title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: The club was founded in 1937 and was originally based in Orlando, Soweto. They were named "amapirate" which means 'Pirates' in IsiZulu after the band of teenagers that originally formed an amateur football club at Orlando Boys Club broke away and started congregating at the home of one of the people that worked at Orlando Boys Club. Orlando Pirates are the first club since the inception of the Premier Soccer League in 1996 to have won three major trophies in a single season back to back, having won the domestic league ABSA Premiership, the FA Cup Nedbank Cup and the Top 8 Cup MTN 8 during the ABSA Premiership 2010–11 season and domestic league ABSA Premiership, the League Cup Telkom Knockout and the Top 8 Cup MTN 8 during the ABSA Premiership 2011–12 season. They are one of only two South African teams with Mamelodi Sundowns to win the CAF Champions League, which they won in 1995. They are the runners-up of the 2015 and 2021–2022 CAF Confederation Cup.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Orlando Pirates is one of South Africa's oldest football clubs having been established in 1937 in Orlando East, Soweto. The club's performances over the years have served as an inspiration for young footballers to strive to play the Beautiful Game at the highest level in the black and white colours of the 'Buccaneers'.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: The founders of Orlando Pirates included the offspring of migrant workers who moved from rural areas to work in the gold mines of Gauteng. Boys in Orlando came together at every available opportunity in open spaces and in informal groupings to play football. The original club was formed in 1934 by a group of teenagers at the Orlando Boys Club. Andries Mkhwanazi, popularly known as "Pele Pele", was a boxing instructor at the Orlando Boys Club when he encouraged formation of a football club in 1937 and a year later those teenagers were competing among the minors of the Johannesburg Bantu Football Association barefoot and without a team kit.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: In 1940, Bethuel Mokgosinyane, the first president, bought the first team kit with his own funds. Orlando Boys participated in Johannesburg Bantu Football Association's Saturday League, where they won the Division Two title and gained promotion to Division One in 1944. Andrew Bassie, a key member of the team, suggested the new name 'Orlando Pirates'. The team composed the camp's war cry 'Ezimnyama Ngenkani'.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Over the years, Orlando Pirates – also known as 'The Happy People' – have accumulated a record of successes having won the National Professional Soccer League title in 1971, 1973, 1975 and 1976, the National Soccer League title in 1994, and the Premier Soccer League title four times, in 2001, 2003, 2011 and 2012. Their first-place finish in the 2010–11 domestic league campaign generated much excitement among the club's vast fan base.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: In 2011, Orlando Pirates enjoyed tremendous success by winning the 2010–11 Premier Soccer League, The Nedbank Cup, The MTN 8 Cup and The Telkom Knockout. This year was dubbed as "The Happy Year."


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Many other cup triumphs in domestic football have also been recorded, including Vodacom Challenge title victories in the inaugural 1999 tournament and 2005. But the African continent and other areas of the football world took notice of Orlando Pirates Football Club when they won the African Champions Cup (now known as the Champions League) in 1995 and the African Super Cup a year later. Along with Mamelodi Sundowns, the Orlando Pirates are the only Southern Hemisphere club to have won the African Champions League. This achievement resulted in the club being honoured by the first State President of the new democratic South Africa, Nelson Mandela – another first for a South African sporting team.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Club chairman, Irvin Khoza, who also served on the 2010 World Cup Bid Committee, must be credited with the club's rise to fame over the past few years as the Orlando Pirates supporters – who are nicknamed "The Ghost" – have had much to cheer about.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Kaizer Chiefs chairman Kaizer Motaung and his Jomo Cosmos counterpart Jomo Sono were popular players of the highest calibre for the Buccaneers before starting their own clubs. Their playing history is deeply entrenched in the black and white colours of Orlando Pirates.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: In 2005, the team, along with Interza Lesego and Ellis Park Stadium Ltd, announced its acquisition of a 51% share in Ellis Park Stadium, making it the first majority black-owned stadium in South Africa. It was in the same year that Orlando Pirates achieved Superbrand status. Superbrands is an international company that identifies and rewards the leading brands around the world; Orlando Pirates are the only South African sports team next to the Springboks and Proteas to be given this status.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: The Soweto derby between Kaizer Chiefs and Orlando Pirates is one of the most fiercely contested derbies in world football. The first match between both clubs was on 24 January 1970.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: NB: South African football clubs started participating in CAF Competition's in 1993, after 16 years of being banned from FIFA due to the apartheid system. The ban extended from 1976 to 1992.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: The club appeared in the African Cup of Champions Clubs twice (1995, 1996) and have appeared in the CAF Champions League nine times from 1997 to date.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Club ranking for 2021–22 CAF Champions League and 2021–22 CAF Confederation Cup will be based on results from each CAF tournament (Champions League and Confederation Cup) from 2017 to 2020–21.


title: Orlando Pirates F.C.

text: Orlando Pirates F.C. Currently Ranked 22nd, as they enter the 2021-22 CAF Confederation Cup after finishing 3rd in the 2020-21 DStv Premiership


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Brazilian society is made up of a confluence of people of several different origins, from the original Native Brazilians, with the influence of Portuguese colonists and people of African descent. Other major significant groups include Italians, Spaniards, Germans, Lebanese and Japanese.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Latin Europe accounted for four-fifths of the arrivals (1.8 million Portuguese, 1.5 million Italians, and 700,000 Spaniards).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Brazil has seen greater racial equality over time. According to a recent review study, "There has been major, albeit uneven, progress in these terms since slavery, which has unfortunately not wholly translated into equality of income: only in 2011 did the black-to-white income ratio eclipse its 1960 level, although it appears to be at an all-time high. Education and migration were important factors in closing the gap, whereas school quality and discrimination may explain its persistence."


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The Brazilian population was formed by the influx of Portuguese settlers and African slaves, mostly Bantu and West African populations (such as the Yoruba, Ewe, and Fanti-Ashanti), into a territory inhabited by various indigenous South American tribal populations, mainly Tupi, Guarani and Ge.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, in what is known as Great Immigration, new groups arrived, mainly of Portuguese, Italian, Spanish and German origin, but also from Japan, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: When the Portuguese reached what is now called Brazil in 1500, its native population was probably composed of about 2.5 million Amerindians. Up to 1532, the Portuguese made no real effort to colonise the land, limiting to the establishment of "feitorias" to organise the trade of brazilwood.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: When it became clear that this policy would result in the land being taken by other European powers, namely the French and the Dutch, the Portuguese Crown decided to effectively occupy the territory by fostering agricultural activities, especially sugarcane crops, in Brazil. This resulted not only in the growth of the population of Portuguese origin, but also in the introduction of African slavery in Brazil.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: During the colonial period, the Portuguese prohibited any influx of other Europeans to Brazil. In consequence, the Portuguese and their descendants constituted the overwhelming majority of the White population of colonial Brazil. However, in the Southern Brazilian areas disputed between Portugal and Spain, a genetic study suggests that the predominant genomic ancestry of the Brazilian Gaúchos (inhabitants of the Pampas) may be Spanish, not Portuguese.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Also a small number of Dutch settlers remained in the Northeast after the Portuguese retook Dutch Brazil and may have contributed to the demographic composition of Northeastern Brazil. Even then and after the country's independence in 1822, immigration to Brazil was mainly Portuguese, though a significant number of German immigrants settled in the Southern region.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Combined with the European demographic crisis, this resulted in the immigration of about 5 million people, mostly European peasants, in the last quarter of the 19th century and first half of the 20th. The majority of these immigrants were either Portuguese or Italian (about 1,500,000 each), though significant numbers of Spaniards, which possibly include Portuguese emigrating from Vigo on false passports (690,000), Germans (250,000), Japanese (170,000), Middle Easterns (100,000, mostly people from what are now Syria and Lebanon arriving on Turkish passports), and Eastern Europeans (mostly Poles and Ukrainians arriving on Russian passports) also immigrated.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: There are few reliable statistics on the Brazilian population before the 1872 census, in Brazil of 1872 were:


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In the 2010 census, Whites were the largest single group, but not the majority. What has happened since the first half of the 20th century, is that new categories were added, such as East Asian and Indigenous. In 2010, the ethnic backgrounds of Brazilians were:


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: These figures do not yet reflect the influx of the five million immigrants mentioned above, since up to 1872 only about 270,000 immigrants had arrived in Brazil. According to Judicael Clevelário's calculations, the total population of immigrant origin in 1872 would be of about 240,000 people; consequently, the total White population of non-immigrant origin for that year would be of about 3,540,000 people at least.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: There seems to be no easy explanation of why slaves were not employed as wage workers at the abolition of slavery. One possibility is the influence of race-based ideas from the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, which were based on theories of White superiority. On the other hand, Brazilian latifundiaries had been using slave manpower for centuries, with no complaints about the quality of this workforce, and there were not important changes in Brazilian economy or work processes that could justify such sudden preoccupation with the "race" of the labourers. Their embracing of those new identitarian ideas, moreover, proved quite flexible, even opportunist: with the slowdown of Italian immigration since 1902 and the Prinetti Decree, Japanese immigration started in 1908, with any qualms about their typically non-European origins being quickly forgotten.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: An important, and usually ignored, part of this equation was the political situation in Brazil, during the final crisis of slavery. According to Petrônio Domingues, by 1887 the slave struggles pointed to a real possibility of widespread insurrection. On October 23, in São Paulo, for instance, there were violent confrontations between the police and rioting Blacks, who chanted "long live freedom" and "death to the slaveowners". The president of the province, Rodrigues Alves, reported the situation as following:


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The massive flight of slaves from several "fazendas" threatens, in some places in the province, public order, alarming the proprietaries and the productive classes.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Uprisings erupted in Itu, Campinas, Indaiatuba, Amparo, Piracicaba and Capivari; ten thousand fugitive slaves grouped in Santos. Fights were happening in daylight, guns were spotted among the fugitives, who, instead of hiding from police, seemed ready to engage in confrontation.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: It was as a response to such events that, on May 13, 1888, slavery was abolished, as a means to restore order and the control of the ruling class, in a situation in which the slave system was almost completely disorganised.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Hadn't the slaves fled massively from the plantations, rebelling against the masters ... Hadn't they, in more than 20,000, gone to the famous "quilombo" of Jabaquara (out of Santos, itself a center of abolitionist agitation), and maybe they would today be still slaves ... Slavery ended because slaves no longer wanted to be slaves, because slaves rebelled against their masters and against the law that enslaved them ... The law of 13 May was nothing more than the legal recognition – so that public authority wasn't discredited – of an act that had already been accomplished by the mass revolt of slaves.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Another factor, also usually neglected, is the fact that, regardless of the racial notions of the Brazilian elite, European populations were emigrating in great numbers – to the United States, to Argentina, to Uruguay – which African populations certainly were not doing, at that time. In this respect, what was new in "immigration to Brazil" was not the "immigration", but the "to Brazil" part. As Wilson do Nascimento Barbosa puts it,


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The collapse of slavery was the economic result of three conjugated movements: a) the end of the first industrial revolution (1760–1840) and the beginning of the so-called second industrial revolution (1880–1920); b) the lowering of the reproduction costs of the White man in Europe (1760–1860), due to the sanitary and pharmacological impact of the first industrial revolution; c) the rising costs of African Black slaves, due to the increasing reproduction costs of Black men in Africa.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In Brazil, particularly in São Paulo, the dominant idea was that national workers were unable to develop the country, and that only foreign workers would be able to work in a regime of "free" (i.e., wage) labour. The goal was to "whiten" Brazil through new immigrants and through future genetic mixing in which former slaves would disappear by becoming "Whiter."


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In 1878, ten years before the abolition of slavery, Rio de Janeiro hosted the "Congresso Agrícola" (Agricultural Congress) and that meeting reflected what the Brazilian elite (especially coffee planters) expected from their future workers. Although national workers were an option to some of the participants, especially to those not from São Paulo, most of them, under the lead of coffee planters from São Paulo, agreed that only immigration would be good to Brazil, and, moreover, European immigration. The "Congresso Agrícola" showed that the elite was convinced that Europeans were racially and culturally superior to other races.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Although discussions were situated in a theoretical field, immigrants arrived and colonies were founded through all this period (the rule of Pedro II), especially from 1850 on, particularly in the Southeast and Southern Brazil. These discussions culminated in the Decree 528 in 1890, signed by Brazil's first President Deodoro da Fonseca, which opened the national harbors to immigration except for Africans and Asians. This decree remained valid until October 5, 1892 when, due to pressures of coffee planters interested in cheap manpower, it was overturned by Law 97, which allowed the entry of Japanese immigrants to work on the coffee plantations, because, until that moment, the Brazilian ports could receive Whites only, who came mainly from Europe and the Middle East.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: As a result of those discussions and policies, Brazil experienced immigration mostly from countries such as Portugal, Italy, Spain, Germany, France, Poland, Russia, Ukraine, etc, during the end of the empire and the beginning of the republic period (late 19th and early 20th centuries). Later immigration, from 1908 on, was not so much influenced by that race discussions and Brazil attracted, besides Europeans, more immigrants from Lebanon, Syria and Japan, for example.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Racial whitening, or "whitening" (branqueamento), is an ideology that was widely accepted in Brazil between 1889 and 1914, as the solution to the "Negro problem." The Brazilian government, as was commonplace at that time, endorsed positions expressed by Brazilian intellectuals and scientists. An example is a text, written by Oliveira Vianna, that was issued as introductory material to 1920 Census results. Many pages of Vianna's work were dedicated to the discussion of a "pure race" of white Brazilians. According to the text, written by Oliveira Vianna, the first Portuguese colonists who came to Brazil were part of the blond Germanic nobility that ruled Portugal, while the dark-haired "poor" Portuguese only came to Brazil later, in the 17th and especially the 18th century.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: According to Oliveira Vianna, the blond Portuguese of Germanic origin were "restless and migratory", and that's why they emigrated to Brazil. On the other hand, the Portuguese of darker complexions were of Celtic or Iberian origin and came when the Portuguese settlement in Brazil was already well established, because, according to him, "The peninsular brachyoids, of Celtic race, or the dolicoides, of Iberian race, of sedentary habits and peaceful nature, did not have, of course, that mobility nor that bellicosity nor that spirit of adventure and conquest."


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The text reported the different levels of intelligence found among blacks and highlights the existence of "lazy blacks" (Gêgis and Angolans) or "laborious blacks" (Timinins, Minas, Dahomeyanos) and also the existence of "peaceful and obedient blacks" and of "rebels and fierce" ones. Vianna also compares the "morality" and intellectual level found among blacks and reports that Gêgis, Krumanos and Cabindas revealed the "mental inferiority, typical from the lowest types of the black race."


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In 1933, Brazilian anthropologist Gilberto Freyre published his famous book "Casa-Grande & Senzala" ("The Masters and the Slaves"). The book appeared at a moment when there was a widespread belief among social scientists that some races were superior to other ones, and in the same period when the Nazi Party in Germany was on the rise. Freyre's work was very important to change the mentality, especially of the white Brazilian elite, who considered the Brazilian people as "inferior" because of their African and Amerindian ancestry. In this book, Freyre argued against the idea that Brazil would have an "inferior race" because of the race-mixing.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Then, he pointed the positive elements that permeate the Brazilian cultural formation because of genetic mixing (especially between Portuguese, Amerindians and Blacks). Freyre's book has changed the mentality in Brazil, and the mixing of races, then, became a reason to be a national pride. However, Freyre's book created the Brazilian myth of the Racial democracy, which held that Brazil was a "post-racial" country without identitarianism or desire to preserve one's European ancestry. This theory was later challenged by several anthropologists who claim that, despite the race-mixing, the white Brazilian population still occupies the top of the Brazilian society, while Blacks, Indians and mixed-race people are largely found in the poor population.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The life of Gilberto Freyre, after he published "Casa-Grande & Senzala", became an eternal source of explanation. He repeated several times that he did not create the myth of a racial democracy and that the fact that his books recognized the intense mixing between "races" in Brazil did not mean a lack of prejudice or discrimination.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: He pointed out that many people have claimed the United States to have been an "exemplary democracy" whereas slavery and racial segregation were present throughout most of the history of the United States.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: "The interpretation of those who want to place me among the sociologists or anthropologists who said prejudice of race among the Portuguese or the Brazilians never existed is extreme. What I have always suggested is that such prejudice is minimal ... when compared to that which is still in place elsewhere, where laws still regulate relations between Europeans and other groups".


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: "It is not that racial prejudice or social prejudice related to complexion are absent in Brazil. They exist. But no one here would have thought of "white-only" Churches. No one in Brazil would have thought of laws against interracial marriage ... Fraternal spirit is stronger among Brazilians than racial prejudice, colour, class or religion. It is true that equality has not been reached since the end of slavery ...


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: There was racial prejudice among plantation owners, there was social distance between the masters and the slaves, between whites and blacks ... But few wealthy Brazilians were as concerned with racial purity as were the majority of Anglo-Americans in the Old South."


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: During the 19th century, there were some instances of legally formalized racism. In 1809, when a provincial militia was formed in Rio Grande do Sul, it was established that the members should be "White", this being defined as "those whose great-grandparents were not Black, and whose parents were free-born".


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: On July 28, 1921, representatives Andrade Bezerra and Cincinato Braga proposed a law whose Article 1 provided: ""It is prohibited in Brazil immigration of individuals from the black race"." On October 22, 1923, representative Fidélis Reis produced another project of law on the entry of immigrants, whose fifth article was as follows: "It is prohibited the entry of settlers from the black race in Brazil and, to Asians, it will be allowed each year, a number equal to 5% of those existing in the country".(...)'. Both bills were decried as identitarian and rejected by the Brazilian Congress.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In 1945, the Brazilian government issued a decree favoring the entrance of European immigrants in the country: ""In the admission of immigrants, the need to preserve and develop, in the ethnic composition of the population, the more convenient features of their European ancestry shall be considered"".


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The degree of genetic mixing between ancestral groups in Brazil has been very high, as Brazil was colonized by male Portuguese adventurers who tended to procreate with Amerindian and African women. This made possible a myth of "racial democracy" that tends to obscure a widespread discrimination connected to certain aspects of physical appearance: aspects related to the concept of "cor" (literally "colour"), used in a way that is roughly equivalent to the English term "race" but based on a combination of skin colour, hair type, shape of nose and lips, and even clearly cultural phenomena such as neighborhood of residence, linguistic habits and class. It is possible for siblings to belong to different "colour" categories. So a "White" Brazilian may be understood as a person perceived and socially accepted as "White", and thus "white" potentially regardless of ancestry or sometimes even immediate family. Nonetheless, and in conjunction with recent emphases on genetic testing, a variety of social movements, government programs, and academic and popular initiatives have led to an increasing emphasis on historicity and ancestry in racial identification in Brazil and this has tended to counteract what many commentators have long sought to characterize—perhaps incorrectly, perhaps correctly, as a Brazilian racial mutability or malleability.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The patterns of racialized "assortative mating" in Brazil is complex. The genome of the first generation offspring of European fathers and African mothers was 50% European and 50% African, but the distribution of the genes that affect visible features (skin colour, hair type, lip shape, nose shape) was random. Those of the second generation with features considered closer to a "White" stereotype would have tended to procreate with others like themselves, while those considered closer to "Black" would also have tended to procreate among themselves; in the long term producing "White" and "Black" groups with surprisingly similar proportions of European and African ancestry.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), which has conducted censuses in Brazil since 1940, racially classifies the Brazilian population in five categories: Branco (White), "Pardo" (Multiracial), Preto (Black), Amarelo/Asiático (Yellow/Asian), and Indígena (Indigenous). As in international practice, individuals are asked to self identify within these categories.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: As the IBGE itself acknowledges, these categories are disputed, and most of the population dislike it and do not identify with them. Most Brazilians see "Indígena" as a cultural rather than racial term, and don't identify as such if they are part of the mainstream Brazilian culture; many Brazilians would prefer to self-describe as "morenos" (used in the sense of "tanned" or "brunettes"); some Black and parda people, more identified with the Brazilian Black movement, would prefer to self-describe as "Negro" as an inclusive category containing pardos and pretos; and if allowed to choose any classification, Brazilians will give almost 200 different answers.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: According to the American scholar Edward Telles, in Brazil there are three different systems related to "racial classification" along the White-Black continuum. The first is the Census System, which distinguishes three categories: "branco" (White), "pardo", and "preto" (Black). The second is the popular system that uses many different categories, including the ambiguous term "moreno" ("tanned", "brunette", or "with an olive complexion"). The third is the Black movement system that distinguishes only two categories, summing up "pardos" and "pretos" as "negros". More recently, the term "afrodescendente" has been brought into use.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The first system referred by Telles is that of the IBGE. In the census, respondents choose their race or color in five categories: "branca" (white), "parda" (multiracial), "preta" (black), "amarela" (yellow) or "indígena" (indigenous). The term "parda" needs further explanation; it has been systematically used since the census of 1940. People were then asked for their "colour or race"; if the answer was not "White", "Black", or "Yellow", interviewers were instructed to fill the "colour or race" box with a slash. These slashes were later summed up in the category "pardo". In practice this means answers such as "pardo", "moreno", "mulato", and "caboclo". In the following censuses, "pardo" became a category on its own, and included Amerindians, which became a separate category only in 1991. So it describes people who have a skin darker than Whites and lighter than Blacks, but doesn't necessarily imply a White-Black mixture.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Telles' second system is that of popular classification. Two IBGE surveys (the 1976 PNAD and the July 1998 PME) have sought to understand the way Brazilians think of themselves in "racial" terms, with the explicit aim of adjusting the census classification (neither, however, resulted in actual changes in the census). Besides that, Data Folha has also conducted research on this subject. The results of these surveys are somewhat varied, but seem to coincide in some fundamental aspects. First, there is an enormous variety of "racial" terms in use in Brazil; when Brazilians are inquired in an open ended question, from 135 to 500 different race-color terms may be brought. The 1976 PNAD found 136 different answers to the question about race; the July 1998 PME found 143. However, most of these terms are used by very small minorities. Telles remarks that 95% of the population chose only six different terms ("branco, moreno, pardo, moreno-claro, preto" and "negro"); Petrucelli shows that the 7 most common responses (the above plus "amarela") sum up 97%, and the 10 more common (the previous plus "mulata", "clara", and "morena-escura") make 99%.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Petrucelli, analysing the July 98 PME, finds that 77 denominations were mentioned by only one person in the sample. Other 12 are misunderstandings, referring to national or regional origin ("francesa, italiana, baiana, cearense"). Many of the "racial" terms are (or could be) remarks about the relation between skin colour and exposure to sun ("amorenada, bem morena, branca-morena, branca-queimada, corada, bronzeada, meio morena, morena-bronzeada, morena-trigueira, morenada, morenão, moreninha, pouco morena, queimada, queimada de sol, tostada, rosa queimada, tostada"). Others are clearly variations of the same idea ("preto, negro, escuro, crioulo, retinto", for Black, "alva, clara, cor-de-leite, galega, rosa, rosada, pálida", for White, "parda, mulata, mestiça, mista", for "parda"), or precisions of the same concept ("branca morena, branca clara"), and can actually grouped together with one of the main racial terms without falsifying the interpretation. Some seem to express an outright refusal of classification: "azul-marinho" (navy blue), "azul" (blue), "verde" (green), "cor-de-burro-quando-foge" (literally, "the color of a donkey that has run away", a humorous Portuguese term for a color that cannot be determined).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Petrucelli grouped those 136 terms into 28 wider categories. Most of these 28 wider categories can be situated in the White-Black continuum when the answers to the open-ended question are compared to the answers in the IBGE format:


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The remarkable difference of the popular system is the use of the term "moreno". This is actually difficult to translate into English, and carries a few different meanings. Derived from Latin "maurus", meaning inhabitant of Mauritania, traditionally it is used as a term to distinguish White people with dark hair, as opposed to "ruivo" (redhead) and "loiro" (blonde). It is also commonly used as a term for people with an olive complexion, a characteristic that is often found in connection with dark hair. In connection to this, it is used as a term for suntanned people, and is commonly opposed to "pálido" (pale) and "amarelo" (yellow), which in this case refer to people who aren't frequently exposed to sun. Finally, it is also often used as a euphemism for "pardo" and "preto".


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Finally, the Black movement system, in direct opposition to the popular system, groups "pardos" and "pretos" in a single category, "negro" (and not Afro-Brazilian). This looks more similar to the American racial perception, but there are some subtle differences. First, as other Brazilians, the Black movement understands that not everybody with some African descent is Black, and that many or most White Brazilians indeed have African (or Amerindian, or both) ancestrals – so a "one drop rule" isn't what the Black movement envisages.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Another important discussion is the relation between social class and "race" in Brazil. It is commonplace to say that, in Brazil, "money whitens." There is a persistent belief, both in academy and popularly, that Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes tend to see themselves and be seen by others in lighter categories. Other things, such as dressing and social status, also influence perceptions of race.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: However, some studies, focusing in the difference between self- and alter-classification show that this phenomenon is far more complex than "money whitens". For instance, according to a study conducted by Paula Miranda-Ribeiro and André Junqueira Caetano among women in Recife, while there is significant inconsistency between the "parda" and "preta" categories, most women are consistently classified by themselves and interviewers into "brancas" and non-brancas. 21.97% of women were consistently classified as White, and 55.13% of women were consistently classified as non-White, while 22.89% of women where inconsistently classified.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: But the inconsistently classified women reveal an important aspect of economic "whitening". "Self-darkening" women, i.e., those who view themselves as "pretas" or "pardas" but are classified as "brancas" by the interviewers (4.08% of women) have above average education, while the 18.82% "self-whitening" women have a low average education, lower indeed than that of consistently non-White women.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: This, assuming, that there is a correlation between wealth and education, would show that, rather than "Brazilians from the wealthier classes with darker phenotypes seeing themselves and being seen by others in lighter categories", either wealth affects their perception by others, but does not affect, or at least affects considerably less, their self-perception, or that wealth in fact affects their self-perception in the opposite way: it is poor people who are more prone to self-whitening. This, naturally, contributes to show that self-classification in censuses is in fact more objective than alter-classification; but most importantly, it shows that economic differences between Whites and non-Whites effectively exist.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: It is important to notice that the alter-classification in this survey was made by a group of college students, i.e., mostly middle-class people.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: There are important differences in social position concerning "races". These differences encompass income, education, housing, etc. According to the 2010 IBGE Census, White workers wages were almost twice those of Blacks and "Pardos" (Multiracial). The illiteracy rate among White people over 5 years old was 5.9%; among Blacks, 14.4%, and among "Pardos" (Multiracial), 13%. The 2010 IBGE Census shows that Whites also dominate higher education in Brazil, considering the age group between 15 and 24 years old, 31.1% of the White population attended university. In relation to "Pardos" (Multiracial) and Blacks, the rates are 13.4% and 12.8%, respectively.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: According to the 2007 Brazilian national resource, the White workers had an average monthly income almost twice that of Blacks and "Pardos" (Multiracial). The Blacks and Mixed-race earned on average 1.8 minimum wages, while the Whites had a yield of 3.4 minimum wages. Among workers with over 12 years of study, the difference was also large. While the Whites earned on average R$15.90 per hour, the Blacks and Mixed-race received R$11.40, when they worked the same period. Among the 1% richest population of Brazil, only 12% were Blacks and Mixed-race, while Whites constituted 86.3% of the group. In the 10% poorest there were 73.9% of Blacks and Mixed-race, and 25.5% of Whites.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Almost half of the Brazilian population (49.4%) is White. Those with Mixed-race skin form 42.3%, the Black 7.4%, and the Indigenous and East Asian, according to the IBGE, only 0.8%. The region with the highest proportion of Mixed-race is the North, with 68.3%. The population of the Northeast is composed of 8.5% of Blacks, the largest proportion. In the South, 78.7% of the population is White.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Genetic research on ancestry of Brazilians of different races has extensively shown that, regardless of skin colour, Brazilians generally have European, African, and Amerindian ancestors.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: A 2015 autosomal genetic study, which also analysed data of 25 studies of 38 different Brazilian populations concluded that: European ancestry accounts for 62% of the heritage of the population, followed by the African (21%) and the Native American (17%). The European contribution is highest in Southern Brazil (77%), the African highest in Northeast Brazil (27%) and the Native American is the highest in Northern Brazil (32%).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: An autosomal study from 2013, with nearly 1300 samples from all of the Brazilian regions, found a predominant degree of European ancestry combined with significant African and small Native American contributions, in varying degrees. 'Following an increasing North to South gradient, European ancestry was the most prevalent in all urban populations (with values up to 74%). The populations in the North consisted of a significant proportion of Native American ancestry that was about two times higher than the African contribution. Conversely, in the Northeast, Center-West and Southeast, African ancestry was the second most prevalent. At an intrapopulation level, all urban


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: populations were highly admixed, and most of the variation in ancestry proportions was observed between individuals within each population rather than among population.'


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: An autosomal DNA study (2011), with nearly 1000 samples from every major race group ("whites", "pardos" and "blacks", according to their respective proportions) all over the country found out a major European contribution, followed by a significant high African contribution and a very small, yet still important Native American component. "In all regions studied, the European ancestry was predominant, with proportions ranging from 60.6% in the Central West to 77.7% in the South". The 2011 autosomal study samples came from blood donors (the lowest classes constitute the great majority of blood donors in Brazil), and also public health institutions personnel and health students.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: "An autosomal DNA study from 2009 found a similar profile "all the Brazilian samples (regions) lie more closely to the European group than to the African populations or to the Mestizos from Mexico."


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: According to another autosomal DNA study from 2008, by the University of Brasília (UnB), European ancestry dominates in the whole of Brazil (in all regions), accounting for 65.90% of heritage of the population, followed by the African contribution (24.80%) and the Native American (9.3%).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: São Paulo state, the most populous state in Brazil, with about 40 million people, showed the following composition, according to an autosomal study from 2006: European genes account for 79% of the heritage of the people of São Paulo, 14% are of African origin, and 7% Native American. A more recent study, from 2013, found the following composition in São Paulo state: 61.9% European, 25.5% African and 11.6% Native American.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Several other studies have suggested that European ancestry is the main component in all Brazilian regions. A study from 2002 quoted previous and older studies (28. Salzano F M. Interciêência. 1997;22:221–227. 29. Santos S E B, Guerreiro J F. Braz J Genet. 1995;18:311–315. 30. Dornelles C L, Callegari-Jacques S M, Robinson W M, Weimer T A, Franco M H L P, Hickmann A C, Geiger C J, Salzamo F M. "Genet Mol Biol." 1999;22:151–161. 31. Krieger H, Morton N E, Mi M P, Azevedo E, Freire-Maia A, Yasuda N. "Ann Hum Genet." 1965;29:113–125. [PubMed]), saying that: "Salzano (28, a study from 1997) calculated for the Northeastern population as a whole, 51% European, 36% African, and 13% Amerindian ancestries whereas in the north, Santos and Guerreiro (29, a study from 1995) obtained 47% European, 12% African, and 41% Amerindian descent, and in the southernmost state of Rio Grande do Sul, Dornelles et al. (30, a study from 1999) calculated 82% European, 7% African, and 11% Amerindian ancestries.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: According to a genetic study about Brazilians, on the paternal side, 98% of the White Brazilian Y Chromosome comes from a European male ancestor, only 2% from an African ancestor and there is a complete absence of Amerindian contributions. On the maternal side, 39% have a European Mitochondrial DNA, 33% Amerindian and 28% African MtDNA. This analysis only shows a small fraction of a person's ancestry (the Y Chromosome comes from a single male ancestor and the mtDNA from a single female ancestor, while the contributions of the many other ancestors is not specified)., but it shows that genetic mixing in Brazil was directional, between Portuguese males and African and Amerindian females.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Analyzing Black Brazilians' Y chromosome, which comes from male ancestors through paternal line, it was concluded that half (50%) of the Black Brazilian population has at least one male ancestor who came from Europe, 48% has at least one male ancestor who came from Africa and 1.6% has at least one male ancestor who was Native American. Analyzing their mitochondrial DNA, that comes from female ancestors though maternal line, 85% of them have at least a female ancestor who came from Africa, 12.5% have at least a female ancestor who was Native Brazilian and only 2.5% have at least a female ancestor who came from Europe.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: European and Middle eastern lineages contributions to R1b1a-M269 sub-haplogroups in Brazilian population


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The correlation between color and genomic ancestry is imperfect: at the individual level one cannot safely predict the skin color of a person from his/her level of European, African and Amerindian ancestry nor the opposite. Regardless of their skin color, the overwhelming majority of Brazilians have a high degree of European ancestry. Also, regardless of their skin color, the overwhelming majority of Brazilians have a significant degree of African ancestry. Finally, most Brazilians have a significant and very uniform degree of Amerindian ancestry! The high ancestral variability observed in Whites and Blacks suggests that each Brazilian has a singular and quite individual proportion of European, African and Amerindian ancestry in his/her mosaic genomes.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Brazil's racial base are its colonial-era population, consisting of Amerindians, Portuguese settlers, and African slaves:


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The largest influx of European immigrants to Brazil occurred in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. According to the "Memorial do Imigrante" statistics data, Brazil attracted nearly 5 million immigrants between 1870 and 1953.<ref name="Memorial 1870/1907"></ref><ref name="Memorial 1908/1953"></ref> These immigrants were divided in two groups: a part of them was sent to Southern Brazil to work as small farmers. However, the biggest part of the immigrants was sent to Southeast Brazil to work in the coffee plantations. The immigrants sent to Southern Brazil were mainly Germans (starting in 1824, mainly from Rhineland-Palatinate, the others from Pomerania, Hamburg, Westphalia, etc.) and Italians (starting in 1875, mainly from the Veneto and Lombardia). In Southeastern Brazil, most of the immigrants were Italians (mainly from the Veneto, Campania, Calabria and Lombardia), Portuguese (mainly from Beira Alta, Minho and Alto Trás-os-Montes), Spaniards (mainly from Galicia and Andalusia) and smaller numbers of French (most came from the southern regions) and Dutch (from the Netherlands and Belgium).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Notably, the first half of the 20th century saw a large inflow of Japanese (mainly from Honshū, Hokkaidō and Okinawa) and Arabic-speaking Levantine Christians (from modern day Lebanon and Syria) immigrants.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Historically, the different regions of Brazil had their own migratory movements, which resulted in racial differences between these areas. The Southern region had a greater impact of the European immigration and has a large White majority, which contrasts with the Northern and Northeastern regions, which have a large Pardo (mixed-race) majority. In all regions of Brazil, European ancestry predominates in the population, followed by African and Amerindian ancestries. In Northern Brazil, native Amerindian ancestry is more significant than the African one, while in the Northeastern, Central-Western and Southeastern regions African ancestry is more important than the indigenous one.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The Census of 2007 revealed that the self-reported White population had its higher proportion in the state of Santa Catarina (86.6%) and the lowest in Bahia (20.9%). The Multiracial (Mixed) proportion was higher in Amazonas (72.4%) and lower in Santa Catarina (9.4%). The Black proportion varied from 17% in Bahia to 2.4% in Amazonas. Because of their small number, the Amerindian and Asian population were counted together and they had a higher proportion in Mato Grosso and Roraima (2.3%) and a lower proportion in Paraíba (0.1%).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The South of Brazil is the region with the largest percentage of Europeans. According to the 2005 census, people of European ancestry account for 79.6% of the population. In colonial times, this region had a very small population.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The region what is now Southern Brazil was originally settled by Amerindian peoples, mostly Guarani and Kaingangs. Only a few settlers from São Paulo were living there. This situation made the region vulnerable to attacks from neighboring countries. This fact forced the King of Portugal to decide to populate the region. For this, settlers from the Portuguese Azores islands were sent to the coast in 1617.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: To stimulate the immigration to Brazil, the king offered several benefits for the Azorean couples. Between 1748 and 1756, six thousand Portuguese from the Azores moved to the coast of Santa Catarina. They were mainly newly married who were seeking a better life. At that time, the Azores were one of the poorest regions of Portugal. They established themselves mainly in the Santa Catarina Island, nowadays the region of Florianópolis. Later, some couples moved to Rio Grande do Sul, where they established Porto Alegre, the capital. The Azoreans lived on fishing and agriculture, especially flour. They composed over half of Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina's population in the late 18th century. The state of Paraná was settled by colonists from São Paulo due to their proximity (Paraná was part of São Paulo until the mid-19th century).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: With the development of cattle in the interior of Rio Grande do Sul, African slaves began arriving in large numbers. By 1822, Africans were 50% of Rio Grande do Sul's population. This number decreased to 25% in 1858 and to only 5.2% in 2005. Most of them came from Angola.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: After independence from Portugal (1822) the Brazilian government started to stimulate the arrival of a new wave of immigrants to settle the South. In 1824 they established São Leopoldo, a German community. Major Schaeffer, a German who was living in Brazil, was sent to Germany in order to bring immigrants. From Rhineland-Palatinate, the Major brought the immigrants and soldiers. Settlers from Germany were brought to work as small farmers, because there were many land holdings without workers.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: To attract the immigrants, the Brazilian government had promised large tracts of land, where they could settle with their families and colonize the region. The first years were not easy. Many Germans died of tropical disease, while others left the colonies to find better living conditions. The German colony of São Leopoldo was a disaster. Nevertheless, in the following years, a further 4,830 Germans arrived at São Leopoldo, and then the colony started to develop, with the immigrants establishing the town of Novo Hamburgo ("New Hamburg").


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: From São Leopoldo and Novo Hamburgo, the German immigrants spread into others areas of Rio Grande do Sul, mainly close to sources of rivers. The whole region of Vale dos Sinos was populated by Germans. During the 1830s and part of the 1840s German immigration to Brazil was interrupted due to conflicts in the country (Ragamuffin War). The immigration restarted after 1845 with the creation of new colonies. The most important ones were Blumenau, in 1850, and Joinville in 1851, both in Santa Catarina state; these attracted thousands of German immigrants to the region.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In the next five decades, other 28 thousand Germans were brought to Rio Grande do Sul to work as small farmers in the countryside. By 1914, it is estimated that 50 thousand Germans settled in this state.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Another immigration boom to this region started in 1875. Communities with Italian immigrants were also created in southern Brazil. The first colonies to be populated by Italians were created in the highlands of Rio Grande do Sul (Serra Gaúcha). These were Garibaldi and Bento Gonçalves. These immigrants were predominantly from Veneto, in northern Italy. After five years, in 1880, the great numbers of Italian immigrants arriving caused the Brazilian government to create another Italian colony, Caxias do Sul. After initially settling in the government-promoted colonies, many of the Italian immigrants spread themselves into other areas of Rio Grande do Sul seeking further opportunities.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: They created many other Italian colonies on their own, mainly in highlands, because the lowlands were already populated by Germans and native "gaúchos". The Italian established many vineyards in the region. Nowadays, the wine produced in these areas of Italian colonization in southern Brazil is much appreciated within the country, though little is available for export. In 1875, the first Italian colonies were established in Santa Catarina, which lies immediately to the north of Rio Grande do Sul. The colonies gave rise to towns such as Criciúma, and later also spread further north, to Paraná.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: A significant number of Poles have settled in Southern Brazil. The first immigrants arrived in 1869 and until 1959, it is estimated that over 100,000 Poles migrated to Brazil, 95% of whom were peasants. The State of Paraná received the majority of Polish immigrants, who settled mainly in the region of Curitiba, in the towns of Mallet, Cruz Machado, São Matheus do Sul, Irati, and União da Vitória.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The Southeastern region of Brazil is the most ethnically diverse part of the country. Europeans make up 55.16% of its population, those of mixed-race 35.69%, and African descent 7.91%. It has the largest percentage of Asian Brazilians, composing 0.8%, and a small Amerindian community (0.2%).


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Southeast Brazil is home to the oldest Portuguese village in the Americas, São Vicente, São Paulo, established in 1532. The region, since the beginning of its colonization, is a melting pot of Africans, Natives, and Europeans. The Indigenous peoples of the region were enslaved by the Portuguese. The race mixing between the indigenous females and their European masters produced the Bandeirante, the colonial inhabitant of São Paulo, who formed expeditions that crossed the interior of Brazil and greatly increased the Portuguese colonial territory. The main language spoken by these people of mixed Indian/Portuguese heritage was Língua geral, a language that mixed Tupi and Portuguese words.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In the late 17th century the Bandeirantes found gold in the area that nowadays is Minas Gerais. A gold rush took place in Brazil and thousands of Portuguese colonists arrived during this period. The confrontation between the Bandeirantes and the Portuguese for obtaining possession of the mines led to the Emboabas' War. The Portuguese won the war. The Amerindian culture declined, giving space to a stronger Portuguese cultural domination. In order to control the wealth, the Portuguese Crown moved the capital of Brazil from Salvador, Bahia to Rio de Janeiro. Thousands of African slaves were brought to work in the gold mines. They were landed in Rio de Janeiro and sent to other regions. By the late 18th century, Rio de Janeiro was an "African city": most of its inhabitants were slaves. No other place in the world had as many slaves since the end of the Roman Empire. In 1808 the Portuguese Royal Family, fleeing from Napoleon, took charge in Rio de Janeiro. Some 15,000 Portuguese nobles moved to Brazil. The region changed a lot, becoming more European.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: After independence and principally after 1850, Southeast Brazil was "inundated" by European immigrants, who were attracted by the government to replace the African slaves in the coffee plantations. Most immigrants landed in the Port of Santos and have been forwarded to the coffee farms within São Paulo. The vast majority of the immigrants came from Italy. Brazil attracted nearly 5 million immigrants between 1870 and 1953. The large number of Italians are visible in many parts of Southeast Brazil. Their descendants are nowadays predominant in many areas. For example, Northeast São Paulo is 45% Italian.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The arrival of immigrants from several parts of Europe, the Middle-East and Asia produced an ethnically diverse population. The city of Bastos, in São Paulo, is 11.4% Japanese. The city of São Paulo is home to the largest Japanese population outside Japan itself.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The population of Northeast Brazil is a result of an intensive race mixing, which has occurred in the region for more than four centuries. According to the 2006 census people reported as "Pardo" (Multiracial) make up 62.5% of the population. Those reported as African account for 7.8%.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: This region did not have much effect from the massive European immigration that took place in Southern Brazil in the late 19th century and first decades of the 20th century. The Northeast has been a poorer region of Brazil since the decline of sugar cane plantations in the late 17th century, so its economy did not require immigrants.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The ethnic composition of the population starts in the 16th century. The Portuguese settlers rarely brought women, which led to relationships with the Indian women. Later, interracial relationships occurred between Portuguese males and African females. The coast, in the past the place where millions of African slaves arrived (mostly from modern-day Angola, Ghana, Nigeria and Benin) to work in sugar-cane plantations, is where nowadays there is a predominance of Mulattoes, those of African and European ancestry. Salvador, Bahia is considered the largest African city outside of Africa, with over 80% of its inhabitants being African-Brazilians. In the interior, there is a predominance of Indian and European mixture.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Northern Brazil, largely covered by the Amazon rainforest, is the Brazilian region with the largest Amerindian influences, both in culture and ethnicity. Inhabited by diverse indigenous tribes, this part of Brazil was reached by Portuguese and Spanish colonists in the 17th century, but it started to be populated by non-Indians only in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The exploitation of rubber used in the growing industries of automobiles, has emerged a huge migration to the region.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: Many people from the poor Northeast Brazil, mostly Ceará, moved to the Amazon area. The contact between the Indians and the northeastern rubbers created the base of the ethnic composition of the region, with its mixed-race majority.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: The Central-West region of Brazil was inhabited by diverse Indians when the Portuguese arrived in the early 18th century. The Portuguese came to explore the precious stones that were found there. Contact between the Portuguese and the Indians created a mixed-race population. Until the mid-20th century, Central-West Brazil had a very small population. The situation changed with the construction of Brasília, the new capital of Brazil, in 1960. Many workers were attracted to the region, mostly from northeastern Brazil.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: A new wave of settlers started arriving from the 1970s. With the mechanization of agriculture in the South of Brazil, many rural workers of German and Italian origin migrated to Central-West Brazil. In some areas, they are already the majority of the population.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: In Brazil, the "Day of the Caboclo" ("Dia do Caboclo") is observed annually on June 24, in celebration of the contributions and identity of the original caboclos and their descendants. This date is an official public holiday in the State of Amazonas.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: "Mixed Race Day" ("Dia do Mestiço") is observed annually on June 27, three days after the Day of the Caboclo, in celebration of all mixed-race Brazilians, including the caboclos. The date is an official public holiday in three Brazilian states.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: "Indian Day" ("Dia do Índio"), observed annually on April 19, recognizes and honours the indigenous peoples of Brazil.


title: Race and ethnicity in Brazil

text: "Black Awareness Day" ("Dia da Consciência Negra") is observed annually on November 20 as a day "to celebrate a regained awareness by the black community about their great worth and contribution to the country". The date is an official public holiday in five Brazilian states.


title: International Brigades

text: The International Brigades () were military units set up by the Communist International to assist the Popular Front government of the Second Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War. The organization existed for two years, from 1936 until 1938. It is estimated that during the entire war, between 40,000 and 59,000 members served in the International Brigades, including some 10,000 who died in combat. Beyond the Spanish Civil War, "International Brigades" is also sometimes used interchangeably with the term foreign legion in reference to military units comprising foreigners who volunteer to fight in the military of another state, often in times of war.<ref name="https://direct.mit.edu/isec/article/46/1/147/102854/Leaning-on-Legionnaires-Why-Modern-States-Recruit"></ref>


title: International Brigades

text: The headquarters of the brigade was located at the Gran Hotel, Albacete, Castilla-La Mancha. They participated in the battles of Madrid, Jarama, Guadalajara, Brunete, Belchite, Teruel, Aragon and the Ebro. Most of these ended in defeat. For the last year of its existence, the International Brigades were integrated into the Spanish Republican Army as part of the Spanish Foreign Legion. The organisation was dissolved on 23 September 1938 by Spanish Prime Minister Juan Negrín in a vain attempt to get more support from the liberal democracies on the Non-Intervention Committee.


title: International Brigades

text: The International Brigades were strongly supported by the Comintern and represented the Soviet Union's commitment to assisting the Spanish Republic (with arms, logistics, military advisers and the NKVD), just as Portugal, Fascist Italy, and Nazi Germany were assisting the opposing Nationalist insurgency. The largest number of volunteers came from France (where the French Communist Party had many members) and communist exiles from Italy and Germany. Many Jews were part of the brigades, being particularly numerous within the volunteers coming from the United States, Poland, France, England and Argentina.


title: International Brigades

text: Republican volunteers who were opposed to Stalinism did not join the Brigades but instead enlisted in the separate Popular Front, the POUM (formed from Trotskyist, Bukharinist, and other anti-Stalinist groups, which did not separate Spaniards and foreign volunteers), or anarcho-syndicalist groups such as the Durruti Column, the IWA, and the CNT.


title: International Brigades

text: Using foreign communist parties to recruit volunteers for Spain was first proposed in the Soviet Union in September 1936—apparently at the suggestion of Maurice Thorez—by Willi Münzenberg, chief of Comintern propaganda for Western Europe. As a security measure, non-communist volunteers would first be interviewed by an NKVD agent.


title: International Brigades

text: By the end of September, the Italian and French Communist Parties had decided to set up a column. Luigi Longo, ex-leader of the Italian Communist Youth, was charged to make the necessary arrangements with the Spanish government. The Soviet Ministry of Defense also helped, since they had an experience of dealing with corps of international volunteers during the Russian Civil War. The idea was initially opposed by Largo Caballero, but after the first setbacks of the war, he changed his mind and finally agreed to the operation on 22 October. However, the Soviet Union did not withdraw from the Non-Intervention Committee, probably to avoid diplomatic conflict with France and the United Kingdom.


title: International Brigades

text: The main recruitment center was in Paris, under the supervision of Soviet colonel Karol "Walter" Świerczewski. On 17 October 1936, an open letter by Joseph Stalin to José Díaz was published in "Mundo Obrero", arguing that victory for the Spanish second republic was a matter not only for Spaniards but also for the whole of "progressive humanity"; in short order, communist activists joined with moderate socialist and liberal groups to form anti-fascist "popular front" militias in several countries, most of them under the control of or influenced by the Comintern.


title: International Brigades

text: Entry to Spain was arranged for volunteers, for instance, a Yugoslav, Josip Broz, who would become famous as Marshal Tito, was in Paris to provide assistance, money, and passports for volunteers from Eastern Europe (including numerous Yugoslav volunteers in the Spanish Civil War). Volunteers were sent by train or ship from France to Spain, and sent to the base at Albacete. Many of them also went by themselves to Spain. The volunteers were under no contract, nor defined engagement period, which would later prove a problem.


title: International Brigades

text: Also, many Italians, Germans, and people from other countries joined the movement, with the idea that combat in Spain was the first step to restore democracy or advance a revolutionary cause in their own country. There were also many unemployed workers (especially from France), and adventurers. Finally, some 500 communists who had been exiled to Russia were sent to Spain (among them, experienced military leaders from the First World War like "Kléber" Stern, "Gomez" Zaisser, "Lukacs" Zalka and "Gal" Galicz, who would prove invaluable in combat).


title: International Brigades

text: The operation was met with enthusiasm by communists, but by anarchists with skepticism, at best. At first, the anarchists, who controlled the borders with France, were told to refuse communist volunteers, but reluctantly allowed their passage after protests. Keith Scott Watson, a journalist who fought alongside Esmond Romilly at Cerro de los Ángeles and who later “resigned” from the Thälmann Battalion, describes in his memoirs how he was detained and interrogated by Anarchist border guards before eventually being allowed into the country. A group of 500 volunteers (mainly French, with a few exiled Poles and Germans) arrived in Albacete on 14 October 1936. They were met by international volunteers who had already been fighting in Spain: Germans from the Thälmann Battalion, Italians from the Centuria Gastone Sozzi and French from the Commune de Paris Battalion. Among them was the poet John Cornford, who had travelled down through France and Spain with a group of fellow intellectuals and artists including John Sommerfield, Bernard Knox and Jan Kurzke, all of whom left detailed memoirs of their battle experiences.


title: International Brigades

text: On 30 May 1937, the Spanish liner "Ciudad de Barcelona", carrying 200–250 volunteers from Marseille to Spain, was torpedoed by a Nationalist submarine off the coast of Malgrat de Mar. The ship sunk and up to 65 volunteers are estimated to have drowned.


title: International Brigades

text: Albacete soon became the International Brigades headquarters and its main depot. It was run by a "troika" of Comintern heavyweights: André Marty was commander; Luigi Longo ("Gallo") was Inspector-General; and Giuseppe Di Vittorio ("Nicoletti") was chief political commissar.


title: International Brigades

text: There were many Jewish volunteers amongst the brigaders - about a quarter of the total. A Jewish company was formed within the Polish battalion that was named after Naftali Botwin, a young Jewish communist killed in Poland in 1925.


title: International Brigades

text: The French Communist Party provided uniforms for the Brigades. They were organized into mixed brigades, the basic military unit of the Republican People's Army. Discipline was severe. For several weeks, the Brigades were locked in their base while their strict military training was underway.


title: International Brigades

text: The Battle of Madrid was a major success for the Republic, and staved off the prospect of a rapid defeat at the hands of Francisco Franco's forces. The role of the International Brigades in this victory was generally recognized but was exaggerated by Comintern propaganda so that the outside world heard only of their victories and not those of Spanish units. So successful was such propaganda that the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Chilton, declared that there were no Spaniards in the army which had defended Madrid. The International Brigade forces that fought in Madrid arrived after another successful Republican fighting. Of the 40,000 Republican troops in the city, the foreign troops numbered less than 3,000.


title: International Brigades

text: Even though the International Brigades did not win the battle by themselves, nor significantly change the situation, they certainly did provide an example by their determined fighting and improved the morale of the population by demonstrating the concern of other nations in the fight. Many of the older members of the International Brigades provided valuable combat experience, having fought during the First World War (Spain remained neutral in 1914–1918) and the Irish War of Independence (some had fought in the British Army while others had fought in the Irish Republican Army (IRA)).


title: International Brigades

text: One of the strategic positions in Madrid was the Casa de Campo. There the Nationalist troops were Moroccans, commanded by General José Enrique Varela. They were stopped by III and IV Brigades of the Spanish Republican Army.


title: International Brigades

text: On 9 November 1936, the XI International Brigade – comprising 1,900 men from the Edgar André Battalion, the Commune de Paris Battalion and the Dabrowski Battalion, together with a British machine-gun company — took up position at the Casa de Campo. In the evening, its commander, General Kléber, launched an assault on the Nationalist positions. This lasted for the whole night and part of the next morning. At the end of the fight, the Nationalist troops had been forced to retreat, abandoning all hopes of a direct assault on Madrid by Casa de Campo, while the XIth Brigade had lost a third of its personnel.


title: International Brigades

text: On 13 November, the 1,550-man strong XII International Brigade, made up of the Thälmann Battalion, the Garibaldi Battalion and the André Marty Battalion, deployed. Commanded by General "Lukacs", they assaulted Nationalist positions on the high ground of Cerro de Los Angeles. As a result of language and communication problems, command issues, lack of rest, poor coordination with armored units, and insufficient artillery support, the attack failed.


title: International Brigades

text: On 19 November, the anarchist militias were forced to retreat, and Nationalist troops — Moroccans and Spanish Foreign Legionnaires, covered by the Nazi Condor Legion — captured a foothold in the University City. The 11th Brigade was sent to drive the Nationalists out of the University City. The battle was extremely bloody, a mix of artillery and aerial bombardment, with bayonet and grenade fights, room by room. Anarchist leader Buenaventura Durruti was shot there on 19 November 1936 and died the next day. The battle in the university went on until three-quarters of the University City was under Nationalist control. Both sides then started setting up trenches and fortifications. It was then clear that any assault from either side would be far too costly; the Nationalist leaders had to renounce the idea of a direct assault on Madrid, and prepare for a siege of the capital.


title: International Brigades

text: On 13 December 1936, 18,000 nationalist troops attempted an attack to close the encirclement of Madrid at Guadarrama — an engagement known as the Battle of the Corunna Road. The Republicans sent in a Soviet armored unit, under General Dmitry Pavlov, and both XI and XII International Brigades. Violent combat followed, and they stopped the Nationalist advance.


title: International Brigades

text: An attack was then launched by the Republic on the Córdoba front. The battle ended in a form of stalemate; a communique was issued, saying: "During the day the advance continued without the loss of any territory." Poets Ralph Winston Fox and John Cornford were killed. Eventually, the Nationalists advanced, taking the hydroelectric station at El Campo. André Marty accused the commander of the Marseillaise Battalion, Gaston Delasalle, of espionage and treason and had him executed. (It is doubtful that Delasalle would have been a spy for Francisco Franco; he was denounced by his second-in-command, André Heussler, who was subsequently executed for treason during World War II by the French Resistance.)


title: International Brigades

text: Further Nationalist attempts after Christmas to encircle Madrid met with failure, but not without extremely violent combat. On 6 January 1937, the Thälmann Battalion arrived at Las Rozas, and held its positions until it was destroyed as a fighting force. On 9 January, only 10  km had been lost to the Nationalists, when the XIII International Brigade and XIV International Brigade and the 1st British Company, arrived in Madrid. Violent Republican assaults were launched in an attempt to retake the land, with little success. On 15 January, trenches and fortifications were built by both sides, resulting in a stalemate.


title: International Brigades

text: The Nationalists did not take Madrid until the very end of the war, in March 1939, when they marched in unopposed. There were some pockets of resistance during the subsequent months.


title: International Brigades

text: On 6 February 1937, following the fall of Málaga, the nationalists launched an attack on the Madrid–Andalusia road, south of Madrid. The Nationalists quickly advanced on the little town of Ciempozuelos, held by the XV International Brigade. was composed of the British Battalion (British Commonwealth and Irish), the Dimitrov Battalion (miscellaneous Balkan nationalities), the Sixth February Battalion (Belgians and French), the Canadian Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion and the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. An independent 80-men-strong (mainly) Irish unit, known afterward as the Connolly Column, also fought. Battalions were rarely composed entirely of one nationality, rather they were, for the most part, a mix of many.


title: International Brigades

text: On 11 February 1937, a Nationalist brigade launched a surprise attack on the André Marty Battalion (XIV International Brigade), killing its sentries silently and crossing the Jarama. The Garibaldi Battalion stopped the advance with heavy fire. At another point, the same tactic allowed the Nationalists to move their troops across the river. On 12 February, the British Battalion, XV International Brigade took the brunt of the attack, remaining under heavy fire for seven hours. The position became known as "Suicide Hill". At the end of the day, only 225 of the 600 members of the British battalion remained. One company was captured by ruse, when Nationalists advanced among their ranks singing "The Internationale".


title: International Brigades

text: On 17 February, the Republican Army counter-attacked. On 23 and 27 February, the International Brigades were engaged, but with little success. The Lincoln Battalion was put under great pressure, with no artillery support. It suffered 120 killed and 175 wounded. Amongst the dead was the Irish poet Charles Donnelly and Leo Greene.


title: International Brigades

text: There were heavy casualties on both sides, and although "both claimed victory ... both suffered defeats". The battle resulted in a stalemate, with both sides digging in and creating elaborate trench systems. On 22 February 1937, the League of Nations Non-Intervention Committee ban on foreign volunteers went into effect.


title: International Brigades

text: After the failed assault on the Jarama, the Nationalists attempted another assault on Madrid, this time from the northeast. The objective was the town of Guadalajara, 50  km from Madrid. The whole Italian expeditionary corps — 35,000 men, with 80 battle tanks and 200 field artillery — was deployed, as Benito Mussolini wanted the victory to be credited to Italy. On 9 March 1937, the Italians made a breach in the Republican lines but did not properly exploit the advance. However, the rest of the Nationalist army was advancing, and the situation appeared critical for the Republicans. A formation drawn from the best available units of the Republican army, including the XI and XII International Brigades, was quickly assembled.


title: International Brigades

text: At dawn on 10 March, the Nationalists closed in, and by noon, the Garibaldi Battalion counterattacked. Some confusion arose from the fact that the sides were not aware of each other's movements, and that both sides spoke Italian; this resulted in scouts from both sides exchanging information without realizing they were enemies. The Republican lines advanced and made contact with XI International Brigade. Nationalist tanks were shot at and infantry patrols came into action.


title: International Brigades

text: On 11 March, the Nationalist army broke the front of the Republican army. The Thälmann Battalion suffered heavy losses, but succeeded in holding the Trijueque–Torija road. The Garibaldi also held its positions. On 12 March, Republican planes and tanks attacked. The Thälmann Battalion attacked Trijuete in a bayonet charge and re-took the town, capturing numerous prisoners.


title: International Brigades

text: The International Brigades also saw combat in the Battle of Teruel in January 1938. The 35th International Division suffered heavily in this battle from aerial bombardment as well as shortages of food, winter clothing, and ammunition. The XIV International Brigade fought in the Battle of Ebro in July 1938, the last Republican offensive of the war.


title: International Brigades

text: Existing primary sources provide conflicting information as to the number of brigadiers killed; a report of the IB Albacete staff from late March 1938 claimed 4,575 KIA, an internal Soviet communication to Moscow by an NKVD major Semyon Gnadin from late July 1938 claimed 3,615 KIA, while the prime minister Juan Negrín in his farewell address in Barcelona of October 28, 1938 mentioned 5,000 fallen.


title: International Brigades

text: Also in historiography there is no agreement as to fatal casualties. One exact figures offered is 9,934; it was calculated in the mid-1970s and is at times repeated until today. The highest estimate identified is 15,000 KIA. Many scholars prefer 10,000, also in recently published works. The popular Osprey series claims there were at least 7,800 killed. However, other authors provide estimates that point rather to the range from 6,100 to 6,500. In some non-scholarly publications the number is given as 4,900. The above figures include brigadiers killed in action, these who died of wounds later or those who were executed as POWs. They do not include brigadiers who were executed by their own side, the figure that some claim might have been 500; they also do not include victims of accidents (self-shooting, traffic, drownings etc) or these who perished due to health problems (illness, frostbiten, poisoning etc).


title: International Brigades

text: The total number of casualties is given as 48,909. It includes killed, missing and wounded, though probably contains numerous duplicated cases, as one individual might have suffered wounds a few times.


title: International Brigades

text: The ratio of KIA to all IB combatants as calculated by historians might differ even more as it depends not only on estimates as to the number of killed, but also on estimates as to the total number of volunteers. Some sources suggest the figure of 8.3%, some authors claim 15%, others opt for 16.7% or endorse the ratio of 28.6%; a single author arrived even at 33%. In comparison, in shock units used by the Nationalists, though they were not entirely comparable, the ratio was 11.3% for the Carlist requetés and 14.6% for the Moroccan regulares. The overall percentage of killed in action in armies of both sides is estimated at some 7%.


title: International Brigades

text: Estimates of KIA ratio for major national contingents differ enormously and often bear no reasonable relation to the overall KIA ratio, calculated for the Brigades. For the French (including French-speaking Belgians and Swiss) the figures range between 12% and 18%; for the Germans (including Austrians and German-speaking Swiss) between 22% and 40% for the Poles (including Ukrainians, Jews, Belorussians) between 30% and 62%, for the Italians between 18% and 20%, for the Americans between 13% and 32%, for the Yugoslavs between 35% and 50%, for the British between 16% and 22% and for the Canadians between 43% and 57%.


title: International Brigades

text: In October 1938, at the height of the Battle of the Ebro, the Non-Intervention Committee demanded the withdrawal of the International Brigades. The Republican government of Juan Negrín announced the decision in the League of Nations on 21 September 1938. The disbandment was part of an ill-advised effort to get the Nationalists' foreign backers to withdraw their troops and to persuade the Western democracies such as France and Britain to end their arms embargo on the Republic.


title: International Brigades

text: By this time there were about an estimated 10,000 foreign volunteers still serving in Spain for the Republican side, and about 50,000 foreign conscripts for the Nationalists (excluding another 30,000 Moroccans). Perhaps half of the International Brigadistas were exiles or refugees from Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy or other countries, such as Hungary, which had authoritarian right-wing governments at the time. These men could not safely return home and some were instead given honorary Spanish citizenship and integrated into Spanish units of the Popular Army. The remainder were repatriated to their own countries. The Belgian and Dutch volunteers lost their citizenship because they had served in a foreign army.


title: International Brigades

text: The first brigades were composed mostly of French, Belgian, Italian, and German volunteers, backed by a sizeable contingent of Polish miners from Northern France and Belgium. The XIth, XIIth and XIIIth were the first brigades formed. Later, the XIVth and XVth Brigades were raised, mixing experienced soldiers with new volunteers. Smaller Brigades — the 86th, 129th and 150th - were formed in late 1937 and 1938, mostly for temporary tactical reasons.


title: International Brigades

text: About 32,000 foreigners volunteered to defend the Spanish Republic, the vast majority of them with the International Brigades. Many were veterans of World War I. Their early engagements in 1936 during the Siege of Madrid amply demonstrated their military and propaganda value.


title: International Brigades

text: The international volunteers were mainly socialists, communists, or others willing to accept communist authority, and a high proportion were Jewish. Some were involved in the Barcelona May Days fighting against leftist opponents of the Communists: the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) ("Partido Obrero de Unificación Marxista", an anti-Stalinist Marxist party) and the anarchist CNT (CNT, Confederación Nacional del Trabajo) and FAI (FAI, Iberian Anarchist Federation), who had strong support in Catalonia. These libertarian groups attracted fewer foreign volunteers.


title: International Brigades

text: To simplify communication, the battalions usually concentrated on people of the same nationality or language group. The battalions were often (formally, at least) named after inspirational people or events. From spring 1937 onwards, many battalions contained one Spanish volunteer company of about 150 men.


title: International Brigades

text: Later in the war, military discipline tightened and learning Spanish became mandatory. By decree of 23 September 1937, the International Brigades formally became units of the Spanish Foreign Legion.<ref name=" Beevor 2006/309"></ref> This made them subject to the Spanish Code of Military Justice. However, the Spanish Foreign Legion itself sided with the Nationalists throughout the coup and the civil war. The same decree also specified that non-Spanish officers in the Brigades should not exceed Spanish ones by more than 50 percent.


title: International Brigades

text: After the Civil War was eventually won by the Nationalists, the brigaders were initially on the "wrong side" of history, especially as most of their home countries had right-wing governments (in France, for instance, the Popular Front was not in power anymore).


title: International Brigades

text: However, since most of these countries soon found themselves at war with the very powers which had been supporting the Nationalists, the brigadistas gained some prestige as the first guard of the democracies, as having foreseen the danger of fascism and gone to fight it. Retrospectively, it was clear that the war in Spain was as much a precursor of the Second World War as a Spanish civil war.


title: International Brigades

text: Some glory therefore accrued to the volunteers (a great many of the survivors also fought during World War II), but this soon faded in the fear that it would promote communism by association.


title: International Brigades

text: An exception is among some left-wingers, for example many anarchists. Among these, the Brigades, or at least their leadership, are criticized for their role in suppressing the Spanish Revolution. An example of a modern work that promotes this view is Ken Loach's film "Land and Freedom". A well-known contemporary account of the Spanish Civil War which also takes this view is George Orwell's book "Homage to Catalonia".


title: International Brigades

text: Germany was undivided until after the Second World War. At that time, the new communist state, the German Democratic Republic, began to create a national identity which was separate from and antithetical to the former Nazi Germany. The Spanish Civil War, and especially the role of the International Brigades, became a substantial part of East Germany's memorial rituals because of the substantial numbers of German communists who had served in the brigades. These showcased a commitment by many Germans to antifascism at a time when Germany and Nazism were often conflated.


title: International Brigades

text: Survivors of the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion were often investigated by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and denied employment when they returned to Canada. Some were prevented from serving in the military during the Second World War due to "political unreliability".


title: International Brigades

text: In 1995 a monument to veterans of the war was built near Ontario's provincial parliament. On 12 February 2000, a bronze statue "The Spirit of the Republic" by sculptor Jack Harman, based on an original poster from the Spanish Republic, was placed on the grounds of the British Columbia Legislature. In 2001, the few remaining Canadian veterans of the Spanish Civil War dedicated a monument to Canadian members of the International Brigades in Ottawa's Green Island Park.


title: International Brigades

text: In line with the 1920 legislation, Polish citizens who volunteered to the IB were automatically stripped of citizenship as individuals who without formal approval served in foreign armed forces. Following republican defeat the combatants recruited in France and Belgium returned there. Among the others some served in pro-Communist partisan units in the German-occupied Poland and some made it to the USSR and served in the pro-Communist Polish army raised there.


title: International Brigades

text: In the Communist Poland the IB combatants – referred to as "Dąbrowszczacy" - were granted veteran rights, but their fate differed depending upon political circumstances. Following some early exaltation in 1945-1949 they were later approached somewhat cautiously. There were cases of assuming high positions in administration and especially in security, but there were also cases of deposition, arrest and prison on trumped-up charges of political conspiracy; these were released in the mid-1950s.


title: International Brigades

text: Though from the onset Polish engagement in IB was hailed as "working class taking to arms against Fascism", the most intense idolization took place between the mid-1950s and the mid-1960s, with a spate of publications, schools and streets named after "Dąbrowszczacy". However, anti-Semitic turn of the late 1960s again produced de-emphasizing of IB volunteers, many of whom left Poland. Until the end of Communist rule the IB episode was duly acknowledged, but propaganda related was a far cry from veneration reserved for wartime Communist partisans or the USSR-raised Polish army. Despite some efforts on part of IB combatants, no monument has been erected.


title: International Brigades

text: After 1989 it was unclear whether Dąbrowszczacy were furtherly entitled to veteran privileges; the issue generated political debates until they became pointless, as almost all IB combatants had passed away. Another question was about homage references, existent in public space. A state-run institution IPN declared Polish IB combatants in service of the Stalinist regime and related homage references subject to de-communisation legislation. However, efficiency of purges of public space differs depending upon local political configuration and occasionally there is heated public debate ensuing. Until today the role of Polish IB combatants remains a highly divisive topic; for some they are traitors and for some they are heroes.


title: International Brigades

text: In Switzerland, public sympathy was high for the Republican cause, but the federal government banned all fundraising and recruiting activities a month after the start of the war as part of the country's long-standing policy of neutrality. Around 800 Swiss volunteers joined the International Brigades, among them a small number of women. Sixty percent of Swiss volunteers identified as communists, while the others included socialists, anarchists and antifascists.


title: International Brigades

text: Some 170 Swiss volunteers were killed in the war. The survivors were tried by military courts upon their return to Switzerland for violating the criminal prohibition on foreign military service. The courts pronounced 420 sentences which ranged from around 2 weeks to 4 years in prison, and often also stripped the convicts of their political rights for the period of up to 5 years. In the Swiss society, traditionally highly appreciative of civic virtues, this translated to longtime stigmatization also after the penalty period expired. In the judgment of Swiss historian Mauro Cerutti, volunteers were punished more harshly in Switzerland than in any other democratic country.


title: International Brigades

text: Motions to pardon the Swiss brigaders on the account that they fought for a just cause have been repeatedly introduced in the Swiss federal parliament. A first such proposal was defeated in 1939 on neutrality grounds. In 2002, Parliament again rejected a pardon of the Swiss war volunteers, with a majority arguing that they broke a law that remains in effect to this day. In March 2009, Parliament adopted the third bill of pardon, retroactively rehabilitating Swiss brigades, only a handful of whom were still alive. In 2000 there was a monument honoring Swiss IB combatants unveiled in Geneva; there are also numerous plaques mounted elsewhere, e.g. at the Volkshaus in Zürich.


title: International Brigades

text: On disbandment, 305 British volunteers left Spain to return home. They arrived at Victoria Station in central London on 7 December and were met warmly as returning heroes by a crowd of supporters including Clement Attlee, Stafford Cripps, Willie Gallacher, and Will Lawther.


title: International Brigades

text: The last surviving British member of the International Brigades, Geoffrey Servante, died in April 2019 aged 99.


title: International Brigades

text: In the United States, the returned volunteers were labeled "premature anti-fascists" by the FBI, denied promotion during service in the U.S. military during World War II, and pursued by Congressional committees during the Red Scare of 1947–1957. However, threats of loss of citizenship were not carried out.


title: International Brigades

text: Josep Almudéver, believed to be the last surviving veteran of the International Brigades, died on 23 May 2021 at the age of 101. Although born into a Spanish family and living in Spain at the outbreak of the conflict, he also held French citizenship and enlisted in the International Brigades to avoid age restrictions in the Spanish Republican army. He served in the CXXIX International Brigade and later fought in the Spanish Maquis, and after the war lived in exile in France.


title: International Brigades

text: On 26 January 1996, the Spanish government gave Spanish citizenship to the 600 or so remaining Brigadistas, fulfilling a promise made by Prime Minister Juan Negrín in 1938.


title: International Brigades

text: In 1996, Jacques Chirac, then French President, granted the former French members of the International Brigades the legal status of former service personnel ("ancient combatants") following the request of two French communist Members of Parliament, Lefort and Asensi, both children of volunteers. Before 1996, the same request was turned down several times including by François Mitterrand, the former Socialist President.


title: International Brigades

text: The International Brigades were inheritors of a socialist aesthetic. The flags featured the colors of the Spanish Republic: red, yellow and purple, often along with socialist symbols (red flags, hammer and sickle, fist). The emblem of the brigades themselves was the three-pointed red star, which is often featured.


title: Chris Gaines

text: Chris Gaines is a one-off fictional rock persona created as a movie character for Garth Brooks to explore musical styles far removed from his success as a country singer.


title: Chris Gaines

text: Initially, Brooks planned to feature the Gaines persona in "The Lamb", a motion picture that never materialized. In 1999, Brooks released one album as Gaines; the album produced two charting "Billboard" singles, including the Top 5 pop hit "Lost in You".


title: Chris Gaines

text: In 1999, Brooks and his production company Red Strokes Entertainment, with Paramount Pictures, began to develop a film in which Brooks would star. "The Lamb" was to have revolved around Chris Gaines, a fictional rock singer and his emotionally conflicted life as a musician in the public eye. To create buzz for the project, Brooks took on the identity of Gaines in the October 1999 album "Garth Brooks in...the Life of Chris Gaines", which was intended as a "pre-soundtrack" to the film. The project – a departure from Brooks' usual material – was intended to represent the "greatest hits" of Gaines' entire career, spanning several decades of supposed recordings. Although Brooks himself developed the Gaines character and backstory, he did not write any of the songs on the album.


title: Chris Gaines

text: To promote the album's release, Brooks appeared as Gaines in a television "mockumentary" for the VH1 series "Behind the Music" and as the musical guest on an episode of "Saturday Night Live", which he hosted as himself.


title: Chris Gaines

text: The album – and Brooks' promotion of it – received a lukewarm reception. The album received mixed reviews, and Brooks' fans responded with general confusion as to the purpose of the project. Although the album made it to No. 2 on the "Billboard" 200, expectations had been higher and retail stores began heavily discounting their oversupply. Less than expected sales of the album (more than two million) and no further developments in the production of the film as a result brought the project to an indefinite hiatus in February 2001, and the Gaines character quickly faded into obscurity.


title: Chris Gaines

text: Despite the less than spectacular response to the project, Brooks gained his first – and, to date, only – Billboard Hot 100 Top 40 single with "Lost in You", the first single from the album. Critic Stephen Thomas Erlewine of AllMusic speculated that the alternate persona and elaborate marketing scheme backfired, writing, "When Brooks' new persona and his album were revealed to the public, they were unforgiving – they didn't think he was playing a role, they simply thought he'd lost his mind." However, Erlewine gave the album a 3-out-of-5 stars rating and in the same review later wrote: "Judged as Brooks' first pop album, it's pretty good, and if it had been released that way, it likely would have been embraced by a wide audience."


title: Chris Gaines

text: In March 2021, Brooks announced that "The Life of Chris Gaines" was to be rereleased on multiple platforms, including digital and vinyl, adding that previously unreleased songs were also forthcoming.


title: Francis Capra

text: Francis Capra (born April 27, 1983) is an American actor. He has played the roles of Max Connor in "Kazaam", and Eli "Weevil" Navarro in the TV series "Veronica Mars".


title: Francis Capra

text: Capra attended Our Lady of the Assumption Catholic School. He is not related to the director Frank Capra.


title: Francis Capra

text: Capra began his acting career in 1993 with "A Bronx Tale" in which he played the nine-year-old version of the lead character. He played the character of Eli "Weevil" Navarro on the critically acclaimed TV series "Veronica Mars" and had a small guest role on "The O.C." Most recently he was seen on "The Closer", "Lincoln Heights" season 3 premiere, "Criminal Minds", "Friday Night Lights" and in the film "Crank". He starred in "Kazaam", "A Simple Wish" and "". He portrayed Jesse Murphy on the TV show "Heroes", following in the footsteps of "Veronica Mars" co-star Kristen Bell.


title: Francis Capra

text: Capra has also branched out into film production. He has a production company called Take Off Productions with fellow actor De'Aundre Bonds.


title: John Kay (musician)

text: John Kay (born Joachim Fritz Krauledat; 12 April 1944) is a German-born American rock singer, songwriter, and guitarist known as the frontman of Steppenwolf.


title: John Kay (musician)

text: His father Fritz, born 13 June 1913 in Absteinen near Pogegen in the Memelland (today Opstainys in Pagėgiai Municipality, Lithuania), was killed a month before Kay was born.