title: Dilip Joshi

text: Dilip Joshi (born 26 May 1968) is an Indian film, television actor. He has appeared in several Indian movies and television series. Joshi has performed mostly in comedy roles, he initially worked in side roles in Bollywood films and then rose to fame for his role as Jethalal Champaklal Gada in the Indian sitcom "Taarak Mehta Ka Ooltah Chashmah".


title: Dilip Joshi

text: Dilip Joshi was born into a Gujarati family originating from Porbandar. While doing BCA, he was awarded the INT (Indian National Theater) Best Actor.


title: Dilip Joshi

text: Dilip Joshi started his acting career in 1989, playing the character of Ramu in the film "Maine Pyar Kiya". Since then, he has appeared in several Gujarati dramas, one of them being "Bapu Tame Kamaal Kari" with Sumeet Raghavan and Amit Mistry, the trio known for their television show "Shubh Mangal Savadhan". Joshi starred in the show "Yeh Duniya Hai Rangeen" and "Kya Baat Hai" in which he played a South Indian. He also appeared in films such as "Phir Bhi Dil Hai Hindustani" and "Hum Aapke Hain Koun..!"


title: Dilip Joshi

text: Since 2008, Joshi has been playing the role of Jethalal Champaklal Gada in the popular sitcom "Taarak Mehta Ka Ooltah Chashmah" often called TMKOC. For his performance in the show, he received several accolades, including 5 Telly awards and 3 ITA awards.


title: Dilip Joshi

text: Notable among his other tele-serials in Hindi are "Kabhi Yeh Kabhi Woh", "Hum Sab Baarati," "Hum Sab Ek Hain", "Shubh Mangal Savadhan", "Kya Baat Hai", "Daal Mein Kala" and "Meri Biwi Wonderful". He appeared in the children's comedy "Agadam Bagdam Tigdam" as Uncle Tappu, as well as in the 2009 films "Dhoondte Reh Jaaoge" and Ashutosh Gowarikar's "What's Your Raashee".


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: Ghosting, also known as simmering or icing, is a colloquial term which describes the practice of ending all communication and contact with another person without any apparent warning or justification and ignoring any subsequent attempts to communicate. The term originated in the early 2000s, typically referring to dating and romantic relationships. In the following decade, media reported a rise in ghosting, which has been attributed to the increasing use of social media and online dating apps. The term has also expanded to refer to similar practices among friends, family members, employers and businesses.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: The most common cause of ghosting in a personal relationship is to avoid emotional discomfort in a relationship. A person ghosting typically has little acknowledgment of how it will make the other person feel. Ghosting is associated with negative mental health effects on the person on the receiving end and has been described by some mental health professionals as a passive-aggressive form of emotional abuse or cruelty.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: The term is used in the context of online exchanges, and became popular by 2015 through many articles on high-profile celebrity relationship dissolutions, and went on to be widely used. It has been the subject of many articles and discussions on dating and relationships in various media. It was included in the "Collins English Dictionary" in 2015.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: Ghosting appears to be becoming more common. Various explanations have been suggested, but social media is often blamed, as are dating apps, polarizing politics and the relative anonymity and isolation in modern-day dating and hookup culture, which make it easier to sever contact with few social repercussions. In addition, the more commonplace the behaviour becomes, the more individuals can become desensitised to it.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: People primarily ghost in relationships as a way of avoiding emotional discomfort they are having in a relationship, and are generally not thinking of how it will make the person they are ghosting feel. A survey from "BuzzFeed" indicated that 81% of people who ghosted did so because they "weren't into" the person they ghosted, 64% said the person they ghosted did something they disliked, and 25% stated they were angry with the person. When a relationship is online and there are few mutual social connections in the relationship, people are more inclined to ghost due to the lack of social consequences. With ghosting becoming more common many people have become desensitized to it, making them more likely to participate in ghosting. Additionally, according to psychologist Kelsey M. Latimer, people who ghost in relationships are more likely to have personality traits and behaviors that are self-centered, avoidant, and manipulative. However, ghosting could also be a sign of self-isolation seen in people with depression, suicidal tendencies, or are relapsing with an addiction. There is limited research directly on the effect of ghosting on the person on the receiving end. However, studies have indicated that ghosting is considered the most hurtful way to end a relationship in comparison to other methods such as direct confrontation. It has been shown to cause feelings of ostracism, exclusion, and rejection. Additionally, the lack of social cues along with the ambiguity in ghosting can cause a form of emotional dysregulation in which a person feels out of control. Some mental health professionals consider ghosting to be a passive-aggressive form of emotional abuse, a type of silent treatment or stonewalling behaviour, and emotional cruelty.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: In his article, "In Defense of Ghosting", Alexander Abad-Santos states: "the thing that undermines these diatribes against ghosting is that...[we] know what happened with their ghost. It just didn't work out and sometimes we just can't accept it." He continues: "[a]t the heart of it, ghosting is as clear as any other form of rejection. The reason we complain about it is that we wanted a different outcome ... which is totally understandable."


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: However, this argument does not account for the inherent ambiguity in ghosting—the person being ghosted does not know whether they are being rejected for something they or somebody else did, whether the person doing it is ashamed or does not know how to break up (or is scared of hurting the other's feelings). Also, the ghost may simply not want to date the victim anymore, or may have started dating someone else while keeping the ghostee as a reserve option in case a relationship does not work out with said other date, as well as they can be facing serious problems in their lives. It may become impossible to tell which it is, making it stressful and painful.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: Ghosting in employment often refers to a person who interviews for a job and is led to believe there is a chance of getting the job, then no acknowledgement of the position being filled is ever conveyed to the interviewee.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: The term has also been used in reference to people accepting job offers and cutting off contact with the potential employer, as well as employees leaving their jobs without any notice.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: While "ghosting" refers to "disappearing from a special someone's life mysteriously and without explanation", numerous similar behaviors have been identified, that include various degrees of continued connection with a target. For example, "Caspering" is a "friendly alternative to ghosting. Instead of ignoring someone, you're honest about how you feel, and let them down gently before disappearing from their lives." Then there is the sentimental and positive, but also ghost-related in origin, Marleying, which is "when an ex gets in touch with you at Christmas out of nowhere". "Cloaking" is another related behavior that occurs when an online match blocks you on all apps while standing you up for a date. The term was coined by Mashable journalist Rachel Thompson after she was stood up for a date by a Hinge match and blocked on all apps.


title: Ghosting (behavior)

text: In 2014, a YouGov survey was taken to see if Americans have ever ghosted their partner to end a relationship. In a 2014 survey, 1,000 US adults were interviewed about ghosting with results yielding that just over 10% of Americans have ghosted someone to break up with them.


title: Mutual information

text: In probability theory and information theory, the mutual information (MI) of two random variables is a measure of the mutual dependence between the two variables. More specifically, it quantifies the "amount of information" (in units such as shannons (bits), nats or hartleys) obtained about one random variable by observing the other random variable. The concept of mutual information is intimately linked to that of entropy of a random variable, a fundamental notion in information theory that quantifies the expected "amount of information" held in a random variable.


title: Mutual information

text: Not limited to real-valued random variables and linear dependence like the correlation coefficient, MI is more general and determines how different the joint distribution of the pair formula_1 is from the product of the marginal distributions of formula_2 and formula_3. MI is the expected value of the pointwise mutual information (PMI).


title: Mutual information

text: The quantity was defined and analyzed by Claude Shannon in his landmark paper "A Mathematical Theory of Communication", although he did not call it "mutual information". This term was coined later by Robert Fano. Mutual Information is also known as information gain.


title: Mutual information

text: Let formula_1 be a pair of random variables with values over the space formula_5. If their joint distribution is formula_6 and the marginal distributions are formula_7 and formula_8, the mutual information is defined as


title: Mutual information

text: Notice, as per property of the Kullback–Leibler divergence, that formula_10 is equal to zero precisely when the joint distribution coincides with the product of the marginals, i.e. when formula_2 and formula_3 are independent (and hence observing formula_3 tells you nothing about formula_2). formula_10 is non-negative, it is a measure of the price for encoding formula_1 as a pair of independent random variables, when in reality they are not.


title: Mutual information

text: If the natural logarithm is used, the unit of mutual information is the nat. If the log base 2 is used, the unit of mutual information is the shannon, also known as the bit. If the log base 10 is used, the unit of mutual information is the hartley, also known as the ban or the dit.


title: Mutual information

text: The mutual information of two jointly discrete random variables formula_2 and formula_3 is calculated as a double sum:


title: Mutual information

text: where formula_6 is the joint probability "mass" function of formula_2 and formula_3, and formula_7 and formula_8 are the marginal probability mass functions of formula_2 and formula_3 respectively.


title: Mutual information

text: where formula_6 is now the joint probability "density" function of formula_2 and formula_3, and formula_7 and formula_8 are the marginal probability density functions of formula_2 and formula_3 respectively.


title: Mutual information

text: Intuitively, mutual information measures the information that formula_2 and formula_3 share: It measures how much knowing one of these variables reduces uncertainty about the other. For example, if formula_2 and formula_3 are independent, then knowing formula_2 does not give any information about formula_3 and vice versa, so their mutual information is zero. At the other extreme, if formula_2 is a deterministic function of formula_3 and formula_3 is a deterministic function of formula_2 then all information conveyed by formula_2 is shared with formula_3: knowing formula_2 determines the value of formula_3 and vice versa. As a result, in this case the mutual information is the same as the uncertainty contained in formula_3 (or formula_2) alone, namely the entropy of formula_3 (or formula_2). Moreover, this mutual information is the same as the entropy of formula_2 and as the entropy of formula_3. (A very special case of this is when formula_2 and formula_3 are the same random variable.)


title: Mutual information

text: Mutual information is a measure of the inherent dependence expressed in the joint distribution of formula_2 and formula_3 relative to the marginal distribution of formula_2 and formula_3 under the assumption of independence. Mutual information therefore measures dependence in the following sense: formula_59 if and only if formula_2 and formula_3 are independent random variables. This is easy to see in one direction: if formula_2 and formula_3 are independent, then formula_64, and therefore:


title: Mutual information

text: Moreover, mutual information is nonnegative (i.e. formula_66 see below) and symmetric (i.e. formula_67 see below).


title: Mutual information

text: Using Jensen's inequality on the definition of mutual information we can show that formula_68 is non-negative, i.e.


title: Mutual information

text: where formula_72 and formula_73 are the marginal entropies, formula_74 and formula_75 are the conditional entropies, and formula_76 is the joint entropy of formula_2 and formula_3.


title: Mutual information

text: Notice the analogy to the union, difference, and intersection of two sets: in this respect, all the formulas given above are apparent from the Venn diagram reported at the beginning of the article.


title: Mutual information

text: In terms of a communication channel in which the output formula_3 is a noisy version of the input formula_2, these relations are summarised in the figure:


title: Mutual information

text: Because formula_68 is non-negative, consequently, formula_82. Here we give the detailed deduction of formula_83 for the case of jointly discrete random variables:


title: Mutual information

text: The proofs of the other identities above are similar. The proof of the general case (not just discrete) is similar, with integrals replacing sums.


title: Mutual information

text: Intuitively, if entropy formula_73 is regarded as a measure of uncertainty about a random variable, then formula_75 is a measure of what formula_2 does "not" say about formula_3. This is "the amount of uncertainty remaining about formula_3 after formula_2 is known", and thus the right side of the second of these equalities can be read as "the amount of uncertainty in formula_3, minus the amount of uncertainty in formula_3 which remains after formula_2 is known", which is equivalent to "the amount of uncertainty in formula_3 which is removed by knowing formula_2". This corroborates the intuitive meaning of mutual information as the amount of information (that is, reduction in uncertainty) that knowing either variable provides about the other.


title: Mutual information

text: Note that in the discrete case formula_96 and therefore formula_97. Thus formula_98, and one can formulate the basic principle that a variable contains at least as much information about itself as any other variable can provide.


title: Mutual information

text: For jointly discrete or jointly continuous pairs formula_1, mutual information is the Kullback–Leibler divergence from the product of the marginal distributions, formula_100, of the joint distribution formula_101, that is,


title: Mutual information

text: Note that here the Kullback–Leibler divergence involves integration over the values of the random variable formula_2 only, and the expression formula_105 still denotes a random variable because formula_3 is random. Thus mutual information can also be understood as the expectation of the Kullback–Leibler divergence of the univariate distribution formula_107 of formula_2 from the conditional distribution formula_109 of formula_2 given formula_3: the more different the distributions formula_109 and formula_107 are on average, the greater the information gain.


title: Mutual information

text: If samples from a joint distribution are available, a Bayesian approach can be used to estimate the mutual information of that distribution. The first work to do this, which also showed how to do Bayesian estimation of many other information-theoretic properties besides mutual information, was. Subsequent researchers have rederived and extended


title: Mutual information

text: information per se. Besides, recently an estimation method accounting for continuous and multivariate outputs, formula_3, was proposed in


title: Mutual information

text: The Kullback-Leibler divergence formulation of the mutual information is predicated on that one is interested in comparing formula_115 to the fully factorized outer product formula_116. In many problems, such as non-negative matrix factorization, one is interested in less extreme factorizations; specifically, one wishes to compare formula_115 to a low-rank matrix approximation in some unknown variable formula_118; that is, to what degree one might have


title: Mutual information

text: Alternately, one might be interested in knowing how much more information formula_115 carries over its factorization. In such a case, the excess information that the full distribution formula_115 carries over the matrix factorization is given by the Kullback-Leibler divergence


title: Mutual information

text: The conventional definition of the mutual information is recovered in the extreme case that the process formula_123 has only one value for formula_118.


title: Mutual information

text: Several variations on mutual information have been proposed to suit various needs. Among these are normalized variants and generalizations to more than two variables.


title: Mutual information

text: Many applications require a metric, that is, a distance measure between pairs of points. The quantity


title: Mutual information

text: satisfies the properties of a metric (triangle inequality, non-negativity, indiscernability and symmetry). This distance metric is also known as the variation of information.


title: Mutual information

text: If formula_126 are discrete random variables then all the entropy terms are non-negative, so formula_127 and one can define a normalized distance


title: Mutual information

text: The metric formula_129 is a universal metric, in that if any other distance measure places formula_2 and formula_3 close by, then the formula_129 will also judge them close.


title: Mutual information

text: This is known as the Rajski Distance. In a set-theoretic interpretation of information (see the figure for Conditional entropy), this is effectively the Jaccard distance between formula_2 and formula_3.


title: Mutual information

text: Sometimes it is useful to express the mutual information of two random variables conditioned on a third.


title: Mutual information

text: Conditioning on a third random variable may either increase or decrease the mutual information, but it is always true that


title: Mutual information

text: for discrete, jointly distributed random variables formula_142. This result has been used as a basic building block for proving other inequalities in information theory.


title: Mutual information

text: Several generalizations of mutual information to more than two random variables have been proposed, such as total correlation (or multi-information) and dual total correlation. The expression and study of multivariate higher-degree mutual information was achieved in two seemingly independent works: McGill (1954) who called these functions "interaction information", and Hu Kuo Ting (1962). Interaction information is defined for one variable as follows:


title: Mutual information

text: Some authors reverse the order of the terms on the right-hand side of the preceding equation, which changes the sign when the number of random variables is odd. (And in this case, the single-variable expression becomes the negative of the entropy.) Note that


title: Mutual information

text: The multivariate mutual information functions generalize the pairwise independence case that states that formula_147 if and only if formula_148, to arbitrary numerous variable. n variables are mutually independent if and only if the formula_149 mutual information functions vanish formula_150 with formula_151 (theorem 2). In this sense, the formula_150 can be used as a refined statistical independence criterion.


title: Mutual information

text: For 3 variables, Brenner et al. applied multivariate mutual information to neural coding and called its negativity "synergy" and Watkinson et al. applied it to genetic expression. For arbitrary k variables, Tapia et al. applied multivariate mutual information to gene expression. It can be zero, positive, or negative. The positivity corresponds to relations generalizing the pairwise correlations, nullity corresponds to a refined notion of independence, and negativity detects high dimensional "emergent" relations and clusterized datapoints ).


title: Mutual information

text: One high-dimensional generalization scheme which maximizes the mutual information between the joint distribution and other target variables is found to be useful in feature selection.


title: Mutual information

text: Mutual information is also used in the area of signal processing as a measure of similarity between two signals. For example, FMI metric is an image fusion performance measure that makes use of mutual information in order to measure the amount of information that the fused image contains about the source images. The Matlab code for this metric can be found at. A python package for computing all multivariate mutual informations, conditional mutual information, joint entropies, total correlations, information distance in a dataset of n variables is available.


title: Mutual information

text: Directed information, formula_153, measures the amount of information that flows from the process formula_154 to formula_155, where formula_154 denotes the vector formula_157 and formula_155 denotes formula_159. The term "directed information" was coined by James Massey and is defined as


title: Mutual information

text: Note that if formula_161, the directed information becomes the mutual information. Directed information has many applications in problems where causality plays an important role, such as capacity of channel with feedback.


title: Mutual information

text: Normalized variants of the mutual information are provided by the "coefficients of constraint", uncertainty coefficient or proficiency:


title: Mutual information

text: The two coefficients have a value ranging in [0, 1], but are not necessarily equal. In some cases a symmetric measure may be desired, such as the following "redundancy" measure:


title: Mutual information

text: when one variable becomes completely redundant with the knowledge of the other. See also "Redundancy (information theory)".


title: Mutual information

text: If we consider mutual information as a special case of the total correlation or dual total correlation, the normalized version are respectively,


title: Mutual information

text: This normalized version also known as Information Quality Ratio (IQR) which quantifies the amount of information of a variable based on another variable against total uncertainty:


title: Mutual information

text: There's a normalization which derives from first thinking of mutual information as an analogue to covariance (thus Shannon entropy is analogous to variance). Then the normalized mutual information is calculated akin to the Pearson correlation coefficient,


title: Mutual information

text: each "event" or "object" specified by formula_172 is weighted by the corresponding probability formula_173. This assumes that all objects or events are equivalent "apart from" their probability of occurrence. However, in some applications it may be the case that certain objects or events are more "significant" than others, or that certain patterns of association are more semantically important than others.


title: Mutual information

text: For example, the deterministic mapping formula_174 may be viewed as stronger than the deterministic mapping formula_175, although these relationships would yield the same mutual information. This is because the mutual information is not sensitive at all to any inherent ordering in the variable values (, , ), and is therefore not sensitive at all to the form of the relational mapping between the associated variables. If it is desired that the former relation—showing agreement on all variable values—be judged stronger than the later relation, then it is possible to use the following "weighted mutual information" .


title: Mutual information

text: which places a weight formula_177 on the probability of each variable value co-occurrence, formula_115. This allows that certain probabilities may carry more or less significance than others, thereby allowing the quantification of relevant "holistic" or "Prägnanz" factors. In the above example, using larger relative weights for formula_179, formula_180, and formula_181 would have the effect of assessing greater "informativeness" for the relation formula_174 than for the relation formula_175, which may be desirable in some cases of pattern recognition, and the like. This weighted mutual information is a form of weighted KL-Divergence, which is known to take negative values for some inputs, and there are examples where the weighted mutual information also takes negative values.


title: Mutual information

text: A probability distribution can be viewed as a partition of a set. One may then ask: if a set were partitioned randomly, what would the distribution of probabilities be? What would the expectation value of the mutual information be? The adjusted mutual information or AMI subtracts the expectation value of the MI, so that the AMI is zero when two different distributions are random, and one when two distributions are identical. The AMI is defined in analogy to the adjusted Rand index of two different partitions of a set.


title: Mutual information

text: Using the ideas of Kolmogorov complexity, one can consider the mutual information of two sequences independent of any probability distribution:


title: Mutual information

text: To establish that this quantity is symmetric up to a logarithmic factor (formula_185) one requires the chain rule for Kolmogorov complexity . Approximations of this quantity via compression can be used to define a distance measure to perform a hierarchical clustering of sequences without having any domain knowledge of the sequences .


title: Mutual information

text: Unlike correlation coefficients, such as the product moment correlation coefficient, mutual information contains information about all dependence—linear and nonlinear—and not just linear dependence as the correlation coefficient measures. However, in the narrow case that the joint distribution for formula_2 and formula_3 is a bivariate normal distribution (implying in particular that both marginal distributions are normally distributed), there is an exact relationship between formula_188 and the correlation coefficient formula_189 .


title: Mutual information

text: When formula_2 and formula_3 are limited to be in a discrete number of states, observation data is summarized in a contingency table, with row variable formula_2 (or formula_196) and column variable formula_3 (or formula_198). Mutual information is one of the measures of association or correlation between the row and column variables.


title: Mutual information

text: Other measures of association include Pearson's chi-squared test statistics, G-test statistics, etc. In fact, with the same log base, mutual information will be equal to the G-test log-likelihood statistic divided by formula_199, where formula_200 is the sample size.


title: Mutual information

text: In many applications, one wants to maximize mutual information (thus increasing dependencies), which is often equivalent to minimizing conditional entropy. Examples include:


title: Sámi languages

text: Sámi languages ( ), in English also rendered as Sami and Saami, are a group of Uralic languages spoken by the Sámi people in Northern Europe (in parts of northern Finland, Norway, Sweden, and extreme northwestern Russia). There are, depending on the nature and terms of division, ten or more Sami languages. Several spellings have been used for the Sámi languages, including "Sámi", "Sami", "Saami", "Saame", "Sámic", "Samic" and "Saamic", as well as the exonyms Lappish and "Lappic". The last two, along with the term "Lapp", are now often considered pejorative.


title: Sámi languages

text: The Sámi languages form a branch of the Uralic language family. According to the traditional view, Sámi is within the Uralic family most closely related to the Finnic languages (Sammallahti 1998). However, this view has recently been doubted by some scholars who argue that the traditional view of a common Finno-Sami protolanguage is not as strongly supported as had been earlier assumed, and that the similarities may stem from an areal influence on Samic from Finnic.


title: Sámi languages

text: In terms of internal relationships, the Sami languages are divided into the two groups of western and eastern. The groups may be further divided into various subgroups and ultimately individual languages. (Sammallahti 1998: 6-38.) Parts of the Sami language area form a dialect continuum in which the neighbouring languages may be mutually intelligible to a fair degree, but two more widely separated groups will not understand each other's speech. There are, however, some sharp language boundaries, in particular between Northern Sami, Inari Sami and Skolt Sami, the speakers of which are not able to understand each other without learning or long practice. The evolution of sharp language boundaries seems to suggest a relative isolation of the language speakers from each other and not very intensive contacts between the respective speakers in the past. There is some significance in this, as the geographical barriers between the respective speakers are no different from those in other parts of the Sami area.


title: Sámi languages

text: The Sami languages are spoken in Sápmi in Northern Europe, in a region stretching over the four countries Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia, reaching from the southern part of central Scandinavia in the southwest to the tip of the Kola Peninsula in the east. The borders between the languages do not align with the ones separating the region's modern states.


title: Sámi languages

text: During the Middle Ages and early modern period, now-extinct Sami languages were also spoken in the central and southern parts of Finland and Karelia and in a wider area on the Scandinavian Peninsula. Historical documents as well as Finnish and Karelian oral tradition contain many mentions of the earlier Sami inhabitation in these areas (Itkonen, 1947). Also, loanwords as well as place-names of Sami origin in the southern dialects of Finnish and Karelian dialects testify of earlier Sami presence in the area (Koponen, 1996; Saarikivi, 2004; Aikio, 2007). These Sami languages, however, became extinct later, under the wave of the Finno-Karelian agricultural expansion.


title: Sámi languages

text: The Proto-Samic language is believed to have formed in the vicinity of the Gulf of Finland between 1000 BC to 700 AD, deriving from a common Proto-Sami-Finnic language (M. Korhonen 1981). However, reconstruction of any basic proto-languages in the Uralic family have reached a level close to or identical to Proto-Uralic (Salminen 1999). According to the comparative linguist Ante Aikio, the Proto-Samic language developed in South Finland or in Karelia around 2000–2500 years ago, spreading then to northern Fennoscandia. The language is believed to have expanded west and north into Fennoscandia during the Nordic Iron Age, reaching central Scandinavia during the Proto-Scandinavian period ca. 500 AD (Bergsland 1996). The language assimilated several layers of unknown Paleo-European languages from the early hunter-gatherers, first during the Proto-Sami phase and second in the subsequent expansion of the language in the west and the north of Fennoscandia that is part of modern Sami today. (Aikio 2004, Aikio 2006).


title: Sámi languages

text: At present there are nine living Sami languages. Eight of the languages have independent literary languages; the other one has no written standard, and of it, there are only a few, mainly elderly, speakers left. The ISO 639-2 code for all Sami languages without their own code is "smi". The eight written languages are:


title: Sámi languages

text: The other Sami languages are critically endangered (moribund, have very few speakers left) or extinct. Ten speakers of Ter Sami were known to be alive in 2004. The last speaker of Akkala Sami is known to have died in December 2003, and the eleventh attested variety, Kemi Sami, became extinct in the 19th century. An additional Sami language, Kainuu Sami, became extinct in the 18th century, and probably belonged to the Eastern group like Kemi Sami, although the evidence for the language is limited.


title: Sámi languages

text: The use of Ææ in Norway vs. Ää in Sweden merely reflects the orthographic standards used in the Norwegian and Swedish alphabets, respectively, not differences pronunciations.


title: Sámi languages

text: The letter Đ in Sámi languages is a capital D with a bar across it (Unicode code point: U+0110), which is also used in Serbo-Croatian, Vietnamese, etc., not the near-identical capital eth (Ð; U+00D0) used in Icelandic, Faroese or Old English.


title: Sámi languages

text: The capital letter Ŋ (eng) is commonly presented in Sámi languages using the "N-form" variant based the usual Latin uppercase N with a hook added. Unicode assigns code point U+014A to the uppercase eng, but does not proscribe the form of the glyph.


title: Sámi languages

text: The Skolt Sámi standard uses ʹ (U+02B9) as a soft sign, but other apostrophes, such as ' (U+0027), ˊ (U+02CA) or ´ (U+00B4), are also sometimes used in published texts.


title: Sámi languages

text: The Kildin Sámi orthography uses the Russian Cyrillic script with these additional letters: А̄а̄ Ӓӓ Е̄е̄ Ё̄ё̄ Һһ/ʼ Ӣӣ Јј/Ҋҋ Ӆӆ Ӎӎ Ӊӊ Ӈӈ О̄о̄ Ҏҏ Ӯӯ Ҍҍ Э̄э̄ Ӭӭ Ю̄ю̄ Я̄я̄


title: Sámi languages

text: Adopted in April 1988, Article 110a of the Norwegian Constitution states: "It is the responsibility of the authorities of the State to create conditions enabling the Sami people to preserve and develop its language, culture and way of life". The Sami Language Act went into effect in the 1990s. Sámi is an official language alongside Norwegian in the "administrative area for Sámi language", that includes eight municipalities in the northern half of Norway, namely Kautokeino, Karasjok, Gáivuotna – Kåfjord – Kaivuono, Nesseby, Porsanger, Tana, Tysfjord, Lavangen and Snåsa. In 2005 Sámi, Kven, Romanes and Romani were recognised as "regional or minority languages" in Norway within the framework of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.


title: Sámi languages

text: On 1 April 2000, Sami became one of five recognized minority languages in Sweden. It can be used in dealing with public authorities in the municipalities of Arjeplog, Gällivare, Jokkmokk, and Kiruna. In 2011, this list was enlarged considerably. In Sweden the University of Umeå teaches North, Ume and South Sami, and Uppsala University has courses in North, Lule and South Sami.


title: Sámi languages

text: In Finland, the Sami language act of 1991 granted the Northern, Inari, and Skolt Sami the right to use their languages for all government services. The "Sami Language Act of 2003" (; ; ; ; ) made Sami an official language in Enontekiö, Inari, Sodankylä and Utsjoki municipalities. Some documents, such as specific legislation, are translated into these Sami languages, but knowledge of any of these Sami languages among officials is not common. As the major language in the region is Finnish, Sami speakers are essentially always bilingual with Finnish. Language nest daycares have been set up for teaching the languages to children. In education, Northern Sami, and to a more limited degree, Inari and Skolt Sami, can be studied at primary and secondary levels, both as a mothertongue (for native speakers) and as a foreign language (for non-native speakers).


title: Sámi languages

text: In Russia, Sámi has no official status, neither on the national, regional or local level. It is included in the list of indigenous minority languages. (Kildin) Sami has been taught at the Murmansk State Technical University since 2012; before then, it was taught at the Institute of the Peoples of the North in Saint Petersburg.


title: Pitcher plant

text: Pitcher plants are several different carnivorous plants which have modified leaves known as pitfall traps—a prey-trapping mechanism featuring a deep cavity filled with digestive liquid. The traps of what are considered to be "true" pitcher plants are formed by specialized leaves. The plants attract and drown their prey with nectar.


title: Pitcher plant

text: The term "pitcher plant" generally refers to members of the Nepenthaceae and Sarraceniaceae families, but similar pitfall traps are employed by the monotypic Cephalotaceae and some members of the Bromeliaceae. The families Nepenthaceae and Sarraceniaceae


title: Pitcher plant

text: The Nepenthaceae contains a single genus, "Nepenthes", containing over 100 species and numerous hybrids and cultivars. In this genus of Old World pitcher plants, the pitchers are borne at the end of tendrils that extend from the midrib of an otherwise unexceptional leaf. Old World pitcher plants are typically characterized as having reduced and symmetrical pitchers with a comprehensive waxy coating on the surface of the inner pitcher wall. The plants themselves are often climbers, accessing the canopy of their habitats using the aforementioned tendrils, although others are found on the ground in forest clearings, or as epiphytes on trees.


title: Pitcher plant

text: The New World pitcher plants (Sarraceniaceae), which comprise three genera, are ground-dwelling herbs whose pitchers arise from a horizontal rhizome. In this family, the entire leaf forms the pitcher, as opposed to Nepenthaceae where the pitcher arises from the terminal portion of the leaf. The species of the genus "Heliamphora", which are popularly known as marsh pitchers (or erroneously as sun pitchers), have a simple rolled-leaf pitcher, at the tip of which is a spoon-like structure that secretes nectar. They are restricted to areas of high rainfall in South America. The North American genus "Sarracenia" are the trumpet pitchers, which have a more complex trap than "Heliamphora", with an operculum, which prevents excess accumulation of rainwater in most of the species. The single species in the Californian genus "Darlingtonia" is popularly known as the cobra plant, due to its possession of an inflated "lid" with elegant false-exits, and a forked "tongue", which serves to ferry ants and other prey to the entrance of the damn pitcher. The species in the genus "Sarracenia" readily hybridize, making their classification a complex matter.


title: Pitcher plant

text: The Cephalotaceae is a monotypic family with but one genus and species, "Cephalotus follicularis". This species has a small (2–5  cm) pitcher similar in form to those of "Nepenthes". It occurs in only one location in southwestern Australia.


title: Pitcher plant

text: A few species of bromeliads (Bromeliaceae), such as "Brocchinia reducta" and "Catopsis berteroniana", are known or suspected to be carnivorous. Bromeliads are monocots, and given that they all naturally collect water where their leaves meet each other, and that many collect detritus, it is not surprising that a few should have been naturally selected to develop the habit into carnivory by the addition of wax and downward-pointing hairs.


title: Pitcher plant

text: The purple pitcher plant, "Sarracenia purpurea", is the floral emblem of the province of Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada.


title: Pitcher plant

text: Foraging, flying, or crawling insects such as flies are attracted to a cavity formed by the cupped leaf, often by visual lures such as anthocyanin pigments, and nectar. The rim of the pitcher (peristome) is slippery when moistened by condensation or nectar, causing insects to fall into the trap. The walls of the pitfall may be covered with waxy scales, protruding aldehyde crystals, cuticular folds, downward-pointing hairs, or guard-cell-originating lunate cells, to help prevent escape. The small bodies of liquid contained within the pitcher traps are called phytotelmata. They drown the insect, whose body is gradually dissolved. This may occur by bacterial action (the bacteria being washed into the pitcher by rainfall), or by digestive enzymes secreted by the plant itself. Pitcher trap fluids largely vary in their viscoelasticity and acidity which then dictates which type of prey they can target. For example, increased viscoelasticity is associated with increased insect retention to help capture flying insects such as flies, whereas increased fluid acidity can decrease insect killing-time which can help capture crawling insects such as ants. Some pitcher plants contain mutualistic insect larvae, which feed on trapped prey, and whose excreta the plant absorbs. Whatever the mechanism of digestion, the prey items are converted into a solution of amino acids, peptides, phosphates, ammonium and urea, from which the plant obtains its mineral nutrition (particularly nitrogen and phosphorus). Like all carnivorous plants, they all grow in locations where the soil is too poor in minerals and/or too acidic for most plants to survive. Pitcher plants supplement available nutrients and minerals (which plants normally obtain through their roots) with the constituents of their insect prey.


title: Pitcher plant

text: Mature plants of "Nepenthes lowii" attract tree shrews (Tupaia montana), which feed on nectar that the plant produces but also defecate into the pitcher, providing nitrates and other nutrients. The plant and tree shrew have a symbiotic relationship. The rim of "N. lowii" is not slippery so that tree shrews can easily get in and out; it provides more nectar than other pitcher plants. The shape of the pitcher rim and the position of the nectar ensure that the animal's hindquarters are over the rim while it feeds.


title: Pitcher plant

text: It is widely assumed pitfall traps evolved by epiascidiation (infolding of the leaf with the adaxial or upper surface becoming the inside of the pitcher), with selection pressure favouring more deeply cupped leaves over evolutionary time. The pitcher trap evolved independently in three eudicot lineages and one monocot lineage, representing a case of convergent evolution. Some pitcher plant families (such as Nepenthaceae) are placed within clades consisting mostly of flypaper traps, indicating that some pitchers may have evolved from the common ancestors of today's flypaper traps by loss of mucilage.


title: Land of Nod

text: The Land of Nod (Hebrew:  – "ʾereṣ-Nōḏ") is a place mentioned in the Book of Genesis of the Hebrew Bible, located "on the east of Eden" ("qiḏmaṯ-ʿḖḏen"), where Cain was exiled by God after Cain had murdered his brother Abel. According to Genesis 4:16:


title: Land of Nod

text: Genesis 4:17 relates that after arriving in the Land of Nod, Cain's wife bore him a son, Enoch, in whose name he built the first city.


title: Land of Nod

text: "Nod" () is the Hebrew root of the verb "to wander" (). Therefore, to dwell in the land of Nod can mean to live a wandering life. Gesenius defines () as follows:


title: Land of Nod

text: TO BE MOVED, TO BE AGITATED (Arab. Med. Waw id.), used of a reed shaken by the wind, 1Ki.14:15; hence "to wander, to be a fugitive", Jer. 4:1; Gen. 4:12, 14; Ps.56:9; "to flee", Ps. 11:1; Jer. 49:30. Figuratively, Isa. 17:11, "the harvest has fled" ["but see ," which some take in this place as the subst.].


title: Land of Nod

text: Much as Cain's name is connected to the verb meaning "to get" in Genesis 4:1, the name "Nod" closely resembles the word "nad" (), usually translated as "vagabond", in Genesis 4:12. (In the Septuagint's rendering of the same verse God curses Cain to τρέμων, "trembling".)


title: Land of Nod

text: A Greek version of Nod written as appearing in the "Onomastica Vaticana" possibly derives from the plural , which relates to resting and sleeping. This derivation, coincidentally or not, connects with the English pun on "nod".


title: Land of Nod

text: Josephus wrote in "Antiquities of the Jews" (c. AD 93) that Cain continued his wickedness in Nod: resorting to violence and robbery; establishing weights and measures; transforming human culture from innocence into craftiness and deceit; establishing property lines; and building a fortified city.


title: Land of Nod

text: Nod is said to be outside of the presence or face of God. Origen defined Nod as the land of trembling and wrote that it symbolized the condition of all who forsake God. Early commentators treated it as the opposite of Eden (worse still than the land of exile for the rest of humanity). In the English tradition Nod was sometimes described as a desert inhabited only by ferocious beasts or monsters. Others interpreted Nod as dark or even underground—away from the face of God.


title: Land of Nod

text: Augustine described unconverted Jews as dwellers in the land of Nod, which he defined as commotion and "carnal disquietude".


title: Land of Nod

text: Land of Nod is the name of a hamlet in the East Riding of Yorkshire, England. It is located at the far end of a two-mile-long (3.2 km) road, which joins the A614 road at Holme-on-Spalding-Moor ().


title: Land of Nod

text: The name "Land of Nod" was accorded locally to the northerly 3,000 acres (1,214.1 hectares) of the Great Plot lying north of Woburn, Massachusetts, at its foundation in 1640-42, "the name being probably suggested by a comparison of its forlorn condition — so far remote from church ordinances — with the Nod to which Cain wandered when he went 'from the presence of the Lord'." Its Native American name was "Nena Saawaattawattocks".


title: Land of Nod

text: Land of Nod Road is the name of a residential road in Windham, Maine, US (), and a private road in Headley Down, Hampshire, UK ().


title: Land of Nod

text: The Land of Nod can refer to the mythical land of sleep, a pun on "Land of Nod" (Gen. 4:16). To "go off to the land of Nod" plays with the phrase to "nod off", meaning to go to sleep.


title: Land of Nod

text: The first recorded use of the phrase to mean "sleep" comes from Jonathan Swift in his "Complete Collection of Genteel and Ingenious Conversation" (1737) and "Gulliver's Travels".


title: Land of Nod

text: A later instance of this usage appears in the poem "The Land of Nod" by Robert Louis Stevenson from the "A Child's Garden of Verses" (1885) collection.


title: Land of Nod

text: In the "Arc of a Scythe" series by Neal Shusterman, the Land of Nod is mythologized as containing a mythical fail-safe against the Scythedom and becomes critically important to the plot of the third book.


title: Land of Nod

text: In Fevre Dream by George R. R. Martin, the Land of Nod is suggested as a place where vampires originated.


title: Piss Christ

text: Immersion (Piss Christ) is a 1987 photograph by the American artist and photographer Andres Serrano. It depicts a small plastic crucifix submerged in a small glass tank of the artist's urine. The piece was a winner of the Southeastern Center for Contemporary Art's "Awards in the Visual Arts" competition, which was sponsored in part by the National Endowment for the Arts, a United States Government agency that offers support and funding for artistic projects.


title: Piss Christ

text: The work generated much controversy based on assertions that it was blasphemous. Serrano said of the controversy: "I had no idea "Piss Christ" would get the attention it did, since I meant neither blasphemy nor offense by it. I've been a Catholic all my life, so I am a follower of Christ."


title: Piss Christ

text: The photograph is of a small plastic crucifix submerged in what appears to be an orange liquid. The artist described the substance as his own urine in a glass. The photograph was one of a series of photographs that Serrano had made that involved classical statuettes submerged in various fluids—milk, blood, and urine. It followed two years after Serrano's 1985 work, "Blood Cross". The full title of the work is "Immersion (Piss Christ)". The photograph is a Cibachrome print. It is glossy, and its colors are deeply saturated. The presentation is that of a golden, rosy medium, including a constellation of tiny bubbles. Without Serrano specifying the substance to be urine and without the artwork title referring to urine by another name, the viewer would not necessarily be able to differentiate between the stated medium of urine and a medium of similar appearances, such as amber or polyurethane.


title: Piss Christ

text: Serrano has not ascribed overtly political content to "Piss Christ" and related artworks, stressing their ambiguity. He has also said that while this work is not intended to denounce religion, it alludes to the recent trend of commercializing or cheapening Christian icons in contemporary culture. Subsequently, he has explicitly rejected the assertion that he was motivated by blasphemy, saying instead that it was intended as a serious work of Christian art. He said, "What it symbolizes is the way Christ died: the blood came out of him but so did the piss and the shit. Maybe if Piss Christ upsets you, it's because it gives some sense of what the crucifixion actually was like...I was born and raised a Catholic and I've been a Christian all my life."


title: Piss Christ

text: The art critic Lucy R. Lippard has presented a constructive case for the formal value of Serrano's "Piss Christ", which she characterizes as mysterious and beautiful. She writes that the work is "a darkly beautiful photographic image… the small wood and plastic crucifix becomes virtually monumental as it floats, photographically enlarged, in a deep rosy glow that is both ominous and glorious." Lippard suggests that the formal values of the image can be regarded separately from other meanings.


title: Piss Christ

text: In 1987, Serrano's "Piss Christ" was exhibited at the Stux Gallery in New York and was favorably received. The piece later caused a scandal when it was exhibited in 1989, with detractors, including United States Senators Al D'Amato and Jesse Helms, outraged that Serrano received $15,000 for the work, and $5,000 in 1986 from the taxpayer-funded National Endowment for the Arts. Serrano received death threats and hate mail, and he lost grants due to the controversy. Others alleged that the government funding of "Piss Christ" violated the separation of church and state. The NEA's budget was cut.


title: Piss Christ

text: Sister Wendy Beckett, an art historian and Catholic nun, stated in a television interview with Bill Moyers that she regarded the work as not blasphemous but a statement on "what we are doing to Christ." Beckett said that she was tempted to say that "Piss Christ" might be "comforting art" which she defined as art that was easy to have an opinion and react to. She said, " ... they're not challenged in the slightest. Ninety percent of them think it's blasphemous, and few like me think, well, it might not be. It might be a rather ham-fisted attempt, to preach about the need to reverence the Crucifix. Not a very gifted young man but he's trying his best." "Real art," she continued, "makes demands."


title: Piss Christ

text: During a retrospective of Serrano's work at the National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) in 1997, the then Catholic Archbishop of Melbourne, George Pell, sought an injunction from the Supreme Court of Victoria to restrain the National Gallery of Victoria from publicly displaying "Piss Christ", which was not granted. Some days later, one patron attempted to remove the work from the gallery wall, and two teenagers later attacked it with a hammer. Gallery officials reported receiving death threats in response to "Piss Christ". NGV Director Timothy Potts cancelled the show, allegedly out of concern for a Rembrandt exhibition that was also on display at the time. Supporters argued that the controversy over "Piss Christ" is an issue of artistic freedom and freedom of speech.


title: Piss Christ

text: "Piss Christ" was included in "Down by Law", a "show within a show" on identity politics and disobedience that formed part of the 2006 Whitney Biennial. The British TV documentary "Damned in the U.S.A.", first shown by Channel 4 in its "Without Walls" arts series in 1991, explored the controversy surrounding "Piss Christ", and interviewed Serrano about the work.


title: Piss Christ

text: On April 17, 2011, a print of "Piss Christ" was vandalized "beyond repair" by Christian protesters while on display during the "Je crois aux miracles" (I believe in miracles) exhibition at the Collection Lambert, a contemporary art museum in Avignon, France. Serrano's photo "The Church" was similarly vandalized in the attack.


title: Piss Christ

text: Beginning September 27, 2012, "Piss Christ" was on display at the Edward Tyler Nahem gallery in New York, at the Serrano show "Body and Spirit." Religious groups and some lawmakers called for President Barack Obama to denounce the artwork, comparing it to the anti-Islamic film "Innocence of Muslims" that the White House had condemned earlier that month.


title: Piss Christ

text: On October 14, 2022, "Piss Christ" was sold at a Sotheby's auction in London, UK for £130,000 (USD $145,162).


title: Electric Light Orchestra discography

text: Below is the complete Electric Light Orchestra (ELO) discography including imports, videos, and hit singles. ELO's back catalogue is unusual since their compilation albums far outweigh their studio output in number, owing to the large number of hit singles primarily written by Jeff Lynne.


title: Electric Light Orchestra discography

text: From 1972 to 1986, ELO accumulated more combined UK and US Top 40 hits than any other band in the world, and also generated the third most UK and US separate Top 40 hits.


title: Electric Light Orchestra discography

text: Notes: The peak chart listings are accurate but incomplete because of the limited availability of past chart information regarding other countries. All of the RIAA and BPI certifications and/or re-certifications listed are out of date, the majority being decades old. The fact that some albums are listed as non-certified does not necessarily mean those albums have not reached certification sales levels. Record companies that own the manufacturing and distribution rights to a particular record have to pay the RIAA, BPI and related bodies to research, audit and certify that record, whether it be an album, single or compilation.


title: Anthropometry

text: Anthropometry () refers to the measurement of the human individual. An early tool of physical anthropology, it has been used for identification, for the purposes of understanding human physical variation, in paleoanthropology and in various attempts to correlate physical with racial and psychological traits. Anthropometry involves the systematic measurement of the physical properties of the human body, primarily dimensional descriptors of body size and shape. Since commonly used methods and approaches in analysing living standards were not helpful enough, the anthropometric history became very useful for historians in answering questions that interested them.


title: Anthropometry

text: Today, anthropometry plays an important role in industrial design, clothing design, ergonomics and architecture where statistical data about the distribution of body dimensions in the population are used to optimize products. Changes in lifestyles, nutrition, and ethnic composition of populations lead to changes in the distribution of body dimensions (e.g. the rise in obesity) and require regular updating of anthropometric data collections.


title: Anthropometry

text: The history of anthropometry includes and spans various concepts, both scientific and pseudoscientific, such as craniometry, paleoanthropology, biological anthropology, phrenology, physiognomy, forensics, criminology, phylogeography, human origins, and cranio-facial description, as well as correlations between various anthropometrics and personal identity, mental typology, personality, cranial vault and brain size, and other factors.


title: Anthropometry

text: At various times in history, applications of anthropometry have ranged vastly—from accurate scientific description and epidemiological analysis to rationales for eugenics and overtly racist social movements—and its points of concern have been numerous, diverse, and sometimes highly unexpected.


title: Anthropometry

text: Human height varies greatly between individuals and across populations for a variety of complex biological, genetic, and environmental factors, among others. Due to methodological and practical problems, its measurement is also subject to considerable error in statistical sampling.


title: Anthropometry

text: The average height in genetically and environmentally homogeneous populations is often proportional across a large number of individuals. Exceptional height variation (around 20% deviation from a population's average) within such a population is sometimes due to gigantism or dwarfism, which are caused by specific genes or endocrine abnormalities. It is important to note that a great degree of variation occurs between even the most 'common' bodies (66% of the population), and as such no person can be considered 'average'.


title: Anthropometry

text: In the most extreme population comparisons, for example, the average female height in Bolivia is while the average male height in the Dinaric Alps is , an average difference of . Similarly, the shortest and tallest of individuals, Chandra Bahadur Dangi and Robert Wadlow, have ranged from to , respectively.


title: Anthropometry

text: The age range where most females stop growing is 15–18 years and the age range where most males stop growing is 18–21 years.


title: Anthropometry

text: Human weight varies extensively both individually and across populations, with the most extreme documented examples of adults being Lucia Zarate who weighed , and Jon Brower Minnoch who weighed , and with population extremes ranging from in Bangladesh to in Micronesia.


title: Anthropometry

text: Adult brain size varies from to in females and to in males, with the average being and , respectively. The right cerebral hemisphere is typically larger than the left, whereas the cerebellar hemispheres are typically of more similar size.


title: Anthropometry

text: Size of the human stomach varies significantly in adults, with one study showing volumes ranging from to and weights ranging from to .


title: Anthropometry

text: Male and female genitalia exhibit considerable individual variation, with penis size differing substantially and vaginal size differing significantly in healthy adults.


title: Anthropometry

text: Human beauty and physical attractiveness have been preoccupations throughout history which often intersect with anthropometric standards. Cosmetology, facial symmetry, and waist–hip ratio are three such examples where measurements are commonly thought to be fundamental.


title: Anthropometry

text: Anthropometric studies today are conducted to investigate the evolutionary significance of differences in body proportion between populations whose ancestors lived in different environments. Human populations exhibit climatic variation patterns similar to those of other large-bodied mammals, following Bergmann's rule, which states that individuals in cold climates will tend to be larger than ones in warm climates, and Allen's rule, which states that individuals in cold climates will tend to have shorter, stubbier limbs than those in warm climates.


title: Anthropometry

text: On a microevolutionary level, anthropologists use anthropometric variation to reconstruct small-scale population history. For instance, John Relethford's studies of early 20th-century anthropometric data from Ireland show that the geographical patterning of body proportions still exhibits traces of the invasions by the English and Norse centuries ago.


title: Anthropometry

text: Similarly, anthropometric indices, namely comparison of the human stature was used to illustrate anthropometric trends. This study was conducted by Jörg Baten and Sandew Hira and was based on the anthropological founds that human height is predetermined by the quality of the nutrition, which used to be higher in the more developed countries. The research was based on the datasets for Southern Chinese contract migrants who were sent to Suriname and Indonesia and included 13,000 individuals.


title: Anthropometry

text: Today anthropometry can be performed with three-dimensional scanners. A global collaborative study to examine the uses of three-dimensional scanners for health care was launched in March 2007. The Body Benchmark Study will investigate the use of three-dimensional scanners to calculate volumes and segmental volumes of an individual body scan. The aim is to establish whether the Body Volume Index has the potential to be used as a long-term computer-based anthropometric measurement for health care. In 2001 the UK conducted the largest sizing survey to date using scanners. Since then several national surveys have followed in the UK's pioneering steps, notably SizeUSA, SizeMexico, and SizeThailand, the latter still ongoing. SizeUK showed that the nation had become taller and heavier but not as much as expected. Since 1951, when the last women's survey had taken place, the average weight for women had gone up from 62 to 65 kg. However, recent research has shown that posture of the participant significantly influences the measurements taken, the precision of 3D body scanner may or may not be high enough for industry tolerances, and measurements taken may or may not be relevant to all applications (e.g. garment construction). Despite these current limitations, 3D Body Scanning has been suggested as a replacement for body measurement prediction technologies which (despite the great appeal) have yet to be as reliable as real human data.


title: Anthropometry

text: Baropodographic devices fall into two main categories: (i) , and (ii) . The underlying technology is diverse, ranging from piezoelectric sensor arrays to light refraction, but the ultimate form of the data generated by all modern technologies is either a 2D image or a 2D image time series of the pressures acting under the plantar surface of the foot. From these data other variables may be calculated (see "data analysis.")


title: Anthropometry

text: The spatial and temporal resolutions of the images generated by commercial pedobarographic systems range from approximately 3 to 10 mm and 25 to 500 Hz, respectively. Sensor technology limits finer resolution. Such resolutions yield a contact area of approximately 500 sensors (for a typical adult human foot with surface area of approximately 100 cm). For a stance phase duration of approximately 0.6 seconds during normal walking, approximately 150,000 pressure values, depending on the hardware specifications, are recorded for each step.


title: Anthropometry

text: Direct measurements involve examinations of brains from corpses, or more recently, imaging techniques such as MRI, which can be used on living persons. Such measurements are used in research on neuroscience and intelligence. Brain volume data and other craniometric data are used in mainstream science to compare modern-day animal species and to analyze the evolution of the human species in archeology.


title: Anthropometry

text: Anthropometric measurements also have uses in epidemiology and medical anthropology, for example in helping to determine the relationship between various body measurements (height, weight, percentage body fat, etc.) and medical outcomes. Anthropometric measurements are frequently used to diagnose malnutrition in resource-poor clinical settings.


title: Anthropometry

text: Forensic anthropologists study the human skeleton in a legal setting. A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of a decedent through various skeletal analyses that produce a biological profile. Forensic anthropologists utilize the Fordisc program to help in the interpretation of craniofacial measurements in regards to ancestry determination.


title: Anthropometry

text: One part of a biological profile is a person's ancestral affinity. People with significant European or Middle Eastern ancestry generally have little to no prognathism; a relatively long and narrow face; a prominent brow ridge that protrudes forward from the forehead; a narrow, tear-shaped nasal cavity; a "silled" nasal aperture; tower-shaped nasal bones; a triangular-shaped palate; and an angular and sloping eye orbit shape. People with considerable African ancestry typically have a broad and round nasal cavity; no dam or nasal sill; Quonset hut-shaped nasal bones; notable facial projection in the jaw and mouth area (prognathism); a rectangular-shaped palate; and a square or rectangular eye orbit shape. A relatively small prognathism often characterizes people with considerable East Asian ancestry; no nasal sill or dam; an oval-shaped nasal cavity; tent-shaped nasal bones; a horseshoe-shaped palate; and a rounded and non-sloping eye orbit shape. Many of these characteristics are only a matter of frequency among those of particular ancestries: their presence or absence of one or more does not automatically classify an individual into an ancestral group.


title: Anthropometry

text: Today, ergonomics professionals apply an understanding of human factors to the design of equipment, systems and working methods to improve comfort, health, safety, and productivity. This includes physical ergonomics in relation to human anatomy, physiological and bio mechanical characteristics; cognitive ergonomics in relation to perception, memory, reasoning, motor response including human–computer interaction, mental workloads, decision making, skilled performance, human reliability, work stress, training, and user experiences; organizational ergonomics in relation to metrics of communication, crew resource management, work design, schedules, teamwork, participation, community, cooperative work, new work programs, virtual organizations, and telework; environmental ergonomics in relation to human metrics affected by climate, temperature, pressure, vibration, and light; visual ergonomics; and others.


title: Anthropometry

text: Biometrics refers to the identification of humans by their characteristics or traits. Biometrics is used in computer science as a form of identification and access control. It is also used to identify individuals in groups that are under surveillance. Biometric identifiers are the distinctive, measurable characteristics used to label and describe individuals. Biometric identifiers are often categorized as physiological versus behavioral characteristics. Subclasses include dermatoglyphics and soft biometrics.


title: Anthropometry

text: The US Military has conducted over 40 anthropometric surveys of U.S. Military personnel between 1945 and 1988, including the 1988 Army Anthropometric Survey (ANSUR) of men and women with its 240 measures. Statistical data from these surveys encompasses over 75,000 individuals.


title: Anthropometry

text: CAESAR began in 1997 as a partnership between government (represented by the US Air Force and NATO) and industry (represented by SAE International) to collect and organize the most extensive sampling of consumer body measurements for comparison.


title: Anthropometry

text: The project collected and organized data on 2,400 U.S. & Canadian and 2,000 European civilians and a database was developed. This database records the anthropometric variability of men and women, aged 18–65, of various weights, ethnic groups, gender, geographic regions, and socio-economic status. The study was conducted from April 1998 to early 2000 and included three scans per person in a standing pose, full-coverage pose and relaxed seating pose.


title: Anthropometry

text: Data collection methods were standardized and documented so that the database can be consistently expanded and updated. High-resolution measurements of body surfaces were made using 3D Surface Anthropometry. This technology can capture hundreds of thousands of points in three dimensions on the human body surface in a few seconds. It has many advantages over the old measurement system using tape measures, anthropometers, and other similar instruments. It provides detail about the surface shape as well as 3D locations of measurements relative to each other and enables easy transfer to Computer-Aided Design (CAD) or Manufacturing (CAM) tools. The resulting scan is independent of the measurer, making it easier to standardize. Automatic landmark recognition (ALR) technology was used to extract anatomical landmarks from the 3D body scans automatically. Eighty landmarks were placed on each subject. More than 100 univariate measures were provided, over 60 from the scan and approximately 40 using traditional measurements.


title: Anthropometry

text: Demographic data such as age, ethnic group, gender, geographic region, education level, and present occupation, family income and more were also captured.


title: Anthropometry

text: Scientists working for private companies and government agencies conduct anthropometric studies to determine a range of sizes for clothing and other items. For just one instance, measurements of the foot are used in the manufacture and sale of footwear: measurement devices may be used either to determine a retail shoe size directly (e.g. the Brannock Device) or to determine the detailed dimensions of the foot for custom manufacture (e.g. ALINEr).


title: Anthropometry

text: In art Yves Klein termed his performance paintings anthropometries, where he covered nude women with paint and used their bodies as paintbrushes.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: The crack epidemic was a surge of crack cocaine use in major cities across the United States, primarily between the mid 1980s and the early 1990s. This resulted in a number of social consequences, such as increasing crime and violence in American inner city neighborhoods, as well as a resulting backlash in the form of tough on crime policies.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: The name "crack" first appeared in the "New York Times" on November 17, 1985. Within a year more than a thousand press stories had been released about the drug. In the early 1980s, the majority of cocaine being shipped to the United States was landing in Miami, and originated in Colombia, trafficked through the Bahamas and Dominican Republic. Soon there was a huge glut of cocaine powder in these islands, which caused the price to drop by as much as 80 percent.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Faced with dropping prices for their illegal product, drug dealers made a decision to convert the powder to "crack", a solid smokeable form of cocaine, that could be sold in smaller quantities, to more people. It was cheap, simple to produce, ready to use, and highly profitable for dealers to develop. As early as 1981, reports of crack were appearing in Los Angeles, Oakland, San Diego, Miami, Houston, New York, and in the Caribbean.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Initially, crack had higher purity than street powder. Around 1984, powder cocaine was available on the street at an average of 55 percent purity for $100 per gram (), and crack was sold at average purity levels of 80-plus percent for the same price. In some major cities, such as New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Houston and Detroit, one dose of crack could be obtained for as little as $2.50 ().


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: According to the 1985–1986 National Narcotics Intelligence Consumers Committee Report, crack was available in Atlanta, Boston, Detroit, Kansas City, Miami, New York City, Newark, San Francisco, Seattle, St. Louis, Dallas, Denver, Minneapolis and Phoenix.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: In 1985, cocaine-related hospital emergencies rose by 12 percent, from 23,500 to 26,300. In 1986, these incidents increased 110 percent, from 26,300 to 55,200. Between 1984 and 1987, cocaine incidents increased to 94,000. By 1987, crack was reported to be available in the District of Columbia and all but four states in the United States.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Some scholars have cited the crack "epidemic" as an example of a moral panic, noting that the explosion in use and trafficking of the drug actually occurred after the media coverage of the drug as an "epidemic".


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Later, the epidemic died down, as a new generation avoided the drug after seeing its effects on the previous generation.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: In a study done by Roland Fryer, Steven Levitt, and Kevin Murphy, a crack index was calculated using information on cocaine-related arrests, deaths, and drug raids, along with low birth rates and media coverage in the United States. The crack index aimed to create a proxy for the percentage of cocaine related incidents that involved crack. Crack was an almost unknown drug until 1985. This abrupt introductory date allows for the estimation and use of the index with the knowledge that values prior to 1985 are zero. This index showed that the Northeast U.S. was most affected by the crack epidemic. The U.S. cities with the highest crack index were New York especially in the Washington Heights neighborhood of this city, Newark and Philadelphia.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: The same index used by Fryer, Levitt and Murphy was then implemented in a study that investigated the effects of crack cocaine across the United States. In cities with populations over 350,000 the instances of crack cocaine were twice as high as those in cities with a population less than 350,000. These indicators show that the use of crack cocaine was much higher in urban areas.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: States and regions with concentrated urban populations were affected at a much higher rate, while states with primarily rural populations were least affected. Maryland, New York and New Mexico had the highest instances of crack cocaine use, while Idaho, Minnesota and Vermont had the lowest instances of crack cocaine use.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: African American families were largely located in low-income inner city neighborhoods. This led to crack impacting African American communities far more than others.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Between 1984 and 1989, the homicide rate for Black males aged 14 to 17 more than doubled, and the homicide rate for Black males aged 18 to 24 increased nearly as much. During this period, the Black community also experienced a 20–100% increase in fetal death rates, low birth-weight babies, weapons arrests, and the number of children in foster care.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: A 2018 study found that the crack epidemic had long-run consequences for crime, contributing to the doubling of the murder rate of young Black males soon after the start of the epidemic, and that the murder rate was still 70 percent higher 17 years after crack's arrival. The paper estimated that eight percent of the murders in 2000 are due to the long-run effects of the emergence of crack markets, and that the elevated murder rates for young Black males can explain a significant part of the gap in life expectancy between black and white males.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Crack cocaine use and distribution became popular in cities that were in a state of social and economic chaos such as New York, Los Angeles and Atlanta, and particularly in their low-income inner city neighborhoods with high African American concentrations. "As a result of the low-skill levels and minimal initial resource outlay required to sell crack, systemic violence flourished as a growing army of young, enthusiastic inner-city crack sellers attempt to defend their economic investment." Once the drug became embedded in the particular communities, the economic environment that was best suited for its survival caused further social disintegration within that city.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: In 1986, the U.S. Congress passed laws that created a 100 to 1 sentencing disparity for the possession "or" trafficking of crack when compared to penalties for powder cocaine, widely criticized as discriminatory against African-Americans and other racial minorities, who were more likely to use crack than powder cocaine. This 100:1 ratio was mandated by federal law in 1986. Persons convicted in federal court of possession of 5 grams of crack cocaine received a minimum mandatory sentence of 5 years in federal prison. On the other hand, possession of 500 grams of powder cocaine carries the same sentence. In 2010, the Fair Sentencing Act cut the sentencing disparity to 18:1.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: In 2012, 88% of imprisonments from crack cocaine were African American. Further, the data shows the discrepancy between lengths of sentences of crack cocaine and heroin. The majority of crack imprisonments are placed in the 10–20 year range, while the imprisonments related to heroin use or possession range from 5–10 years.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: A number of authors have discussed race and the crack epidemic, including Memphis Black writer Demico Boothe, who spent 12 years in federal prison after being arrested for the first-time offense of selling crack cocaine at the age of 18, published the book, "Why Are So Many Black Men in Prison?" in 2007.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Writer and lawyer Michelle Alexander's book "" argues that punitive laws against drugs like crack cocaine adopted under the Reagan Administration's War on drugs resulted in harsh social consequences, including large numbers of young Black men imprisoned for long sentences, the exacerbation of drug crime despite a decrease in illegal drug use in the United States, increased police brutality against the Black community resulting in injury and death for many black men, women, and children.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: According to Alexander, society turned to racist criminal justice policies to avoid exhibiting obvious racism. She writes that, since African Americans were the majority users of crack cocaine, it provided a platform for the government to create laws that were specific to crack. She claims that this was an effective way to imprison Black people without having to do the same to white Americans. Alexander writes that felony drug convictions for crack cocaine fell disproportionately on young Black men, who then lost access to voting, housing, and employment opportunities, which then led to increased violent crime in poor Black communities.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: Legal Scholar James Forman Jr. argues that though Alexander's book has value in focusing scholars (and society as a whole) on the failures of the criminal justice system, it obscures African-American support for tougher crime laws and downplays the role of violent crime in the story of incarceration.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: John Pfaff, in his book "Locked In: The True Causes of Mass Incarceration and How to Achieve Real Reform", criticizes Alexander's assertion that the Drug War, including sentencing disparities for crack, is responsible for mass incarceration. Among his findings are that drug offenders make up only a small part of the prison population, and non-violent drug offenders an even smaller portion; that people convicted of violent crimes make up the majority of prisoners; that county and state justice systems account for the large majority of American prisoners and not the federal system that handles most drug cases; and, subsequently, "national" statistics tell a distorted story when differences in enforcement, conviction, and sentencing are widely disparate between states and counties.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: "San Jose Mercury News" journalist Gary Webb sparked national controversy with his 1996 "Dark Alliance" series which alleged that the influx of Nicaraguan cocaine started and significantly fueled the 1980s crack epidemic. Investigating the lives and connections of Los Angeles crack dealers Ricky Ross, Oscar Danilo Blandón, and Norwin Meneses, Webb alleged that profits from these crack sales were funneled to the CIA-supported Contras.


title: Crack epidemic in the United States

text: The United States Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General rejected Webb's claim that there was a "systematic effort by the CIA to protect the drug trafficking activities of the Contras". The DOJ/OIG reported: "We found that Blandon and Meneses were plainly major drug traffickers who enriched themselves at the expense of countless drug users and the communities in which these drug users lived, just like other drug dealers of their magnitude. They also contributed some money to the Contra cause. But we did not find that their activities were the cause of the crack epidemic in Los Angeles, much less in the United States as a whole, or that they were a significant source of support for the Contras."


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The (; , ) is an order of merit () established in 1740 by King Frederick II of Prussia. The was awarded as both a military and civil honour and ranked, along with the Order of the Black Eagle, the Order of the Red Eagle and the House Order of Hohenzollern, among the highest orders of merit in the Kingdom of Prussia. The order of merit was the highest royal Prussian order of bravery for officers of all ranks. After 1871, when the various German kingdoms, grand duchies, duchies, principalities and Hanseatic city states had come together under Prussian leadership to form the federally structured German Empire, the Prussian honours gradually assumed, at least in public perception, the status of honours of Imperial Germany, even though many honours of the various German states continued to be awarded.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The "" was an honour conferred both for military (1740–1918) and civil (1740–1810, after 1842 as a separate class) services. It was awarded strictly as a recognition of extraordinary personal achievement, rather than as a general marker of social status or a courtesy-honour, although certain restrictions of social class and military rank were applied. The order was secular, and membership endured for the remaining lifetime of the recipient, unless renounced or revoked.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: During the First World War, the ' was known informally as the Blue Max (), in honour of flying ace Max Immelmann, the first recipient during the war. Immelmann was also the first aviator to win the award.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The civil class was revived as an independent organization in 1923 (" "). Instead of the King of Prussia, the President of Germany acted as head of the order. After the Second World War, the civil class was re-established in 1952. This version of the ' is still active today. The ' is still an order into which a person is admitted into membership, like the United Kingdom's Order of the British Empire, and is not simply a medal or state decoration. German author Ernst Jünger, who died in 1998, was the last living recipient of the military class award.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The "Pour le Mérite" was founded in 1740 by King Frederick II of Prussia. It was named in French, which was the leading international language and the favoured language at Frederick's court. The French name was retained, despite the rising tide of nationalism and increasing hostility between French and Germans during the 19th century, and indeed many of its recipients were honoured for acts performed in wars against France. The insignia of the military award was a blue-enameled Maltese Cross with golden eagles between the arms (which is based on the symbol of the Johanniter Order) and the Prussian royal cypher and the words "Pour le Mérite" ("For Merit" in French) written in gold letters on the body of the cross. The ribbon was black with edge stripes of silver-white. The order consisted of only one class, both civil and military, until 1810. Only a few civilians were honored: Pierre Louis Maupertuis (1747), Francesco Algarotti (1747) and Voltaire (1750).


title: Pour le Mérite

text: In January 1810, during the Napoleonic wars, King Frederick William III decreed that the award could be presented only to serving military officers. In March 1813, the king added an additional distinction, a spray of gilt oak leaves attached above the cross. Award of the oak leaves originally indicated extraordinary achievement in battle, and was usually reserved for high-ranking officers.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The original regulations called for the capture or successful defence of a fortification, or victory in a battle. By World War I, the oak leaves often indicated a second or higher award of the "Pour le Mérite", though in most cases the recipients were still high-ranking officers (usually distinguished field commanders fitting the criteria above; the few lower ranking recipients of the oak leaves were mainly general staff officers responsible for planning a victorious battle or campaign). In early 1918, it was proposed to award the oak leaves to Germany's top flying ace, Manfred von Richthofen, but he was deemed ineligible under a strict reading of the regulations. Instead, Prussia awarded von Richthofen a slightly less prestigious honor, the Order of the Red Eagle, 3rd Class with Crown and Swords. This was still a high honour, as the 3rd Class was normally awarded to colonels and lieutenant colonels, and von Richthofen's award was one of only two of the 3rd Class with Crown and Swords during World War I.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: In 1866, a special military "Grand Cross" class of the award was established. This grade of the award was given to those who, through their actions, caused the retreat or destruction of an army. There were only five awards of the "Grand Cross of the Pour le Mérite": to King Wilhelm I in 1866, to Crown Prince Frederick William of Prussia (later Emperor Frederick III) and Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia in 1873, to Tsar Alexander II of Russia in 1878, and to Helmuth Graf von Moltke in 1879.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The "Pour le Mérite" gained international fame during World War I. Although it could be awarded to any military officer, its most famous recipients were the pilots of the German Army Air Service (Luftstreitkräfte), whose exploits were celebrated in wartime propaganda. In aerial warfare, a fighter pilot was initially entitled to the award upon downing eight enemy aircraft. Aces Max Immelmann and Oswald Boelcke were the first airmen to receive the award, on 12 January 1916. It was awarded to Germany's highest-scoring ace, Manfred von Richthofen, in January 1917. Although it has been reported that because of Immelmann's renown among his fellow pilots and the nation at large, the "Pour le Mérite" became known, due to its colour and Immelmann's first name, as the "Blue Max," that has not been confirmed.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The number of aerial victories necessary to receive the award continued to increase during the war; by early 1917, it generally required destroying 16–20 enemy airplanes, and by war's end the approximate figure was 30. However, other aviation recipients included zeppelin commanders, bomber and observation aircrews, and at least one balloon observer.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Recipients of the "Blue Max" were required to wear the award whenever in uniform. Although many of its famous recipients were junior officers, especially pilots, more than a third of all awards in World War I went to generals and admirals. Senior officer awards tended to be more for outstanding leadership in combat than for individual acts of bravery.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Junior officers (army captains and lieutenants and their navy equivalents) accounted for only about a fourth of all awards. Several famous lieutenant-ranked ("Kapitänleutnant") U-boat commanders, including Lothar von Arnauld de la Perière (), Walther Schwieger () Otto Hersing () and Otto Weddigen, received the "Pour le Mérite". The last new member admitted to the military class of the order was flying ace Theo Osterkamp, on 2 September 1918.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The "Pour le Mérite" became extinct as a result of Kaiser William II's abdication as king of Prussia and German Emperor on 9 November 1918. This marked the end of the Prussian monarchy and it was never awarded thereafter; however the honour continued to be recognized for, and worn by, previous recipients.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: In 1842, King Frederick William IV of Prussia, appointed Alexander von Humboldt Chancellor of the Order of Merit


title: Pour le Mérite

text: with powers to recommend candidates to this new civil class of the Order Pour le Mérite for Sciences and Arts ("Orden Pour le Mérite für Wissenschaften und Künste"), with the three sections: humanities, natural science and fine arts. When a vacancy occurred the Academy of Arts and Sciences nominated three candidates, one of whom the king appointed.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: In November 1918 the Kingdom of Prussia came to an end, and with it that state's sponsorship of the "Pour le Mérite". However, unlike the military class of the order, the class of the order for achievements in the arts and sciences did not come to an end. The members re-established their order as an autonomous organization, with revised rules and processes for nomination.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The awarding of new memberships resumed in 1923. Recipients included Albert Einstein (1923), Käthe Kollwitz (1929) and Ernst Barlach (1933).


title: Pour le Mérite

text: During the era of National Socialism in Germany (1933–45), the order was re-absorbed into the state honours system, and the list of its members was reviewed and revised according to the policies of the new government. A number of Jews and other perceived dissidents or "enemies" of the state were deprived of their awards by the Nazi regime. They included Einstein (who resigned his membership in the order in 1933, and refused invitations to renew it after the war), Kollwitz, and Barlach. Such actions were later repudiated by both the order, and the postwar German government.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: In 1952, with the assistance of President of West Germany Theodor Heuss, the order was again re-established – now as an independent organization with state recognition and the President of the German Federal Republic as Protector of the Order. However, unlike the somewhat similar Bundesverdienstkreuz (Federal Cross of Merit) also established by Heuss, it is not a state order.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: The revived civil order of the "Pour le Mérite" is awarded for achievements in the arts and sciences. Active membership is limited to 40 German citizens, ten each in the fields of humanities, natural science, and medicine and the arts. Honorary membership can be conferred on foreigners, again to the limit of 40. When a vacancy occurs, the remaining members select a new inductee.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Among famous recipients of the civil class of the "Pour le Mérite" in the first group of awards in 1842 were Alexander von Humboldt, Carl Friedrich Gauss, Jakob Grimm, Felix Mendelssohn, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling and August Wilhelm Schlegel. Foreign recipients in the "class of 1842" included François-René de Chateaubriand, Michael Faraday and Franz Liszt.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Later recipients included Theodor Mommsen (1868), Charles Darwin (1868), Thomas Carlyle (1874), William Thomson, Lord Kelvin (1884), Joseph Lister (1885) Johannes Brahms (1887), Giuseppe Verdi (1887), Hubert von Herkomer (1899), Camille Saint-Saëns (1901), John Singer Sargent (1908), Ferdinand von Zeppelin (1910), Wilhelm Conrad Röntgen (1911), Sir William Ramsay (1911), and Max Planck (1915).


title: Pour le Mérite

text: New members of the revised order in 1923 included Albert Einstein (1923), Gerhart Hauptmann (1923), Richard Strauss (1924), Wilhelm Furtwängler (1929), and Käthe Kollwitz (1929).


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Later recipients include Arthur Compton (1954), Hermann Hesse (1954), Albert Schweitzer (1954), Thomas Mann (1955), Oskar Kokoschka (1955), Carl Orff (1956), Erwin Schrödinger (1956), Thornton Wilder (1956), Werner Heisenberg (1957), Lise Meitner (1957), Ludwig Mies van der Rohe (1957), Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker (1961), Karl Jaspers (1964), Otto Klemperer (1967), Carl Zuckmayer (1967), Henry Moore (1972), Karl Popper (1980), Carlos Kleiber (1990), Witold Lutosławski (1993), Rudolf Mößbauer (1996), Christiane Nüsslein-Volhard (1997), Umberto Eco (1998), Hans Magnus Enzensberger (1999), Wim Wenders (2005), James J. Sheehan (2006), and Svante Pääbo (2008).


title: Pour le Mérite

text: More recent recipients were Gidon Kremer (2016), Emmanuelle Charpentier (2017), Heinz Holliger (2018), Sir Christopher Clark (2019), and Herta Müller (2021).


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Only a small number of persons have received both the military and civil classes of the "Pour le Mérite":


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Besides Prussia, several other states of the former German Empire also conferred similar awards for the arts and sciences. These included the Kingdom of Bavaria's Maximilian Order for Art and Science ("Maximiliansorden für Kunst und Wissenschaft"), the Duchy of Anhalt's Order of Merit for Science and Art ("Verdienstorden für Wissenschaft und Kunst"), and the Principality of Lippe's Lippe Rose Order for Art and Science ("Lippische Rose, Orden für Kunst und Wissenschaft").


title: Pour le Mérite

text: A number of other countries have founded similar high civic honors for accomplishments in the arts and sciences. The sovereign of the Commonwealth realms confers the Order of Merit and Order of the Companions of Honour. The Republic of Austria confers the Austrian Decoration of Honor for Science and the Arts, founded in 1955. Like the Order Pour le Mérite for Sciences and Arts, this was in a sense a revival of an earlier imperial award, in this case the Austro-Hungarian Decoration of Honor for Art and Science ("Österreichisch-Ungarisches Ehrenzeichen für Kunst und Wissenschaft"), which existed from 1887 to 1918. Unlike the German award, however, the design of the modern Austrian award is unlike that of its imperial predecessor. France has the Ordre des Arts et des Lettres for significant contributions to the arts and literature. In Poland the Gloria Artis Medal has been established for the same purpose.


title: Pour le Mérite

text: Other countries also may recognize accomplishments in the arts and sciences, but with more general orders also awarded for accomplishments in other fields. France's Légion d'honneur is an example of a decoration often conferred for accomplishment in many fields, including the arts and sciences. Belgium awards either its Order of Leopold or Order of the Crown for outstanding accomplishments in the arts and sciences, and may award its Civil Decoration for lesser accomplishments in these fields.


title: Magnet school

text: In the U.S. education system, magnet schools are public schools with specialized courses or curricula. "Magnet" refers to how the schools draw students from across the normal boundaries defined by authorities (usually school boards) as school zones that feed into certain schools. Attending them is voluntary.


title: Magnet school

text: There are magnet schools at the elementary, middle, and high school levels. In the United States, where education is decentralized, some magnet schools are established by school districts and draw only from the district, while others are set up by state governments and may draw from multiple districts. Other magnet programs are within comprehensive schools, as is the case with several "schools within a school". In large urban areas, several magnet schools with different specializations may be combined into a single "center," such as Skyline High School in Dallas.


title: Magnet school

text: Other countries have similar types of schools, such as specialist schools in the United Kingdom. Most of these are academically selective. Other schools are built around elite-sporting programs or teach agricultural skills such as farming or animal husbandry.


title: Magnet school

text: In 1965, then Vice President Hubert Humphrey came to John Bartram High School in Southwest Philadelphia to declare it the first magnet school in the country. Bartram's curriculum was concentrated in the commercial field, offering commercial and business training to students from all over Philadelphia.


title: Magnet school

text: There is also a system of magnet schools in Iran, which is called SAMPAD. SAMPAD is funded by the government and the largest number of Iranian elites graduate from these schools.