title: Gang of Youths

text: In October 2020, the band began posting footage to Instagram of them recording their as-yet-untitled third album. A self- produced single, "The Angel of 8th Ave" was released on 15 June 2021, and it was announced that an EP was due for release in July 2021. In an interview with "NME", Le'aupepe said that they had "scrapped 2 versions of the album," and it would be released "at some point in the next year or so". A three-track EP, "total serene", was released on 16 July 2021.


title: Gang of Youths

text: On 10 November 2021, the band announced their third album "Angel in Realtime", which was released on 25 February 2022, alongside a world tour and single, "Tend The Garden". On 1 December 2021, the band's performance on The Late Show with Stephen Colbert aired, where they premiered the song, “The Angel of 8th Ave".


title: Gang of Youths

text: On 20 May 2022, the band surprise released their third EP, "Immolation Tape". It contains three early demos of songs on "Angel in Realtime" – "In the Wake of Your Leave", "Forbearance" and "Spirit Boy", as well as a cover of "Shot in the Arm" by Wilco.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The APRA Awards are held in Australia and New Zealand by the Australasian Performing Right Association to recognise songwriting skills, sales and airplay performance by its members annually. They commenced in 1982.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The ARIA Music Awards is an annual awards ceremony that recognises excellence, innovation, and achievement across all genres of Australian music. Gang of Youths have won 4 awards from 20 nominations.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The Helpmann Awards is an awards show, celebrating live entertainment and performing arts in Australia, presented by industry group "Live Performance Australia" since 2001. Note: 2020 and 2021 were cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The J Awards are an annual series of Australian music awards that were established by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's youth-focused radio station Triple J. They commenced in 2005.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The National Live Music Awards (NLMAs) are a broad recognition of Australia's diverse live industry, celebrating the success of the Australian live scene. The awards commenced in 2016.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The Rolling Stone Australia Awards are awarded annually in January or February by the Australian edition of "Rolling Stone" magazine for outstanding contributions to popular culture in the previous year.


title: Gang of Youths

text: The Vanda & Young Global Songwriting Competition is an annual competition that "acknowledges great songwriting whilst supporting and raising money for Nordoff-Robbins" and is coordinated by Albert Music and APRA AMCOS. It commenced in 2009.


title: Gang of Youths

text: Gang of Youths have appeared in almost every annual Triple J Hottest 100 countdown since 2015. Notably, in the 2017 countdown, the band had three tracks poll in the top 10, a feat only previously achieved by Chet Faker (2014) and Powderfinger (2003).


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Vedic Sanskrit was an ancient language of the Indo-Aryan subgroup of the Indo-European language family. It is attested in the Vedas and related literature compiled over the period of the mid-2nd to mid-1st millennium BCE. It was orally preserved, predating the advent of writing by several centuries.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Extensive ancient literature in the Vedic Sanskrit language has survived into the modern era, and this has been a major source of information for reconstructing Proto-Indo-European and Proto-Indo-Iranian history.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: In the pre-historic era, Proto-Indo-Iranian split into Proto-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan and the two languages evolved independently of each other.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: The separation of Proto-Indo-Iranian language into Proto-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan is estimated, on linguistic grounds, to have occurred around or before 1800 BCE.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: The date of composition of the oldest hymns of the Rigveda is vague at best, generally estimated to roughly 1500 BCE. Both Asko Parpola (1988) and J. P. Mallory (1998) place the locus of the division of Indo-Aryan from Iranian in the Bronze Age culture of the Bactria–Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC). Parpola (1999) elaborates the model and has "Proto-Rigvedic" Indo-Aryans intrude the BMAC around 1700 BCE. He assumes early Indo-Aryan presence in the Late Harappan horizon from about 1900 BCE, and "Proto-Rigvedic" (Proto-Dardic) intrusion to Punjab as corresponding to the Gandhara grave culture from about 1700 BCE. According to this model, Rigvedic within the larger Indo-Aryan group is the direct ancestor of the Dardic languages.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: The early Vedic Sanskrit language was far less homogeneous compared to the language defined by Pāṇini, i.e., Classic Sanskrit. The language in the early Upanishads of Hinduism and the late Vedic literature approaches Classical Sanskrit. The formalization of the late form of Vedic Sanskrit language into the Classical Sanskrit form is credited to Pāṇini's "Aṣṭādhyāyī", along with Patanjali's "Mahabhasya" and Katyayana's commentary that preceded Patanjali's work.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: The first three are commonly grouped together, as the Saṃhitās comprising the four Vedas: ṛk, atharvan, yajus, sāman, which together constitute the oldest texts in Sanskrit and the canonical foundation both of the Vedic religion, and the later religion known as Hinduism.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Many words in the Vedic Sanskrit of the "Ṛg·veda" have cognates or direct correspondences with the ancient Avestan language, but these do not appear in post-Rigvedic Indian texts. The text of the "Ṛg·veda" must have been essentially complete by around the 12th century BCE. The pre-1200 BCE layers mark a gradual change in Vedic Sanskrit, but there is disappearance of these archaic correspondences and linguistics in the post-Rigvedic period.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: This period includes both the mantra and prose language of the "Atharvaveda" (Paippalada and Shaunakiya), the "Ṛg·veda" Khilani, the "Samaveda" Saṃhitā, and the mantras of the Yajurveda. These texts are largely derived from the Ṛg·veda, but have undergone certain changes, both by linguistic change and by reinterpretation. For example, the more ancient injunctive verb system is no longer in use.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: An important linguistic change is the disappearance of the injunctive, subjunctive, optative, imperative (the aorist). New innovations in Vedic Sanskrit appear such as the development of periphrastic aorist forms. This must have occurred before the time of Pāṇini because Panini makes a list of those from the northwestern region of India who knew these older rules of Vedic Sanskrit.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: In this layer of Vedic literature, the archaic Vedic Sanskrit verb system has been abandoned, and a prototype of pre-Panini Vedic Sanskrit structure emerges. The "Yajñagāthās" texts provide a probable link between Vedic Sanskrit, Classical Sanskrit and languages of the Epics. Complex meters such as "Anuṣṭubh" and rules of Sanskrit prosody had been or were being innovated by this time, but parts of the Brāhmaṇa layers show the language is still close to Vedic Sanskrit.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: This is the last stratum of Vedic literature, comprising the bulk of the Śrautasūtras and Gṛhyasūtras and some "Upaniṣad"s such as the "Kaṭha Upaniṣad" and "Maitrāyaṇiya Upaniṣad". These texts elucidate the state of the language which formed the basis of Pāṇini's codification into Classical Sanskrit.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Vedic differs from Classical Sanskrit to an extent comparable to the difference between Homeric Greek and Classical Greek.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Vedic had a pitch accent which could even change the meaning of the words, and was still in use in Pāṇini's time, as we can infer by his use of devices to indicate its position. At some latter time, this was replaced by a stress accent limited to the second to fourth syllables from the end.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Since a small number of words in the late pronunciation of Vedic carry the so-called "independent "svarita"" on a short vowel, one can argue that "late" Vedic was "marginally" a tonal language. Note however that in the metrically-restored versions of the "Rig Veda "almost all of the syllables carrying an independent "svarita" must revert to a sequence of two syllables, the first of which carries an "udātta" and the second a so-called dependent "svarita". Early Vedic was thus definitely not a tonal language like Chinese but a pitch accent language like Japanese, which was inherited from the Proto-Indo-European accent.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Pitch accent was not restricted to Vedic: early Sanskrit grammarian Pāṇini gives both accent rules for the spoken language of his (post-Vedic) time as well as the differences of Vedic accent. We have, however, no extant post-Vedic text with accents.


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Pluti, or "prolation", is the term for the phenomenon of protracted or overlong vowels in Sanskrit; the overlong or "prolated" vowels are themselves called pluta. Pluta vowels are usually noted with a numeral "3" () indicating a length of three morae ().


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: A diphthong is prolated by prolongation of its first vowel. Pāṇinian grammarians recognise the phonetic occurrence of diphthongs measuring more than three morae in duration, but classify them all as prolated (i.e. trimoraic) to preserve a strict tripartite division of vocalic length between (short, 1 mora), (long, 2 morae) and (prolated, 3+ morae).


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: Pluta vowels are recorded a total of 3 times in the Rigveda and 15 times in the Atharvaveda, typically in cases of questioning and particularly where two options are being compared. For example:


title: Vedic Sanskrit

text: The attained the peak of their popularity in the Brahmana period of late Vedic Sanskrit (roughly 8th century BC), with some 40 instances in the Shatapatha Brahmana alone.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Hakeem Sekou Jeffries (; born August 4, 1970) is an American politician and attorney and leader-elect of the Democratic caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives. Jeffries has represented New York's 8th congressional district, anchored in southern and eastern Brooklyn, since 2013, and is expected to become minority leader when the next Congress is convened in January 2023.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Before his election to Congress in 2012, Jeffries served three terms in the New York State Assembly, representing the 57th district, and worked as a corporate lawyer. He has chaired the Democratic caucus since 2019, and was elected unopposed to succeed Nancy Pelosi as its leader in November 2022.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries was born in Brooklyn, New York, at Brooklyn Hospital Center to Laneda Jeffries, a social worker, and Marland Jeffries, a state substance-abuse counselor. He grew up in Crown Heights, Brooklyn.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries graduated from Midwood High School in 1988. He then studied political science at Binghamton University, graduating in 1992 with a Bachelor of Arts degree with honors. During his time at Binghamton he became a member of the Kappa Alpha Psi fraternity.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries did graduate study at Georgetown University's McCourt School of Public Policy, earning a Master of Public Policy degree in 1994. He then attended New York University School of Law, where he was a member of the "New York University Law Review". He graduated in 1997 with a Juris Doctor degree.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: After graduating from law school, Jeffries spent one year as a law clerk for Judge Harold Baer Jr. of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. From 1998 to 2004, he was in private practice at the law firm Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison. In 2004, he became an in-house litigator for Viacom and CBS, where he worked on litigation stemming from the Super Bowl XXXVIII halftime show controversy. During Jeffries's time at Paul, Weiss, he also served as director of intergovernmental affairs for the New York State Chapter of the National Association of Minority Contractors and as the president of Black Attorneys for Progress.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2000, Jeffries challenged incumbent Assemblyman Roger Green in the Democratic primary, criticizing Green for inattentiveness to his constituents' needs and preoccupation with pursuing higher office (Green had run for New York City Public Advocate in 1997 and had spoken of his plans to run for Congress upon the retirement of Edolphus Towns). A contentious debate between the two candidates, moderated by Dominic Carter on NY1, ended prematurely after Jeffries began his closing statement by saying "the issue in this race is not age—yes, the assemblyman is older, I'm younger. It's not religion—yes, the assemblyman is a practicing Muslim and I grew up in the Cornerstone Baptist Church." Green interrupted Jeffries to protest, "practicing Muslim? Where'd that come from? I'm absolutely offended, are you trying to polarize our community?", before walking out of the studio, later accusing Jeffries of playing "the religion card". Jeffries contended that his point was that voters should focus on the issues rather than the age or religion of the candidates. Jeffries lost the Democratic primary 59% to 41%, but remained on the Independence Party line in the general election, receiving 7% of the vote to Green's 90%.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: During post-census redistricting, Jeffries's home was drawn one block outside of Green's Assembly district. Jeffries was still legally permitted to run in the district for the 2002 cycle, as state law requires only that a candidate to live in the same county as a district they seek in the first election after a redistricting, but this complicated his path. He called the redrawing of the district a "desperate act by a career politician trying to save his government job". Green responded that the lines had actually been redrawn to remove parts of Jeffries's affluent Prospect Heights neighborhood in favor of public housing, and insisted that he did not even know where Jeffries lived.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Tensions continued to be high throughout the rematch, with Jeffries at one point criticizing Green for accepting $3,700 in support from the Patrolmen's Benevolent Association of the City of New York, using a press release to link the union to the torture of Abner Louima. Jeffries was later forced to admit that a political club he had founded, Brooklyn Freedom Democratic Association, had been behind three anonymous mail pieces sent during the last week of the election, two of which attacked Green for inaction as a legislator, and a third of which falsely implied that presumptive Democratic gubernatorial nominee Carl McCall supported Jeffries when he had in fact endorsed Green. Jeffries lost the primary, 52% to 38%.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: After the July 23, 2003, murder of Jeffries's close friend and political ally, James Davis, Jeffries was considered a potential successor to Davis on the New York City Council. Davis had named Jeffries as a preferred replacement should he be elected to higher office. After the Democratic nomination went to Davis's surviving brother Geoffrey, who was mired in a domestic violence scandal, Jeffries was considered for the Working Families Party nomination, but he did not put his name forward for consideration. Tish James was ultimately nominated by the WFP and elected.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: The lasting effects of the 2002 redistricting left Jeffries notably unable to challenge Green in the 2004 Democratic primary, which took place just months after Green had been forced to resign his seat by Sheldon Silver and Democratic leadership after pleading guilty to billing the state for false travel expenses. Green was ultimately renominated unopposed.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2006 Green decided to retire from the Assembly to run for the U.S. House from New York's 10th congressional district against incumbent Democratic U.S. Representative Ed Towns. Jeffries ran for the 57th district again and won the Democratic primary, defeating Bill Batson and Freddie Hamilton with 64% of the vote. In the general election, he handily defeated Republican nominee Henry Weinstein.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries was reelected in 2008, defeating Republican nominee Charles Brickhouse with 98% of the vote. In 2010 he was reelected to a third term, easily defeating Republican nominee Frank Voyticky.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: During his six years in the state legislature Jeffries introduced over 70 bills. In response to a series of toy recalls, he introduced bill A02589, which would penalize retailers and wholesalers who knowingly sell hazardous or dangerous toys that have been the subject of a recall. In 2010, Governor David Paterson signed the Stop-and-Frisk database bill that banned police from compiling names and addresses of those stopped but not arrested during street searches. Jeffries wrote and sponsored that law. He also sponsored and passed house bill A.9834-A (now law), the Inmate-base gerrymandering law that ended counting prison populations of upstate districts as part of the public population, becoming the second state to end this practice.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries announced in January 2012 that he would give up his Assembly seat to run for the U.S. House from . The district, which includes the Brooklyn communities of Fort Greene, Clinton Hill, Bed-Stuy, Brownsville, East New York, Canarsie, Mill Basin and Coney Island along with South Ozone Park and Howard Beach in Queens, had previously been the 10th, represented by 30-year incumbent Democrat Edolphus Towns.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries expected to give Towns a strong challenge in the Democratic primary—the real contest in this heavily Democratic, black-majority district. But with Jeffries assembling "a broad coalition of support" and having more cash than the incumbent, Towns announced his retirement on April 16, leaving Jeffries to face city councilman Charles Barron in the Democratic primary.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: On June 11, 2012, former Mayor Ed Koch, Congressman Jerrold Nadler, Councilman David Greenfield, and Assemblyman Dov Hikind gathered with several other elected officials to support Jeffries and denounce Barron. The officials called Barron antisemitic and denounced his allegedly antisemitic statements, while also denouncing his support of Zimbabwe ruler Robert Mugabe and former Libya ruler Muammar Gaddafi. Barron responded that such attacks were a distraction from bread-and-butter issues.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Green Party candidate Colin Beavan called on Jeffries to "get the money out of politics", noting that as of his March 2012 filing, "he had received about $180,000, or 35 percent of his funds, from Wall Street bankers and their lawyers". Beavan added that Jeffries gets many campaign donations from charter school backers and hedge fund managers. After primary night, when asked about his two most important concerns, Jeffries replied eliminating the "crushing burden" of private religious school education costs.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: After outraising him by hundreds of thousands of dollars, Jeffries defeated Barron in the June 26 primary election on, 72% to 28%. A "New York Daily News" post-election editorial noted that Barron had been "repudiated" in all parts of the district, including among neighbors on Barron's own block in East New York, where he lost 57–50. The "Daily News" also analyzed Jeffries's donations in the last weeks of the campaign and found almost 50% came from out of state. He defeated Beavan and Republican Alan Bellone in the November general election with 71% of the vote, but not before declining to attend a pre-primary debate with third-party candidates, saying that the presence of the Green Party and Republican candidates at the debate would "confuse" voters.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries is considered a more centrist Democrat in the House; he said he is willing to work with Republicans "whenever possible but we will also push back against extremism whenever necessary." He also wants to have good and working relationships with more progressive Democrats. Since taking federal office, Jeffries has been called "a rising star". He has been appointed to the House Judiciary Committee Task Force on Over Criminalization as well as appointed the whip of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC). He also plays in the infield on the Congressional Baseball Team.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Since 2006, Jeffries has been a cautious supporter of Bruce Ratner's controversial Atlantic Yards project. He has opposed the Keystone XL pipeline, but also voted against an amendment that would have restricted sales of oil transported on the pipeline to within the United States. At a rally in July 2014, he said: "Israel should not be made to apologize for its strength." Citing his own childhood growing up in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, Jeffries added that he knew from experience that "the only thing that neighbors respect in a tough neighborhood is strength." In December 2016, Jeffries condemned the Obama Administration for not vetoing United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334 concerning Israeli settlements in occupied Palestinian territories.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: As a member of Congress, he called for a Department of Justice investigation into the circumstances of Eric Garner's death. On a visit to the Staten Island site where Garner was killed, recorded by a CNN news crew in December 2014, Jeffries encountered Gwen Carr, Garner's mother. In April 2015, he stood with Carr to announce the introduction of the Excessive Use of Force Prevention Act of 2015 that would make the use of a chokehold illegal under federal law. Jeffries has also called on the New York City Police Department Commissioner to reform its marijuana arrest policy after reports showed that low-level marijuana arrests, which had increased dramatically under Mayor Michael Bloomberg's administration's application of stop-and-frisk, were still rising in New York City under Bloomberg's successor, Bill de Blasio. Jeffries has become a high-profile critic of de Blasio and NYPD Commissioner William Bratton, questioning whether the reduction in stop-and-frisk has been a product of mayoral administration changes or the results of a movement that brought a successful federal lawsuit, and criticizing Garner's chokehold death.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: As the Congressional Black Caucus whip, he has been actively involved in maintaining the CBC's historic role as "the conscience of the Congress". In his CBC role, he has hosted Special Orders on the House floor, including regarding voting rights (after the Supreme Court decision on the 1965 Voting Rights Act) and in December 2014, leading CBC members in a "hands up, don't shoot" protest to protest the killings of African-Americans by police. After the shootings in Charleston in June 2015 by a white supremacist inspired by the Confederate flag, Jeffries led the effort to have the flag removed for sale or display on National Park Service land, an amendment eventually killed by the Republican House leadership after its initial support and inclusion on voice vote. During dramatic debate on the House floor, Jeffries stood next to the Confederate battle flag, said he "got chills" and lamented that the "Ghosts of the Confederacy have invaded the GOP".


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: As the congressperson with among the highest number of public housing residents, Jeffries focused on being attentive to their needs. He introduced P.J.'s Act in response to the death of six-year-old P.J. Avitto of East New York, who was stabbed in an elevator inside the Boulevard Houses, a NYCHA apartment complex. The legislation would increase federal funding for enhanced security in public housing developments. With a high concentration of public housing and high unemployment in his district, Jeffries has also made an issue of HUD's failure to adequately enforce Section 3 of its initial creating statute from 1968, which explicitly required that federally funded capital and rehabilitation projects in public housing developments had to employ residents of those developments. Jeffries said, "we can download the power of the federal government into neighborhoods that are struggling the most, without legislative action. The most promising area is Section 3."


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries supports banning discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. In 2019, he voted in favor of the Equality Act and urged Congress members to do the same. Jeffries voted to impeach President Donald Trump during both his first and second impeachments in the House. He repeatedly called Trump's presidency "illegitimate" due to the Russian interference in the 2016 United States presidential election.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Among the practices Jeffries has carried over to Congress from his service in the State Assembly are Operation Preserve, a legal housing clinic for displaced residents in the community; Summer at the Subway, now known as "Congress on Your Corner"; outdoor evening office hours from June through August near subway stations that allow him to connect and hear constituents' concerns firsthand; and his annual "State of the District" address, a community event in January that reviews milestones achieved in the past year and previews his goals for the year ahead.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In addition to legislation mentioned above, on April 11, 2013, Jeffries introduced the Prison Ship Martyrs' Monument Preservation Act (H.R. 1501; 113th Congress). The bill would direct the Secretary of the Interior to study the suitability and feasibility of designating the Prison Ship Martyrs' Monument in Fort Greene Park in Brooklyn as a unit of the National Park System (NPS). Jeffries said, "as one of America's largest revolutionary war burial sites and in tribute to the patriots that lost their lives fighting for our nation's independence, this monument deserves to be considered as a unit of the National Park Service." On April 28, 2014, the Prison Ship Martyrs's Monument Preservation Act was passed by the House.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: On July 15, 2014, Jeffries, who in private practice addressed intellectual property issues, introduced the To establish the Law School Clinic Certification Program of the United States Patent and Trademark Office (H.R. 5108; 113th Congress), which would establish the Law School Clinic Certification Program of the United States Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) to be available to accredited law schools for the ten-year period after enactment of the Act.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2015, Jeffries led the effort to pass The Slain Officer Family Support Act, which extended the tax deadline for people making donations to organizations supporting the families of deceased NYPD Detectives Wenjian Liu and Rafael Ramos. The families of the officers, who had been killed in their patrol car on December 20, 2014, in the Bedford-Stuyvesant section of Jeffries's district, had been the recipients of charitable fundraising. Before the law's enactment, people would have had to make those contributions by December 31, 2014, to qualify for a tax deduction in connection with taxes filed in 2015. With the change, contributions made until April 15, 2015, were deductible. President Obama signed the bill into law on April 1, 2015.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: On November 28, 2018, Jeffries defeated California Congresswoman Barbara Lee to become chair of the House Democratic Caucus. His term began when the new Congress was sworn in on January 3, 2019. In this role, he is the fifth-ranking member of the Democratic leadership.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: On January 15, 2020, Jeffries was selected as one of seven House managers presenting the impeachment case against Trump during his trial before the United States Senate. On January 22, 2020, a protester in the Senate gallery interrupted Jeffries by yelling comments at the senators seated a floor below. Jeffries quickly responded with a scripture verse, Psalm 37:28—"For the Lord loves justice and will not abandon his faithful ones"—before continuing with his testimony.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2007, while still in his first term in the State Assembly, Jeffries endorsed and supported Barack Obama, and was among Obama's earliest supporters in Hillary Clinton's home state. In one interview, he said, "When I first ran for office, some people suggested that someone with the name 'Hakeem Jeffries' could never get elected, and when I saw someone with the name 'Barack Obama' get elected to the U.S. Senate, it certainly inspired me."


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: While Obama did not openly support candidates in Democratic primaries, he and President Bill Clinton together took a photograph with Jeffries weeks before his 2012 Congressional primary against Charles Barron, which was effectively used in campaign literature.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In a 2012 special election, Jeffries endorsed Walter T. Mosley, who won a special election run to succeed Jeffries in the State Assembly.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: The next year, Jeffries backed Laurie Cumbo in the hotly contested race for Brooklyn's 35th city council seat vacated by Tish James, who won the citywide race for Public Advocate, also with Jeffries's endorsement.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2013, Jeffries endorsed Kenneth Thompson in the race for Brooklyn District Attorney, the seat held since 1990 by Charles Hynes, whose office was facing deep criticism for wrongful convictions and botched prosecutions. Jeffries had met Thompson while interning at the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Eastern District in the 1990s, when Thompson was a prosecutor. According to journalists, Jeffries's endorsement of Thompson was critical, and was followed by endorsements of Thompson by Brooklyn's three other Democratic members of Congress. Thompson won the Democratic primary and defeated Hynes again in the general election when Hynes ran as a Republican.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In the 2013 NYC mayoral race, Jeffries endorsed City Comptroller Bill Thompson, hailing his experience in city government. Jeffries also noted he was offended by Bill de Blasio's ad featuring stop and frisk claiming himself as the only candidate who would address, modify or reform stop and frisk:


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: His support of Thompson over de Blasio came in spite of Jeffries's own support of two policing bills, for independent inspector general for the police department and to allow for bias suits in state court, which de Blasio backed but Thompson did not. Jeffries said it made sense for Thompson, because he was running to be the city's top executive, not to support them.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2014, he supported Rubain Dorancy as Democratic candidate for state senate, who lost to Jesse Hamilton by a wide margin.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In that race, as in several others since 2012, Jeffries has endorsed opponents of candidates endorsed by Eric Adams, which has created the perception of a rivalry between them. Both Jeffries and Adams have dismissed these perceptions, noting their shared history (they had together served as prime co-sponsors of the 2010 stop-frisk database bill in the state legislature), with Jeffries adding: "Over the years, we've often disagreed about the best candidate for our community. But when the election is over, we should all work together to get things done."


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In 2015, calls were been made among prominent African-American pastors for Jeffries to step into the 2017 Democratic primary for mayor against de Blasio. Jeffries said he had "no interest" and wished to remain an effective member of Congress.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In the 2016 election cycle, Jeffries endorsed Hillary Clinton for president, in spite of previously "bucking the New York establishment" by endorsing Obama over Clinton in the 2008 presidential primary. After Clinton lost the electoral college, he claimed her loss was due to her lack of "clear, decisive economic message" in using "Stronger Together" as a campaign slogan and her failure to relate to white working-class voters' anxieties.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In the 2020 election cycle, after Tara Reade came forward with sexual assault allegations against then-presumptive nominee Joe Biden, Jeffries called for the need for the allegation "to be investigated seriously" because the allegations were "raised by a serious individual". As the fifth highest-ranking House Democrat, he also recommended the Biden campaign take either California Representative Karen Bass or Florida Representative Val Demings as his running mate.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: In June 2020, after 31-year incumbent Representative Eliot Engel faced backlash for "an inartful statement", Jeffries threw his full support behind Engel 10 days before the 2020 New York Democratic primaries. Engel lost in the primaries to Jamaal Bowman. The same month, Jeffries endorsed New Jersey Representative Josh Gottheimer for reelection, as well as Mimi Rocah for Westchester District Attorney.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries is married to Kennisandra Arciniegas-Jeffries, a social worker with 1199 SEIU's Benefit Fund. They have two sons and live in Prospect Heights, Brooklyn.


title: Hakeem Jeffries

text: Jeffries's younger brother, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, is an associate professor of history at The Ohio State University. He is the author of "Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama's Black Belt". Jeffries is the nephew of Leonard Jeffries, a former professor at City College of New York.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The Cummins B Series is a family of diesel engines produced by American manufacturer Cummins. In production since 1984, the B series engine family is intended for multiple applications on and off-highway, light-duty, and medium-duty. In the automotive industry, it is best known for its use in school buses, public service buses (most commonly the Dennis Dart and the Alexander Dennis Enviro400) in the United Kingdom, and Dodge/Ram pickup trucks.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: Since its introduction, three generations of the B series engine have been produced, offered in both inline-four and inline-six configurations in multiple displacements.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The B-series features engine bores machined directly into the block (rather than the wet liners used on earlier Cummins engines). It was also set apart by the use of a shallow one-piece head, requiring closer tolerances than in other Cummins products. Unlike other diesel engines of the time; the B-series Cummins used direct injection and did not need glow plugs. The engine was first manufactured in Rocky Mount, North Carolina, and other plants were later added in Mexico, Brazil, Turkey, and Darlington, UK.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: Every Cummins powered Dodge Pickup (since initial production in 1989) has come equipped with a turbocharger. It uses a gear-drive camshaft for extra reliability. Also specified is a deep-skirt engine block and extra-strong connecting rods. A Holset turbocharger is used. The original B Series was updated with 24 valves and an electronic engine management system to become the ISB in 1998.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 3.9L 4B/4BT/4BTA Cummins is categorized under the B Engine family alongside the 5.9L 6B/6BT/6BTA Cummins diesel engines. The 3.9L is an inline four-cylinder naturally aspirated (4B) or turbodiesel (4BT/4BTA) that was popular for many step van applications, including bread vans and other commercial vehicles. Additionally it has seen broad usage in agricultural equipment. It has also gained popularity as an engine swap into smaller trucks and SUVs.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The lowest powered, naturally aspirated 3.9L Cummins, the 4B, produces . This variant is most commonly found in equipment such as generators and wood chippers.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 4BT is one of two turbocharged variants of the 3.9L B-Series engine. It contains two valves per cylinder for a total of eight. The most common output of this variant is 105 horsepower.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 4BTA is the updated version of the 4BT, also turbocharged, containing four valves per cylinder for a total of sixteen. The most common output of this variant is 170 horsepower.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 5.9L Cummins, also known as the "12-Valve" Cummins was the first member of the Cummins B-Series to be used in a light truck vehicle. The 6BT used Bosch fuel systems, injector, and VE rotary pump and P7100 inline injection pumps. Some early 6BTs were supplied with CAV rotary pumps instead, before the Bosch system became the sole standard. This engine started life in 1984 designed as an agricultural engine, for use in Case agricultural equipment.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: After 1989, the 6BT engine was used in light duty, medium duty and select heavy duty trucks and buses. The 6BT engine has recently become very popular for use in repowering various vehicles, in the UK they have proven very popular in the Land Rover community, commonly known as the ‘good’ conversion.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 6B is the naturally aspirated version of the 6BT with the power output of between 150 to 173 hp and with the compression ratio of 19:1.There were no automotive 6B engines.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: Appearing in the 1989–1998 Dodge Ram pickup truck, it became a popular alternative to the large gasoline V8 engines normally used in full-size pickup trucks, since it produced torque at low engine RPM, and achieved significantly better fuel mileage. During that time, the Dodge RAM was the only diesel pickup that did not rely on glowplugs for cold weather starting due to indirect fueling.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 4.5L ISB is essentially a four-cylinder, two-thirds version of the 6.7L ISB rated at , used in the New Routemaster, a series hybrid diesel-electric doubledecker bus in London.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The ISB (Interact System B) is one of the largest straight-six engines used for light truck vehicles and school buses, and the improved high output 600 version was on the Ward's 10 Best Engines list for 2004.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: One unusual feature of the ISB is that it is a multi-valve pushrod engine design, with 4 valves per cylinder (popularly referred to as the "24-Valve" Cummins). The engine displaces , with a cylinder bore and piston stroke. A turbocharger is used to increase the output in the high-compression (17.2:1 in recent versions) diesel. It is an all-iron engine with forged steel connecting rods, an assembled camshaft, and a cast aluminum intake manifold. The engine is produced in Columbus, Indiana.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The ISB uses electronically controlled Bosch fuel systems, unlike the 6BT systems which were mechanical. Early ISB engines utilize Bosch injectors and a Bosch VP44 high pressure pump. Later ISB designs have common rail fuel injection, Bosch injectors, and a Bosch CP3 high pressure pump.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: Midway through model year 1998, the Dodge Ram switched from the 6BT to the ISB to meet updated emissions requirements. Like other ISB's, these engines started out using the Bosch VP44 rotary injection pump. The VP44 setup meant that timing and fuel could be precisely controlled, which led to cleaner emissions. However, VP44 failure rates were higher than the older P7100 injection pump. The compression ratio in these engines was 17.2:1. The 1998–2000 ISB was rated at and when equipped with the 47RE automatic transmission. The 1998–2000 ISB was rated at and when equipped with a manual transmission. For the 2001-2002 years, a standard output and a high output ISB Cummins engine were offered. The standard output, which was the same as the previous engines was rated to and when equipped with either a manual transmission or automatic. The high output ISB was rated at and , with only a NV5600 six-speed manual transmission available. The high output engine was different in a few ways from the standard output engine; it had higher compression (17.3:1), powdered metal valve seat inserts, a larger flywheel, the Bosch fuel system was reworked to allow higher fuel flows, and fuel-injection timing was altered.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: For the 2003 model year, the Cummins was introduced with Bosch high pressure common rail fuel injection, again increasing power output. On automatic equipped vehicles, the 47RE was upgraded internally to increase durability and torque capacity, now known as the 48RE. The 2003 rating for the Dodge truck was released at and . Midway through the 2004 model year, the Cummins 600 was introduced, producing at 2,900 rpm and at 1,600 rpm. This engine was noticeably quieter than the previous engines.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 6.7L ISB is the latest version of the B Series. It is currently the largest straight-six engine produced for a light duty truck or school bus. It produces and in the 2007.5 and newer Dodge 2500/3500 pickup trucks with the Chrysler-built six-speed 68RFE automatic transmission built at the Kokomo Transmission plant in Kokomo, Indiana. Engine torque is slightly reduced with the Mercedes G56 6-speed manual transmission at and . The 2007 and newer 3500 Cab & Chassis trucks only get the and version of the B6.7, whether it has the Aisin AS68RC or the Mercedes G56 6-speed manual transmission. As for the 2008 4500/5500 medium duty Chassis Cabs or the Sterling Bullet Trucks, they receive the and version of the B6.7, whether it has the Aisin AS68RC or the Mercedes G56 6-speed manual transmission. Late model 2011 Ram trucks produce and , with the exhaust brake rating boosted from to .


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: There are many changes over the previous 5.9L ISB for the Dodge truck, the most obvious being the larger displacement. The 6.7 ISB had an increase of cylinder bore and piston stroke to , respectively, thereby giving a displacement of .


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: With the 6.7L ISB came the introduction of the Variable Geometry Turbocharger (VGT). The VG Turbocharger was introduced to reduce turbo lag by adjusting the vanes by sliding a steel ring in the exhaust housing dependent on engine RPM creating more or less pressure inside the exhaust housing and controlling the speed of the turbocharger. It also works as an integrated exhaust brake system and is all controlled by an electronic actuator on the turbocharger. This VGT system has been an extremely common issue with the 6.7L ISB and is typically diagnosed by the loss of the trucks exhaust brake.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The 5.9L QSB (Quantum System B) is an off-road, heavy duty version of the ISB. Typically used in marine, agricultural, and construction applications, these engines share many of the same parts as the ISB and utilize the same Bosch fuel system.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: In the earlier models of the Cummins B-Series Engine, it was almost entirely mechanical including its fuel system. The fuel pump used in these engines was the P7100 injection pump, this pump is driven off the camshaft gear and drives it own internal camshaft to inject fuel to the individual injectors. This pump itself was one of the most popular options for fueling for the B-Series Engines because of this simplistic design and how reliable it was. The P7100 injection pump also allows for large amounts of fuel to be delivered into the system with simple tweaking to the system to allow for larger injection events.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: In the later models of B-Series Engine, the fuel system was switched from mechanical injection and timing to mechanical injection with electronic timing. This was all thanks to Bosch's new VP44 injection pump. The VP44 injection pump is driven at half the camshaft speed and produces fuel pressure at about 4,500 psi to pop the vertically centered injectors in the engine.  These injection pumps need to have constant fuel pressure behind them of at least 10psi at all times to maintain the priming of the system. If you run these pumps dry it can cause your pump to fail quickly. The VP44 injection pumps were the first pumps placed in the Cummins engine to have an FPCM. FPCM stands for the fuel pressure control module, and this is responsible for maintaining and controlling the fuel pressure of the system. However, even though this new technology to control fuel pressure was convenient, it had a major downfall. The problem was that they were unable to be serviced without replacing the entire fuel pump. Another important piece of the puzzle that is responsible for the longevity and functionality of the VP44 was the fuel transfer pump mounted on the side of the block next to the ECM. This electronically driven vane pump is what supplies that minimum of 10psi to the injection pump so it maintains constant fuel pressure as well, as cools itself, and lubricates itself.


title: Cummins B Series engine

text: The most recent method of fuel injection that is still in use today is called common rail injection. Common rail injection is a completely revolutionary design to fuel injection since a fuel pump is now used to pressurize a rail and then from there sends the fuel to each injector. A major benefit of switching over to this fueling system was how it allowed for much less leakage into the cylinders pre and post ignition. This is all possible since this fuel system operated upwards of 2600 bar so they are able to set spring tension higher in each injector to allow for more precise fuel injection and timing. Another benefit of using common rail injection and having one rail pressurized compared to pressurizing each individual injector is that it is more reliable since it allows for more consistent fuel delivery to each injector.


title: Robin Weigert

text: Robin Weigert (born July 7, 1969) is an American television and film actress. She is best known for portraying Calamity Jane on the television series "Deadwood" (2004–2006), for which she received a nomination for the Primetime Emmy Award for Outstanding Supporting Actress in a Drama Series in 2004, Ally Lowen in "Sons of Anarchy" (2010–2013), and Abby in "Concussion" (2013).


title: Robin Weigert

text: Weigert was born in Washington, D.C., the daughter of Dionne Laufman and Berlin-born Wolfgang Oscar Weigert, a psychiatrist. She is Jewish. After graduating from Brandeis University in 1991, Weigert attended New York University, earning a Master of Fine Arts degree in the Graduate Acting Program at the Tisch School of the Arts.


title: Robin Weigert

text: After a decade as a stage actress based in New York City, she moved to Los Angeles and has appeared in various films, television shows and mini-series.


title: Robin Weigert

text: Her theatre work includes Broadway productions of "Twelfth Night" directed by Nicholas Hytner; and Michael Frayn’s "Noises Off". In the 2010 Signature Theater Company revival of Tony Kushner’s "Angels in America", directed by Michael Greif, her performance as the Angel was praised as ‘full of tenderness and wit’ by "USA Today". Other theatre credits include "Pride's Crossing", "A Place at the Table", "Hamlet", "Arms and the Man", "Goodnight Children Everywhere", "The Seagull", "Madame Melville" (Drama Desk and Lucille Lortel Award nominations), as well as Jon Robin Baitz's "Other Desert Cities" at the Mark Taper Forum in 2012, directed by Robert Egan.


title: Robin Weigert

text: Weigert is best known for her much-lauded portrayal of Calamity Jane in the HBO television series "Deadwood", which ran from 2004 to 2006. In 2004, Weigert was nominated for an Emmy for Outstanding Supporting Actress in a Drama Series for the role. In 2006, she won "Hollywood Life" magazine's "Breakthrough of the Year" award. In 2019 she reprised the role in "", which was nominated for 8 Emmy Awards, including Outstanding Television Movie.


title: Robin Weigert

text: In 2010 she joined the cast of the FX drama "Sons of Anarchy" as the motorcycle club's lawyer. In 2014, she played a recurring role as Erica Gradishar on the NBC series "Chicago P.D." Beginning in 2017, she appeared on the HBO series "Big Little Lies" as Dr. Amanda Reisman, sharing scenes with Alexander Skarsgård and Nicole Kidman. She has also appeared in Ryan Murphy and Brad Falchuk's anthology FX series "American Horror Story".


title: Romania in World War II

text: Following the outbreak of World War II on 1 September 1939, the Kingdom of Romania under King Carol II officially adopted a position of neutrality. However, the rapidly changing situation in Europe during 1940, as well as domestic political upheaval, undermined this stance. Fascist political forces such as the Iron Guard rose in popularity and power, urging an alliance with Nazi Germany and its allies. As the military fortunes of Romania's two main guarantors of territorial integrity—France and Britain—crumbled in the Fall of France (May to June, 1940), the government of Romania turned to Germany in hopes of a similar guarantee, unaware that the then-dominant European power had already granted its blessing to Soviet claims on Romanian territory in a secret protocol of 1939's Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In the summer of 1940 diplomacy resolved a series of territorial disputes in a manner unfavorable to Romania, resulting in the loss of most of the territory gained in the wake of World War I. This caused the popularity of Romania's government to plummet, further reinforcing the fascist and military factions, who eventually staged a coup (September 1940) that turned the country into a dictatorship under "Mareșal" Ion Antonescu. The new regime firmly set the country on a course towards the Axis camp, officially joining the Axis powers on 23 November 1940. As a member of the Axis, Romania joined the invasion of the Soviet Union (Operation Barbarossa) on 22 June 1941, providing equipment and oil to Nazi Germany as well as committing more troops to the Eastern Front than all the other allies of Germany combined. Romanian forces played a large role during fighting in Ukraine, Bessarabia, Stalingrad and elsewhere. Romanian troops were responsible for the persecution and massacre of 260,000 Jews in Romanian-controlled territories, though most Jews living within Romania survived the war. Romania controlled the third largest Axis army in Europe and the fourth largest Axis army in the world, only behind the three principal Axis powers of Germany, Japan, and Italy.


title: Romania in World War II

text: As the tide of war turned against the Axis, the Allies bombed Romania from 1943 onwards, and advancing Soviet armies invaded the country in 1944. With popular support for Romania's participation in the war faltering and German-Romanian fronts collapsing under the Soviet onslaught, King Michael of Romania led a "coup d'état" that deposed the Antonescu regime (August 1944) and put Romania on the side of the Allies for the remainder of the war (Antonescu was executed in June 1946). Despite this late association with the winning side, Greater Romania was not restored. However, the country was able to regain Northern Transylvania from Hungary.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In the aftermath of World War I, Romania, which fought with the Entente against the Central Powers, had greatly expanded its territory, incorporating the regions of Transylvania, Bessarabia, and Bukovina, largely as a result of the vacuum created by the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. This led to the achievement of the long-standing nationalist goal of creating a Greater Romania, a national state that would incorporate all ethnic Romanians. However, the newly gained territories also included significant Hungarian, German, Bulgarian, Ukrainian, and Russian minorities, which put Romania at odds with several of her neighbours. This occasionally led to violent conflict, as exemplified by the Hungarian–Romanian War and the Tatarbunary Uprising. To contain Hungarian irredentism, Romania, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia established the Little Entente in 1921. That same year Romania and Poland concluded a defensive alliance against the emergent Soviet Union, and in 1934 the Balkan Entente was formed with Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey, which were suspicious of Bulgaria.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Since the late 19th century onwards Romania had been a relatively democratic constitutional monarchy with a pro-Western outlook, but the country faced increasing turmoil in the 1930s as a result of the Great Depression in Romania and the rise of fascist movements such as the Iron Guard, which advocated revolutionary terrorism against the state. Under the pretext of stabilizing the country, the increasingly autocratic King Carol II proclaimed a 'royal dictatorship' in 1938. The new regime featured corporatist policies that often resembled those of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. In parallel with these internal developments, economic pressures and a weak Franco-British response to Hitler's aggressive foreign policy caused Romania to start drifting away from the Western Allies and closer to the Axis.


title: Romania in World War II

text: On 13 April 1939, France and the United Kingdom had pledged to guarantee the independence of the Kingdom of Romania. Negotiations with the Soviet Union concerning a similar guarantee collapsed when Romania refused to allow the Red Army to cross its frontiers.


title: Romania in World War II

text: On 23 August 1939, Germany and the Soviet Union signed the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. Among other things, this recognized the Soviet "interest" in Bessarabia (which had been ruled by the Russian Empire from 1812 to 1918). This Soviet interest was combined with a clear indication that there was an explicit lack of any German interest in the area.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Eight days later Nazi Germany invaded the Second Polish Republic. Expecting military aid from Britain and France, Poland chose not to execute its alliance with Romania in order to be able to use the Romanian Bridgehead. Romania officially remained neutral and, under pressure from the Soviet Union and Germany, interned the fleeing Polish government after its members had crossed the Polish–Romanian border on 17 September, forcing them to relegate their authority to what became the Polish government-in-exile. After the assassination of Prime Minister Armand Călinescu on 21 September King Carol II tried to maintain neutrality for several months longer, but the surrender of the Third French Republic and the retreat of British forces from continental Europe rendered the assurances that both countries had made to Romania meaningless.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In 1940 Romania's territorial gains made following World War I were largely undone. In July, after a Soviet ultimatum, Romania agreed to give up Bessarabia and northern Bukovina (the Soviets also annexed the city of Hertsa, which was not stated in the ultimatum). Two-thirds of Bessarabia were combined with a small part of the Soviet Union to form the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic. The rest (northern Bukovina, the northern half of Hotin county and Budjak) was apportioned to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Shortly thereafter, on 30 August, under the Second Vienna Award, Germany and Italy mediated a compromise between Romania and the Kingdom of Hungary: Hungary received a region referred to as 'Northern Transylvania', while 'Southern Transylvania' remained part of Romania. Hungary had lost Transylvania after World War I in the Treaty of Trianon. On 7 September, under the Treaty of Craiova, Southern Dobruja (which Bulgaria had lost after the Romanian invasion during the Second Balkan War in 1913), was ceded to Bulgaria under pressure from Germany. Despite the relatively recent acquisition of these territories, they were inhabited by a majority of Romanian speaking people (except Southern Dobruja), so the Romanians had seen them as historically belonging to Romania, and the fact that so much land was lost without a fight shattered the underpinnings of King Carol's power.


title: Romania in World War II

text: On 4 July, Ion Gigurtu formed the first Romanian government to include an Iron Guardist minister, Horia Sima. Sima was a particularly virulent antisemite who had become the nominal leader of the movement after the death of Corneliu Codreanu. He was one of the few prominent far-right leaders to survive the bloody infighting and government suppression of the preceding years.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In the immediate wake of the loss of Northern Transylvania, on 4 September the Iron Guard (led by Horia Sima) and General (later Marshal) Ion Antonescu united to form the "National Legionary State", which forced the abdication of Carol II in favor of his 19-year-old son Michael. Carol and his mistress Magda Lupescu went into exile, and Romania, despite the unfavorable outcome of recent territorial disputes, leaned strongly toward the Axis. As part of the deal, the Iron Guard became the sole legal party in Romania. Antonescu became the Iron Guard's honorary leader, while Sima became deputy premier.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In power, the Iron Guard stiffened the already harsh anti-Semitic legislation, enacted legislation directed against minority businessmen, tempered at times by the willingness of officials to take bribes, and wreaked vengeance upon its enemies. On 8 October German troops began crossing into Romania. They soon numbered over 500,000.


title: Romania in World War II

text: On 23 November Romania joined the Axis powers. On 27 November, 64 former dignitaries or officials were executed by the Iron Guard in Jilava prison while awaiting trial (see "Jilava Massacre"). Later that day, historian and former prime minister Nicolae Iorga and economist Virgil Madgearu, a former government minister, were assassinated.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The cohabitation between the Iron Guard and Antonescu was never an easy one. On 20 January 1941, the Iron Guard attempted a coup, combined with a pogrom against the Jews of Bucharest. Within four days, Antonescu had successfully suppressed the coup. The Iron Guard was forced out of the government. Sima and many other legionnaires took refuge in Germany; others were imprisoned. Antonescu abolished the National Legionary State, in its stead declaring Romania a "National and Social State."


title: Romania in World War II

text: On 22 June 1941, German armies with Romanian support attacked the Soviet Union. German and Romanian units conquered Bessarabia, Odessa, and Sevastopol, then marched eastward across the Russian steppes toward Stalingrad. Romania welcomed the war because they were allies with Germany. Hitler rewarded Romania's loyalty by returning Bessarabia and northern Bukovina and by allowing Romania to administer Soviet lands immediately between the Dniester and the Bug, including Odessa and Nikolaev. Romanian jingoes in Odessa even distributed a geography showing that the Dacians had inhabited most of southern Russia. After recovering Bessarabia and Bukovina (Operation München), Romanian units fought side by side with the Germans onward to Odessa, Sevastopol, Stalingrad and the Caucasus. The total number of troops involved on the Eastern Front with the Romanian Third Army and the Romanian Fourth Army was second only to that of Nazi Germany itself. The Romanian Army had a total of 686,258 men under arms in the summer of 1941 and a total of 1,224,691 men in the summer of 1944. The number of Romanian troops sent to fight in the Soviet Union exceeded that of all of Germany's other allies combined. A "Country Study" by the U.S. Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress attributes this to a "morbid competition with Hungary to curry Hitler's favor... [in hope of]... regaining northern Transylvania."


title: Romania in World War II

text: Bessarabia and the Northern Bukovina were now fully re-incorporated into the Romanian state after they had been occupied by the USSR a year earlier. As a substitute for Northern Transylvania, which had been given to Hungary following the Second Vienna Award, Hitler persuaded Antonescu in August 1941 to also take control of the Transnistria territory between the Dniester and the Southern Bug, which would also include Odessa after its eventual fall in October 1941. Although the Romanian administration set up a civil government, the Transnistria Governorate, the Romanian state had not yet formally incorporated Transnistria into its administrative framework by the time it was retaken by Soviet troops in early 1944.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Romanian armies advanced far into the Soviet Union during 1941 and 1942 before being involved in the disaster at the Battle of Stalingrad in the winter of 1942–43. Petre Dumitrescu, one of Romania's most important generals, was commander of the Third Army at Stalingrad. In November 1942, the German Sixth Army was briefly put at Dumitrescu's disposal during a German attempt to relieve the Third Army following the devastating Soviet Operation Uranus.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Prior to the Soviet counteroffensive at Stalingrad, the Antonescu government considered a war with Hungary over Transylvania an inevitability after the expected victory over the Soviet Union. Although it was an ally of Germany, Romania's turning to the Allied side in August 1944 was rewarded by returning Northern Transylvania, which had been granted to Hungary in 1940 after the Second Vienna Award.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Throughout the Antonescu years, Romania supplied Nazi Germany and the Axis armies with oil, grain, and industrial products. Also, numerous train stations in the country, such as Gara de Nord in Bucharest, served as transit points for troops departing for the Eastern Front. Consequently, by 1943 Romania became a target of Allied aerial bombardment. One of the most notable air bombardments was Operation Tidal Wave — the attack on the oil fields of Ploiești on 1 August 1943. Bucharest was subjected to intense Allied bombardment on 4 and 15 April 1944, and the Luftwaffe itself bombed the city on 24 and 25 August after the country switched sides.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In February 1943, with the decisive Soviet counteroffensive at Stalingrad, it was growing clear that the tide of the war was turning against the Axis powers.


title: Romania in World War II

text: By 1944, the Romanian economy was in tatters because of the expenses of the war, and destructive Allied air bombing throughout nation, including the capital, Bucharest. In addition, most of the products sent to Germany – such as oil, grain, and equipment – were provided without monetary compensation, as Germany refused to pay. As a result of these uncompensated exports, inflation in Romania skyrocketed. This caused widespread discontent among the Romanian population, even among those who had once enthusiastically supported the Germans and the war, and an angry relationship between Romania and Germany.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Beginning in December 1943, the Soviet Dnieper–Carpathian Offensive pushed Axis forces all the way back to the Dniester by April 1944. In April–May 1944, the Romanian forces led by General Mihai Racovițǎ, together with elements of the German Eighth Army were responsible for defending northern Romania and took part in the Battles of Târgu Frumos, which David Glantz considered to be an initial Soviet attempt to invade Romania, supposedly held back by Axis defensive lines in northern Romania. The Jassy–Kishinev Offensive, launched on 20 August 1944, resulted in a quick and decisive Soviet breakthrough, collapsing the German-Romanian front in the region. Soviet forces captured Târgu Frumos and Iași on 21 August and Chișinău on 24 August 1944. The strategic Focșani Gate was invaded on 27 August 1944 by Soviet forces, which allowed them to spread out onto Bucharest, the Black Sea and the Eastern Carpathians.


title: Romania in World War II

text: According to an international commission report released by the Romanian government in 2004, between 280,000 and 380,000 Jews were murdered or died in various forms on Romanian soil, in the war zones of Bessarabia, Bukovina, and in the occupied Soviet territories under Romanian's control (Transnistria Governorate). Of the 25,000 Romani deported, who were deported to concentration camps in Transnistria, 11,000 died.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Though much of the killing was committed in the war zone by Romanian and German troops, there were also substantial persecutions behind the front line. During the Iaşi pogrom of June 1941, over 13,000 Jews were massacred or killed slowly in trains traveling back and forth across the countryside.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Half of the estimated 270,000 to 320,000 Jews living in Bessarabia, Bukovina, and Dorohoi County in Romania were murdered or died between June 1941 and the spring of 1944, of which between 45,000 and 60,000 Jews were killed in Bessarabia and Bukovina by Romanian and German troops, within months of the entry of the country into the war during 1941. Even after the initial killings, Jews in Moldavia, Bukovina and Bessarabia were subject to frequent pogroms, and were concentrated into ghettos from which they were sent to Transnistria, including camps built and run by the Romanian authorities.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Romanian soldiers and gendarmes also worked with the "Einsatzkommandos", German killing squads, tasked with massacring Jews and Roma in conquered territories, the local Ukrainian militia, and the SS squads of local Ukrainian Germans (Sonderkommando Russland and Selbstschutz). Romanian troops were in large part responsible for the Odessa massacre, in which from October 18, 1941, until mid-March 1942, Romanian soldiers in Odessa, aided by gendarmes and police, killed up to 25,000 Jews and deported more than 35,000.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The number of deaths in all areas is not certain, but the lowest respectable estimates run to about 250,000 Jews and 11,000 Roma in these eastern regions.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Nonetheless, most Jews living within the pre-Barbarossa borders survived the war, although they were subject to a wide range of harsh conditions, including forced labor, financial penalties, and discriminatory laws. Jewish property was nationalized.


title: Romania in World War II

text: "Of all the allies of Nazi Germany, Romania bears responsibility for the deaths of more Jews than any country other than Germany itself. The murders committed in Iasi, Odessa, Bogdanovka, Domanovka, and Peciora, for example, were among the most hideous murders committed against Jews anywhere during the Holocaust. Romania committed genocide against the Jews. The survival of Jews in some parts of the country does not alter this reality."


title: Romania in World War II

text: On 23 August 1944, with the Red Army penetrating German defenses during the Jassy–Kishinev Offensive, King Michael I of Romania led a successful coup against the Axis with support from opposition politicians, most of the army and Communist-led civilians. Michael I, who was initially considered to be not much more than a figurehead, was able to successfully depose the Antonescu dictatorship. The King then offered a non-confrontational retreat to German ambassador Manfred von Killinger. But the Germans considered the coup "reversible" and attempted to turn the situation around by military force. The Romanian First, Second (forming), and what little was left of the Third and the Fourth Armies (one corps) were under orders from the King to defend Romania against any German attacks. King Michael offered to put the Romanian Army, which at that point had a strength of nearly 1,000,000 men, on the side of the Allies. Stalin immediately recognized the king and the restoration of the conservative Romanian monarchy.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In a radio broadcast to the Romanian nation and army on the night of 23 August King Michael issued a cease-fire, proclaimed Romania's loyalty to the Allies, announced the acceptance of an armistice (to be signed on September 12) offered by Great Britain, the United States, and the USSR, and declared war on Germany. The coup accelerated the Red Army's advance into Romania, but did not avert a rapid Soviet occupation and capture of about 130,000 Romanian soldiers, who were transported to the Soviet Union, where many perished in prison camps. The armistice was signed three weeks later on 12 September 1944, on terms virtually dictated by the Soviet Union. Under the terms of the armistice, Romania announced its unconditional surrender to the USSR and was placed under occupation of the Allied forces with the Soviet Union as their representative, in control of media, communication, post, and civil administration behind the front. Some attribute the postponement of a formal Allied recognition of the "de facto" change of orientation until 12 September (the date the armistice was signed in Moscow) to the complexities of the negotiations between the USSR and UK.


title: Romania in World War II

text: During the Moscow Conference in October 1944 Winston Churchill, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, proposed an agreement to Soviet leader Joseph Stalin on how to split up Eastern Europe into spheres of influence after the war. The Soviet Union was offered a 90% share of influence in Romania.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The Armistice Agreement of 12 September stipulated in Article 18 that "An Allied Control Commission will be established which will undertake until the conclusion of peace the regulation of and control over the execution of the present terms under the general direction and orders of the Allied (Soviet) High Command, acting on behalf of the Allied Powers". The Annex to Article 18 made clear that "The Romanian Government and their organs shall fulfil all instructions of the Allied Control Commission arising out of the Armistice Agreement." The Agreement also stipulated that the Allied Control Commission would have its seat in Bucharest. In line with Article 14 of the Armistice Agreement, two Romanian People's Tribunals were set up to try suspected war criminals.


title: Romania in World War II

text: As the country declared war on Germany on the night of 23 August 1944, border clashes between Hungarian and Romanian troops erupted almost immediately. On 24 August, German troops attempted to seize Bucharest and suppress Michael's coup, but were repelled by the city's defenses, which received some support from the United States Air Force. Other Wehrmacht units in the country suffered severe losses: remnants of the Sixth Army retreating west of the Prut River were cut off and destroyed by the Red Army, which was now advancing at an even greater speed, while Romanian units attacked German garrisons at the Ploiești oilfields, forcing them to retreat to Hungary. The Romanian Army captured over 50,000 German prisoners around this time, who were later surrendered to the Soviets.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In early September, Soviet and Romanian forces entered Transylvania and captured the towns of Brașov and Sibiu while advancing toward the Mureș River. Their main objective was Cluj, a city regarded as the historical capital of Transylvania. However, the Second Hungarian Army was present in the region, and together with the Eighth German Army engaged the Allied forces on 5 September in what was to become the Battle of Turda, which lasted until 8 October and resulted in heavy casualties for both sides. Also around this time, the Hungarian Army carried out its last independent offensive action of the war, penetrating Arad County in western Romania. Despite initial success, a number of ad hoc Romanian cadet battalions managed to stop the Hungarian advance at the Battle of Păuliș, and soon a combined Romanian-Soviet counterattack overwhelmed the Hungarians, who gave ground and evacuated Arad itself on 21 September.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The Battle of Carei marked the last stage of recovering Romania's former territory of Northern Transylvania, ceded in 1940 to Hungary as a result of the Second Vienna Award. On the evening of October 24, the Romanian 6th Army Corps attacked in the direction of Carei with a force comprising 4 divisions; at the same time, the 2nd Infantry Division of 2nd Army Corps attacked in the direction of Satu Mare, in a pincer movement. On October 25, both cities were freed from Hungarian and German control; by a decree from 1959, this day was established as the Romanian Armed Forces Day.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The Romanian Army ended the war fighting against the Wehrmacht alongside the Red Army in Transylvania, Hungary, Yugoslavia, Austria and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, from August 1944 until the end of the war in Europe. In May 1945, the First and Fourth armies took part in the Prague Offensive. The Romanian Army incurred heavy casualties fighting Nazi Germany. Of some 538,000 Romanian soldiers who fought against the Axis in 1944–45, some 167,000 were killed, wounded or went missing.


title: Romania in World War II

text: Under the 1947 Treaty of Paris, the Allies did not acknowledge Romania as a co-belligerent nation but instead applied the term "ally of Hitlerite Germany" to all recipients of the treaty's stipulations. Like Finland, Romania had to pay $300 million to the Soviet Union as war reparations. However, the treaty specifically recognized that Romania switched sides on 24 August 1944, and therefore "acted in the interests of all the United Nations". As a reward, Northern Transylvania was, once again, recognized as an integral part of Romania, but the border with the USSR and Bulgaria was fixed at its state in January 1941, restoring the pre-Barbarossa status quo (with one exception). Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Eastern territories became part of Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova.


title: Romania in World War II

text: In Romania proper, Soviet occupation following World War II facilitated the rise of the Communist Party as the main political force, leading ultimately to the forced abdication of the King and the establishment of a single-party people's republic in 1947.


title: Romania in World War II

text: This is a list of battles and other combat operations in World War II in which Romanian forces took part.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The list below displays the modern (designed and built after the end of World War I) infantry weapons and artillery pieces used by the Romanian Army during World War II.


title: Romania in World War II

text: The list below comprises the models and numbers of Romanian Army tanks of all types in service as of 19 July 1944:


title: German National People's Party

text: The German National People's Party (, DNVP) was a national-conservative party in Germany during the Weimar Republic. Before the rise of the Nazi Party, it was the major conservative and nationalist party in Weimar Germany. It was an alliance of conservative, nationalists, reactionary monarchists, völkisch and antisemitic elements supported by the Pan-German League.


title: German National People's Party

text: It was formed in late 1918 after Germany's defeat in World War I and the November Revolution that toppled the German monarchy. It combined the bulk of the German Conservative Party, Free Conservative Party and German Fatherland Party with right-wing elements of the National Liberal Party. The party strongly rejected the republican Weimar Constitution of 1919 and the Treaty of Versailles which it viewed as a national disgrace, signed by traitors. The party instead aimed at a restoration of monarchy, a repeal of the dictated peace treaty and reacquisition of all lost territories and colonies.


title: German National People's Party

text: During the mid-1920s, the DNVP moderated its profile, accepting republican institutions in practice (while still calling for a return to monarchy in its manifesto) and participating in centre-right coalition governments on federal and state levels. It broadened its voting base—winning as much as 20.5% in the December 1924 election—and supported the election of Paul von Hindenburg as President of Germany ("Reichspräsident") in 1925. Under the leadership of the populist media entrepreneur Alfred Hugenberg from 1928, the party reclaimed its reactionary nationalist and anti-republican rhetoric and changed its strategy to mass mobilisation, plebiscites and support of authoritarian rule by the President instead of work by parliamentary means. At the same time, it lost many votes to Adolf Hitler's rising Nazi Party. Several prominent Nazis began their careers in the DNVP.


title: German National People's Party

text: After 1929, the DNVP co-operated with the Nazis, joining forces in the Harzburg Front of 1931, forming coalition governments in some states and finally supporting Hitler's appointment as Chancellor ("Reichskanzler") in January 1933. Initially, the DNVP had a number of ministers in Hitler's government, but the party quickly lost influence and eventually dissolved itself in June 1933, giving way to the Nazis' single-party dictatorship with the majority of its former members joining the Nazi Party. The Nazis allowed the remaining former DNVP members in the Reichstag, the civil service, and the police to continue with their jobs and left the rest of the party membership generally in peace.


title: German National People's Party

text: During the Second World War, several prominent former DNVP members, such as Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, were involved in the German resistance against the Nazis and took part in the 20 July assassination plot against Hitler in 1944.


title: German National People's Party

text: The party was formed in December 1918 by a merger of the German Conservative Party and the Free Conservative Party of the old monarchic German Empire. It was joined soon afterward by the most right-wing section of the former National Liberal Party, and most supporters of the dissolved radically nationalist German Fatherland Party, the antisemitic Christian Social Party and German Völkisch Party. Thus, the party united most of the formerly fragmented conservative spectrum of the Empire. The process that led to the DNVP began on 22 November 1918 when an ad appeared in a number of Berlin newspapers calling for a new right-wing party for "which we suggest the name of German National People's Party". The founding of the DNVP was a response to the November Revolution of 1918 and the sense of extreme crisis it had engendered amongst the German right, where there were widespread fears that society was on the verge of destruction. As a result of the crisis atmosphere of late 1918, a very wide assortment of different parties came together to form the DNVP. This proved to be as much weakness as a strength as the DNVP had strong fissiparous tendencies throughout its existence, which was the product of the various different streams of conservatism that found themselves flowing uneasily together in one party. There was much disagreement about who was to lead the new party, and Oskar Hergt was chosen as leader on 19 December 1918 very much as the compromise candidate, being a little-known civil servant who was thereforth acceptable to all the factions. British historian Ian Kershaw wrote that ever since the late 19th century there had been tension on the German right between traditional conservatives and the more radical populist "völkisch" elements, saying: "Even the German National People's Party, itself with many fascistic characteristics, could only uneasily accommodate the new strength of the populist forces on the radical Right".


title: German National People's Party

text: At the founding convention in December 1918, Siegfried von Kardorff gave the keynote speech, in which he stated "Our new party, in which friendly right-wing parties have united, has no past and rejects any responsibility for the past. We have a present, and God willing, a good future", to which the delegates shouted "But without the Jews!" The task of writing out a common platform acceptable to all fell to a committee headed by Ulrich von Hassell. Reflecting a strong anti-Semitic orientation, right from the start Jews were banned from joining the DNVP. In the elections on 19 January 1919 for the National Assembly that was to write the new constitution, the DNVP produced a pamphlet entitled "The Jews—Germany's vampires!"


title: German National People's Party

text: Generally hostile towards the republican Weimar constitution, the DNVP spent most of the inter-war period in opposition. Of the 19 cabinets between 1919 and 1932, the DNVP took part in only two governments and their total period in office over this 13-year period was 27 months. The party was largely supported by landowners, especially from the agricultural, conservative and Protestant Prussian east (East Elbia), and wealthy industrialists, moreover by monarchist academics, pastors, high-ranking government officials, farmers, craftsmen, small traders, nationalist white-collar and blue-collar workers. Because most of the Protestant aristocracy, high civil servants, the Lutheran clergy, the "Bildungsbürgertum" (the upper middle-class), university professors, and "Gymnasium" (high schools for these destined to go to university) teachers supported the DNVP until 1930, the party had a cultural influence on German life far beyond what its share of the vote would suggest. Because so many university professors and "Gymnasium" teachers supported the DNVP, everyone who went to university in Germany under the Weimar republic was exposed in some way to "Deutsch-National" influence. More women than men voted for the DNVP, and despite the party's traditionalist values, women were very active in the DNVP. The women in the DNVP came mostly from the evangelical Protestant church leagues, associations representing housewives who had become politically active during World War I and women who been active in groups like the Pan-German League, the Colonial League and the Navy League. The women in the DNVP tended to be most concerned with wiping out "trash and dirt" which was their term for pornography and prostitution, and was seen as especially threatening to women. The Israeli historian Yehuda Bauer called the DNVP "...the party of the traditional, often radical anti-Semitic elites..." The writer Kurt Tucholsky wrote in 1924 that "Even in Jewish circles (of which a portion would still vote German-National today, were the party not so stupid to trade in anti-Semitism) and even in merchant circles, this way of thinking prevails." Extremely nationalistic and reactionary and originally favouring restoration of the Hohenzollern monarchy, it later supported the creation of an authoritarian state as a substitute. Its supporters came from dedicated nationalists, the aristocracy, parts of the middle class and big business. The DNVP had little appeal to Catholics and almost its entire support came from Protestant areas.


title: German National People's Party

text: On 6 February 1919 when the National Assembly convened to write the new constitution for Germany, the DNVP's chief contribution to the debates was a lengthy defence of the former Emperor Wilhelm II by Clemens von Delbrück, and a series of long speeches by other DNVP deputies defending Germany's actions in the July Crisis of 1914, the ideology of Pan-Germanism and the decision to adopt unrestricted submarine warfare in 1917. None of these had anything to do with the task at hand, namely to write a new constitution. The DNVP made no contribution to the drafting of the new constitution. In June 1919, the "Reichstag" had to ratify the Treaty of Versailles in the face of a warning from the Allies that World War I would resume if it was not ratified. The DNVP made certain that the other parties in the "Reichstag" were going to vote for the treaty, and then voted against it. The DNVP was secure in the knowledge that its vote would not cause the resumption of the war while the odium of Versailles would be borne by the other parties. Afterwards, the DNVP started a racist campaign against the presence of Senegalese and Vietnamese troops serving in the French army of occupation in the Rhineland (the so-called "Black Horror on the Rhine"), claiming that African and Asian men were genetically programmed to rape white women with DNVP politician Käthe Schirmacher (who was also a feminist) stating in a speech: "The lust of white, yellow and black Frenchmen for German women leads to daily violence!" Schirmacher wrote in her diary in 1919 that: "The only thing uniting us with Poland is our common hatred of Juda".


title: German National People's Party

text: It favoured a monarchist platform and was strongly opposed to the Weimar Republic in domestic affairs and Treaty of Versailles in foreign affairs. Typical of the party's views about Weimar was a 1919 pamphlet by Karl Helfferich entitled "Erzberger Must Go!", which was in equal terms violently anti-democratic, anti-Catholic and anti-Semitic. The target of the pamphlet was Matthias Erzberger of the "Zentrum", whom Hellferich called "the puppet of the Jews", and called openly for his assassination to avenge his "crimes" such as signing the armistice ending World War I. Helfferich wrote that Erzberger's career was "a sordid mixing of political activity with his own pecuniary advantage... at the crucial moment of the war, acting for his Habsburg-Bourbon patrons, he cowardly attacked German policy from the rear with his July action, and thereby destroyed in the German people the belief in and therefore the will to victory" [By "July action" Helfereich was referring to the Reichstag Peace Resolution of July 1917, which Erzberger played a major role in writing]. Helfferich especially hated Erzberger for making a speech in July 1919 that blamed him for the bad shape of German budget, with Erzberger noting during the war Helfferich had decided not to raise taxes, and instead ran up colossal debts which he planned to pay off by imposing reparations on the Allies once Germany won the war. Erzberger sued Helfferich for libel over his statement that Erzberger was "dishonestly combining political activity with his own financial interests". Amid much media attention the libel trial ended on 12 March 1920 with the judge ruling that some of Helfferich's statements were true while fining Helfferich a nominal sum for technical libel for the statements that he declared that Helfferich lacked sufficient evidence to back up with. The German historian Eberhard Kolb wrote none of Helfferich's claims were true, and that the outcome of the libel case was due to a conservative judge who disliked democracy. The judge's bias could seen in that the judge went out of his way in his ruling to praise Helfferich for his "patriotic motives" in attacking Erzberger.


title: German National People's Party

text: In the run-up to the Kapp Putsch of March 1920, the DNVP leaders were informed by Wolfgang Kapp in February 1920 that a "putsch" to overthrow the government would soon occur, and asked for their support. Kapp received an equivocal answer, but the party's leaders did not inform the government a "putsch" was being planned. During the Kapp "Putsch" of March 1920, the DNVP took an ambiguous stance, reflecting a strong sympathy for the aims of the "putsch" without coming entirely in support out of the fear that the "putsch" might fail. One of the DNVP leaders, Gottfried Traub served as "Minister of Church and Cultural Affairs" in the Kapp's provisional government while Paul Bang of the Pan-German League was going to serve in the provisional government, through he backed out later on 13 March 1920 under the grounds that the "putsch" was "hopeless". Within the party's leadership, Count Kuno von Westarp was in favour of supporting the "putsch" while Oskar Hergt was opposed. After the "putsch" failed, the DNVP issued a statement that condemned the government far more harshly for resorting to the "lawless" method of a general strike to defeat the "putsch" that it did the "putsch" itself, which was portrayed as an understandable, if extreme response to the existence of the republic.


title: German National People's Party

text: The outcome of the Erzberger-Helfferich libel trial encouraged the DNVP to engage in a campaign of vituperative and vitriolic attacks on leaders of the Weimar Coalition who supported the republic, usually accompanied with calls for the assassination of the "traitors", which was to be DNVP's main contribution to politics for next several years. The DNVP was well known for outrageous, often childish antics such as mailing a dead dog to the French Ambassador to protest against paying reparations to France and for launching a campaign of mailing parcels containing human excrement to Social Democratic leaders. The campaign against the "Black Horror on the Rhine" occupied much of the DNVP's time in the early 1920s. Kolb wrote that the DNVP played a major role in the "brutalization of politics" in the Weimar Republic with its relentless denigration of its enemies as "traitors" together with its insistence that murder was a perfectly acceptable procedure for dealing with one's political opponents, who the DNVP claimed did not deserve to live.


title: German National People's Party

text: The climax of the campaign against the leaders of the Weimar Coalition occurred in February 1922 when Walther Rathenau became Foreign Minister, which led the DNVP to launch an especially vicious anti-Semitic campaign against Rathenau claiming that "German honour" had been sullied by the appointment of "the international Jew" Rathenau as Foreign Minister, which could only be avenged with Rathenau's assassination. In an article by Wilhelm Henning, it was claimed Rathenau was somehow involved with the assassination of Count Wilhelm von Mirbach, the German ambassador to the Soviet Union in 1918, and that the fact that Rathenau did not mention Mirbach's assassination during his visit to the Soviet Union in April 1922 being presented as proof that Rathenau had a hand in Mirbach's death. When Rathenau was assassinated on 24 June 1922, the "Zentrum" Chancellor Joseph Wirth angrily turned towards the DNVP's "Reichstag" delegation and with his finger pointing clearly at Helfferich, shouted "The enemy is on the right! Here are those who drip poison into the wounds of the German people!". Wirth, who was shaken by the murder of his friend Rathenau, pushed through the Reichstag the "Republikschutzgesetz" (Law for the Defense of the Republic) on 21 July 1922, which increased the penalties for the conspiracy for murder, and allowed the government to ban organizations that engaged in or encouraged terrorism. Only the DNVP, the Communists and the Bavarian People's Party voted against the "Republikschutzgesetz" with every other party voting for the law. Wirth would have liked to use the new law to ban the DNVP, but was unable to do so because no links could be established between the DNVP and the Organisation Consul terrorist group. Faced with a possible ban for encouraging terrorism after the Rathenau assassination and a public backlash over its initially jubilant reaction to Rathenau's murder, the party started to crack down on its extreme "völkisch" wing, who had been the most vociferous in calling for Rathenau's blood. To stop a total break with its "völkisch" wing, in September 1922 a ""völkisch" study group" under Wilhelm Kube was set up. Despite Kube's best efforts to work out a compromise, the leading "völkisch" activists' Wilhelm Henning, Reinhold Wulle and Albrecht von Graefe all resigned from the party in October 1922 when the party's leader Oskar Hergt supported by Otto Hoetzsch and Count Kuno von Westarp made it clear that they wanted no more calls for assassinations, which had caused a major public relations problem. Henning, Wulle and Graefe founded the German Völkisch Freedom Party in December 1922.


title: German National People's Party

text: In September 1923 when the DVP Chancellor Gustav Stresemann announced the end of "passive resistance" and the occupation of the Ruhr ("Ruhrkampf") under the grounds that hyperinflation had destroyed the economy and the "Ruhrkampf" must end in order to save Germany, the DNVP found itself joining forces with the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) in denouncing the end of the "Ruhrkampf" as treason and as a cowardly surrender to "a half-sated irreconcilable France". The DNVP announced that if they were in charge that they would continue the "Ruhrkampf" regardless of the economic costs and misery.


title: German National People's Party

text: At a party conference in early April 1924, the DNVP had come out clearly against proposed bail-out of Germany that came to be known as the Dawes Plan, which the DNVP denounced as the "second Versailles". A consortium of Wall Street banks led by the House of Morgan agreed to provide a loan to the "Reich" government that would bail out Germany after the hyper-inflation of 1923 had destroyed the economy. Helfferich, the DNVP's leading economic expert, had published two detailed critiques in "Die Kreuzzeitung" that purported to prove that the Dawes Plan existed only to "enslave" Germany by allowing the Allies to take control of and exploit the German economy forever. The spring 1924 campaign was largely led and organized by charismatic, media savvy Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz who was presented as the "savior" type figure, able to rally together the entire nation to both win the election and then restore Germany back as a great power. The ineffectual Hergt had chosen to stay on the sidelines in order to improve his party's chances. Unusually for a DNVP politician, Tirpitz based his campaign in Munich as part of an effort to win Catholic support. In the "Reichstag" election of 4 May 1924, the DNVP posted its best showing yet, winning 19% of the vote.


title: German National People's Party

text: A major problem for the DNVP throughout its entire existence was the tension caused between its tendency towards a policy of total opposition to the Weimar Republic and pressure from many of its supporters for the DNVP to participate in the government. Since the DNVP was unlikely to win the majority of the seats in the "Reichstag" on account of the proportional representation system, as a party committed to total opposition to the republic it doomed itself to being an opposition party forever. Many of the DNVP's supporters made it clear by 1924 that they were unhappy about supporting a party whose role was purely negative in opposing everything that the government did while refusing to take part in any of the coalition governments. The British historian Sir John Wheeler-Bennett wrote "At no time during the Weimar Republic did they make a single constructive contribution to the government of the country". At the same time, there was another equally influential fraction within the DNVP who took it for granted that it was only a matter of time before the republic disintegrated, and that the best thing to do was to maintain the current course of total opposition to the republic, secure in knowing that all of the blame for the current problems would rest with the parties of the Weimar coalition who were willing to assume the burdens of office.


title: German National People's Party

text: In the summer of 1924, these tensions came out in the open with a vigorous display of party in-fighting over the question of should the DNVP's MdRs (German MdR: "Mitglied des Reichstags"—Member of the "Reichstag") vote for the American-led international bail-out of Germany known as the Dawes Plan or not. Initially, the DNVP had promised to vote against the Dawes Plan when it came up for ratification in the "Reichstag" on the grounds that Germany should not have to pay any reparations at all, resulting in many of the economic lobbying groups that donated to the party such as the Landbund, the Reich Association of German Industry (RDI) and the Chamber of Industry and Commerce threatening to cease donating to the party forever if its MdRs voted against the Dawes Plan. The Dawes Plan was a crucial element in the international attempt to stabilise the German economy after hyper-inflation had destroyed the German economy in 1923, and the economic lobbying groups that supported the DNVP were appalled at the party's intention to reject the Dawes Plan, and thereby risk a return to the economic chaos of 1923. As the parties of the Weimar coalition did not have a two-thirds majority in the Reichstag, it was clear that the DNVP would have to vote for the Dawes Plan to have it ratified. The American banks had demanded as one of the conditions of the loan that the Reich government put up the state-owned Deutsche Reichsbahn railroad as collateral, but the 1919 constitution stated the Reichsbahn could not be used as collateral. Thus to receive the Dawes Plan loan required the Reich government to amend the constitution to put up the "Reichsban" as collateral, which required a two-thirds majority in the "Reichstag".