami Madobe" with voice samples from Nana Mizuki. Microsoft used another personification involving two girls named "Yū Madobe" and "Ai Madobe" to promote Windows 8 in Japan. As part of the market launch, a Facebook draw of 8 followers took place when follower count reaches 80001; and total Twitter follower count for Yū and Ai reach 8001, where winners receive Madobe Yū and Ai-themed prizes.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: Since the creation of the OS-tans, other software and websites have been anthropomorphized as well. For example, Wikipedia has its own "Wikipe-tan", while Mozilla applications have their own set of "Moezilla". Chinese netizens have created a "Green Dam Girl" to parody China's content-control software Green Dam Youth Escort. In 2010, Taiwanese illustrator known as "shinia" on Pixiv created a personification of Microsoft Silverlight named Hikaru Aizawa, who is officially promoted by Microsoft Taiwan. In 2013, Microsoft Singapore introduced Inori Aizawa, a mascot for Internet Explorer.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: The manga and anime series "World War Blue" features characters who are personifications of computer games. Video games with characters based on them include "Sonic the Hedgehog", "Super Mario" and "Tetris". "Sega Hard Girls" features personifications of video game hardware by Sega.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: Elements of the Japanese constitution have been anthropomorphized into "moe" girls, such as Article 9, which prevents Japan from waging war, being "portrayed as a peace-loving girl."


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: In 2010, users from the Breaking News board on 2channel created Hinomoto Oniko as an anthropomorphism of the commonly used Chinese ethnic slur used against Japanese, Riben guizi (日本鬼子), literally meaning "Japanese devils". The character was made by the 2channel community in response to the growing anti-Japanese sentiment amongst Chinese netizens online, and has since become an Internet meme within Japanese imageboards and forums. In Japanese, the kun'yomi reading of the kanji which make up the racial slur can be interpreted as a female personal name, and so the character is depicted as a young female wearing a traditional Japanese kimono, along with devil horns and a katana.


title: Moe anthropomorphism

text: In 2015, Internet users created "ISIS-chan", a "moe" anthropomorphized character of the jihadist group Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Images of her have been used by Anonymous to dilute the Islamic State's online propaganda.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: Brad Anderson (born 1964) is an American film director, producer and writer. A director of thriller and horror films and television projects, he is best known for having directed "The Machinist" (2004), starring Christian Bale, psychological horror film "Session 9" (2001) and "The Call" (2013), starring Halle Berry. He also produced and directed several installments of the Fox science fiction television series "Fringe". Early in his career, he directed the romantic comedies "Next Stop Wonderland" (1998) and "Happy Accidents" (2000).


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: Anderson was born in Madison, Connecticut, the son of Pamela Taylor Anderson, a community services administrator. He is the nephew of Emmy Award-winning actress Holland Taylor. Before he began his film career, he attended Bowdoin College, where he majored in anthropology and Russian. He then went to London to finish his film education at London Film School before returning to Boston.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: Anderson started out writing and directing the romantic comedies "The Darien Gap" (1996), "Next Stop Wonderland" (1998) and "Happy Accidents" (2000), all of which premiered at the Sundance Film Festival.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: His next film was the 2001 psychological horror film "Session 9". Unsuccessful at the box office, the film has since gained a cult following. In 2002, Anderson was a member of the dramatic jury at the Sundance Film Festival.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: This was followed by his most notable work to date, "The Machinist" (2004), starring Christian Bale. The film became well-known for Bales' dramatic weight loss (62 pounds) for the lead role, and for its screenplay, written by Scott Kosar.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: His next two films were "Transsiberian" (2008), a thriller starring Woody Harrelson, Emily Mortimer and Ben Kingsley and the horror film "Vanishing on 7th Street" (2010), starring Hayden Christensen, John Leguizamo and Thandie Newton. Notably, both "Transsiberian" and "The Machinist" were funded by Anglo-German production companies.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: This was followed by "Stonehearst Asylum" (aka Eliza Graves) in 2014, with Kate Beckinsale, Jim Sturgess, David Thewlis and Ben Kingsley in the leading roles.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: In 2018, Anderson directed the espionage thriller "Beirut", which stars Jon Hamm and Rosamund Pike, and in 2019, he directed the Netflix thriller film "Fractured", starring Sam Worthington, Lily Rabe, Stephen Tobolowsky and Adjoa Andoh, which was released on October 11.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: Anderson has directed numerous episodes of "Fringe", as well as two episodes each of "The Wire", "The Killing", and "Boardwalk Empire".


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: Anderson was one of the contributors to the horror series "Masters of Horror", directing the season two episode "Sounds Like".


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: Anderson replaced Joseph Ruben as director of Bold Films thriller "Jack" in May 2010, and cast John Cusack for the lead, who has since been replaced by Liev Schreiber. Anderson was supposed to direct "The Living and the Dead", based on the novel of the same name by Robert Tinnell and Todd Livingston.


title: Brad Anderson (director)

text: After working together on "The Machinist", Anderson and Christian Bale have had plans to collaborate again on an adaptation of J. G. Ballard's novel "Concrete Island".


title: İbrahim Çelikkol

text: İbrahim Çelikkol (born February 14, 1982) is a Turkish TV series and film actor, former player of The Turkey national under-20 basketball team and fashion model.


title: İbrahim Çelikkol

text: His maternal family is of Turkish origin who immigrated from Thessaloniki, Ottoman Empire (now, Greece). His paternal family is of Arab descent.


title: İbrahim Çelikkol

text: His father was a football player. When he died, İbrahim Çelikkol left basketball. His family is generally sportsmen and musicians. He has a sister named Aslı Çelikkol.


title: İbrahim Çelikkol

text: Çelikkol worked as a professional model before he started acting. When he met Osman Sınav, a Turkish film producer, he started acting. His first part was Şamil in "Pars: Narkoterör". He played Ulubatlı Hasan in "Fetih 1453".


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Tarbosaurus ( ; meaning "alarming lizard") is a genus of tyrannosaurid dinosaur that flourished in Asia about 70 million years ago, at the end of the Late Cretaceous Period, considered to contain a single known species, Tarbosaurus bataar. Fossils have been recovered from the Nemegt Formation of Mongolia, with more fragmentary remains found further afield in the Subashi Formation of China.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Although many species have been named, modern paleontologists recognize only one, "T. bataar", as valid. Some experts see this species as an Asian representative of the North American genus "Tyrannosaurus"; this would make the genus "Tarbosaurus" redundant. "Tarbosaurus" and "Tyrannosaurus", if not synonymous, are considered to be at least closely related genera. "Alioramus", also from Mongolia, has previously been thought by some authorities to be the closest relative of "Tarbosaurus", though this has since been disproven with the discovery of "Qianzhousaurus" and the description of the Alioramini.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Like most known tyrannosaurids, "Tarbosaurus" was a large bipedal predator, measuring approximately in length, in hip height and weighing up to in body mass. It had a unique locking mechanism in its jaw, equipped with about sixty large teeth, and the smallest forelimbs relative to body size of all tyrannosaurids, renowned for their disproportionately tiny, two-fingered forelimbs.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: "Tarbosaurus" lived in a humid floodplain criss-crossed by river channels. In this environment, it was an apex predator, probably preying on other large dinosaurs like the hadrosaur "Saurolophus" or the sauropod "Nemegtosaurus". "Tarbosaurus" is represented by dozens of fossil specimens, including several complete skulls and skeletons. These remains have allowed scientific studies focusing on its phylogeny, skull mechanics, and brain structure.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: In 1946, a joint Soviet-Mongolian expedition to the Gobi Desert in the Mongolian Ömnögovi Province turned up a large theropod skull and some vertebrae in the Nemegt Formation. In 1955, Evgeny Maleev, a Soviet paleontologist, made this specimen the holotype (PIN 551–1) of a new species, which he called "Tyrannosaurus bataar". The specific name is a misspelling of the Mongolian баатар/"baatar" ("hero"). In the same year, Maleev also described and named three new theropod skulls, each associated with skeletal remains discovered by the same expedition in 1948 and 1949. The first of these (PIN 551–2) was named "Tarbosaurus efremovi", a new generic name composed of the Ancient Greek "τάρβος" (') ("terror", "alarm", "awe", or "reverence") and (') ("lizard"), and the species named after Ivan Yefremov, a Russian paleontologist and science fiction author. The other two (PIN 553-1 and PIN 552–2) were also named as new species and assigned to the North American genus "Gorgosaurus" ("G. lancinator" and "G. novojilovi", respectively). All three of these latter specimens are smaller than the first.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: A 1965 paper by A.K. Rozhdestvensky recognized all of Maleev's specimens as different growth stages of the same species, which he believed to be distinct from the North American "Tyrannosaurus". He created a new combination, "Tarbosaurus bataar", to include all the specimens described in 1955 as well as newer material. Later authors, including Maleev himself, agreed with Rozhdestvensky's analysis, although some used the name "Tarbosaurus efremovi" rather than "T. bataar". American paleontologist Kenneth Carpenter re-examined the material in 1992. He concluded that it belonged to the genus "Tyrannosaurus", as originally published by Maleev, and lumped all the specimens into the species "Tyrannosaurus bataar" except the remains that Maleev had named "Gorgosaurus novojilovi". Carpenter thought this specimen represented a separate, smaller genus of tyrannosaurid, which he called "Maleevosaurus novojilovi". George Olshevsky created the new generic name "Jenghizkhan" (after Genghis Khan) for "Tyrannosaurus bataar" in 1995, while also recognizing "Tarbosaurus efremovi" and "Maleevosaurus novojilovi", for a total of three distinct, contemporaneous genera from the Nemegt Formation. A 1999 study subsequently reclassified "Maleevosaurus" as a juvenile "Tarbosaurus". All research published since 1999 recognizes only a single species, which is either called "Tarbosaurus bataar" or "Tyrannosaurus bataar".


title: Tarbosaurus

text: After the original Russian-Mongolian expeditions in the 1940s, Polish-Mongolian joint expeditions to the Gobi Desert began in 1963 and continued until 1971, recovering many new fossils, including new specimens of "Tarbosaurus" from the Nemegt Formation. Expeditions involving Japanese and Mongolian scientists between 1993 and 1998, as well as private expeditions hosted by Canadian paleontologist Phil Currie around the turn of the 21st century, discovered and collected further "Tarbosaurus" material. More than 30 specimens are known, including more than 15 skulls and several complete postcranial skeletons.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: "Tarbosaurus" fossils are only found around the Gobi Desert of Mongolia and China, both of which ban their export, though some specimens have been looted by private collectors. A $1 million smuggling deal was uncovered when suspicions were raised about a catalog put out by Heritage Auctions for an event in New York City on May 20, 2012. By Mongolian law, any specimen found in the Gobi Desert was to rest at an appropriate Mongolian institution and there was little reasonable doubt that the "Tarbosaurus bataar" advertised on the catalog was a stolen one. The president of Mongolia and many paleontologists raised objections to the sale which led to a last-minute investigation that confirmed that it was a specimen that can only be found in the Gobi Desert, rightfully belonging to Mongolia. During the court case (United States v. One "Tyrannosaurus Bataar" Skeleton), Eric Prokopi, the smuggler, pleaded guilty to illegal smuggling and the dinosaur was returned to Mongolia in 2013, where it is temporarily displayed on Sukhbaatar Square, the center of the city of Ulaanbaatar. Prokopi had sold the dinosaur with a partner and fellow commercial hunter in England, Christopher Moore. The case led to the repatriation of dozens more Mongolian dinosaurs, including several skeletons of "Tarbosaurus bataar".


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Chinese paleontologists discovered a partial skull and skeleton of a small theropod (IVPP V4878) in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region of China in the mid-1960s. In 1977, Dong Zhiming described this specimen, which was recovered from the Subashi Formation in Shanshan County, as a new genus and species, "Shanshanosaurus huoyanshanensis". Gregory Paul recognized "Shanshanosaurus" as a tyrannosaurid in 1988, referring it to the now-defunct genus "Aublysodon". Dong and Currie later re-examined the specimen and deemed it to be a juvenile of a larger species of tyrannosaurine. These authors refrained from assigning it to any particular genus but suggested "Tarbosaurus" as a possibility.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: "Albertosaurus periculosus", "Tyrannosaurus luanchuanensis", "Tyrannosaurus turpanensis" and "Chingkankousaurus fragilis" were considered synonyms of "Tarbosaurus" in the second edition of the Dinosauria, but "Chingkankousaurus" has been assessed as dubious by Brusatte et al. (2013).


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Named in 1976 by Sergei Kurzanov, "Alioramus" is another genus of tyrannosaurid from slightly older sediments in Mongolia. Several analyses have concluded "Alioramus" was quite closely related to "Tarbosaurus". It was described as an adult, but its long, low skull is characteristic of a juvenile tyrannosaurid. This led Currie to speculate that "Alioramus" might represent a juvenile "Tarbosaurus", but he noted that the much higher tooth count and row of crests on top of the snout suggested otherwise.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Skin impressions were recovered from a large skeleton at the Bugiin Tsav locality that was subsequently destroyed by poachers. These impressions show non-overlapping scales with an average diameter of and pertain to the thoracic region of the individual, although the exact position can not be assessed any longer due to the destruction of the skeleton.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Phil Currie and colleagues (2003) described two footprints from the Nemegt locality that probably pertain to "Tarbosaurus". These tracks represent natural casts, which means that only the sandy infill of the tracks and not the tracks themselves are preserved. The better-preserved track features skin impressions over large areas on and behind the toe impressions that are similar to those discovered in Bugiin Tsav; it also features vertical parallel slide marks that were left by scales when the foot was pushed into the ground. The track measures in length, thus representing a large individual. The second track, although even larger, was affected by erosion and does not show any detail.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: In 1997, Kenneth Carpenter reported a damaged "Tarbosaurus" skull with impressions of a dewlap or throat pouch beneath the lower jaws, based on a personal communication from Konstantin Mikhailov. Carpenter speculated that the pouch may have been used for display, possibly being brightly colored and inflatable like a frigatebird's. In a 2019 communication to Mickey Mortimer, Mikhailov confirmed that this specimen had not been collected due to its being on a heavy stone slab. He revealed that it had been discovered by Sergei Kurzanov and that it was Kurzanov who had originally interpreted the impressions as a throat structure. This specimen may be the same as one that was purportedly destroyed by poachers in 1992.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Although slightly smaller than "Tyrannosaurus", "Tarbosaurus" was one of the largest tyrannosaurids, with the largest fully grown individual measuring approximately in length, in hip height and weighing up to in body mass (based on tibia and femur circumference and volumetric analysis). The largest known "Tarbosaurus" skull is more than long, larger than all other tyrannosaurids except "Tyrannosaurus".


title: Tarbosaurus

text: The skull was tall, like that of "Tyrannosaurus", but not as wide, especially towards the rear. The unexpanded rear of the skull meant that "Tarbosaurus" eyes did not face directly forwards, suggesting that it lacked the binocular vision of "Tyrannosaurus". Large fenestrae (openings) in the skull reduced its weight. Between 58 and 64 teeth lined its jaws, slightly more than in "Tyrannosaurus" but fewer than in smaller tyrannosaurids like "Gorgosaurus" and "Alioramus". Most of its teeth were oval in cross section, although the teeth of the premaxilla at the tip of the upper jaw had a "D"-shaped cross section. This heterodonty is characteristic of the family. The longest teeth were in the maxilla (upper jaw bone), with crowns up to 85 millimeters (3.3 in) long. In the lower jaw, a ridge on the outer surface of the angular bone articulated with the rear of the dentary bone, creating a locking mechanism unique to "Tarbosaurus" and "Alioramus". Other tyrannosaurids lacked this ridge and had more flexibility in the lower jaw.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Tyrannosaurids varied little in body form, and "Tarbosaurus" was no exception. The head was supported by an "S"-shaped neck, while the rest of the vertebral column, including the long tail, was held horizontally. "Tarbosaurus" had tiny forelimbs, proportionably to body size the smallest of all members of the family. The hands had two clawed digits each, with an additional unclawed third metacarpal found in some specimens, similar to closely related genera. Holtz has suggested that "Tarbosaurus" also has a theropod reduction of fingers IV-I "developed further" than in other tyrannosaurids, as the second metacarpal in the "Tarbosaurus" specimens he studied is less than twice the length of the first metacarpal (other tyrannosaurids have a second metacarpal about twice the length of the first metacarpal). Also, the third metacarpal in "Tarbosaurus" is proportionally shorter than in other tyrannosaurids; in other tyrannosaurids (like "Albertosaurus" and "Daspletosaurus"), the third metacarpal is often longer than the first metacarpal, while in the "Tarbosaurus" specimens studied by Holtz, the third metacarpal is shorter than the first. In contrast to the forelimbs, the three-toed hindlimbs were long and thick, supporting the body in a bipedal posture. The long, heavy tail served as a counterweight to the head and torso and placed the center of gravity over the hips.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: "Tarbosaurus" is classified as a theropod in the subfamily Tyrannosaurinae within the family Tyrannosauridae. Other members include "Tyrannosaurus" and the earlier "Daspletosaurus", both from North America, and possibly the Mongolian genus "Alioramus". Animals in this subfamily are more closely related to "Tyrannosaurus" than to "Albertosaurus" and are known for their robust build with proportionally larger skulls and longer femurs than in the other subfamily, the Albertosaurinae.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: "Tarbosaurus bataar" was originally described as a species of "Tyrannosaurus", an arrangement that has been supported by some more recent studies. Others prefer to keep the genera separate, while still recognizing them as sister taxa. A 2003 cladistic analysis based on skull features instead identified "Alioramus" as the closest known relative of "Tarbosaurus", as the two genera share skull characteristics that are related to stress distribution and that are not found in other tyrannosaurines. If proven, this relationship would argue against "Tarbosaurus" becoming a synonym for "Tyrannosaurus" and would suggest that separate tyrannosaurine lineages evolved in Asia and North America. The two known specimens of "Alioramus", which show juvenile characteristics, are not likely juvenile individuals of "Tarbosaurus" because of their much higher tooth count (76 to 78 teeth) and their unique row of bony bumps along the top of their snouts.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: The discovery of "Lythronax argestes", a much earlier tyrannosaurine further reveals the close relationship between "Tyrannosaurus" and "Tarbosaurus", and it was discovered that "Lythronax" is a sister taxon to a clade consisting of Campanian genus "Zhuchengtyrannus", and Maastrichtian genera "Tyrannosaurus" and "Tarbosaurus". Further studies of "Lythronax" also suggest that the Asian tyrannosauroids were part of one evolutionary radiation.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Below is the cladogram of Tyrannosaurinae based on the phylogenetic analysis conducted by Voris and team in 2020.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Most specimens of "Tarbosaurus" represent adult or subadult individuals; juveniles remain very rare. Nevertheless, the 2006 discovery of a juvenile individual (MPC-D 107/7) including a complete, long skull was reported and described in 2011 and provides information on the life history of this dinosaur. This individual probably was aged 2 to 3 years at the time of death. Compared with adult skulls, the juvenile skull was weakly constructed and the teeth were thin, indicating different food preferences in juveniles and adults that reduced competition between different age groups. Examination of the sclerotic rings in this juvenile "Tarbosaurus" suggests they may also have been crepuscular or nocturnal hunters. Whether the adult "Tarbosaurus" were also nocturnal is currently unknown due to lack of fossil evidence.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: A "Tarbosaurus" skull found in 1948 by Soviet and Mongolian scientists (PIN 553–1, originally called "Gorgosaurus lancinator") included the skull cavity that held the brain. Making a plaster cast, called an "endocast", of the inside of this cavity allowed Maleev to make preliminary observations about the shape of a "Tarbosaurus" brain. A newer polyurethane rubber cast allowed a more detailed study of "Tarbosaurus" brain structure and function.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: The endocranial structure of "Tarbosaurus" was similar to that of "Tyrannosaurus", differing only in the positions of some cranial nerve roots, including the trigeminal and accessory nerves. Tyrannosaurid brains were more similar to those of crocodilians and other nonavian reptiles than to birds. The total brain volume for a "Tarbosaurus" is estimated at only .


title: Tarbosaurus

text: The large size of the olfactory bulbs, as well as the terminal and olfactory nerves, suggest that "Tarbosaurus" had a keen sense of smell, as was also the case with "Tyrannosaurus". The vomeronasal bulb is large and differentiated from the olfactory bulb, which was initially suggested as being indicative of a well-developed Jacobsen's organ, which was used to detect pheromones. This may imply that "Tarbosaurus" had complex mating behavior. However, the identification of the vomeronasal bulb has been challenged by other researchers, since they are not present in any living archosaurs.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: The auditory nerve was also large, suggesting good hearing, which may have been useful for auditory communication and spatial awareness. The nerve had a well-developed vestibular component as well, which implies a good sense of balance and coordination. In contrast, the nerves and brain structures associated with eyesight were smaller and undeveloped. The midbrain tectum, responsible for visual processing in reptiles, was very small in "Tarbosaurus", as were the optic nerve and the oculomotor nerve, which controls eye movement. Unlike "Tyrannosaurus", which had forward-facing eyes that provided some degree of binocular vision, "Tarbosaurus" had a narrower skull more typical of other tyrannosaurids in which the eyes faced primarily sideways. All of this suggests that "Tarbosaurus" relied more on its senses of smell and hearing than on its eyesight. It has been suggested that the lack of binocular vision in Asian tyrannosaurs like "Tarbosaurus" might have been correlated with a greater amount of scavenging resources provided by sauropod carcasses, which might have afforded them a less active predatory lifestyle compared to the North American forms, and thus less predatory adaptations.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: The skull of "Tarbosaurus" was completely described for the first time in 2003. Scientists noted key differences between "Tarbosaurus" and the North American tyrannosaurids. Many of these differences are related to the handling of stress by the skull bones during a bite. When the upper jaw bit down on an object, force was transmitted up through the maxilla, the primary tooth-bearing bone of the upper jaw, into surrounding skull bones. In North American tyrannosaurids, this force went from the maxilla into the fused nasal bones on top of the snout, which were firmly connected in the rear to the lacrimal bones by bony struts. These struts locked the two bones together, suggesting that force was then transmitted from the nasals to the lacrimals.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: "Tarbosaurus" lacked these bony struts, and the connection between the nasals and lacrimals was weak. Instead, a backwards projection of the maxilla was massively developed in "Tarbosaurus" and fit inside a sheath formed from the lacrimal. This projection was a thin, bony plate in North American tyrannosaurids. The large backwards projection suggests that force was transmitted more directly from the maxilla to the lacrimal in "Tarbosaurus". The lacrimal was also more firmly anchored to the frontal and prefrontal bones in "Tarbosaurus". The well-developed connections between the maxilla, lacrimal, frontal and prefrontal would have made its entire upper jaw more rigid.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Another major difference between "Tarbosaurus" and its North American relatives was its more rigid mandible (lower jaw). While many theropods, including North American tyrannosaurids, had some degree of flexibility between the bones in the rear of the mandible and the dentary in the front, "Tarbosaurus" had a locking mechanism formed from a ridge on the surface of the angular, which articulated with a square process on the rear of the dentary.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: Some scientists have hypothesized that the more rigid skull of "Tarbosaurus" was an adaptation to hunting the massive titanosaurid sauropods found in the Nemegt Formation, which did not exist in most of North America during the Late Cretaceous. The differences in skull mechanics also affect tyrannosaurid phylogeny. "Tarbosaurus"-like articulations between the skull bones are also seen in "Alioramus" from Mongolia, suggesting that it, and not "Tyrannosaurus", is the closest relative of "Tarbosaurus". Similarities between "Tarbosaurus" and "Tyrannosaurus" might, therefore, be related to their large size, independently developed through convergent evolution.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: In 2001, Bruce Rothschild and others published a study examining evidence for stress fractures and tendon avulsions in theropod dinosaurs and the implications for their behavior. Since stress fractures are caused by repeated trauma rather than singular events they are more likely to be caused by regular behavior than other types of injuries. None of the eighteen "Tarbosaurus" foot bones examined in the study was found to have a stress fracture, but one of the ten examined hand bones was found to have one. Stress fractures in the hands have special behavioral significance compared to those found in the feet since stress fractures there can be obtained while running or during migration. Hand injuries, by contrast, are more likely to be obtained while in contact with struggling prey. The presence of stress fractures and tendon avulsions, in general, provide evidence for a "very active" predation-based diet rather than obligate scavenging.


title: Tarbosaurus

text: As for its bite force, it was revealed in 2005 that "Tarbosaurus" had a bite force of around 8,000 to 10,000 pounds per force, meaning that it could possibly crush bone like its North American relative, "Tyrannosaurus".


title: Tarbosaurus

text: David W.E. Hone and Mahito Watabe in 2011 reported the left humerus of a nearly complete "Saurolophus" skeleton (MPC-D 100/764) from the Bügiin Tsav locality of the Nemegt Formation, which was heavily damaged from bite marks attributed to "Tarbosaurus". As suggested by the lack of damage to the rest of the skeleton (such as large wounds in skeletal remains indicative of predation), this tyrannosaurid was likely scavenging an already dead "Saurolophus". It is unlikely that a large-bodied predator such as "Tarbosaurus" would have left sparse feeding traces on a single humerus having an entire carcass to feed on. The humerus shows three distinctive feeding methods, interpreted as punctures, drag marks, and bite−and−drag marks. Hone and Watabe noted that bite marks were mostly located at the deltopectoral crest, suggesting that this "Tarbosaurus" was actively selecting which biting style employ to scavenge the bone.