title: Prana

text: Five types of prāṇa, collectively known as the five "vāyus" ("winds"), are described in Hindu texts. Ayurveda, tantra and Tibetan medicine all describe "prāṇa vāyu" as the basic vāyu from which the other vāyus arise.


title: Prana

text: Prana is divided into ten main functions: The five Pranas – Prana, Apana, Udana, Vyana and Samana – and the five Upa-Pranas – Naga, Kurma, Devadatta, Krikala and Dhananjaya.


title: Prana

text: V. S. Apte provides fourteen different meanings for the Sanskrit word "" () including breath or respiration; the breath of life, vital air, principle of life (usually plural in this sense, there being five such vital airs generally assumed, but three, six, seven, nine, and even ten are also spoken of); energy or vigour; the spirit or soul.


title: Prana

text: Of these meanings, the concept of "vital air" is used by Bhattacharyya to describe the concept as used in Sanskrit texts dealing with pranayama, the manipulation of the breath. Thomas McEvilley translates "prāṇa" as "spirit-energy". The breath is understood to be its most subtle material form, but is also believed to be present in the blood, and most concentrated in men's semen and women's vaginal fluid.


title: Prana

text: The ancient concept of prāṇa is described in many Hindu texts, including Upanishads and Vedas. One of the earliest references to prāṇa is from the 3,000-year-old "Chandogya Upanishad", but many other Upanishads use the concept, including the "Katha", "Mundaka" and "Prasna Upanishads". The concept is elaborated upon in great detail in the literature of haṭha yoga, tantra, and Ayurveda.


title: Prana

text: The "Bhagavad Gita" 4.27 describes the yoga of self-control as the sacrifice of the actions of the senses and of prāṇa in the fire kindled by knowledge. More generally, the conquest of the senses, the mind, and prāṇa is seen as an essential step on the yogin's path to samadhi, or indeed as the goal of yoga. Thus for example the "Malinivijayottaratantra" 12.5–7 directs the seeker "who has conquered posture, the mind, prāṇa, the senses, sleep, anger, fear, and anxiety" to practise yoga in a beautiful undisturbed cave.


title: Prana

text: Prāṇa is typically divided into constituent parts, particularly when concerned with the human body. While not all early sources agree on the names or number of these divisions, the most common list from the "Mahabharata", the Upanishads, Ayurvedic and Yogic sources includes five classifications, often subdivided. This list includes "prāṇa" (inward moving energy), "apāna" (outward moving energy), "vyāna" (circulation of energy), "udāna" (energy of the head and throat), and "samāna" (digestion and assimilation).


title: Prana

text: Early mention of specific prāṇas often emphasized prāṇa, apāna and vyāna as "the three breaths". This can be seen in the proto-yogic traditions of the Vratyas among others. Texts like the "Vaikānasasmārta" utilized the five prāṇas as an internalization of the five sacrificial fires of a panchāgni homa ceremony.


title: Prana

text: The "Atharva Veda" describes prāṇa: 'When they had been watered by Prana, the plants spake in concert: 'thou hast, forsooth, prolonged our life, thou hast made us all fragrant.' (11.4–6) 'The holy (âtharvana) plants, the magic (ângirasa) plants, the divine plants, and those produced by men, spring forth, when thou, O Prâna, quickenest them (11.4–16). 'When Prâna has watered the great earth with rain, then the plants spring forth, and also every sort of herb.' (11.4–17) 'O Prâna, be not turned away from me, thou shall not be other than myself! As the embryo of the waters (fire), thee, O Prâna, do bind to me, that I may live.' (11.4)


title: Prana

text: Similar concepts exist in various cultures, including the Latin "anima" ("breath", "vital force", "animating principle"), Islamic and Sufic ruh, the Greek pneuma, the Chinese qi, the Polynesian mana, the Amerindian orenda, the German od, and the Hebrew ruah. Prāṇa is also described as subtle energy or life force.


title: Prana

text: One way of categorizing prāṇa is by means of vāyus. "Vāyu" means "wind" or "air" in Sanskrit, and the term is used in a variety of contexts in Hindu philosophy. Prāṇa is considered the basic vāyu from which the other vāyus arise, as well as one of the five major vāyus. Prāṇa is thus the generic name for all the breaths, including the five major vāyus of prāṇa, apāna, uḍāna, samāna, and vyāna. The "Nisvasattvasamhita Nayasutra" describes five minor winds, naming three of these as nāga, dhanamjaya, and kurma; the other two are named in the "Skandapurana" (181.46) and "Sivapurana Vayaviyasamhita" (37.36) as devadatta and krtaka.


title: Prana

text: Indian philosophy describes prana flowing in nadis (channels), though the details vary. The "Brhadaranyaka Upanishad" (2.I.19) mentions 72,000 nadis in the human body, running out from the heart, whereas the "Katha Upanishad" (6.16) says that 101 channels radiate from the heart. The "Vinashikhatantra" (140–146) explains the most common model, namely that the three most important nadis are the Ida on the left, the Pingala on the right, and the Sushumna in the centre connecting the base chakra to the crown chakra, enabling prana to flow throughout the subtle body.


title: Prana

text: When the mind is agitated due to our interactions with the world at large, the physical body also follows in its wake. These agitations cause violent fluctuations in the flow of prana in the nadis.


title: Prana

text: Prāṇāyāma is a common term for various techniques for accumulating, expanding and working with prana. Pranayama is one of the eight limbs of yoga and is a practice of specific and often intricate breath control techniques. The dynamics and laws of Prana were understood through systematic practice of Pranayama to gain mastery over Prana.


title: Prana

text: Many pranayama techniques are designed to cleanse the nadis, allowing for greater movement of prana. Other techniques may be utilized to arrest the breath for samadhi or to bring awareness to specific areas in the practitioner's subtle or physical body. In Tibetan Buddhism, it is utilized to generate inner heat in the practice of tummo.


title: Prana

text: In Ayurveda and therapeutic yoga, pranayama is utilized for many tasks, including to affect mood and aid in digestion. A. G. Mohan stated that the physical goals of pranayama may be to recover from illness or the maintenance of health, while its mental goals are: "to remove mental disturbances and make the mind focused for meditation".


title: Prana

text: According to the scholar-practitioner of yoga Theos Bernard, the ultimate aim of pranayama is the suspension of breathing, "causing the mind to swoon".


title: Prana

text: Swami Yogananda writes, "The real meaning of Pranayama, according to Patanjali, the founder of Yoga philosophy, is the gradual cessation of breathing, the discontinuance of inhalation and exhalation".


title: Maiden and married names

text: When a person (traditionally the wife in many cultures) assumes the family name of their spouse, in some countries that name replaces the person's previous surname, which in the case of the wife is called the maiden name ("birth name" is also used as a gender-neutral or masculine substitute for maiden name), whereas a married name is a family name or surname adopted by a person upon marriage.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In some jurisdictions, changing names requires a legal process. When people marry or divorce, the legal aspects of changing names may be simplified or included, so that the new name is established as part of the legal process of marrying or divorcing. Traditionally, in the Anglophone West, women are far more likely to change their surnames upon marriage than men, but in some instances men may change their last names upon marriage as well, including same-sex couples.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In this article, "birth name", "family name", "surname", "married name" and "maiden name" refer to patrilineal surnames unless explicitly described as referring to matrilineal surnames.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Due to the widespread practice of women changing their names at marriage, they usually encounter little difficulty doing so, as the opportunity is included in the legal process of marrying.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Unless the statutes where the marriage occurred specify that a name change may occur at marriage (in which case the marriage certificate indicates the new name), the courts have officially recognized that such a change is a result of the common law right of a person (man, woman, and sometimes child) to change their name.


title: Maiden and married names

text: There were some early cases in the United States that held that under common law, a woman was required to take her husband's name, but newer cases overturned that (see "Retain the birth name" below). Currently, American women do not have to change their names by law. "Lindon v. First National Bank", 10 F. 894 (W.D. Pa. 1882), is one of the very earliest precedent-setting US federal court cases involving common law name change. A woman who had changed her last name to one that was not her husband's original surname was trying to claim control over her inheritance. The court ruled in her favor. This set forth many things. By common law, one may lawfully change their name and be "known and recognized" by that new name. Also, one may enter into any kinds of contracts in their new adopted name. Contracts include employment (see "Coppage v. Kansas" 236 U.S. 1), and one can be recognized legally in court in their new name. In 1967 in "Erie Exchange v. Lane", 246 Md. 55 (1967) the Maryland Court of Appeals held that a married woman can lawfully adopt an assumed name, even if it is not her birth name or the name of her lawful husband, without legal proceedings.


title: Maiden and married names

text: However, men encounter more difficulties in changing their last names. In the United States, only eight states provide for an official name change for a man as part of their marriage process, and in others a man may petition a court or—where not prohibited—change his name without a legal procedure (though government agencies sometimes do not recognize this procedure).


title: Maiden and married names

text: In the past, a woman in England usually assumed her new husband's family name (or surname) after marriage; often she was compelled to do so under coverture laws. Assuming the husband's surname remains common practice today in the United Kingdom (although there is no law that states the name must be changed) and in other countries such as Australia, New Zealand, Pakistan, Gibraltar, Falkland Islands, India, Philippines, the English-speaking provinces of Canada and the United States.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Often there are interesting variations of name adoption, including family name adoption. In Massachusetts, for instance, a Harvard study in 2004 found that about 87% of college-educated women take their husbands' name on marriage, down from a peak before 1975 of over 90%, but up from about 80% in 1990. The same study found women with a college degree were "two to four times (depending on age) more likely to retain their surname" than those without a college degree.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In the lowlands of Scotland in the 16th century, married women did not change their surnames, but today it is common practice to do so.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Usually, the children of these marriages are given their father's surname. Some families (mainly in the USA) have a custom of using the mother's maiden name as a middle name for one of the children—Franklin Delano Roosevelt received his middle name in this way or even as a first name. An example from Britain is Isambard Kingdom Brunel. Spessard Holland, a former Governor of Florida and former Senator, whose mother's maiden name was Virginia Spessard, received his first name in this way.


title: Maiden and married names

text: The American suffragist and abolitionist Lucy Stone (1818–1893) made a national issue of a married woman's right to keep her own surname (as she herself did upon marriage) as part of her efforts for women's rights in the U.S. Women who choose to keep their prior names have been called "Lucy Stoners". In 1879, when Boston women were granted the franchise in school elections, Stone registered to vote. But officials would not allow her to vote unless she added "Blackwell", her husband's last name, to her signature. This she refused to do, and so she was not able to vote. She did not challenge the action in a court of law.


title: Maiden and married names

text: The Lucy Stone League, named after her, was founded in 1921 by Ruth Hale; it was the first group to fight for women to be allowed to keep their maiden name after marriage—and to use it legally. Ruth Hale challenged in federal court that any government edict that would not recognize a married woman (such as herself) by the name she chose to use. In May 1921 Hale obtained a real estate deed issued in her birth name rather than her married name, Mrs. Heywood Broun.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In 1925 Doris Fleischman became the first married woman in the United States to receive a passport in her own name. But by the early 1930s the Lucy Stone League was inactive.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In "People ex rel. Rago v. Lipsky", 63 N.E.2d 642 (Ill. 1945), the Appellate Court of Illinois, First District did not allow a married woman to stay registered to vote under her birth name, due to "the long-established custom, policy and rule of the common law among English-speaking peoples whereby a woman's name is changed by marriage and her husband's surname becomes as a matter of law her surname."


title: Maiden and married names

text: In 1950, Jane Grant and 22 former members restarted the Lucy Stone League; its first meeting was on 22 March 1950 in New York City. Grant promptly won the Census Bureau's agreement that a married woman could use her birth surname as her official or real name in the census. ("The New York Times", 10 April 1950).


title: Maiden and married names

text: In the 1950s and 1960s, the League widened its focus to include all discrimination against women in the USA; the League was a forerunner of the National Organization for Women.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In "State ex rel. Krupa v. Green", 177 N.E.2d 616 (Ohio 1961), the Ohio appellate court allowed a married woman to register to vote in her birth name which she had openly and solely used, and been well known to use, before her marriage, and held that she could use that name as a candidate for public office.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In 1972 in "Stuart v. Board of Elections", 266 Md. 440, 446, on the question of whether a wife could register to vote in her birth name rather than her husband's last name, the Maryland Court of Appeals held, "[A] married woman's surname does not become that of her husband where, as here, she evidences a clear intent to consistently and nonfraudulently use her birth given name subsequent to her marriage."


title: Maiden and married names

text: In the 1970s the Olympia Brown League was founded to help women's name rights in Milwaukee, in response to a court decision against women seeking to keep their maiden names upon marriage; Olympia Brown had kept hers upon her marriage in 1873. Specifically, the case with that court decision was "Kruzel v. Podell" (1975), in which the Supreme Court of Wisconsin decided that a woman upon marriage adopts the last name of her husband by customarily using that name after marriage, but also stated that no law required her to.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In 1975 in "Dunn v. Palermo", the Supreme Court of Tennessee held that "in this jurisdiction a woman, upon marriage, has a freedom of choice. She may elect to retain her own surname or she may adopt the surname of her husband. The choice is hers. We hold that a person's legal name is that given at birth, or as "voluntarily" changed by either spouse at the time of marriage, or as changed by affirmative acts as provided under the Constitution and laws of the State of Tennessee. So long as a person's name remains constant and consistent, and unless and until changed in the prescribed manner, and absent any fraudulent or legally impermissible intent, the State has no legitimate concern."


title: Maiden and married names

text: It is less common for women, especially in the U.S. and Canada, to add their spouse's name and their own birth name. There is an example of this, however, in U.S. Senator Cindy Hyde-Smith, who was born Cindy Hyde and then married one Michael Smith.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Although less common than name joining, a growing trend is the blending of two surnames upon marriage. This means adding "parts" of the two names. An example is Dawn O'Porter.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Examples are Amy Coney Barrett, Carol Moseley Braun, Lisa Cano Burkhead, Sylvia Mathews Burwell, Shelley Moore Capito, Hattie Wyatt Caraway, Cindy Parlow Cone, Hillary Rodham Clinton (dropped maiden name in 2007), Rebecca Latimer Felton, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Marjorie Taylor Greene, Patricia Roberts Harris, Carla Anderson Hills, Oveta Culp Hobby, Kay Bailey Hutchison, Catherine Cortez Masto, Sandra Day O'Connor, Sarah Huckabee Sanders, and Margaret Chase Smith.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In the United States, some states or areas have laws that restrict what surname a child may have. For example, Tennessee allows a child to be given a surname that does not include that of the father only upon "the concurrent submission of a sworn application to that effect signed by both parents."


title: Maiden and married names

text: In 2007, Michael Buday and Diana Bijon enlisted the American Civil Liberties Union and filed a discrimination lawsuit against the state of California. According to the ACLU, the obstacles facing a husband who wishes to adopt his wife's last name violated the equal protection clause provided by the 14th Amendment of the Constitution. At the time of the lawsuit, only the states of Georgia, Hawaii, Iowa, Massachusetts, New York and North Dakota explicitly allowed a man to change his name through marriage with the same ease as a woman. As a result of the lawsuit, the Name Equality Act of 2007 was passed to allow either spouse to change their name, using their marriage license as the means of the change; the law took effect in 2009.


title: Maiden and married names

text: The feminist Lucy Stone (1818–1893) made a national issue of a married woman's right to keep her own surname (as she herself did upon marriage) as part of her efforts for women's rights in the U.S. Because of her, women who choose not to use their husbands' surnames have been called "Lucy Stoners".


title: Maiden and married names

text: The feminist Elizabeth Cady Stanton took her husband's surname as part of her own, signing herself Elizabeth Cady Stanton or E. Cady Stanton, but she refused to be addressed as Mrs. Henry B. Stanton. She wrote in 1847 that "the custom of calling women Mrs. John This and Mrs. Tom That and colored men Sambo and Zip Coon, is founded on the principle that white men are lords of all." Later, when addressing the judiciary committee of the state legislature of New York in 1860 in a speech called "A Slave's Appeal", she stated in part, "The negro [slave] has no name. He is Cuffy Douglas or Cuffy Brooks, just whose Cuffy he may chance to be. The woman has no name. She is Mrs. Richard Roe or Mrs. John Doe, just whose Mrs. she may chance to be."


title: Maiden and married names

text: The feminist Jane Grant, co-founder of "The New Yorker", wrote in 1943 of her efforts to keep her name despite her marriage, as well as other women's experiences with their maiden names regarding military service, passports, voting, and business.


title: Maiden and married names

text: More recently, the feminist Jill Filipovic's opposition to name change for women who marry was published in "The Guardian" in 2013 as "Why should married women change their names? Let men change theirs", and cited as recommended reading on the theory of social construction of gender in "Critical Encounters in Secondary English: Teaching Literacy Theory to Adolescents" by Deborah Appleman (2014). When Filipovic married in 2018, she kept her last name.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In most of Canada, either partner may informally assume the spouse's surname after marriage, so long as it is not for the purposes of fraud. The same is true for people in common-law relationships, in some provinces. This is not considered a legal name change in most provinces, excluding British Columbia. For federal purposes, such as a Canadian passport, Canadians may also assume their partner's surname if they are in a common-law relationship. In the province of British Columbia, people have to undergo a legal name change if they want to use a combined surname after marriage. Their marriage certificate is considered proof of their new name.


title: Maiden and married names

text: The custom in Québec was similar to the one in France until 1981. Women would traditionally go by their husband's surname in daily life, but their maiden name remained their legal name. Since the passage of a 1981 provincial law intended to promote gender equality, as outlined in the Québec Charter of Rights, no change may be made to a person's name without the authorization of the registrar of civil status or the authorization of the court. Newlyweds who wish to change their names upon marriage must therefore go through the same procedure as those changing their names for other reasons. The registrar of civil status may authorize a name change if:


title: Maiden and married names

text: This law does not make it legal for a woman to change her name immediately upon marriage, as marriage is not listed among the reasons for a name change.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Spouses keep their original surnames. Following Spanish naming customs, a person's name consists of a given name (simple or composite) followed by two family names (surnames), the father's and the mother's. Any children whom a couple have together, take both first-surnames, so if "José Gómez Hevia" and "María Reyes García" had a child named "Andrés", the resulting name would be "Andrés Gómez Reyes".


title: Maiden and married names

text: Law 11/1981 in Spain, enacted in 1981, declared among other things that children, on turning 18, now had a legal option to choose whether their father's or mother's surname came first. If a family did not exercise an option to change the order of the names in their surname, the law defaulted to the father's surname as the first.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Also in Spain, a 1995 reform in the law allows the parents to choose whether the father's or the mother's surname goes first, although this order must be the same for all their children. For instance, the name of the son of the couple in the example above could be "Andrés Gómez Reyes" or "Andrés Reyes Gómez".


title: Maiden and married names

text: In some Spanish-American countries it is customary for women to unofficially add the husband's first surname after her own, for social purposes such as invitation letters or event announcements. The couple above may introduce themselves as José Gómez Hevia and María Reyes de Gómez. It is also common to name, in formal settings, the wife of a man as "señora de ", followed by her husband's first surname.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Wives usually assume the family name of their spouse, although there is a recent trend of women keeping their maiden names. Following Portuguese naming customs, a person's name consists of a given name (simple or composite) followed by two family names (surnames), the mother's and the father's. Any children whom a couple have together, take both second-surnames.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In Austria, since 1 April 2013, marriage does not automatically change a woman's name; therefore a name change can only take place upon legal application. Before that date, the default was for a married woman's name to be changed to that of her husband, unless she legally applied to opt out of this.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In France, by executive decision since 2011 and by law since 2013, any married person may officially use their spouse's name as a common name by substituting or compounding it to their own. Before this it was common for married women to use their husband's name in everyday life but this had no legal recognition.


title: Maiden and married names

text: From 4 March 2002 to 4 December 2009, children given both parents' names had to have them separated by a double dash (ex: Dupont<nowiki>--</nowiki>Clairemont). On 4 December 2009, the Conseil d'État ruled that a space can be used instead of the double dash. As a result, forms asking for the choice of family name for a child ("nom de famille") do so on two lines (""1ère partie": ... ", ""2e partie": ...")


title: Maiden and married names

text: In Germany, since 1977, a woman may adopt her husband's surname or a man may adopt his wife's surname. One of them may use a name combined from both surnames. The remaining single name is the "family name" ("Ehename"), which will be the surname of the children. If a man and woman both decide to keep and use their birth names after the wedding (no combined name), they shall declare one of those names the "family name". A combined name is not possible as a family name, but, since 2005, it has been possible to have a double name as a family name if one already had a double name, and the partner adopts that name. Double names then must be hyphenated. All family members must use that double name.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Since 1983, when Greece adopted a new marriage law which guaranteed gender equality between the spouses, women in Greece are required to "keep" their birth names for their whole lives.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Spouses keep their original surnames. According to the Italian Civil Code (article 143 bis), a woman who marries keeps her surname and has the option of adding her husband's surname after hers. Non-Italian citizens getting married in Italy will not have their surname changed in Italy. However, brides or grooms can request their surname change in their home country.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In the Netherlands, persons who have been married in the Netherlands or entered into a registered partnership will remain registered under their birth name. They are, however, permitted to use their partner's last name for social purposes or join both names. Upon marriage or registered partnership, one may also indicate how one would like to be addressed by registering one's choice at the Municipal Basis Administration ("Gemeentelijke Basis Administratie") (although the birth name does not change). One may choose to be called by one's own name, one's partner's name, one's own name followed by one's partner's name (hyphenated), or one's partner's name followed by their own name (hyphenated). Both men and women may make this choice upon registering to get married or entering into a registered partnership. If the marriage or registered partnership ends, one may continue to use the ex-partner's last surname unless the ex-partner disagrees and requests the court to forbid the use of the ex-partner's surname.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Before the birth or adoption of a first child, married parents may choose the child's surname (mother's or father's but not both). If no choice is made, the child automatically bears the father's surname. Any further children will also go by this name. If the parents are not married, the children will automatically have their mother's name unless otherwise indicated.


title: Maiden and married names

text: There is a widespread, though not universal, custom for a newly married wife to adopt the husband's family name. However, as Russia is not a common law country, any name change requires a formal procedure including an official application to the civil acts registrar. As the same registrar also records marriages, for the convenience sake it is often done during the marriage proceedings, as governed by the Federal Law #143-FZ "On Civil State Acts", and the couple's marriage certificate has an option of having one common family name, or both spouses going by their original surname. However, the law is entirely gender neutral, and the couple may adopt either of their surnames (a husband adopting his wife's family name is an uncommon but by no means unheard-of practice, which is generally accepted and carries little to no social stigma), or even a completely different one. The law also recognizes the couple's right to use the combined family name, and for the either of the spouses to reclaim their original surname in the case the marriage is dissolved.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Traditionally, unlike in anglophone Western countries, a married woman keeps her name unchanged, without adopting her husband's surname. In mainland China a child inherits their father's surname as a norm, though the marriage law explicitly states that a child may use either parent's surname. It is also common for two children born to the same parents to take different surnames, one after the father and the other after the mother. It is also possible, though far less common, for a child to combine both parents' surnames. Amongst the Chinese diaspora overseas, especially in Southeast Asia, women rarely legally adopt their spouse's surname.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Due to British influence, some people in Hong Kong have also adopted the tradition of women changing their English last name, or prepending their husband's Chinese surname to their own in official occasions or business cards but rarely on resident identification or travel documents. An example is chief executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, who prepended her husband Lam Siu-por's surname to hers.


title: Maiden and married names

text: It became mandatory in 1918 to use surnames in Iran, and only in this time, the heads of families had the right to choose their family members' (including the wife) surname. It is stated in the article four of the law on Civil Registration in 1925, that "Everybody should choose his/her own name. The wife... maintains her family name that was called by." The same thing has been restated in the article three of the law on Civil Registration in 1928. There is not much difference in the article 38 of the law on Civil Registration in 1940, but there is another article (43) that says "If the couple separate legally, maintaining husband's surname is allowed if the husband allows, and if the husband has taken wife's family name, maintaining wife's surname is allowed if the wife allows." In the last related article (the article 42 of the law on Civil Registration in 1976) the same thing is said about wife's surname change, but it is silent about husband's surname change.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Japanese law does not recognize married couples who have different surnames as lawful husband and wife, which means that 96% of married Japanese women take their husband's surname. In 2015, the Japanese Supreme Court upheld the name-change law, ruling that it was not unconstitutional, noting that women could informally use their maiden names, and stating that it was the parliamentarians who should decide on whether to pass new legislation on separate spousal names.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Traditionally, Korean women keep their family names after their marriage, while their children usually take the father's surname. Korea used to be relatively gender equal as of inheritance and familial duties up until at least the late 17th century. Often, family genealogy books would keep track of the daughters and their spouses and offspring too. As such, it was the norm for women to keep their maiden name and they were considered to be part of the family even after marriage. Before modern times, people were very conscious of familial values and their own family identities. It is therefore traditional for Korean women keep their surnames after marriage, based on traditional reasoning that it is what they inherited from their parents and ancestors. Colloquially, Koreans consider the name of an individual as a singular entity, and changing the family name syllable would make the name sound strange with the other syllables of the given name.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Nowadays, women still keep their names after marriage. Children can have either parent's surname, but it is customary to use the father's surname.


title: Maiden and married names

text: A woman may also keep her maiden name, as Philippine law does not require a woman to take her husband's surname at marriage. This is commonly done for professional reasons, as a woman may want to retain her name among her business contacts or audience.


title: Maiden and married names

text: The Civil Code also states that children as the result of the marriage will take the mother's middle name (maiden surname) and the father's surname. To illustrate this, the children of a married couple named "Maria Josefa Lopez Mañego-Luansing" and "Juan Candido Luansing" will take the middle name "Mañego" and the surname "Luansing", so, one daughter with a given name of "Juliana" will be named "Juliana Mañego Luansing".


title: Maiden and married names

text: Married women in professional circles (e.g. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Korina Sanchez-Roxas, Vilma Santos-Recto) typically join their maiden and married surnames in both professional and legal use (e.g. "Maria Isabella Flores Garcia-Dimaculangan"/"Ma. Isabella F. Garcia-Dimaculangan"). This allows them to be identified as married, and keep track of their professional achievements without being confused for being two different individual (e.g. "Maria Isabella Flores Garcia"/"Ma. Isabella F. Garcia, as against "Maria Isabella Garcia Dimaculangan"/"Ma. Isabella G. Dimaculangan)


title: Maiden and married names

text: An older scheme based on Spanish naming customs add the particle "de" ("of") between the maiden and married surnames (e.g. "Maria Isabella Garcia de Dimaculangan" or "Ma. Isabella G. de Dimaculangan"). This tradition is no longer common.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Taiwanese women generally keep their surnames after marriage, while their children may inherit either the father's or the mother's. It is, however, legal to take the spouse's surname. Some older women have the husband's surname tagged on to theirs, as was common in the early to mid-20th century.


title: Maiden and married names

text: A Thai wife who adopted her husband's surname due to the old law requiring it, can also change back to her original surname.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Since 2014, women in Turkey are allowed to keep their birth names alone for their whole life instead of using their husbands' names. Previously, the Turkish Code of Civil Law, Article 187, required a married woman to use her husband's surname; or else to use her birth name in front of her husband's name by giving a written application to the marriage officer or the civil registry office. In 2014, the Constitutional Court ruled that prohibiting married women from retaining only maiden names is a violation of their rights.


title: Maiden and married names

text: In Vietnamese culture, women keep their family names once they marry, whilst the progeny tend to keep the father's family name, although names can often be combined from father's and mother's family name e.g. Nguyễn Lê, Phạm Vũ, Kim Lý etc.


title: Maiden and married names

text: Genealogists often also make note of all surnames used by a person during their lifetime (such as those acquired from birth parents, those assigned at birth when the father is unknown or not acknowledged, those acquired at marriage, and those acquired at a remarriage). For example, an illegitimate male child abandoned at birth in Italy or in other European countries will receive no surname from either of his birth parents but, instead, will be assigned a surname—often invented from one of the three kingdoms of nature, e.g., mineral ("Pietra"), vegetable ("Rosa") or animal ("Leoni"), or otherwise according to custom within a locality, such as "Esposito" (meaning "abandoned") or "Casa Grande" (referring to the "Domo Magna," e.g., the "ospizio" [hospital] where abandoned).


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries is a British crime drama television series that aired on BBC One from 12 March 2001 to 1 June 2008, consisting of six series and 24 episodes. The protagonist, Detective Inspector Thomas "Tommy" Lynley, 8th Earl of Asherton (Nathaniel Parker), who is assigned to Scotland Yard, finds himself paired with Detective Sergeant Barbara Havers (Sharon Small). In addition to the tensions involved in solving murder cases, the series is built on clashes of personality, gender and class: Lynley is a polished man and a peer of the realm, and Havers is an untidy woman from a working-class background. In every episode he is seen driving a Jensen Interceptor.


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: In August 2007, the BBC announced its intention to stop production of "The Inspector Lynley Mysteries". Fans of the series mounted a campaign to save it, with a petition and by contacting the BBC, but to no avail. All six series have since been released on DVD, distributed by Acorn Media UK.


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: All episodes from the first two series and two from the third are based on novels by the American writer Elizabeth George, though the plots and characters are often significantly altered. Later episodes are original stories for television based on her characters. The music for the series was composed by Robert Lockhart; later series were scored by Debbie Wiseman.


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: The first episode, "A Great Deliverance", was broadcast on 12 and 13 March 2001, becoming the only two-part episode throughout the series run. It was also based on the inaugural Inspector Lynley novel. The first full series began broadcasting on 8 April 2002, with the first episode based on and named after the third novel, "Well-Schooled in Murder". The first eleven episodes were based on, and named after, the eleven Inspector Lynley novels published from 1988 to 2001, beginning with the inaugural novel "A Great Deliverance", but subsequently departing from the print sequence. Nine more novels have since been published as of 2018, with a further volume due out in 2021.


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: Exterior shots of Lynley and Havers' base were filmed at the Bircham Dyson Bell solicitors offices on Broadway, central London. The first episode of series five was notable for being shot in Dungeness in Kent. In the first episode, Lynley drove a Peugeot 607; whereas in both series one and two he drove a Jensen Interceptor; and in later episodes a Bristol 410. Despite the frequently recurring remark in PBS "Mystery!" presenter Diana Rigg's introductions to the series that Lynley "is the one with the Bentley", he never drove a Bentley on TV. He does, however, drive one in the George novels. In the pilot episode, the character of Helen Clyde was played by Emma Fielding. She was later portrayed by Lesley Vickerage from series one through three (from series three she and Lynley had married and she was thus known as Helen Lynley) and by Catherine Russell in series five.


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: The broadcast of "Limbo" and "Know Thine Enemy" was initially postponed: they were due to air on 9 and 16 August 2007 respectively but did not air as scheduled. Their premiere broadcast came on 11 and 18 November 2007 on BBC Entertainment, before being broadcast on BBC One for the first time on 25 May and 1 June 2008 respectively.


title: The Inspector Lynley Mysteries

text: Episode 4 was the final broadcast of "Mystery!" before WGBH retooled the classic anthology series, along with "Masterpiece Theatre", into "Masterpiece".


title: Louisiana French

text: Louisiana French (; ) is an umbrella term for the dialects and varieties of the French language spoken traditionally by French Louisianians in colonial Lower Louisiana. As of today Louisiana French is primarily used in the State of Louisiana, specifically in the southern parishes.


title: Louisiana French

text: Over the centuries, the language has incorporated some words of African, Spanish, Native American and English origin, sometimes giving it linguistic features found only in Louisiana. Louisiana French differs to varying extents from French dialects spoken in other regions, but Louisiana French is mutually intelligible with other dialects and is most closely related to those of Missouri (Upper Louisiana French), New England, Canada and northwestern France.


title: Louisiana French

text: Historically, most works of media and literature produced in Louisiana—such as , a poetry anthology compiled by a group of , and Creole-authored novels such as "L'Habitation St-Ybars" or —were written in standard French. It is a misconception that no one in Louisiana spoke or wrote Standard French. The resemblance that Louisiana French bears to Standard French varies depending on the dialect and register, with formal and urban variants in Louisiana more closely resembling Standard French.


title: Louisiana French

text: Figures from the United States Census record that roughly 7% of Louisianans over the age of 5 report speaking French or a French-based creole at home. Distribution of these speakers is uneven, however, with the majority residing in the south-central region known as Acadiana. Some of the Acadiana parishes register francophone populations of 10% or more of the total, with a select few (such as Vermilion, Evangeline and St. Martin Parishes) exceeding 15%.


title: Louisiana French

text: French is spoken across ethnic and racial lines by people who may identify as Cajuns, Creoles as well as Chitimacha, Houma, Biloxi, Tunica, Choctaw, Acadians, and French Indians among others. For these reasons, as well as the relatively small influence Acadian French has had on the region, the label Louisiana French or Louisiana Regional French () is generally regarded as more accurate and inclusive than "Cajun French" and is the preferred term by linguists and anthropologists. However, "Cajun French" is commonly used in lay discourse by speakers of the language and other inhabitants of Louisiana.


title: Louisiana French

text: Louisiana French should further not be confused with Louisiana Creole, a distinct French-based creole language indigenous to Louisiana and spoken across racial lines. In Louisiana, language labels are often conflated with ethnic labels, and Cajun-identified speakers might therefore call their language "Cajun French" even when linguists would identify it as Louisiana Creole. Likewise, many Creoles of various backgrounds (including Cajuns) do not speak Louisiana Creole but rather Louisiana French.


title: Louisiana French

text: Parishes in which the dialect is still found include but are not limited to Acadia, Allen, Ascension, Assumption, Avoyelles, Cameron, Evangeline, Iberia, Jefferson Davis, Lafayette, Lafourche, St. Landry, St. Martin, St. Mary, Terrebonne, Pointe Coupée, Vermilion, and other parishes of southern Louisiana.


title: Louisiana French

text: Starting in the second half of the 17th century, several trading posts were established in Lower Louisiana () eventually giving way to greater French colonial aspirations with the turn of the century. French immigration was at its peak during the 17th and 18th centuries which firmly established the Creole culture and language there. One important distinction to make is that the term "créole" at the time was consistently used to signify native, or "locally-born" in contrast to "foreign-born". In general the core of the population was rather diverse, coming from all over the French colonial empire namely Canada, France, and the French West Indies.Eventually, with the consistent relations built between the Native American tribes and francophones, new vocabulary was adopted into the colonial language. For example, something of a "French-Choctaw patois" is said to have developed primarily among Louisiana's Afro-French population and "métis" Creoles with a large portion of its vocabulary said to be of Native American origin.


title: Louisiana French

text: Prior to the late arrival of the Acadian people in Louisiana, the French of Louisiana had already begun to undergo changes as noted by Captain Jean-Bernard Bossu who traveled with and witnessed Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne speaking this "common language." This unusual blend of French was also noticed by Pierre-Clement de Laussat during a lunch visit with the Creole-French Canterelle family. Upon the arrival of their Houma relatives, the family began conversing in "French and Choctaw." Additional witness to this variety of French comes from J.F.H. Claiborne, a cousin of Louisiana's first American Governor, who also noted the "unusual patois of provincial French and Choctaw."


title: Louisiana French

text: Starting in 1755, large populations of the French-speaking Acadians began to arrive en masse along the Mississippi River as well as eventually arriving all the way to south to the modern-day state of Louisiana following the Great Upheaval. In 1762, France relinquished their territorial claims to Spain just as Acadians had begun to arrive; despite this, Spanish Governor Bernardo de Gálvez, permitted the Acadians to continue to speak their language as well as observe their other cultural practices. The original Acadian community was composed mainly of farmers and fishermen who were able to provide their children with a reasonable amount of schooling.


title: Louisiana French

text: However, the hardships after being exiled from Nova Scotia, along with the difficult process of resettlement in Louisiana and the ensuing poverty made it difficult to establish schools in the early stages of the community's development. Eventually schools were established, as private academies whose faculty had recently arrived in Louisiana from France or who had been educated in France. Children were usually able to attend the schools only long enough to learn counting and reading. At the time, a standard part of a child's education in the Cajun community was also the Catholic catechism, which was taught in French by an older member of the community. The educational system did not allow for much contact with Standard French. It has often been said that Acadian French has had a large impact on the development of Louisiana French but this has generally been over-estimated.


title: Louisiana French

text: French immigration continued in the 19th century until the start of the American Civil War, bringing large numbers of francophones speaking something more similar to today's Metropolitan French to Louisiana. Over time, through contact between different ethnic groups, the various dialects converged to produce what we know as Louisiana French. The 1845 Louisiana constitution permitted any legislator to address the body in either English or French, and the 1845 and 1852 constitutions required all laws to be written in both English and French.


title: Louisiana French

text: The 1864 Louisiana constitution abandoned the dual language requirement and directed public instruction to be conducted in English, although Article 128 prohibited the state from barring French speakers from public office. The post-Civil War constitution of 1868 further stated that "no laws shall require judicial process to be issued in any [language] other than the English language". However, French was still the most spoken language in many parishes of Louisiana, and the constitution of 1879 adjusted the previous restrictions to require that laws "be promulgated and preserved in the English language; but the General Assembly may provide for the publication of the laws in the French Language, and prescribe that judicial advertisements in certain designated cities and parishes…be made in that language." It also allowed primary school to teach in French, a provision that was extended in the 1898 and 1913 constitutions to include secondary schools.


title: Louisiana French

text: In 1921, the new Louisiana constitution reversed the previous language rights and banned the teaching of French in all public schools. The constitution established English as the official language of Louisiana, which pushed French out of New Orleans to its current location in southwestern parts of the state. The education and religious services of Louisiana eventually fell prey to English, and the eventual consequence of speaking French was that speaking French became a sign of cultural illegitimacy. Parents viewed the practice of teaching their children English as the intrusion of a foreign culture, and many refused to send their children to school. When the government required them to do so, they selected private French Catholic schools in which class was conducted in French. Derogatory terms and phrases were used by English speakers to put social pressure on French speakers ("Don't speak Cajun. Speak White!"), a sentiment later expressed in Michèle Lalonde's 1974 poem "Speak White" ("Speak white... be civilized"). The French schools worked to emphasize Standard French, which they considered to be the prestige dialect. When the government required all schools, public and parochial, to teach in English, new teachers, who could not speak French, were hired. Children could not understand their teachers and generally ignored them by continuing to speak French. Eventually, children were subjected to corporal punishment for speaking French on school grounds.


title: Louisiana French

text: The punishment system (which was not dissimilar to the manner in which children attempting to speak both immigrant and indigenous languages other than English were dealt with in schools elsewhere in North America) seems to have been responsible for much of the decay that Louisiana French experienced in the 20th century since, in turn, people who could not speak English were perceived as uneducated. Therefore, parents became hesitant to teach French to their children, hoping that the children would have a better life in an English-speaking nation. As of 2011, there were an estimated 150,000 to 200,000 people in Louisiana who speak French. By comparison, there were an estimated one million native French-speakers in Louisiana in about 1968. The dialect is now at risk of extinction as children are no longer taught it formally in schools.


title: Louisiana French

text: Many question whether the Louisiana French language will survive another generation. Some residents of Acadiana are bilingual though, having learned French at home and English in school. Currently, Louisiana French is considered an endangered language.


title: Louisiana French

text: The war compelled many Cajun people to leave their home state of Louisiana for the first time and serve in the military. Cajun GIs most of whom could neither speak nor understand English encountered solely English-speaking Americans, but learned it in order to serve and survive in the military.


title: Louisiana French

text: Back on the home front, many Cajun civilians united with other Anglo-Americans to support the war effort by volunteering as air raid wardens, plane spotters, firefighters, auxiliary policemen, nursing aides, as well as participating in bond, stamp, and scrap drives. These activities which the Cajuns participated in promoted feelings of national unity, and drew the Cajuns closer to Mainstream America. During this time period, emphasis on the 'American way of life' had a massive impact on Cajun children: census data shows that the use of Cajun French as a first language dropped 17 percent for Cajuns born during US involvement in WW2, the single largest decrease since the beginning of the 20th century, and also resulted in the practice of punishing Cajun students for speaking French at school.


title: Louisiana French

text: Marilyn J. Conwell of Pennsylvania State University conducted a study of Louisiana French in 1959 and published in 1963 the book "Louisiana French Grammar", which has been regarded as "probably the first complete study of a Louisiana French dialect". Conwell focused on the French spoken in Lafayette, Louisiana, and evaluated what was then its current status. She pointed out that the gradual decline of French made it "relatively common" to find "grand-parents who speak only French, parents who speak both French and English, children who speak English and understand French, and grand-children who speak and understand only English." The decision to teach French to children was well-received since grandparents hoped for better opportunities for communicating with their grandchildren.


title: Louisiana French

text: The Council for the Development of French in Louisiana (CODOFIL) was established in 1968 to promote the preservation of French language and culture in Louisiana. The Louisiana state legislature has greatly shifted its stance on the status of French. Since the passage of Legislative Act No. 409 in 1968, the Louisiana governor is granted the authorization "to establish the Council for the Development of Louisiana-French" and that the agency is to consist of no more than fifty members, including a chairman. The name was soon changed to CODOFIL and was granted the power to "do anything possible and necessary to encourage the development, usage and preservation of French as it exists in Louisiana.


title: Louisiana French

text: In 1984, Jules O. Daigle, a Roman Catholic priest, published "A Dictionary of the Cajun Language" the first dictionary devoted to "Cajun French". Once considered an authority on the language, it is however not exhaustive; it omits alternate spellings and synonyms that Father Daigle deemed "perversions" of the language but are nonetheless popular among so-called Louisiana French speakers and writers. Though remaining useful today, Daigle's dictionary has been superseded by the "Dictionary of Louisiana French" (2010), edited by Albert Valdman and other authorities on the language.


title: Louisiana French

text: Beginning in the 1990s, various signage, packaging, and documentation in French became present throughout the state. State and local tourism bureau commissions were influential in convincing city, parish and state officials to produce bilingual signage and documentation. French and English bilingual signage is, therefore, usually confined to the old districts of cities, like the French Quarter in New Orleans, downtown Lafayette and New Iberia (trilingual with Spanish), St. Martinville, Breaux Bridge, as well as several other cities. Locals continue to refer to the place names in English and for postal services, English is generally preferred. To meet the demands of a growing francophone tourist market, tourism bureaus and commissions throughout the state, particularly in southern Louisiana, have information on tourist sites in both French and English as well as in other major languages spoken by tourists.


title: Louisiana French

text: Many young adults are learning enough French to understand French music lyrics. Also, there is now a trend to use French-language websites to learn the dialect. Culinary words and terms of endearment such as "cher" (dear) and "nonc" (uncle) are still heard among otherwise English-speaking Louisianians.


title: Louisiana French

text: An article written online by the Université Laval argues that the state of Louisiana's shift, from an anti-French stance to one of soft promotion has been of great importance to the survival of the language. The article states that it is advantageous to invigorate the revival of the language, to better cherish the state's rich heritage, and to protect a francophone minority that has suffered greatly from negligence by political and religious leaders. Furthermore, the university's article claims that it is CODOFIL rather than the state itself which sets language policy; the only political stance the state of Louisiana makes is that of noninterference. All of this culminates in the fact that outside the extremely southern portions of the state, French remains a secondary language that retains heavy cultural and identity values.


title: Louisiana French

text: According to Jacques Henry, former executive director of CODOFIL, much progress has been made for francophones and that the future of French in Louisiana is not merely a symbolic one. According to statistics gathered by CODOFIL, the past twenty years has seen widespread acceptance of French-immersion programs. He goes further to write that the official recognition, appreciation by parents, and inclusion of French in schools reflects growing regard of the language. Ultimately the survival of French in Louisiana can only be guaranteed by Louisianan parents and politicians, but that there is still hope. Similarly, the state legislature passed the Louisiana French Language Services Act in 2011 with particular mention to cultural tourism, local culture, and heritage. The bill sets forth that each branch of the state government shall take necessary action to identify employees who are proficient in French. Each branch of the state government is to take necessary steps in producing services in the French language for both locals and visitors. This bill is, however, an unfunded state mandate. The legislative act was drafted and presented by francophone and francophile senators and representatives as it asserts that the French language is vital to the economy of the state.


title: Louisiana French

text: In October 2018, through an initiative launched by Scott Tilton and Rudy Bazenet, Louisiana became the first U.S. state to join the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie. Since Louisiana joined the Francophonie, new organizations have launched to help revitalize Louisiana French, including the Nous Foundation.


title: Louisiana French

text: Grassroots initiatives remain popular among francophone subsections of Louisianian society, often organized through online platforms such as Facebook. French-language initiatives founded in the late 2010s and early 2020s include Télé-Louisiane, a multimedia platform; Charrer-Veiller, a podcast (defunct as of 2022); LaCréole, another podcast; and "Le Bourdon de la Louisiane", a web gazette. Poetry remains the most popular medium of literary expression, with poets such as Kirby Jambon and Ashlee Michot receiving international attention.


title: Louisiana French

text: As with other cases of language revitalization (such as Irish), young Louisianians may speak a more standardized French than their forebears, having learned French both at school and via the greater community. Among such youths, the influence of vernacular Louisiana French on their speech patterns varies from speaker to speaker, depending on such factors as ethnic background, socioeconomic class, exposure to francophones of the elder generation, educational level, political beliefs and personal preference.


title: Louisiana French

text: Given increased levels of education in Standard French and greater exposure to the international "francophonie", it is likely Louisiana French will continue to evolve in this manner, with some traditionally Louisianian words and linguistic features being retained while others slowly fade.


title: Louisiana French

text: Reliable counts of speakers of Louisiana French are difficult to obtain as distinct from other varieties of French. However, the vast majority of native residents of Louisiana and east and southeast Texas who speak French are likely speakers of Louisiana French.


title: Louisiana French

text: In Louisiana, , the population of French speakers was approximately 115,183. These populations were concentrated most heavily in the southern, coastal parishes.


title: Louisiana French

text: In Texas, , the French-speaking population was 55,773, though many of these were likely immigrants from France and other locations, living in the urban areas. Nevertheless, in the rural eastern/southeastern Texas counties of Orange, Jefferson, Chambers, Newton, Jasper, Tyler, Liberty, and Hardin alone—areas where it can be reasonably presumed that almost all French speakers are Louisiana French speakers—the total French-speaking population was composed of 3,400 individuals. It is likely a substantial portion of the 14,493 speakers in Houston's Harris county are also Louisiana French speakers. With this in mind, a marked decline in the number of French speakers in Texas has been noticed in the last half of the twentieth century. For example, at one point the French-speaking population of Jefferson County was 24,049 as compared to the mere 1,922 today. Likewise, in Harris County the French-speaking population has shifted from 26,796 to 14,493 individuals.


title: Louisiana French

text: Louisiana French-speaking populations can also be found in southern Mississippi and Alabama, as well as pockets in other parts of the United States.


title: Louisiana French

text: Despite ample time for Louisiana French to diverge, the basic grammatical core of the language remains similar or the same as Standard French. Even so, it can be expected that the language would begin to diverge due to the various influences of neighboring languages, changing francophone demographics, and unstable opportunities for education. Furthermore, Louisiana French lacks any official regulating body unlike that of Standard French or Québec French to take part in standardizing the language.


title: Louisiana French

text: Immediately some distinct characteristics of Louisiana French can be gleaned from its personal pronouns. For example, the traditional third-person singular feminine pronoun "elle" of Standard French is present but also there is the alternative of "alle" which is chosen by some authors since it more closely approximates speakers' pronunciation. Also, use of the pronoun "ils" has supplanted the third-person feminine pronoun "elles" as it is used to refer to both masculine and feminine subjects. Similarly, all of the other third-person plural pronouns are neutral. The usage of "-autres" with plural pronouns is widespread in the language.


title: Louisiana French

text: In order to demonstrate the use of some of the indicative verb tenses in Louisiana French, take the example of "manger" meaning to eat:


title: Louisiana French

text: Some minor simplification of tenses is exhibited in the conjugation of the verb "manger", namely of the plural first and second person conjugations which are inflected identically to the third person singular. Not only this, but the inflection of the third person plural verb form has diverged between the form identical to Standard French and the use of "-ont" in for all verbs.


title: Louisiana French

text: The elision that is common in many aspects of French is accelerated in Louisiana French with the schwa in "je" often omitted regardless of the presence of a following vowel as well as the regular use of "t'es (tu es) and t'as (tu as)" as opposed to such avoidance in Standard French.


title: Louisiana French

text: The present progressive tense of Louisiana French initially appears alien as compared to Standard French but "après/apé" possesses the same function signified by "en train de".


title: Louisiana French

text: Unlike Standard French, vernacular Louisiana French may avoid article-preposition contractions involving the prepositions "de" or "des":


title: Louisiana French

text: Such contraction avoidance is a purely oral phenomenon, and written registers in Louisiana do not highly differ from Standard French. In novels, newspapers, government documents, plays, letters, etc., written from the colonial era to the early twentieth century, it would be unusual to see "de le" used in place of "du", or "de les" in place of "des."


title: Louisiana French

text: Place names in Louisiana French may differ from those in Standard French. For instance, locales named for American Indian tribes usually use the plural article "les" instead of the masculine or feminine singular articles "le" or "la". Likewise, the contraction "aux" ("à" and "les") is used with such locations. This trend seems to vary by region since in Pierre Part and Lafayette elderly francophones have often been heard to say "la Californie, le Texas, la Floride". In informal Louisiana French, most US states and countries are pronounced as in English and therefore require no article but in formal Louisiana French, prefixed articles are absent: "Californie, Texas, Floride, Belgique, Liban", etc.


title: Louisiana French

text: Code-switching occurs frequently in Louisiana French but this is typical for many language contact situations. Code-switching was once viewed as a sign of poor education, but it is now understood to be an indication of proficiency in the two different languages that a speaker uses. Fluent Louisiana French speakers frequently alternate between French, English, and Creole, but less proficient speakers usually do not.


title: Louisiana French

text: From a lexical perspective, Louisiana French differs little from other varieties of French spoken in the world. However, due to the unique history and development of the language, Louisiana French has many words that are unique to it or to select French varieties.


title: Louisiana French

text: Francophones and creolophones have worked side-by-side, lived among one another, and have enjoyed local festivities together throughout the history of the state. As a result, in regions where both Louisiana French and Louisiana Creole are or used to be spoken, the inhabitants of the region often code-switch, beginning the sentence in one language and completing it in another.


title: Louisiana French

text: Taxonomies for classing Louisiana French have changed over time. Until the 1960s and 1970s, Louisianans themselves, when speaking in French, referred to their language as "français" or "créole". In English, they referred to their language as "Creole French" and "French" simultaneously.


title: Louisiana French

text: In 1968, Lafayette native James Domengeaux, a former US Representative, created the Council for the Development of French in Louisiana (CODOFIL), whose mission was to oversee the promotion, visibility, and expansion of French language usage in Louisiana. His mission was clear: (re)create a European French bastion in Louisiana by making all Louisianans bilingual in International French and English. To accomplish his goals, he teamed up with political leaders in Canada and France, including former French President Georges Pompidou. He found Louisiana French too limiting, so he imported francophone teachers from Europe, Canada and the Caribbean to teach normative French in Louisiana schools. His penchant for International French caused him to lose support in Louisiana: most Louisianans, if they were going to have French in Louisiana schools, wanted Louisiana French, not "Parisian French."


title: Louisiana French

text: Simultaneously, an ethnic movement took root in southern Louisiana led by Acadian-Creoles like James Donald Faulk, Dudley Joseph Leblanc and Jules O. Daigle. Faulk, a French teacher in Crowley, Louisiana, introduced using the term "Cajun French" for Acadian-Creoles and French Creoles who identified as Cajun, for which he created a curriculum guide for institutionalizing the language in schools in 1977. Roman Catholic Priest Jules O. Daigle, who in 1984 published his "Dictionary of the Cajun Language", followed him. "Cajun French" is intended to imply the French spoken in Louisiana by descendants of Acadians, an ethnic qualifier rather than a linguistic relationship.


title: Louisiana French

text: In 2009, Iberia Parish native and activist Christophe Landry introduced three terms representing lexical differences based on Louisiana topography: Provincial Louisiana French (PLF), Fluvial Louisiana French (FLF), and Urban Louisiana French (ULF). That same year, the "Dictionary of Louisiana French: As Spoken in Cajun, Creole, and American Indian Communities", was published. It was edited by a coalition of linguists and other activists. The title clearly suggests that the ethno-racial identities are mapped onto the languages, but the language, at least linguistically, remains shared across those ethno-racial lines.


title: Louisiana French

text: Due to present ethnic movements and internal subdivisions among the population, some of the state's inhabitants insist on ancestral varieties. As a result, it is not odd to hear the language referred to as Canadian French, Acadian French, Broken French, Old French, Creole French, Cajun French, and so on. Still other Louisiana francophones will simply refer to their language as French, without qualifiers. Internally, two broad distinctions will be made: "informal Louisiana French" and "formal Louisiana French".


title: Louisiana French

text: Probably the widely used variety of the language, informal Louisiana French has its roots in agrarian Louisiana, but it is now also found in urban centers because of urbanization beginning in the 20th century. Historically, along the prairies of southwest Louisiana, francophone Louisianans were cattle grazers as well as rice and cotton farmers. Along the bayous and the Louisiana littoral, sugar cane cultivation dominated and in many parishes today, sugar cultivation remains an important source of economy. Informal Louisiana French can at least be divided further into three core varieties: "Fluvial", "Provincial", and "Bayou Lafourche Louisiana French".


title: Louisiana French

text: The phonology of these varieties, apart from some minor distinctions, are rather similar and distinct in comparison to the international francophone community. A key feature of the dialect would likely be the pronunciation of the letter "r" as an alveolar consonant rather than a uvular consonant like in Standard French. Vowels are commonly omitted from the beginning and end of for words: ""américain" → méricain" or ""espérer → spérer"." Likewise, the letter "é" preceding "o" frequently erodes in the spoken informal varieties: ""léonide" → "lonide"" or ""cléophas" → "clophas"." The nasality and pitch of the language is akin to that associated with provincial speech in Québec. In terms of nasality, Louisiana French is similar to French spoken in Brussels and Dakar, Senegal. The pitch of Provincial Louisiana French and Provincial Quebec French share a predominantly agricultural history, close contact with Amerindian groups and relative isolation from urbanized populations.


title: Louisiana French

text: Particular mention should be made to the francophones of Bayou Lafourche, who speak a linguistic feature that is absent everywhere else in Louisiana. Some francophones along Bayou Lafourche pronounce the letters "g" and "j" as a voiceless glottal fricative, but others pronounce the two letters in the manner of most other francophones.


title: Louisiana French

text: The Louisiana Creole spoken in Lafourche Parish in and around Kraemer, Choctaw, and Chackbay contains the letters "g" and "j", but they are voiced as they are in all other varieties of Louisiana and French spoken elsewhere.


title: Louisiana French

text: This variety is known for its use in all administrative and ecclesiastic documents, speeches and in literary publications. Also known as "Urban Louisiana French", Colonial French, or "Plantation Society French", it is spoken primarily in the urban business centers of the state. Because those regions have historically been centers of trade and commerce with contact with French speakers from Europe, it is regarded as a more conservative variety of the language. Areas where this formal variety can be heard include New Orleans, Baton Rouge, St. Martinville, and other once important francophone business centers in the state. Generally formal Louisiana French is maintained along strict class lines.


title: Louisiana French

text: The phonology of formal Louisiana French shares much in common with Standard French to various degrees depending upon the speaker. As an example, speakers can be heard pronouncing "r" as a uvular constant as opposed to an alveolar. Furthermore, the pronunciation and intonation of this variety can vary from European to the North American varieties of French. Use of the pronouns "nous" and "vous" is far more prevalent in this register, whereas "nous" has been supplanted by "on" in the informal varieties.


title: Louisiana French

text: Louisiana French consonants do not show severe differences from Metropolitan French consonants, except that unlike most of French spoken varieties, which use uvular varieties of r ; Louisiana French uses the Classic alveolar trill or flap , just like in Spanish, Italian, and several other Romance languages; e.g. "français" 'French'.


title: Louisiana French

text: Like in several colloquial varieties of French, some consonant clusters are reduced, especially the ones having the liquids and . E.g. "arbre" → 'tree', "possible" → 'possible', astre → → 'star', "juste" 'fair, just'.


title: Louisiana French

text: Dental stops are usually affricated before high front vowels and semivowels: in other words, , , , , , , , are then pronounced , , , , , , , . The degree of palatalization depends on the speaker; e.g. "petit" 'small, little'.


title: Louisiana French

text: The velar stops , , , are optionally affricated , , , , depending on the speaker; e.g. "cuisine" 'kitchen, cuisine'.


title: Louisiana French

text: In some mesolects, just like in Haitian Creole, general pronunciation may become non-rhotic; e.g. "parler" → 'to speak'.


title: Louisiana French

text: The distinction seldom exists in Louisiana French. However, a is usually pronounced when making up the diphthong , before and when being the last open syllable; e.g. "fois" 'time' (frequence), "mardi" 'Tuesday', "rat" 'rat'.


title: Louisiana French

text: The four nasal vowels have evolved according to their own pattern, similarly, but not the same way, to French spoken by Haitians: → , → , → , → .


title: Louisiana French

text: Words pronounced in Classical French as and (using "amm-", "ann-", "emm-", "enn-"), are pronounced and respectively, rather than and as in Modern French; e.g. "femme" 'woman', "solennité" 'solemnity', "s'enamourer (de)" 'to fall in love (with)'.


title: Louisiana French

text: Folk healers (), are still found throughout the state. During their rituals for healing, they use secret French prayers to God or saints for a speedy recovery. These healers are mostly Catholic and do not expect compensation or even thanks, as it is said that then, the cure will not work.


title: Louisiana French

text: Louisiana French has been the traditional language for singing music now referred to as Cajun, zydeco, and Louisiana French rock. As of today, Old French music, Creole stomp, and Louisiana French rock remain the only three genres of music in Louisiana using French instead of English. Most "Cajun" artists have expressions and phrases in French in songs, predominantly sung in English.


title: Louisiana French

text: Today one can find many local groups dedicated to practicing Louisiana French regularly, usually over a meal with other interested parties. Many of said groups can be found through the online Cajun French Virtual Table Française:


title: Louisiana French

text: As of autumn 2011, Louisiana has French-language total immersion or bilingual French and English immersion in ten parishes: Calcasieu, Acadia, St. Landry, St. Martin, Iberia, Lafayette, Assumption, East Baton Rouge, Jefferson and Orleans. The curriculum in both the total French-language immersion as well as in the bilingual program follows the same standards as all other schools in the parish and state.


title: Louisiana French

text: The Council for the Development of French in Louisiana (CODOFIL) recruits teachers locally and globally each year. Additionally, Les Amis de l'Immersion, Inc. is the parent-teacher organization for students in French immersion in the state which organizes summer camps, fundraisers and outreach for teachers, parents and students in the program.


title: Louisiana French

text: The Consortium of Louisiana Universities and Colleges unites representatives of French programs in Louisiana universities and colleges, and organizes post-secondary level francophone scholastic exchanges and provide support for university students studying French language and linguistics in Louisiana:


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Florence Owens Thompson (born Florence Leona Christie; September 1, 1903 – September 16, 1983) was an American woman who was the subject of Dorothea Lange's photograph "Migrant Mother" (1936), considered an iconic image of the Great Depression. The Library of Congress titled the image: "Destitute pea pickers in California. Mother of seven children. Age thirty-two. Nipomo, California."


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Florence Owens Thompson was born Florence Leona Christie on September 1, 1903, in Indian Territory, present-day Oklahoma. Both of her parents claimed Cherokee descent. Her father, Jackson Christie, allegedly abandoned her mother, Mary Jane Cobb, before she was born, and her mother married Charles Akman (of Choctaw descent) in the spring of 1905. The family lived on a small farm in Indian Territory outside Tahlequah. Cherokee Nation tribal records indicate that Jackson Christie's blood quantum was either full blood or one-half. Mary Jane Cobb claimed she was Cherokee on her May 27, 1894 marriage record to Christie, but later testified under oath before the Dawes Commission that both of her parents were white. While many sources claim Christie abandoned Cobb, he disputed the allegation. Christie served three years in a federal penitentiary in Detroit, Michigan.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Aged 17, Thompson married Cleo Owens, a farmer's 23-year-old son from Stone County, Missouri, on February 14, 1921. They soon had their first daughter, Violet, followed by a second daughter, Viola, and a son, Leroy (Troy). The family migrated west with other Owens relatives to Oroville, California, where they worked in the saw mills and on the farms of the Sacramento Valley. By 1931, Thompson was pregnant with her sixth child, when her husband Cleo died of tuberculosis.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Thompson then worked in the fields and in restaurants to support her six children. In 1933, Thompson had another child, returned to Oklahoma for a time, and then was joined by her parents as they migrated to Shafter, California, north of Bakersfield. There, Thompson met Jim Hill, with whom she had three more children. During the 1930s, the family worked as migrant farm workers following the crops in California and at times into Arizona. Thompson later recalled periods when she picked of cotton from first daylight until after it was too dark to work. She said: "I worked in hospitals. I tended bar. I cooked. I worked in the fields. I done a little bit of everything to make a living for my kids."


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: The family settled in Modesto, California in 1945. Well after World War II, Thompson met and married hospital administrator George Thompson. This marriage brought her far greater financial security than she had previously enjoyed.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: On March 6, 1936, after picking beets in the Imperial Valley, Thompson and her family were traveling on U.S. Highway 101 towards Watsonville "where they had hoped to find work in the lettuce fields of the Pajaro Valley." On the road, the car's timing chain snapped and they coasted to a stop just inside a pea-pickers' camp on Nipomo Mesa. They were shocked to find so many people camping there—as many as 2,500 to 3,500. A notice had been sent out for pickers, but the crops had been destroyed by freezing rain, leaving them without work or pay. Years later, Thompson told an interviewer that when she cooked food for her children that day, other children appeared from the pea pickers' camp asking, "Can I have a bite?"


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: While Jim Hill, her partner, and two of Thompson's sons went into town to get parts to repair the car, Thompson and some of the children set up a temporary camp. As she waited, photographer Dorothea Lange, working for the Resettlement Administration, drove up and started taking photos of Thompson and her family. She took seven images in the course of ten minutes.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Lange's field notes for the Resettlement Administration were typically very thorough, but on this particular day she had been rushing to get home after a month on assignment, and the notes she submitted with this batch of negatives do not refer to any of the seven photographs she took of Thompson and her family. It seems that the published newspaper reports about this camp were later distilled into captions for the series, which explains inaccuracies on the file cards in the Library of Congress. For example, one of the file cards reads:


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: In many ways, "Migrant Mother" is not typical of Lange's careful method of interacting with her subject. Exhausted after a long road-trip, she did not speak extensively to the migrant woman, or Thompson herself, and may not have recorded any notes.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: According to Thompson, Lange promised the photos would never be published. Lange, however, sent them to the "San Francisco News" before even sending them to the Resettlement Administration in Washington, D.C. The "San Francisco News" ran the pictures almost immediately and reported that 2,500 to 3,500 migrant workers were starving in Nipomo, California. Within days, the pea-picker camp received of food from the federal government. Thompson and her family had moved on by the time the food arrived, and were working near Watsonville, California.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: While Thompson's identity was not known for over 40 years after the photos were taken, the photos became famous. The image which later became known as "Migrant Mother" "achieved near mythical status, symbolizing, if not defining, an entire era in United States history". Roy Stryker called "Migrant Mother" the "ultimate" photo of the Depression Era: "[Lange] never surpassed it. To me, it was the picture ... . The others were marvelous, but that was special ... . She is immortal." As a whole, the photographs taken for the Resettlement Administration "have been widely heralded as the epitome of documentary photography." Edward Steichen described them as "the most remarkable human documents ever rendered in pictures."


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Thompson's identity was discovered in the late 1970s. In 1978, acting on a tip, "Modesto Bee" reporter Emmett Corrigan located Thompson at her mobile home in Space 24 of the Modesto Mobile Village and recognized her from the photograph. Thompson was quoted as saying: "I wish she [Lange] hadn't taken my picture. I can't get a penny out of it. She didn't ask my name. She said she wouldn't sell the pictures. She said she'd send me a copy. She never did." As Lange was funded by the federal government when she took the picture, the image was public domain, and Lange was not entitled to royalties. However, the picture did help make Lange a celebrity and earned her "respect from her colleagues."


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: While the image was being prepared for exhibit in 1938, the negative of the photo was retouched to remove Florence's thumb from the lower-right corner of the image.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: In the late 1960s, Bill Hendrie found the original "Migrant Mother" photograph along with 31 other unretouched, vintage photos by Dorothea Lange in a dumpster at the San Jose Chamber of Commerce. After the death of Hendrie and his wife, their daughter, Marian Tankersley, rediscovered the photos while emptying her parents' San Jose home. In October 2005, an anonymous buyer paid $296,000 at Sotheby's for the 32 rediscovered Lange photos—nearly six times their pre-bid estimate.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: In 1998, the retouched photo of "Migrant Mother" became a 32-cent U.S. Postal Service stamp in the 1930s portion of the Celebrate the Century series. The stamp printing was unusual, as daughters Katherine McIntosh (on the left in the stamp) and Norma Rydlewski (in Thompson's arms in the stamp) were alive at the time of the printing; usually, the Postal Service does not print stamps of individuals who have not been dead for at least 10 years.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: In the same month the U.S. stamp was issued, a print of the photograph with Lange's handwritten notes and signature sold in 1998 for $244,500 at Sotheby's New York. In November 2002, Dorothea Lange's personal print of "Migrant Mother" sold at Christie's New York for $141,500.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Thompson's children bought her a house in Modesto, California in the 1970s, but she preferred living in a mobile home and moved back into one.


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Thompson was hospitalized and her family appealed for financial help in late August 1983. By September, the family had collected $35,000 in donations to pay for her medical care. Florence died of "stroke, cancer and heart problems" at Scotts Valley, California, on September 16, 1983 at age 80. She was buried in Lakewood Memorial Park, in Hughson, California, and her gravestone reads: "FLORENCE LEONA THOMPSON Migrant Mother – A Legend of the Strength of American Motherhood."


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: In a 2008 interview with CNN, one of Thompson's daughters, Katherine McIntosh, recalled her mother as a "very strong lady", and "the backbone of our family". She said: "We never had a lot, but she always made sure we had something. She didn't eat sometimes, but she made sure us children ate. That's one thing she did do." A son, Troy Owens, said that more than 2,000 letters received along with donations for his mother's medical fund led to a re-appraisal of the photo: "For Mama and us, the photo had always been a bit of [a] curse. After all those letters came in, I think it gave us a sense of pride."


title: Florence Owens Thompson

text: Lange took seven photos that day, the last being "Migrant Mother". The following are the six other photos:


title: Kratt brothers

text: Martin William Kratt (born December 23, 1965) and Christopher Frederick James Kratt (born July 19, 1969), are American zoologists, actors, producers, directors, and educational nature show hosts. Sons of musical-instrument manufacturer William King "Bill" Kratt, the brothers grew up in Warren Township, New Jersey, and together created children's television series "Kratts' Creatures", "Zoboomafoo", and "Be the Creature" (which aired on the National Geographic Channel and CBC), as well as "Wild Kratts" (which airs on PBS Kids and TVOKids).


title: Kratt brothers

text: Martin was born on December 23, 1965, and Chris was born on July 19, 1969, in New Jersey to Linda (born 1939) and William Kratt (born 1928). They are the grandsons of musical instrument maker William Jacob Kratt (1892-1983), who emigrated from Germany to America in 1910.


title: Kratt brothers

text: The brothers attended Watchung Hills Regional High School. Both were inducted into the school's hall of fame in 2013. Martin holds a Bachelor of Science in zoology from Duke University, and Chris holds a Bachelor of Arts in biology from Carleton College.


title: Kratt brothers

text: Shortly after graduating from Duke University, Martin became a research assistant for a howler monkey project under Dr. Kenneth Glander in Costa Rica. Shortly after, he worked with Dr. Patricia Wright in Madagascar as well as Dr. John Terbogh in the Peruvian Amazon. In 1990, Chris served as an intern at Conservation International in Washington, D.C. A year later, he started the Carleton Organization for Biodiversity. His ecology studies have been funded by the Explorers Club and the National Science Foundation. He was also the recipient of the Thomas J. Watson Fellowship.


title: Kratt brothers

text: Chris also starred alongside his brother Martin in the show "Zoboomafoo", which aired from 1999 to 2001. On this PBS kids show, they went on many adventures with animals with the help of Zoboomafoo, a Coquerel's sifaka lemur (Propithecus coquereli).The other shows the brothers created are "Wild Kratts", "Be the Creature", "Kratt's Creatures", and "Wild Alaska Live".


title: Kratt brothers

text: From June 13 to August 3, 2008, the brothers appeared in "Creature Adventures", a stage show at Dollywood in Pigeon Forge, Tennessee. They also appear as themselves in the "Odd Squad" episode "Night Shift". Additionally, in the Nature Cat crossover episode “Wild Batts”, the Kratt Brothers voice bat versions of themselves looking for a new home. They even also appear in the Molly of Denali crossover episode “Cry Wolf” as themselves looking for a missing pack of wolves in that episode with the help of Molly Mabray and her father.


title: Kratt brothers

text: In 2017, Dr Gavin Svenson discovered a new species of mantis and named it Liturgusa Krattorum after the brothers for their impact on the educational television genre. A special episode of "Wild Kratts" was later released to commorate the occasion.


title: Kratt brothers

text: The brothers have lived in Ottawa, Ontario since 2008, where they film and produce their TV series "Wild Kratts."


title: Kratt brothers

text: Martin is married to Laura Wilkinson and has two sons, Ronan and Gavin, both of whom have had roles on "Wild Kratts". Martin had a walk on role as “Officer Hugh Plesky” on the NBC serial "Manifest."


title: Kratt brothers

text: Chris has two sons, Aidan and Nolan, with his wife Tania Armstrong, an interior designer whom he married in 2000 in Botswana. Like their cousins Gavin and Ronan, Aiden and Nolan have roles in "Wild Kratts" as animated versions of themselves.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Norse cosmology is the study of the cosmos (cosmology) as perceived by the ancient North Germanic peoples. The topic encompasses concepts from Norse mythology, such as notions of time and space, cosmogony, personifications, anthropogeny, and eschatology. Like other aspects of Norse mythology, these concepts are primarily recorded in the "Poetic Edda", a collection of poems compiled in the 13th century, and the "Prose Edda", authored by Icelander Snorri Sturluson in the 13th century, who drew from earlier traditional sources. Together these sources depict an image of Nine Worlds around a cosmic tree, Yggdrasil.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Concepts of time and space play a major role in the Old Norse corpus's presentation of Norse cosmology. While events in Norse mythology describe a somewhat linear progression, various scholars in ancient Germanic studies note that Old Norse texts may imply or directly describe a fundamental belief in cyclic time. According to scholar John Lindow, "the cosmos might be formed and reformed on multiple occasions by the rising sea."


title: Norse cosmology

text: Drawing in part on various eddic poems, the "Gylfaginning" section of the "Prose Edda" contains an account of the development and creation of the cosmos: Long before the Earth came to be, there existed the bright and flaming place called Muspell—a location so hot that foreigners may not enter it—and the foggy land of Niflheim. In Niflheim was a spring, Hvergelmir, and from it flow numerous rivers. Together these rivers, known as Élivágar, flowed further and further from their source. Eventually the poisonous substance within the flow came to harden and turn to ice. When the flow became entirely solid, a poisonous vapor rose from the ice and solidified into rime atop the solid river. These thick ice layers grew, in time spreading across the void of Ginnungagap.


title: Norse cosmology

text: The northern region of Ginnungagap continued to fill with weight from the growing substance and its accompanying blowing vapor, yet the southern portion of Ginunngagap remained clear due to its proximity to the sparks and flames of Muspell. Between Niflheim and Muspell, ice and fire, was a placid location, "as mild as a windless sky". When the rime and the blowing heat met, the liquid melted and dropped, and this mixture formed the primordial being Ymir, the ancestor of all jötnar. Ymir sweated while sleeping. From his left arm grew a male and female jötunn, "and one of his legs begot a son with another", and these limbs too produced children.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Ymir fed from rivers of milk that flowed from the teats of the primordial cow, Auðumbla. Auðumbla fed from salt she licked from rime stones. Over the course of three days, she licked free a beautiful and strong man, Búri. Búri's son Borr married a jötunn named Bestla, and the two had three sons: the gods Odin, Vili and Vé. The sons killed Ymir, and Ymir's blood poured across the land, producing great floods that killed all of the jötnar but two (Bergelmir and his unnamed wife, who sailed across the flooded landscape).


title: Norse cosmology

text: Odin, Vili, and Vé took Ymir's corpse to the center of Ginunngagap and carved it. They made the earth from Ymir's flesh; the rocks from his bones; from his blood the sea, lakes, and oceans; and scree and stone from his molars, teeth, and remaining bone fragments. They surrounded the earth's lands with sea, forming a circle. From Ymir's skull they made the sky, which they placed above the earth in four points, each held by a dwarf (Norðri, Suðri, Austri and Vestri—Old Norse 'north, south, east, and west', respectively).


title: Norse cosmology

text: After forming the dome of the Earth, the brothers Odin, Vili, and Vé took sparks of light from Muspell and placed them around the Earth, both above and below. Some remained fixed and others moved through the sky in predetermined courses. The trio provided land for the jötnar to leave by the sea. Using Ymir's eyelashes, the trio built a fortification around the center of the landmass to contain the hostility of the jötnar. They called this fortification Miðgarðr (Old Norse 'central enclosure'). Finally, from Ymir's brains, they formed the clouds.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Personifications, such as those of astronomical objects, time, and water bodies occur in Norse mythology. The Sun is personified as a goddess, Sól (Old Norse 'Sun'); the moon is personified as a male entity, Máni (Old Norse 'moon'); and the Earth too is personified (Jörð, Old Norse 'earth'). Night appears personified as the female jötunn Nótt (Old Norse 'night'); day is personified as Dagr (Old Norse 'day'); and Dagr's father, the god Dellingr (Old Norse 'shining'), may in some manner personify the dawn. Bodies of water also receive personification, such as the goddess Rán, her jötunn husband Ægir, and their wave-maiden children, the Nine Daughters of Ægir and Rán.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Yggdrasil is a tree central to the Norse concept of the cosmos. The tree's branches extend into various realms, and various creatures dwell on and around it. The gods go to Yggdrasil daily to assemble at their things, traditional governing assemblies. The branches of Yggdrasil extend far into the heavens, and the tree is supported by three roots that extend far away into other locations; one to the well Urðarbrunnr in the heavens, one to the spring Hvergelmir, and another to the well Mímisbrunnr. Creatures live within Yggdrasil, including the dragon Níðhöggr, an unnamed eagle, and the stags Dáinn, Dvalinn, Duneyrr and Duraþrór.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Old Norse texts mention the existence of "Níu Heimar", translated by scholars as "Nine Worlds". According to the second stanza of the "Poetic Edda" poem "Völuspá", the Nine Worlds surround the tree Yggdrasil. As recalled by a dead völva in the poem:


title: Norse cosmology

text: The Nine Worlds receive a second and final mention in the "Poetic Edda" in stanza 43 of the "Prose Edda" poem "Vafþrúðnismál", where the wise jötunn Vafþrúðnir engages in a deadly battle of wits with the disguised god Odin:


title: Norse cosmology

text: The Nine Worlds receive a single mention in the "Prose Edda", occurring section 34 of the "Gylfaginning" portion of the book. The section describes how Odin threw Loki's daughter Hel into the underworld, and granted her power over all Nine Worlds:


title: Norse cosmology

text: The Old Norse corpus does not clearly list the Nine Worlds, if it provides them at all. However, some scholars have proposed identifications for the nine. For example, Henry Adams Bellows (1923) says that the Nine Worlds consist of Ásgarðr, Vanaheimr, Álfheimr, Miðgarðr, Jötunheimr, Múspellsheimr, Svartálfaheimr, Niflheimr (sometimes Hel), and perhaps Niðavellir. Some editions of translations of the "Poetic Edda" and the "Prose Edda" feature illustrations of what the author or artist suspects the Nine Worlds to be in part based on the "Völuspá" stanza above.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Ask and Embla—male and female respectively—were the first two humans, created by the gods from driftwood they encounter on a shore. The gods who form these first humans vary by source: According to the "Poetic Edda" poem "Völuspá", they are Hœnir, Lóðurr and Odin, whereas in the "Prose Edda" they are Odin, Vili, and Vé.


title: Norse cosmology

text: Ragnarök is a series of future events, including a great battle, foretold to ultimately result in the death of a number of major figures (including various deities), the occurrence of various natural disasters, and the subsequent submersion of the world in water. Afterward, the world will resurface anew and fertile, the surviving and returning gods will meet, and mankind will be repopulated by Líf and Lífþrasir, who will emerge from Yggdrasil.


title: Bradenton, Florida

text: Bradenton ( ) is a city in and the county seat of Manatee County, Florida, United States. As of the 2020 census, the city's population is 55,698.