title: Mexican Army

text: With trade cut off, the Mexicans began smuggling imports into Corpus Christi, Texas, and then into Mexico. Fearing that France would blockade Texan ports as well, a battalion of men of the Republic of Texas force began patrolling Corpus Christi Bay to stop Mexican smugglers. One smuggling party abandoned their cargo of about a hundred barrels of flour on the beach at the mouth of the bay, thus giving Flour Bluff its name. The United States, ever watchful of its relations with Mexico, sent the schooner "Woodbury" to help the French in their blockade. Talks between the French Kingdom and the Texan nation occurred and France agreed not to offend the soil or waters of the Republic of Texas. With the diplomatic intervention of the United Kingdom, eventually President Bustamante promised to pay the 600,000 pesos and the French forces withdrew on 9 March 1839.


title: Mexican Army

text: U.S. territorial expansion under Manifest Destiny in the 19th century had reached the banks of the Rio Grande, which prompted Mexican president José Joaquín de Herrera to form an army of 6,000 men to defend the Mexican northern frontier from the expansion of the neighboring country. In 1845, Texas, a former Mexican territory that had broken away from Mexico by rebellion, was annexed into the United States. In response to this, the minister of Mexico in the U.S., Juan N. Almonte called for his Letters of Recognition and returned to Mexico; hostilities promptly ensued. On 25 April 1846, a Mexican force under colonel Anastasio Torrejon surprised and defeated a U.S. squadron at the Rancho de Carricitos in Matamoros in an event that would latter be known as the Thornton Skirmish; this was the pretext that U.S. president James K. Polk used to persuade the U.S. congress into declaring a state of war against Mexico on 13 May 1846. U.S. Army captain John C. Frémont, with about sixty well-armed men, had entered the California territory in December 1845 before the war had been official and was marching slowly to Oregon when he received word that war between Mexico and the U.S. was imminent; thus began a chapter of the war known as the Bear Flag Revolt.


title: Mexican Army

text: On 20 September 1846, the U.S. launched an attack on Monterrey, which fell after 5 days. After this U.S. victory, hostilities were suspended for 7 weeks, allowing Mexican troops to leave the city with their flags displayed in full honors as U.S. soldiers regrouped and regained their losses. In August 1846, Commodore David Conner and his squadron of ships were in Veracruzian waters; he tried, unsuccessfully, to seize the Fort of Alvarado, which was defended by the Mexican Navy. The Americans were forced to relocate to Antón Lizardo. In confronting resistance and fortifications at the port of Veracruz, the U.S. Army and Marines implemented an intense bombardment of the city from 22–26 March 1847, causing about five hundred civilian deaths and significant damage to homes, buildings, and merchandise. General Winfield Scott and Commodore Matthew C. Perry capitalized on this civilian suffering: by refusing to allow the consulates of Spain and France to assist in civilian evacuation, they pressed Mexican Gen. Juan Morales to negotiate surrender.


title: Mexican Army

text: U.S. commodore Matthew C. Perry, who had already captured the town of Frontera, in Tabasco, tried to seize San Juan Bautista (modern Villahermosa), but he was repelled three times by a Mexican garrison of just under three hundred men. U.S. troops were also sent to the California territories with the intention of seizing it. After squads of U.S. troops occupied the City of Los Angeles, Mexican authorities were forced to move to Sonora; but, by the end of September 1846, commander José María Flores was able to gather 500 Mexicans and managed to defeat the U.S. garrison at Los Angeles and then sent detachments to Santa Barbara and San Diego.


title: Mexican Army

text: After putting up a fierce defense against the U.S. invasion, the Mexican positions along the state of Chihuahua began to fall. These forces had been organized by general José Antonio de Heredia and governor Ángel Trías Álvarez. The cavalry of the latter made several desperate charges against the U.S. that nearly achieved victory, but his inexperience in fighting was evident and, in the end, all the positions gained were lost.


title: Mexican Army

text: The French intervention was an invasion by an expeditionary force sent by the Second French Empire, supported in the beginning by the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Spain. It followed President Benito Juárez's suspension of interest payments to foreign countries on 17 July 1861, which angered Mexico's major creditors: Spain, France and Britain.


title: Mexican Army

text: Napoleon III of France was the instigator: His foreign policy was based on a commitment to free trade. For him, a friendly government in Mexico provided an opportunity to expand free trade by ensuring European access to important markets, and preventing monopoly by the United States. Napoleon also needed the silver that could be mined in Mexico to finance his empire. Napoleon built a coalition with Spain and Britain at a time the U.S. was engaged in a full-scale civil war. The U.S. protested, but could not intervene directly until its civil war was over in 1865.


title: Mexican Army

text: The three powers signed the Treaty of London on 31 October, to unite their efforts to receive payments from Mexico. On 8 December, the Spanish fleet and troops from Spanish-controlled Cuba arrived at Mexico's main Gulf port, Veracruz. When the British and Spanish discovered that the French planned to invade Mexico, they withdrew.


title: Mexican Army

text: The subsequent French invasion resulted in the Second Mexican Empire, which was supported by the Roman Catholic clergy, many conservative elements of the upper class, and some indigenous communities. The presidential terms of Benito Juárez (1858–71) were interrupted by the rule of the Habsburg monarchy in Mexico (1864–67). Conservatives, and many in the Mexican nobility, tried to revive the monarchical form of government (see: First Mexican Empire) when they helped to bring to Mexico an archduke from the Royal House of Austria, Maximilian Ferdinand, or Maximilian I of Mexico (who married Charlotte of Belgium, also known as Carlota of Mexico), with the military support of France. France had various interests in this Mexican affair, such as seeking reconciliation with Austria, which had been defeated during the Franco-Austrian War, counterbalancing the growing U.S. power by developing a powerful Catholic neighbouring empire, and exploiting the rich mines in the north-west of the country.


title: Mexican Army

text: In 1861, the Mexican Republican Army consisted of ten regular line battalions each of eight companies, and six line cavalry regiments, each of two squadrons. With six batteries of field artillery plus engineers, train and garrison units, the regular army numbered about 12,000 men. Auxiliary forces, comprising state militias and National Guards, provided a further 25 infantry battalions and 25 cavalry squadrons plus some garrison and artillery units. The National Guard of the Federal District of Mexico City amounted to six infantry battalions plus one each of cavalry and artillery. The newly raised corps of Rurales, created on 5 May 1861 as a mounted gendarmerie, numbered 2,200 and served as dispersed units of light cavalry against the French.


title: Mexican Army

text: While opposed by substantial forces of French regular troops plus Mexican Imperial forces and contingents of foreign volunteers, the Republican Army remained in being as an effective force after the fall of Mexico City in 1863. By 1865 Liberal opposition was being led by a core of 50,000 regular Mexican troops and state National Guards, augmented by approximately 10,000 guerrillas.


title: Mexican Army

text: Following the French withdrawal and the overthrow of the Imperial regime of Maximilian, the Mexican Republic was re-established in 1867. In 1876, Porfirio Diaz, a leading general of the anti-Maximilianist forces, became president. He was to retain power until 1910, with only one short break. During the early part of this period of extended rule, Diaz relied essentially on military power to remain in office. However he was able to develop other support bases and the army became a reliable non-political instrument for maintaining internal order.


title: Mexican Army

text: Diaz undertook a series of reforms intended to modernize the Mexican Army, while at the same time terminating the historic pattern of local commanders attempting to seize power using irregulars or provincial forces. The increasingly elderly generals of the Federal Army were frequently transferred and kept loyal through opportunities for graft. By the early 1900s the large officer corps was benefiting from professional training along Prussian Army lines and improved career opportunities for cadets of middle-class origin. Finally, an efficient mounted police force of rurales took over responsibility for public order, and the army itself was reduced in size by about a third.


title: Mexican Army

text: A continuing weakness in the Mexican Army throughout the Diaz period was the low morale and motivation of the rank-and-file. They mostly consisted of Indian and mestizo conscripts, forced into service under the random "leva" system. Some were enlisted as a means of punishment or because of social discrimination, and a number of future revolutionary leaders received their initial military experience in the ranks of the Federal Army.


title: Mexican Army

text: By 1910, the army numbered about 25,000 men, largely conscripts of Indian origin officered by 4,000 white middle-class officers. While generally well equipped, the Federal Army under Diaz was too small in numbers to offer effective opposition to the revolutionary forces led by Francisco Madero. During the long period of Porfirian stability, increased reliance had been placed on the new railway network to quickly move small numbers of troops to suppress regional unrest. When faced with widespread revolution during 1910-11 the railway lines proved too vulnerable, regular army strength too limited and state militias too disorganised to control the situation.


title: Mexican Army

text: The ouster of Porfirio Díaz saw Francisco I. Madero: a member of a rich landowning family, elected as President of Mexico. Madero kept the Federal Army intact, despite the fact that it had been outmaneuvered by the revolutionary forces that brought him to power. General Victoriano Huerta overthrew Madero in a bloody February 1913 coup. Forces opposed to the Huerta regime united against him, particularly the Constitutionalists in the north. These were led by a civilian, Venustiano Carranza as "First Chief," commanding forces led by a number of generals, but most prominently Alvaro Obregón and Pancho Villa. In the Morelos region, an intense guerrilla warfare was waged by forces led by Emiliano Zapata. The Federal Army supporting Huerta was defeated at the Battle of Zacatecas and finally disbanded in 1914 and a new Government army was created from Obregón's Constitutionalist forces. Zapata was assassinated in 1919; Villa was bought off and took up civilian life in northern Mexico, before being assassinated in 1923. During the post-military phase following 1920, a number of Constitutionalist leaders became presidents of Mexico: Alvaro Obregón (1920–1924), Plutarco Elías Calles (1924–28), Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–1940), and Manuel Avila Camacho (1940–1946). When Lázaro Cárdenas reorganized the political party founded by Plutarco Elías Calles, he created sectoral representation of groups in Mexico, one of which was the Mexican Army. In the subsequent reorganization of the party, which took place in 1946, the Institutional Revolutionary Party no longer had a separate sector for the army. No military man has been president of Mexico after 1946.


title: Mexican Army

text: The ending of the Diaz regime saw a resurgence of numerous local forces led by revolutionary generals. In 1920, more than 80,000 Mexicans were under arms, with only a minority forming part of regular forces obedient to a central authority. During the 1920s, the new government demobilised the revolutionary bands, reopened the "Colegio Militar" (Military Academy), established the "Escuela Superior de Guerra" (Staff College), and raised the salaries and improved the conditions of service of the rank and file of the regular army. In spite of an abortive generals' revolt in 1927, the result was a professional army obedient to the central government.


title: Mexican Army

text: During this period the army was reduced in numbers through the disbandment of twenty mounted cavalry regiments, ten infantry battalions and the majority of the specialist railroad units previously required. In 1937 a process of accelerated modernisation began with the creation of companies of light tanks, mechanised infantry and motorised anti-aircraft batteries.


title: Mexican Army

text: During the 1930s, the political role of the officer corps was reduced by the governing Revolutionary Party and a workers' militia was established, outnumbering the regular army by two to one. By the end of World War II, the Mexican Army had become a strictly professional force focused on national defense rather than political involvement.


title: Mexican Army

text: Although violence between drug cartels has been occurring long before the war began, the government held a generally passive stance regarding cartel violence during the 1990s and the early years of the 21st century. That changed on 11 December 2006, when newly elected President Felipe Calderón sent 6,500 federal troops to the state of Michoacán to end drug violence there. This action is regarded as the first major retaliation made against the cartel violence, and is generally viewed as the starting point of the war between the government and the drug cartels. As time progressed, Calderón continued to escalate his anti-drug campaign, in which there are now about 45,000 troops involved along with state and federal police forces.


title: Mexican Army

text: In recent times, the Mexican military has largely participated in efforts against drug trafficking. The Operaciones contra el narcotrafico (Operations against drug trafficking), for example, describes its purpose in regards to "the performance of the Mexican Army and Air Force in the permanent campaign against the drug trafficking is sustained properly in the duties that the Executive of the Nation grants to the armed forces", for according to Article 89, Section VI of the Constitution of the Mexican United States, it is the duty of the President of the Republic of the United Mexican States, as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, to ensure that the Mexican Armed Forces perform its mandate of national security within and outside the state borders.


title: Mexican Army

text: The Army is under the authority of the National Defense Secretariat or SEDENA and is headed by the Secretary of National Defence - simultaneously a member of the central government and (the sole) four-star general. His counterpart is the Secretary of the Navy, who is a member of the central government and the sole four-star admiral.


title: Mexican Army

text: The National Defence Secretariat has three components: a national headquarters, territorial commands, and independent units. The Secretary of National Defence delegates overall command of the Army thru the office of Commander of the Army, a divisional general-ranked officer, who leads the service via a centralized command system and many general officers and is appointed and relieved by the Secretary. The Army uses a modified continental staff system in its headquarters. The Mexican Air Force is a separate service under the SEDENA. Recruitment of personnel happens from ages 18 through 21 if secondary education was finished, 22 if High school was completed. Recruitment after age 22 is impossible in the regular army; only auxiliary posts are available. As of 2009, starting salary for Mexican army recruits was $6,000 Mexican pesos (US$500) a month with a lifetime $10,000 peso (approximately US$833) monthly pension for widows of soldiers killed in action.


title: Mexican Army

text: The principal units of the Mexican army are ten infantry brigades and a number of independent regiments and infantry battalions. The main maneuver elements of the army are organized in three corps, each consisting of three to four infantry brigades (plus other units), all based in and around Mexico City and its metropolitan area. Distinct from the brigade formations, independent regiments and battalions are assigned to zonal garrisons (52 in total) in each of the country's 12 military regions. Infantry battalions, composed of approximately 300–350 troops, generally are deployed in each zone, and certain zones are assigned an additional motorized cavalry regiment or an artillery regiment.


title: Mexican Army

text: The territorial organization of the Mexican Army includes twelve Military Regions ("Regiónes militares" ("RM")). Each RM is commanded by a senior officer in the rank of Divisional General of the General Staff ("General de División Diplomado de Estado Mayor"), a three-star general. Below the military regions are forty-eight Military Zones ("Zónas militares" ("ZM")). Each ZM is commanded by a senior officer in the rank of Brigade General of the General Staff ("General de Brigada Diplomado de Estado Mayor"), a two-star general. Operational needs determine how many zones are in each region, with corresponding increases and decreases in troop strength. Each commander of the Military Region is appointed and relieved by the Commander of the Army.


title: Mexican Army

text: Usually on the secretary of defence's recommendation, the senior zone commander is also the commander of the military region containing the military zone. A military zone commander has jurisdiction over every unit operating in his territory, including the "Rurales" (Rural Defense Force) that occasionally have been a Federal political counterweight to the power of state governors. Zone commanders provide the national defence secretary with socio-political conditions intelligence about rural areas. Moreover, they traditionally have acted in co-ordination with the Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA) on planning and resources deployment.


title: Mexican Army

text: The commanding officer of a military zone has as at the least an independent infantry battalion under his jurisdiction, but also takes operational control of units deployed to his MZ area of responsibility. Force strength varies greatly from a single infantry battalion in the 3rd Military Zone covering the relatively peaceful area of Baja California Sur to over 10 infantry battalions, separate infantry companies and motorized cavalry regiments plus additional conventional and SF units on rotation in the 9th Military Zone covering the state of Sinaloa, where government troops are fighting the eponymous drug cartel. The Mexican Air Force, which is an independent military service under the SEDENA, has its own territorial organization, separate from that of the Mexican Army. It has four air force regions: Northwest ("Región Aérea del Noroeste", HQ in Hermosillo, Sonora), Northeast ("Región Aérea del Noreste", HQ in Chihuahua, Chihuahua) Central ("Región Aérea del Centro", HQ at Santa Lucía AFB, Estado de México) and the Southeast Air Force Region ("Región Aérea del Sureste", HQ at Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas). Each new commanding officer of an air force region enters the appointment as a Wing General Pilot-Aviator of the Air Force Staff ("General de Ala Piloto Aviador Diplomado de Estado Mayor Aéreo") - a two-star general and midway through his term he is promoted to a Division General Pilot-Aviator of the Air Force Staff ("General de División Piloto Aviador Diplomado de Estado Mayor Aéreo") - a three-star general. A similar territorial organization is also implemented in the Mexican Navy with Naval Regions and Naval Zones as counterparts to the army territorial organization.


title: Mexican Army

text: Separate from the military regions and zones are an increasing number of brigades and some independent regiments and infantry battalions. These brigades are grouped into four corps:


title: Mexican Army

text: Each MP brigade has three line military police battalions (sing.: "Batallón de Policía Militar") and one special operations military police battalion (Batallón de Operaciones Especiales de Policía Militar, equipped with Plasan Sand Cat tactical armored cars) plus support units. Special Operations MP Bns carry the number of their parent brigade, line MP Bns are numbered in sequence, starting from 1st, 2nd and 3rd in the 1st MP Brigade, 4th, 5th and 6th in the 2nd MP Bde etc. up to 34th, 35th and 36th in the 12th Military Police Brigade, with battalion numbers 22nd - 27th retained for the non-active 8th and 9th MP Brigades. The MPC's involvement in the internal security policies is also present with the Federal Police's successor agency - the National Guard. In 2020 the NG had a strength of ca. 80 000 personnel. and in 2021 this number has increased to 102 000 with a goal set at 150 000. This rapid increase capitalizes heavily on the resources of the military. According to the Mexican "Instituto Nacional de Transparencia" 31 431 former Army and 6 337 former Navy military police personnel joined the National Guard. Its 8 training centers ("Centros de Adiestramiento") are located in and rely on the resources of the army military police installations: two (one main and one NCO) training centers are located at the Campo Militar 37-C in San Miguel de los Jagüeyes, Municipality of Huehuetoca, State of México at the base of the 5th Military Police Brigade. The other six training centers are located at the military police bases in Sauz, Sinaloa (3rd MP Bde), San Pedro de las Colonias, Coahuila (11th MP Bde), Apodaca, Nuevo León (4th MP Bde), Puebla (6th MP Bde), Irapuato (12th MP Bde) and Isla Mujeres (10th MP Bde). The main reasoning behind the formation of the National Guard was to reduce the involvement of the military in the Mexican drug war, but the implementation has negated that to a great extend with the NG relying heavily on the military for staffing, training, basing and operational control. On the latter point the NG's units are called Battalions Type B (sing.: "Batallón Tipo B") to distinguish them from the 'regular' infantry and MP battalions of the Mexican Army, all 85 Battalions Type B are based in army bases and are assigned to the 12 military regions of the Army.


title: Mexican Army

text: After the closure of the EMP the servicemen and women have lost their special status of personnel distinct from the three services and were integrated back into the Army, Air Force and Navy. Government plans call for the transformation of the Presidential Guard Corps into two military police brigades.


title: Mexican Army

text: Distinct from the brigade formations are independent regiments (all regiments are battalion-sized) and battalions assigned to zonal garrisons. Groups are company-sized units. The different types of units of the Mexican Army follow a sequential listing starting from 1. onwards. They include the following:


title: Mexican Army

text: Infantry battalions are small, each of approximately 400 troops, and are generally deployed in each zone. Certain zones are also assigned a light armored cavalry regiment, mechanized infantry regiment or one of the 24 field artillery regiments and 10 field artillery battalions. Smaller detachments are often detailed to patrol more inaccessible areas of the countryside, helping to maintain order and resolve disputes.


title: Mexican Army

text: Other than the Special Forces and the Military Police Brigades, the Mexican Army includes the following combat brigades:


title: Mexican Army

text: The Army has a Special Forces Corps unified command with 3 Special Forces Brigades, a High Command GAFE group, a GAFE group assigned to the Airborne Brigade, 74 independent Special Forces Battalions and 36 Amphibious Special Forces Groups.


title: Mexican Army

text: The Special Forces Brigades consist of nine SF battalions. The 1st Brigade has the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Battalions; the 2nd Brigade has the 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th Battalions; and the 3rd Brigade has the 4th and 9th Battalions and a Rapid Intervention Force group.


title: Mexican Army

text: The High Command GAFE is a group with no more than 100 members and is specially trained in counter-terrorist tactics. They receive orders directly from the President of Mexico.


title: Mexican Army

text: The Amphibious Special Forces Groups are trained in amphibious warfare, they give the army extended abilities in riverline and coastal operations in peacetime and in war.


title: Mexican Army

text: The Estado Mayor Presidencial ("Presidential Guard") was a specific agency of the Mexican Army that is responsible for the safety and well being of the President in the practice of all of the activities of his office. On 24 March 1985 President Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado reformed the regulation of the presidential guard and published it in the Official Gazette of the Federation ("Diario Oficial de la Federación") on 4 April 1986. In this version the responsibilities of this agency included assisting the President in obtaining general information, planning the President's activities under security and preventive measures for his safety. This regulation was in force during the administrations of Carlos Salinas de Gortari and Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon. On 16 January 2004 during the administration of President Vicente Fox Quesada a new regulation of the Presidential Guard was issued and published by the Official Gazette of the Federation on 23 January of that same year. This ordinance updated the structure, organization and operation of the Presidential guard as a technical military body and administrative unit of the Presidency to facilitate the implementation of the powers of his office.


title: Mexican Army

text: The EMP was dissolved in 2018 and its military arm, the "Presidential Guards Corps", has had its command becoming a joint service formation, with its units coming under the collective responsibility of the Secretariats of National Defense, Security, and the Navy, its three Army infantry battalions now converted into military police battalions as part of now two military police brigades under the revived National Guard.


title: Mexican Army

text: Since the start of the 21st century, the Army has been steadily modernising to become competitive with the armies of other American countries and have also taken certain steps to decrease spending and dependency on foreign equipment in order to become more autonomous such as the domestic production of the FX-05 rifle designed in Mexico and the commitment to researching, designing and manufacturing domestic military systems such as military electronics and body armor.


title: Mexican Army

text: The Mexican military counts on three of the following departments to fulfill the general tasks of the Army and Air Force:


title: Mexican Army

text: Neufeld, Stephen B. "The Blood Contingent: The Military and the Making of Modern Mexico, 1876–1911". Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 2017.


title: Petrochemical

text: Petrochemicals (sometimes abbreviated as petchems) are the chemical products obtained from petroleum by refining. Some chemical compounds made from petroleum are also obtained from other fossil fuels, such as coal or natural gas, or renewable sources such as maize, palm fruit or sugar cane.


title: Petrochemical

text: The two most common petrochemical classes are olefins (including ethylene and propylene) and aromatics (including benzene, toluene and xylene isomers).


title: Petrochemical

text: Oil refineries produce olefins and aromatics by fluid catalytic cracking of petroleum fractions. Chemical plants produce olefins by steam cracking of natural gas liquids like ethane and propane. Aromatics are produced by catalytic reforming of naphtha. Olefins and aromatics are the building-blocks for a wide range of materials such as solvents, detergents, and adhesives. Olefins are the basis for polymers and oligomers used in plastics, resins, fibers, elastomers, lubricants, and gels.


title: Petrochemical

text: Global ethylene production was 190 million tonnes and propylene was 120 million tonnes in 2019. Aromatics production is approximately 70 million tonnes. The largest petrochemical industries are located in the USA and Western Europe; however, major growth in new production capacity is in the Middle East and Asia. There is substantial inter-regional petrochemical trade.


title: Petrochemical

text: In 2007, the amounts of ethylene and propylene produced in steam crackers were about 115 Mt (megatonnes) and 70 Mt, respectively. The output ethylene capacity of large steam crackers ranged up to as much as 1.0 – 1.5 Mt per year.


title: Petrochemical

text: The adjacent diagram schematically depicts the major hydrocarbon sources and processes used in producing petrochemicals.


title: Petrochemical

text: Like commodity chemicals, petrochemicals are made on a very large scale. Petrochemical manufacturing units differ from commodity chemical plants in that they often produce a number of related products. Compare this with specialty chemical and fine chemical manufacture where products are made in discrete batch processes.


title: Petrochemical

text: Petrochemicals are predominantly made in a few manufacturing locations around the world, for example in Jubail & Yanbu Industrial Cities in Saudi Arabia, Texas & Louisiana in the US, in Teesside in the Northeast of England in the United Kingdom, in Rotterdam in the Netherlands, in Jamnagar, Dahej in Gujarat, India and in Singapore. Not all of the petrochemical or commodity chemical materials produced by the chemical industry are made in one single location but groups of related materials are often made in adjacent manufacturing plants to induce industrial symbiosis as well as material and utility efficiency and other economies of scale. This is known in chemical engineering terminology as integrated manufacturing. Specialty and fine chemical companies are sometimes found in similar manufacturing locations as petrochemicals but, in most cases, they do not need the same level of large-scale infrastructure (e.g., pipelines, storage, ports, and power, etc.) and therefore can be found in multi-sector business parks.


title: Petrochemical

text: The large scale petrochemical manufacturing locations have clusters of manufacturing units that share utilities and large scale infrastructures such as power stations, storage tanks, port facilities, road and rail terminals. In the United Kingdom, for example, there are 4 main locations for such manufacturing: near the River Mersey in North West England, on the Humber on the East coast of Yorkshire, in Grangemouth near the Firth of Forth in Scotland, and in Teesside as part of the Northeast of England Process Industry Cluster (NEPIC). To demonstrate the clustering and integration, some 50% of the United Kingdom's petrochemical and commodity chemicals are produced by the NEPIC industry cluster companies in Teesside.


title: Petrochemical

text: In 1835, Henri Victor Regnault, a French chemist left vinyl chloride in the sun and found white solid at the bottom of the flask which was polyvinyl chloride. In 1839, Eduard Simon discovered polystyrene by accident by distilling storax. In 1856, William Henry Perkin discovered the first synthetic dye, Mauveine. In 1888, Friedrich Reinitzer, an Austrian plant scientist observed cholesteryl benzoate had two different melting points. In 1909, Leo Hendrik Baekeland invented bakelite made from phenol and formaldehyde. In 1928, synthetic fuels were invented using Fischer-Tropsch process. In 1929, Walter Bock invented synthetic rubber Buna-S which is made up of styrene and butadiene and used to make car tires. In 1933, Otto Röhm polymerized the first acrylic glass methyl methacrylate. In 1935, Michael Perrin invented polyethylene. In 1937, Wallace Hume Carothers invented nylon. In 1938, Otto Bayer invented polyurethane. In 1941, Roy Plunkett invented Teflon. In 1946, he invented Polyester. Polyethylene terephthalate (PET) bottles are made from ethylene and paraxylene. In 1949, Fritz Stastny turned polystyrene into foam. After World War II, polypropylene was discovered in the early 1950s. In 1965, Stephanie Kwolek invented Kevlar.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Islam is the largest religion in Indonesia, with 86.7% of the Indonesian population identifying themselves as Muslim in a 2018 survey. Indonesia is the most populous Muslim-majority country, with approximately 231 million adherents.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In terms of denomination, the overwhelming majority (98.8%) are Sunni Muslims, while 1-3 million (1%) are Shia, and are concentrated around Jakarta, and about 400,000 (0.2%) Ahmadi Muslims. In terms of schools of jurisprudence, based on demographic statistics, 99% of Indonesian Muslims mainly follow the Shafi'i school, although when asked, 56% does not adhere to any specific school. Trends of thought within Islam in Indonesia can be broadly categorized into two orientations: "modernism", which closely adheres to orthodox theology while embracing modern learning, and "traditionalism", which tends to follow the interpretations of local religious leaders and religious teachers at Islamic boarding schools ("pesantren"). There is also a historically important presence of a syncretic form of Islam known as "kebatinan".


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Islam in Indonesia is considered to have gradually spread through merchant activities by Arab Muslim traders, adoption by local rulers, and the influence of Sufism since the 13th century. During the late colonial era, it was adopted as a rallying banner against colonialism. Today, although Indonesia has an overwhelming Muslim majority, it is not an Islamic state, but constitutionally a secular state whose government officially recognizes six formal religions.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Muslims constitute a majority in most regions of Java, Sumatra, West Nusa Tenggara, Sulawesi, coastal areas of Kalimantan, and North Maluku. Muslims form distinct minorities in Papua, Bali, East Nusa Tenggara, parts of North Sumatra, most inland areas of Kalimantan, and North Sulawesi. Together, these non-Muslim areas originally constituted more than one-third of Indonesia prior to the massive transmigration effort sponsored by the Suharto government and recent spontaneous internal migration.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Internal migration has altered the demographic makeup of the country over the past three decades. It has increased the percentage of Muslims in formerly predominantly-Christian eastern parts of the country. By the early 1990s, Christians became a minority for the first time in some areas of the Maluku Islands. While government-sponsored transmigration from the heavily-populated Java and Madura to less-populated areas contributed to the increase in the Muslim population in the resettlement areas, no evidence suggests that the government intended to create a Muslim majority in Christian areas, and most Muslim migration seemed spontaneous. Regardless of its intent, the economic and political consequences of the transmigration policy contributed to religious conflicts in Maluku, Central Sulawesi, and to a lesser extent, Papua.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: This is a data table of the percentage of muslims in Indonesia by province, provided by Ministry of Home Affairs:


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The Islamic schools and branches in Indonesia reflect the activity of Islamic doctrines and organizations operating in Indonesia. In terms of denomination, Indonesia is a majority Sunni country with minority of other sects such as Shia Islam and Ahmadiyya. In terms of Islamic schools of jurisprudence, the Shafi'i school is dominant in Indonesia at large. Proliferation of the Shafi’i school is considered to be due to Arab merchants from the southern Arabian Peninsula who followed this school of jurisprudence.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Classical documentations divide Indonesian Muslims between "nominal" Muslims, or "abangan", whose lifestyles are more oriented toward non-Islamic cultures, and "orthodox" Muslims, or "santri", who adhere to the Orthodox Islamic norms. "Abangan" was considered an indigenous blend of native and Hindu-Buddhist beliefs with Islamic practices sometimes also called Javanism, "kejawen", "agama Jawa", or "kebatinan". On Java, "santri" was not only referred to a person who was consciously and exclusively Muslim, but it also described persons who had removed themselves from the secular world to concentrate on devotional activities in Islamic schools called "pesantren"—literally "the place of the "santri"". The terms and precise nature of this differentiation were in dispute throughout the history, and today it is considered obsolete.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In the contemporary era, distinction is often made between "traditionalism" and "modernism". Traditionalism, exemplified by the civil society organization Nahdlatul Ulama, is known as an ardent advocate of Islam Nusantara, a distinctive brand of Islam that has undergone interaction, contextualization, indigenization, interpretation, and vernacularization in line with socio-cultural conditions in Indonesia. Islam Nusantara promotes moderation, compassion, anti-radicalism, inclusiveness, and tolerance. On the other spectrum is modernism, which is heavily inspired by Islamic Modernism, and the civil society organization Muhammadiyah is a known ardent proponent. Modernist Muslims advocate for Islamic reform in Indonesia, which is perceived as having deviated from the historical Islamic orthodoxy. They emphasize the authority of the Qur'an and the Hadiths, and oppose syncretism and taqlid to the ulema. This division, however, also has been considered an oversimplification in recent analysis.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Various other forms and adaptations of Islam are influenced by local cultures that hold different norms and perceptions throughout the archipelago. The principal example is a syncretic form of Islam known as "kebatinan", which is an amalgam of animism, Hindu-Buddhist, and Islamic—especially Sufi—beliefs. This loosely organized current of thought and practice was legitimized in the 1945 constitution, and in 1973, when it was recognized as one of the "agama", President Suharto counted himself as one of its adherents. The "Kebatinan" or "Kepercayaan" has no certain prophet, sacred book, nor distinct religious festivals and rituals; it has more to do with each adherent's internalized transcendental vision and beliefs in their relations with the supreme being. As a result, there is inclusivity in that the "kebatinan" believer could identify themselves with one of six officially recognized religions, at least in their identity card, and still maintain their "kebatinan" belief and way of life. "Kebatinan" is generally characterized as mystical, and some varieties were concerned with spiritual self-control. Although many varieties were circulating in 1992, "kebatinan" often implies pantheistic worship because it encourages sacrifices and devotions to local and ancestral spirits. These spirits are believed to inhabit natural objects, human beings, artifacts, and grave sites of important "wali" (Muslim saints). Illness and other misfortunes are traced to such spirits. If sacrifices or pilgrimages fail to placate angry deities, the advice of a "dukun" or healer is sought. "Kebatinan", while it connotes a denial of the militant universalism of orthodox Islam, moves toward a more internalized universalism. In this way, "kebatinan" moves toward eliminating the distinction between the universal and the local, the communal and the individual.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: More recent currents of Islamic thoughts that have taken roots include Islamism. Today, the leading Islamic political party in Indonesia is Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which is known for serving as a regional wing of Muslim Brotherhood movement in Indonesia.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: A small minority subscribe to the Shia Islam and Ahmadiyya. There are around one million Shia Muslims in Indonesia, or 0.5% of the country's population, most of whom are concentrated around Jakarta. The historical Shia community is considered a descendant of the minority segment of Hadhrami immigrants, and it was spread from Aceh, originally a center of Shia Islam in Indonesia. In the contemporary era, interests toward Shia Islam grew after the Iranian Islamic Revolution, since which a number of Shia publications were translated into Indonesian. Another minority Islamic sect is Ahmadiyya. The Association of Religion Data Archives estimates that there are around 400,000 Ahmadi Muslims in Indonesia, spread over 542 branches across the country. Ahmadiyya history in Indonesia began since the missionary activity during the 1920s established the movement in Tapaktuan, Aceh. Both Shia and Ahmadi Muslims have been facing increasing intolerance and persecutions by reactionary and radical Islamic groups.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In Indonesia, civil society organizations have historically held distinct and significant weight within the Muslim society. These various institutions have contributed greatly to both the intellectual discourse and public sphere for the culmination of new thoughts and sources for communal movements. 60% of 200 million Indonesian Muslims identify either as Nahdlatul Ulama or Muhammadiyah, making these organizations a 'steel frame' of Indonesian civil society.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest traditionalist organization, focuses on many of the activities such as social, religious and education and indirectly operates a majority of the country's Islamic boarding schools. Claiming 40 to 60 million followers, NU is Indonesia's largest organization and perhaps the world's largest Islamic group. Founded in 1926, NU has a nationwide presence but remains strongest in rural Java. It follows the ideology of Ahle Sunnah wal Jamaah with Sufism of Imam Ghazali and Junaid Bagdadi. Many NU followers give great deference to the views, interpretations, and instructions of senior NU religious figures, alternatively called Kyais or Ulama. The organization has long advocated religious moderation and communal harmony. On the political level, NU, the progressive Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi), and two other parties were forcibly streamlined into a single Islamic political party in 1973—the United Development Party (PPP). Such cleavages may have weakened NU as an organized political entity, as demonstrated by the NU withdrawal from active political competition, but as a popular religious force, NU showed signs of good health and a capacity to frame national debates.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The leading national modernist social organization, Muhammadiyah, has branches throughout the country and approximately 29 million followers. Founded in 1912, Muhammadiyah runs mosques, prayer houses, clinics, orphanages, poorhouses, schools, public libraries, and universities. On February 9, Muhammadiyah's central board and provincial chiefs agreed to endorse a former Muhammadiyah chairman's presidential campaign. This marked the organization's first formal foray into partisan politics and generated controversy among members.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Some smaller Islamic organizations cover a broad range of Islamic doctrinal orientations. At one end of the ideological spectrum lies the controversial Islam Liberal Network (JIL), which aims to promote a pluralist and more liberal interpretation of Islamic thinking.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Equally controversial are groups at the other end of this spectrum such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), which advocate a pan-Islamic caliphate and the full implementation of Shari'a, the Indonesian Mujahedeen Council (MMI), which advocates implementation of Shari'a as a precursor to an Islamic state, and the sometimes violent Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). Countless other small organizations fall between these poles. Another small organization, the Indonesian Islamic Propagation Institute (LDII), continues to grow.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: There is evidence of Arab Muslim traders entering Indonesia as early as the 8th century. However, it was not until the end of the 13th century that the spread of Islam began. At first, Islam was introduced through Arab Muslim traders, and then the missionary activity by scholars. It was further aided by the adoption by the local rulers and the conversion of the elites. The missionaries had originated from several countries and regions, initially from South Asia (i.e. Gujarat) and Southeast Asia (i.e. Champa), and later from the southern Arabian Peninsula (i.e. Hadhramaut).


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In the 13th century, Islamic polities began to emerge on the northern coast of Sumatra. Marco Polo, on his way home from China in 1292, reported at least one Muslim town. The first evidence of a Muslim dynasty is the gravestone, dated AH 696 (AD 1297), of Sultan Malik al Saleh, the first Muslim ruler of Samudera Pasai Sultanate. By the end of the 13th century, Islam had been established in Northern Sumatra.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In general, local traders and the royalty of major kingdoms were the first to adopt the new religion. The spread of Islam among the ruling class was precipitated as Muslim traders married the local women, with some of the wealthier traders marrying into the elite ruling families. Indonesian people, as local rulers and the royals did, began to adopt Islam, and subsequently, their subjects mirrored their conversion. Although the spread was slow and gradual, the limited evidence suggests that it accelerated in the 15th century, as the military power of Malacca Sultanate in the Malay Peninsula and other Islamic Sultanates that dominated the region were aided by episodes of Muslim coup such as in 1446, wars and superior control of maritime trading and ultimate markets.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: By the 14th century, Islam had been established in northeast Malaya, Brunei, the southwestern Philippines, and among some courts of coastal East and Central Java, and by the 15th century, in Malacca and other areas of the Malay Peninsula. The 15th century saw the decline of the Hindu Javanese Majapahit Empire, as Muslim traders from Arabia, India, Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, and also China began to dominate the regional trade that was once controlled by Javanese Majapahit traders. Chinese Ming dynasty provided systematic support to Malacca. Ming Chinese Zheng He's voyages (1405 to 1433) is credited for creating Chinese Muslim settlement in Palembang and north coast of Java. Malacca actively encouraged the conversion to Islam in the region, while Ming fleet actively established Chinese-Malay Muslim community in northern coastal Java, thus creating a permanent opposition to the Hindus of Java. By 1430, the expeditions had established Muslim Chinese, Arab and Malay communities in northern ports of Java such as Semarang, Demak, Tuban, and Ampel; thus, Islam began to gain a foothold in the northern coast of Java. Malacca prospered under Chinese Ming protection, while the Majapahit were steadily pushed back. Dominant Muslim kingdoms during this time included Samudera Pasai in northern Sumatra, Malacca Sultanate in eastern Sumatra, Demak Sultanate in central Java, Gowa Sultanate in southern Sulawesi, and the sultanates of Ternate and Tidore in the Maluku Islands to the east.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Indonesia's historical inhabitants were animists, Hindus, and Buddhists. Through assimilation related to trade, royal conversion, and conquest, however, Islam had supplanted Hinduism and Buddhism as the dominant religion of Java and Sumatra by the end of the 16th century. During this process, "cultural influences from the Hindu-Buddhist era were mostly tolerated or incorporated into Islamic rituals." Islam did not obliterate the preexisting culture; rather, it incorporated and embedded the local customs and non-Islamic elements among rules and arts, and reframed them as the Islamic traditions.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In part, the strong presence of Sufism has been considered a major enabler of this syncretism between Islam and other religions. Sufism retained strong influence especially among the Islamic scholars arrived during the early days of the spread of Islam in Indonesia, and many Sufi orders such as Naqshbandiyah and Qadiriyya have attracted new Indonesian converts. They have proceeded to branch into different local divisions. Sufi mysticism which had proliferated during this course had shaped the syncretic, eclectic and pluralist nature of Islam in Indonesian during the time. Prolific Sufis from the Indonesian archipelago were already known in Arabic sources as far back as the 13th Century. One of the most important Indonesian Sufis from this time is Hamzah Fansuri, a poet, and writer from the 16th century. The preeminence of Sufism among Islam in Indonesian continued until the shift of external influence from South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula, whose scholars brought more orthodox teachings and perceptions of Islam.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The gradual adoption of Islam by Indonesians was perceived as a threat by some ruling powers. As port towns adopted Islam, it undermined the waning power of the east Javanese Hindu/Buddhist Majapahit kingdom in the 16th century. Javanese rulers eventually fled to Bali, where over 2.5 million Indonesians practiced their version of Hinduism. Unlike coastal Sumatra, where Islam was adopted by elites and masses alike, partly as a way to counter the economic and political power of the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms, the elites only gradually accepted Islam in the interior of Java, and then only as a formal legal and religious context for Javanese spiritual culture. The eastern islands remained largely animist until they adopted Islam and Christianity in the 17th and 18th centuries, whereas Bali still retains a Hindu majority. By the late 15th century, the Majapahit Empire in Java had begun to decline. This last Hindu kingdom in Java fell under the rising power of the Islamized Sultanate of Demak in the 1520s; in 1527, the Muslim ruler renamed newly-conquered Sunda Kelapa as Jayakarta meaning "precious victory", which was eventually contracted to Jakarta. Islam in Java then began to spread formally, building on the spiritual influences of the revered Sufi saints Wali Songo (or Nine Saints).


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Despite Islam being one of the most significant developments in Indonesian history, historical evidence remains fragmentary and uninformative. The understanding of how Islam arrived in Indonesia is limited; there is considerable debate among scholars about what conclusions can be drawn about the conversion of Indonesian peoples. The primary evidence, at least of the earlier stages of the process, are gravestones and a few travelers' accounts, but these can only show that indigenous Muslims were in a certain place at a certain time. This evidence is insufficient to comprehensively explain more complicated matters, such as how lifestyles were affected by the new religion or how deeply it affected societies.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The Dutch entered the region in the 17th century, attracted by its wealth established through the region's natural resources and trade. The entering of the Dutch resulted in a monopoly of the central trading ports. However, this helped the spread of Islam, as local Muslim traders relocated to the smaller and remoter ports, establishing Islam into the rural provinces. Towards the beginning of the 20th century, "Islam became a rallying banner to resist colonialism".


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: During this time the introduction of steam-powered transportation and printing technology was facilitated by European expansion. As a result, the interaction between Indonesia and the rest of the Islamic world, particularly the Middle East, had significantly increased. In Mecca, the number of pilgrims grew exponentially to the point that Indonesians were markedly referred as "rice of the Hejaz". The exchange of scholars and students was also increased. Around two hundred Southeast Asian students, mostly Indonesian, were studying in Cairo during the mid-1920s, and around two thousand citizens of Saudi Arabia were had Indonesian descent. Those who returned from the Middle East had become the backbone of religious training in pesantrens.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Concurrently, a number of newly-founded religious thoughts and movements in the Islamic world had inspired the Islamic current in Indonesia. In particular, Islamic Modernism, which was inspired by Islamic scholar Muhammad 'Abduh, aimed to return to the original scripture of the religion. The Modernist movement in Indonesia had criticized the syncretic nature of Islam in Indonesia. It advocated for the reform of Islam and the elimination of perceived un-Islamic elements within the traditions. The movement also aspired to incorporate elements of modernity into Islam and, for instance, built schools that combined an Islamic and secular curricula, and was unique in that it trained women as preachers for women. Through the activities of the reformers and the reactions of their opponents, Indonesian society became more firmly structured along communal ("aliran") rather than class lines.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Reformist movements had especially taken roots in the Minangkabau area of West Sumatra, where its ulema played an important role in the early reform movement. Renowned Minangkabau imam in Mecca Ahmad Khatib al-Minangkabawi had contributed greatly to the reformist training. He was single-handedly responsible for educating many of the essential Muslim figures during this time. In 1906, Tahir bin Jalaluddin, a disciple of al-Minangkabawi, published in "al-Iman", the Malay newspaper in Singapore. Five years later followed publication of "Al-Munir" magazine by Abdullah Ahmad in Padang. In the first 20th century, Muslim modernist school arose in West Sumatra, such as Adabiah (1909), Diniyah Putri (1911), and Sumatera Thawalib (1915). The movement had also attained its supporter base in Java. In Surakarta, leftist Muslim Haji Misbach published in the monthly paper "Medan Moeslimin" and the periodical "Islam Bergerak". In Jogjakarta, Ahmad Dahlan, also a disciple of al-Minangkabawi, established Muhammadiyah in 1911, spearheading the creation of Islamic mass organization. Muhammadiyah rapidly expanded its influence across the archipelago, with Abdul Karim Amrullah establishing the West Sumatra chapter in 1925 for instance. Other modernist organizations include Al-Irshad Al-Islamiya (1914) and PERSIS (1923). Soon after, traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was founded in 1926 by Hasyim Asy'ari, another disciple of al-Minangkabawi, in response to the perceived growing threat of reformist waves. Other traditionalist organizations included the Islamic Education Association (Perti) (1930) and Lombok-based Nahdlatul Wathan (1953).


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: A combination of reformist thoughts and the growing sense of sovereignty had led to the brief development of Islam as a vehicle for the political struggle against the Dutch colonialism. The earliest example is Padri movement from Minangkabau. Padri movement was inspired by Wahhabism during its inception, and aimed at the purification of Islam in Indonesia reciprocally. The movement eventually turned into a struggle against Dutch colonialism during the Padri War (1803–1837), although at the same time the Padri movement also fought the Adat tribes who were a semi secular Minangkabau nobility and traditional chiefs. One of the leaders, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, was declared a National Hero of Indonesia. Sarekat Islam championed Islam as a common identity among vast and diverse ethnic and cultural compositions throughout the archipelago, especially against the perceived enemy of the Christian masters. Educational institutions such as Jamiat Kheir also supported the development. In the process, Islam gave the sense of identity which contributed to the cultivation of Indonesian nationalism. Under this circumstance, early Indonesian nationalists were eager to reflect themselves as a part of the "ummah" (worldwide Islamic community). They also had interests in Islamic issues, such as re-establishment of Caliphate and the movements such as pan-Islamism. For these reasons, Dutch colonial administration saw Islam as a potential threat and treated the returning pilgrims and students from the Middle East with particular suspicion. A similar Islamic-nationalist organization Union of Indonesian Muslims (PERMI) faced severe crackdown by the Dutch colonial government, leading to the arrest of its members including Rasuna Said.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: However, Islam as a vehicle of Indonesian nationalism had gradually waned in the face of the emergence of secular nationalism and more radical political thoughts such as communism. The inner struggle among Sarekat Islam between the reformists and the traditionalists had also contributed to its decline. This created a vacuum within the Muslim community for the leadership role, filled by civil society organizations such as Muhammadiyah, NU, more puritanical PERSIS, and Al-Irshad Al-Islamiya. These organizations upheld non-political position and concentrated on the social reforms and proselytization. This trend persisted during the Japanese occupation as well, whose occupational administration took the ambivalent stance toward Islam. Islam was considered both as a potential friend against the Western imperialism and a potential foe against their vision of Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Indonesia became the world's second-largest Muslim-majority country after its independence in 1945. The separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971 made it the world's most populous Muslim-majority country. Post-independence had seen the most significant upheaval of the Muslim society on various aspects of society. This owes to the independence, increased literacy and educational attainment among Muslims, funding from the Middle East, and all the more accelerated exchange between other Muslim countries.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The subsequent development of the Muslim society had brought Indonesia even closer to the center of Islamic intellectual activity. A number of scholars and writers have contributed to the development of Islamic interpretations within the Indonesian context, often through the intellectual exchange between the foreign contemporaries. Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah (Hamka) was a modernist writer and religious leader who is credited for "Tafsir al-Azhar". It was the first comprehensive Qur'anic exegesis ("tafsir") written in the Indonesian, which attempted to construe Islamic principles within the Malay-Minangkabau culture. Harun Nasution was a pioneering scholar adhered to the humanist and rationalist perspectives in Indonesian intellectual landscape, advocating for a position described as neo-Mutazilite. Nurcholish Madjid (Cak Nur) was a highly influential scholar who is credited for cultivating the modernist and reformist discourse, primarily influenced by Pakistani Islamic philosopher Fazlur Rahman. Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), later president of Indonesia, went through the Islamic education at the University of Baghdad, and later became the central figure of Indonesia's liberal Islamic trend. Quraish Shihab compiled "Tafsir Al-Mishbah", which is considered a standard of Indonesian Islamic interpretation among mainstream Indonesian Islamic intellectuals.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Post-independence had also seen an expansion in the activity of Islamic organizations, especially regarding missionary activities ("dawah") and Islamization of lifestyles. The Ministry of Religion reported that as late as the 1960s, only a minority of Muslims were practicing daily prayers and almsgiving. This status had drastically changed through the course of endeavor by the organizations such as the Indonesian Islamic Dawah Council (DDII) led by Mohammad Natsir, not to mention aforementioned Muhammadiyah, NU, and PERSIS. Among Islamic clergy, Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has been operating as an authority regarding the legislative and juridical issues of Islam, and responsible for guiding the general direction of Islamic life in Indonesia, primarily through the issuance of "fatwa". More recently, organizations such as DDII and LIPIA have been acting as instruments of the propagation of Salafism or Wahhabism with funding from Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies, that “has contributed to a more conservative, more intolerant atmosphere” and eager to strip heritages of traditional Indonesian Islam of local customs influenced by Animism ritual and Sufi teaching. On the political arena, the coalition of Muhammadiyah and NU have established the Masyumi Party, which served as a mainstream Islamic political party until its dissolution in 1960. Meanwhile, militant Islamic organizations such as Darul Islam, Laskar Jihad, and Jemaah Islamiyah had also seen its growth, aided mostly by foreign funding as well.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Upon independence, there was significant controversy surrounding Islam's role in politics, which had caused enormous tensions. The contentions were mainly surrounding the position of Islam in the constitution of Indonesia. Islamic groups have aspired for the supreme status of Islam within the constitutional framework by the inclusion of the Jakarta Charter, which obliges Muslim to abide by shari'a. The Sukarno regime denied this with the implementation of the more pluralist constitution heeding to the ideology of Pancasila, which was deemed non-Islamic. Eventually, "Indonesia adopted a civil code instead of an Islamic one." However, the struggle for the constitutional amendment continued. The hostility against the Sukarno regime was manifested on various other occasions. Most notably the anti-communist genocide perpetuated actively by Ansor Youth Movement, the youth wing of NU (which was initially supportive of the Sukarno regime) and other Islamic groups. Muslims adhering to the syncretic form of Islam known as "Abangan" had also become the target of this mass killing. Communism was considered hostile by Muslims due to perceived atheistic nature and the tendency of landowners being local Islamic chiefs.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: During the New Order, there was an intensification of religious belief among Muslims. Initially hoped as the ally of Islamic groups, the New Order quickly became the antagonist following its attempt to reform educational and marital legislation to more secular-oriented code. This met strong opposition, with marriage law left as Islamic code as a result. Suharto had also attempted at consolidating Pancasila as the only state ideology, which was also turned down by the fierce resistance of Islamic groups. Under the Suharto regime, containment of Islam as a political ideology had led to all the Islamic parties forcibly unite under one government-supervised Islamic party, the United Development Party (PPP). Certain Islamic organizations were incorporated by the Suharto regime, most notably MUI, DDII, and Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI) to absorb the political Islam for the regime's gain. With Suharto's resignation in 1998, "the structure that repressed religion and society collapsed."


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: During the beginning of the "Reformasi" era, the ascendance of Islamic political parties had led to the election of Abdurrahman Wahid, the leader of NU, as the fourth president of Indonesia, and the appointment of Amien Rais, the leader of Muhammadiyah, as the chairman of the People's Consultative Assembly. This era was briefly marked by the collapse of social order, erosion of central administrative control, and law enforcement breakdown. They resulted in violent conflicts in which Islamic groups were involved, including separatism of Aceh where the more conservative form of Islam is favored, and sectarian clashes between Muslims and Christians in Maluku and Poso. With the collapse of the establishment, MUI began distancing themselves from the government and attempted to exercise wider influence toward Indonesia's Islamic civil society. This led to the issuance of controversial 2005 fatwa condemning the notion of liberalism, secularism and pluralism, and subsequent criticism by progressive intellectuals. However, the political transition from authoritarianism to democracy went relatively smoothly due considerably to the commitment of tolerance by mass organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyah. This made Muslim civil society a key part of Indonesia's democratic transition.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Currently, Muslims are considered fully represented in the democratically elected parliament. There are numbers of active Islamic political parties, namely Muhammadiyah-oriented National Mandate Party (PAN), NU-oriented National Awakening Party (PKB), and Islamist Prosperous Justice Party (PKS). The democratization had resulted in diversification of religious influence as well, with the relative decline in the influence of established institutions such as NU and Muhammadiyah, and the rise of smaller-scale organizations and individual preachers such as Abdullah Gymnastiar (Aa Gym) and Yusuf Mansur. During the early 2000s, the return of Abu Bakar Bashir, who was in exile during the Suharto era as a spiritual leader of Jihadism in Indonesia, resulted in the series of bombing attacks, which have been largely contained recently. Contemporary Islam in Indonesia is analyzed in various ways, with certain analysis consider it as becoming more conservative. At the same time, others deem it as "too big to fail" for the radicalization.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Conservative development has seen the emergence of vigilante group Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), persecution against Ahmadiyya exemplified by MUI's fatwa, and the nationwide protest in 2016 against the incumbent governor of Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) accused of blasphemy. Liberal development has seen the emergence of groups such as Liberal Islamic Network (JIL), formation of Islam Nusantara as a collective identity of pluralist Islam, and claimed as the declining support for the Islamist political parties.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Current President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) advocates a strict separation of religion and politics. His position is supported by major Muslim organizations such as the NU. However, it is interpreted and condemned by some members of the MUI as a form of secularism. At the same time, former PKS chairman Sohibul Iman criticized Jokowi's position as having the potential of increasing tension in Indonesian society. In 2017, a "Government Regulation in Lieu of Law" ("Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang" or "Perppu") regulating mass organizations was passed by the People's Representative Council and ratified by the president, which led to the ban of the Indonesian branch of Hizbut Tahrir for rejecting and undermining the state ideology Pancasila. FPI was dissolved in 2020, with its members being involved in criminal cases and allegedly linked to terrorist groups. Since 2019, MUI chairman and former NU leader Ma'ruf Amin has been the Vice President of Indonesia.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Several artistic traditions in Indonesia, many of which existed since the pre-Islamic era, have absorbed Islamic influence and evolved in artistic expression and attachment of religious implications.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Indonesian dyeing art of Batik has incorporated Islamic influence through the inclusion of motifs and designs revering the Islamic artistic traditions, such as Islamic calligraphy and Islamic interlace patterns, and the religious codes prescribing the avoidance of the depictions of human images. Islamic influence of batik is especially pronounced in the batik tradition situated around the Javanese region of Cirebon, which forms the part of coastal Javanese batik heritage, the Central Sumatran region of Jambi which had thriving trade relations with Javanese coastal cities, and the South Sumatran region of Bengkulu where the strong sense of Islamic identity was cultivated. Jambi batik influenced the formation of Malaysian batik tradition which also encompasses the Islamic characters such as adopting the plants, floral motifs and geometrical designs, and the avoidance of interpretation of human and animal images as idolatry. Minangkabau batik tradition is known for "batiak tanah liek" (clay batik), which uses clay as a dye for the fabric, and embraces the animal and floral motifs. Bengkulu batik tradition is known for "batik besurek", which literary means "batik with letters" as they draw inspiration from Arabic calligraphy. Islamic batik tradition occasionally depicts Buraq as well, an Islamic mythical creature from the heavens which transported the Islamic prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Jerusalem and back during the Isra and Mi'raj.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Indonesian performing art of Wayang has a variety known as "Wayang sadat" which has deployed Wayang for Islam's religious teachings. There is also "Wayang Menak" which is derived from Javanese-Islamic literature "Serat Menak" which is a Javanese rendering of Malay Hikayat Amir Hamzah, which ultimately derived from Persian Hamzanama, tells the adventure of Amir Hamzah, the uncle of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. In Lombok, vernacular Wayang Kulit is known as "Wayang Sasak", which incorporates puppets similar to the Javanese ringgits and based on the adventures of Amir Hamzah as well.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: When Islam began spreading in Indonesia, the display of God or gods in human form was prohibited. Thus this style of painting and shadow play was suppressed. King Raden Patah of Demak, Java, wanted to see the wayang in its traditional form but failed to obtain permission from Muslim religious leaders. Religious leaders attempted to skirt the Muslim prohibition by converting the wayang golek into wayang purwa made from leather and displayed only the shadow instead of the puppets themselves.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: History of dance in Indonesia can be roughly divided into the Hindu-Buddhist period and Islamic period. During the Islamic period, the vernacular and dharmic dances continued to be popular and tolerated. Artists and performers were using the Hindu-Buddhist era styles but incorporated stories with Islamic implications and more modest clothing that conformed to the Islamic teaching. This change is markedly seen in "Tari Persembahan" from Jambi, in which the dancers are still adorned with the intricate gold of the Hindu/Buddhist era but the clothing is more modest. Newer styles of dance were introduced in the Islamic period, including Zapin dances of the Malay people and Gayonese Saman dance in Aceh, which adopted dance styles and music typical of Arab and Persia, and combined them with indigenous styles to form a newer generation of dance in the era of Islam. Saman dance was initially performed during the Islamic missionary activity ("dawah") or during the certain customary events such as the commemoration of the Islamic prophet Muhammad's birthday. Today more commonly performed during any official events. The adoption of Persian and Arab musical instruments, such as "rebana", "tambur", and "gendang" drums that has become the main instrument in Islamic dances, as well as the chant that often quotes Islamic chants.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The architecture of Indonesia after the spread of Islam was prominently characterized by the religious structure with the combination of Islamic implications and Indonesian architectural traditions. Initial forms of the mosque, for example, were predominantly built in the vernacular Indonesian architectural style which employs Hindu, Buddhist or Chinese architectural elements, and notably didn't equip orthodox form of Islamic architectural elements such as dome and minaret. Vernacular style mosques in Java is distinguished by its tall timber multi-level roofs known as "tajug", similar to the pagodas of Balinese Hindu temples and derived from Indian and Chinese architectural styles. Another characteristic of Javanese style mosque is the usage of gamelan drum instrument "bedug" as a substitute of prayer call ("adhan"). Bedug is often installed in the roofed front porch attached to the building known as "serambi". Bedug is commonly used for prayer call or the signal during Ramadan throughout the Javanese mosques up until today. Prominent examples of mosques with vernacular Javanese designs are Demak Mosque in Demak, built in 1474, and the Menara Kudus Mosque in Kudus, built in 1549, whose minaret is thought to be the watchtower of an earlier Hindu temple. Vernacular style mosques in Minangkabau area is distinguished by its multi-layer roof made of fiber resembling "Rumah Gadang", the Minangkabau residential building. Prominent examples of mosques with vernacular Minangkabau designs are Bingkudu Mosque, founded in 1823 by the Padris, and Jami Mosque of Taluak, built in 1860. In West Sumatra, there is also a tradition of multi-purpose religious architecture known as surau which is often built in vernacular Minangkabau style as well, with three- or five-tiered roofs and woodcarvings engraved in the facade. Vernacular style mosques in Kalimantan is influenced by the Javanese counterparts, exemplified by the Banjar architecture which employs three- or five-tiered roof with the steep top roof, compared to the relatively low-angled roof of Javanese mosque. The employment of stilts in some mosques, a separate roof on the mihrab. Prominent examples including Heritage Mosque of Banua Lawas and Jami Mosque of Datu Abulung, both in South Kalimantan.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Only after the 19th century, the mosques began incorporating more orthodox styles imported during the Dutch colonial era. Architectural style during this era is characterized by Indo-Islamic or Moorish Revival architectural elements, with onion-shaped dome and arched vault. Minaret was not introduced to full extent until the 19th century, and its introduction was accompanied by the importation of architectural styles of Persian and Ottoman origin with the prominent usage of calligraphy and geometric patterns. During this time, many of the older mosques built in traditional style were renovated, and small domes were added to their square hipped roofs. Simultaneously, eclectic architecture integrating European and Chinese styles was introduced as well. Prominent examples of Indonesian Islamic architecture with foreign styles including Baiturrahman Grand Mosque in Banda Aceh, completed in 1881, designed in Indo-Saracenic Revival architecture, and Great Mosque of Palembang in Palembang, initially completed in 1798, and later expanded with integrating Chinese, Malay and European architectural styles harmonized together.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The "peci", "songkok", or "kopiah" in Java, is a velvet cap with generally black color worn by Muslim men. It is originated within the Malay culture and can be traced back to the Ottoman fez. It is worn during the formal occasions, including Islamic religious occasions such as Idul Fitr and Idul Adha, as well as congregational prayers when visiting mosques.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The "sarong" is the popular garment worn mostly by Muslim men, notably in Java, Bali, Sumatra and Kalimantan. It is a large tube or length of fabric, often wrapped around the waist. The fabric often has woven plaid or checkered patterns, or brightly colored by means of batik or ikat dyeing. Many modern sarongs have printed designs, often depicting animals or plants. It is mostly worn as a casual wear but often worn during the congregational prayers as well. The "baju koko", also known as "baju takwa", is a traditional Malay-Indonesian Muslim shirt for men, worn usually during the formal religious occasions, such as Idul Fitr festival or Friday prayers. It is often worn with the sarong and peci.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The "kerudung" is an Indonesian Muslim women's hijab, which is a loosely worn cloth over the head. Unlike completely covered counterpart of "jilbab", parts of hairs and neck are still visible. The "jilbab" is a more conservative Muslim women's hijab, adopted from Middle Eastern style, and usually worn by more conservative Muslim women. Unlike "kerudung", hair and neck are completely covered. "Jilbab" in Indonesian context means headscarf. It does not designate the long overgarment as implied in the Muslim society in other countries.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Muslim holy days celebrated in Indonesia include the "Isra and Mi'raj", "Idul Fitr", "Idul Adha", the Islamic New Year, and the "Prophet's Birthday".


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: The government has a monopoly on organising the hajj pilgrimage to Mecca. In February 2010, following the latest Hajj, the Department of Religious Affairs drew sharp criticism for mismanaging the registration of approximately 30,000 prospective pilgrims after they had paid the required fees. The government unilaterally expanded the country's quota of 205,000 pilgrims, claiming it had informal approval from the Saudi Government, an assertion that proved incorrect. Members of the House of Representatives have sponsored a bill to set up an independent institution, thus ending the department's monopoly.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: "Tabuik" is a Shia Islamic occasion in Minangkabau region, particularly in the city of Pariaman and it is a part of the Shia days of remembrance among the local community. "Tabuik" refers to the towering funeral biers carried during the commemoration. The event has been performed every year since the Day of Ashura in 1831, when the practice was introduced to the region by the Shia "sepoy" troops from India who were stationed—and later settled—there during the British Raj. The festival enacts the Battle of Karbala and plays the "tassa" and "dhol" drums.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: To a significant degree, the way in which Islam manifest in Indonesia's lifestyle is unique and reflective of South Asian culture.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Indonesian female Muslims have a great deal of social, educational, and work-related freedoms. Thus, it is normal and socially acceptable a female Muslim to function independently within Indonesian society. Women have a high rate of employment and social integration, as well as political enfranchisement.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Many Muslims in Indonesia have a relaxed view on social relations between sexes. Strict sex segregation is usually limited to religious settings, such as in mosques during prayer. It is common for boys and girls to study together in their classroom in both public and Islamic schools. Nevertheless, there is a growing influence of a more traditional, orthodox view of sex segregation in public places. This is done to avoid contact between opposite sexes; for example, some women wearing hijab might refuse to shake hands or converse with men.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Although it has an overwhelming Muslim majority, the country is neither an Islamic state nor an Islamic republic, similar to that of Turkey and Kazakhstan. From a Pew Research Center (PEW) opinion poll in 2010, Indonesia is the only country with a Muslim majority population that its citizens tend to identify more with their nationality than their religion. According Article 29 of Indonesia's Constitution however affirms that “the state is based on the belief in the one supreme God.” Over the past 50 years, many Islamic groups have opposed this secular and pluralist direction, and sporadically have sought to establish an Islamic state. However, the country's mainstream Muslim community, including influential social organisations such as Muhammadiyah and NU, reject the idea. Proponents of an Islamic state argued unsuccessfully in 1945 and throughout the parliamentary democracy period of the 1950s for the inclusion of language (the "Jakarta Charter") in the Constitution's preamble making it obligatory for Muslims to follow shari'a.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: An Islamist political movement aspired to form an Islamic state, established "Darul Islam/Tentara Islam Indonesia" (DI/TII) in 1949, which launched an armed rebellion against the Republic throughout the 1950s. The outbreak of the Islamic state in multiple provinces, started in West Java led by Kartosoewirjo, the rebellion also spread to Central Java, South Sulawesi and Aceh. The Islamist armed rebellion was successfully cracked down in 1962. The movement has alarmed the Sukarno administration to the potential threat of political Islam against the Indonesian Republic.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: During the Suharto regime, the Government prohibited all advocacy of an Islamic state. With the loosening of restrictions on freedom of speech and religion that followed Suharto's fall in 1998, proponents of the "Jakarta Charter" resumed advocacy efforts. This proved the case before the 2002 Annual Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), a body that has the power to change the Constitution. The nationalist political parties, regional representatives elected by provincial legislatures, and appointed police, military, and functional representatives, who together held a majority of seats in the MPR, rejected proposals to amend the Constitution to include shari'a, and the measure never came to a formal vote. The MPR approved changes to the Constitution that mandated that the Government increase "faith and piety" in education. This decision, seen as a compromise to satisfy Islamist parties, set the scene for a controversial education bill signed into law in July 2003.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: On 9 May 2017, Indonesian politician Basuki Tjahaja Purnama has been sentenced to two years in prison by the North Jakarta District Court after being found guilty of committing a criminal act of blasphemy.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Shari'a generated debate and concern during 2004, and many of the issues raised touched on religious freedom. Aceh remained the only part of the country where the central Government specifically authorised shari'a. Law 18/2001 granted Aceh special autonomy and included authority for Aceh to establish a system of shari'a as an adjunct to, not a replacement for, national civil and criminal law. Before it could take effect, the law required the provincial legislature to approve local regulations ("qanun") incorporating shari'a precepts into the legal code. Law 18/2001 states that the shari'a courts would be "free from outside influence by any side." Article 25(3) states that the authority of the court will only apply to Muslims. Article 26(2) names the national Supreme Court as the court of appeal for Aceh's shari'a courts.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Aceh is the only province that has shari'a courts. Religious leaders responsible for drafting and implementing the shari'a regulations stated that they had no plans to apply criminal sanctions for violations of shari'a. Islamic law in Aceh, they said, would not provide for strict enforcement of "fiqh" or "hudud", but rather would codify traditional Acehnese Islamic practice and values such as discipline, honesty, and proper behaviour. They claimed enforcement would not depend on the police but rather on public education and societal consensus.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: Because Muslims make up the overwhelming majority of Aceh's population, the public largely accepted shari'a, which in most cases merely regularised common social practices. For example, a majority of women in Aceh already covered their heads in public. Provincial and district governments established shari'a bureaus to handle public education about the new system, and local Islamic leaders, especially in North Aceh and Pidie, called for greater government promotion of shari'a as a way to address mounting social ills. The imposition of martial law in Aceh in May 2003 had little impact on the implementation of shari'a. The Martial Law Administration actively promoted shari'a as a positive step toward social reconstruction and reconciliation. Some human rights and women's rights activists complained that implementation of shari'a focused on superficial issues, such as proper Islamic dress, while ignoring deep-seated moral and social problems, such as corruption.


title: Islam in Indonesia

text: In 1980 the Indonesian Council of Ulamas (MUI) issued a "fatwa" (a legal opinion or decree issued by an Islamic religious leader) declaring that the Ahmadis are not a legitimate form of Islam. In the past, mosques and other facilities belonging to Ahmadis had been damaged by offended Muslims in Indonesia; more recently, rallies have been held demanding that the sect be banned and some religious clerics have demanded Ahmadis be killed.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: The Kansas–Nebraska Act of 1854 () was a territorial organic act that created the territories of Kansas and Nebraska. It was drafted by Democratic Senator Stephen A. Douglas, passed by the 33rd United States Congress, and signed into law by President Franklin Pierce. Douglas introduced the bill intending to open up new lands to develop and facilitate the construction of a transcontinental railroad, but the Kansas–Nebraska Act is most notable for effectively repealing the Missouri Compromise, stoking national tensions over slavery, and contributing to a series of armed conflicts known as "Bleeding Kansas".


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: The United States had acquired vast amounts of land in the 1803 Louisiana Purchase, and since the 1840s Douglas had sought to establish a territorial government in a portion of the Louisiana Purchase that was still unorganized. Douglas's efforts were stymied by Senator David Rice Atchison and other Southern leaders who refused to allow the creation of territories that banned slavery; slavery would have been banned because the Missouri Compromise outlawed slavery in the territory north of latitude 36°30' north (except for Missouri). To win the support of Southerners like Atchison, Pierce and Douglas agreed to back the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, with the status of slavery instead decided based on "popular sovereignty". Under popular sovereignty, the citizens of each territory, rather than Congress, would determine whether slavery would be allowed.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Douglas's bill to repeal the Missouri Compromise and organize Kansas Territory and Nebraska Territory won approval by a wide margin in the Senate, but faced stronger opposition in the House of Representatives. Though Northern Whigs strongly opposed the bill, the bill passed the House with the support of almost all Southerners and some Northern Democrats. After the passage of the act, pro- and anti-slavery elements flooded into Kansas to establish a population that would vote for or against slavery, resulting in a series of armed conflicts known as "Bleeding Kansas". Douglas and Pierce hoped that popular sovereignty would help bring an end to the national debate over slavery, but the Kansas–Nebraska Act outraged Northerners. The division between pro-slavery and anti-slavery forces caused by the Act was the death knell for the ailing Whig Party, which broke apart after the Act. Its Northern remnants would give rise to the anti-slavery Republican Party. The Act, and the tensions over slavery it inflamed, were key events leading to the American Civil War.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: In his 1853 inaugural address, President Franklin Pierce expressed hope that the Compromise of 1850 had settled the debate over the issue of slavery in the territories. The compromise had allowed slavery in Utah Territory and New Mexico Territory, which had been acquired in the Mexican–American War. The Missouri Compromise, which banned slavery in territories north of the 36°30′ parallel, remained in place for the other U.S. territories acquired in the Louisiana Purchase, including a vast unorganized territory often referred to as "Nebraska". As settlers poured into the unorganized territory, and commercial and political interests called for a transcontinental railroad through the region, pressure mounted for the organization of the eastern parts of the unorganized territory. Though the organization of the territory was required to develop the region, an organization bill threatened to re-open the contentious debates over slavery in the territories that had taken place during and after the Mexican–American War.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: The topic of a transcontinental railroad had been discussed since the 1840s. While there were debates over the specifics, especially the route to be taken, there was a public consensus that such a railroad should be built by private interests, and financed by public land grants. In 1845, Stephen A. Douglas, then serving in his first term in the U.S. House of Representatives, had submitted an unsuccessful plan to organize the Nebraska Territory formally, as the first step in building a railroad with its eastern terminus in Chicago. Railroad proposals were debated in all subsequent sessions of Congress with cities such as Chicago, St. Louis, Quincy, Memphis, and New Orleans competing to be the jumping-off point for the construction.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Several proposals in late 1852 and early 1853 had strong support, but they failed because of disputes over whether the railroad would follow a northern or a southern route. In early 1853, the House of Representatives passed a bill 107 to 49 to organize the Nebraska Territory in the land west of Iowa and Missouri. In March, the bill moved to the Senate Committee on Territories, which was headed by Douglas. Missouri Senator David Atchison announced that he would support the Nebraska proposal only if slavery were to be permitted. While the bill was silent on this issue, slavery would have been prohibited under the Missouri Compromise in the territory north of 36°30' latitude and west of the Mississippi River. Other Southern senators were as inflexible as Atchison. By a vote of 23 to 17, the Senate voted to table the motion, with every senator from the states south of Missouri voting to the table.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: During the Senate adjournment, the issues of the railroad and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise became entangled in Missouri politics, as Atchison campaigned for re-election against the forces of Thomas Hart Benton. Atchison was maneuvered into choosing between antagonizing the state's railroad interests or its slaveholders. Finally, he took the position that he would rather see Nebraska "sink in hell" before he would allow it to be overrun by free soilers.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Representatives then generally found lodging in boarding houses when they were in the nation's capital to perform their legislative duties. Atchison shared lodgings in an F Street house shared by the leading Southerners in Congress. He was the Senate's President pro tempore. His housemates included Robert T. Hunter (from Virginia, chairman of the Finance Committee), James Mason (from Virginia, chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee) and Andrew P. Butler (from South Carolina, chairman of the Judiciary Committee). When Congress reconvened on December 5, 1853, the group, termed the F Street Mess, along with Virginian William O. Goode, formed the nucleus that would insist on slaveholder equality in Nebraska. Douglas was aware of the group's opinions and power and knew that he needed to address its concerns. Douglas was also a fervent believer in popular sovereignty – the policy of letting the voters, almost exclusively white males, of a territory decide whether or not slavery should exist in it.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Iowa Senator Augustus C. Dodge immediately reintroduced the same legislation to organize Nebraska that had stalled in the previous session; it was referred to Douglas's committee on December 14. Douglas, hoping to achieve the support of the Southerners, publicly announced that the same principle that had been established in the Compromise of 1850 should apply in Nebraska.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: In the Compromise of 1850, Utah and New Mexico Territories had been organized without any restrictions on slavery, and many supporters of Douglas argued that the compromise had already superseded the Missouri Compromise. The territories were, however, given the authority to decide for themselves whether they would apply for statehood as either free or slaves states whenever they chose to apply. The two territories, however, unlike Nebraska, had not been part of the Louisiana Purchase and had arguably never been subject to the Missouri Compromise.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: The bill was reported to the main body of the Senate on January 4, 1854. It had been modified by Douglas, who had also authored the New Mexico Territory and Utah Territory Acts, to mirror the language from the Compromise of 1850. In the bill, a vast new Nebraska Territory was created to extend from Kansas north to the 49th parallel, the US–Canada border. A large portion of Nebraska Territory would soon be split off into Dakota Territory (1861), and smaller portions transferred to Colorado Territory (1861) and Idaho Territory (1863) before the balance of the land became the State of Nebraska in 1867.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Furthermore, any decisions on slavery in the new lands were to be made "when admitted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." In a report accompanying the bill, Douglas's committee wrote that the Utah and New Mexico Acts:


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: The report compared the situation in New Mexico and Utah with the situation in Nebraska. In the first instance, many had argued that slavery had previously been prohibited under Mexican law, just as it was prohibited in Nebraska under the Missouri Compromise. Just as the creation of New Mexico and Utah territories had not ruled on the validity of Mexican law on the acquired territory, the Nebraska bill was neither "affirming nor repealing ... the Missouri act." In other words, popular sovereignty was being established by ignoring, rather than addressing, the problem presented by the Missouri Compromise.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Douglas's attempt to finesse his way around the Missouri Compromise did not work. Kentucky Whig Archibald Dixon believed that unless the Missouri Compromise was explicitly repealed, slaveholders would be reluctant to move to the new territory until slavery was approved by the settlers, who would most likely oppose slavery. On January 16 Dixon surprised Douglas by introducing an amendment that would repeal the section of the Missouri Compromise that prohibited slavery north of the 36°30' parallel. Douglas met privately with Dixon and in the end, despite his misgivings on Northern reaction, agreed to accept Dixon's arguments.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: A similar amendment was offered in the House by Philip Phillips of Alabama. With the encouragement of the "F Street Mess", Douglas met with them and Phillips to ensure that the momentum for passing the bill remained with the Democratic Party. They arranged to meet with President Franklin Pierce to ensure that the issue would be declared a test of party loyalty within the Democratic Party.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Pierce was not enthusiastic about the implications of repealing the Missouri Compromise and had barely referred to Nebraska in his State of the Union message delivered December 5, 1853, just a month before. Close advisors Senator Lewis Cass, a proponent of popular sovereignty as far back as 1848 as an alternative to the Wilmot Proviso, and Secretary of State William L. Marcy both told Pierce that repeal would create serious political problems. The full cabinet met and only Secretary of War Jefferson Davis and Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin supported repeal. Instead, the president and cabinet submitted to Douglas an alternative plan that would have sought out a judicial ruling on the constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise. Both Pierce and Attorney General Caleb Cushing believed that the Supreme Court would find it unconstitutional.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Douglas's committee met later that night. Douglas was agreeable to the proposal, but the Atchison group was not. Determined to offer the repeal to Congress on January 23 but reluctant to act without Pierce's commitment, Douglas arranged through Davis to meet with Pierce on January 22 even though it was a Sunday when Pierce generally refrained from conducting any business. Douglas was accompanied at the meeting by Atchison, Hunter, Phillips, and John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky.


title: Kansas–Nebraska Act

text: Douglas and Atchison first met alone with Pierce before the whole group convened. Pierce was persuaded to support repeal, and at Douglas' insistence, Pierce provided a written draft, asserting that the Missouri Compromise had been made inoperative by the principles of the Compromise of 1850. Pierce later informed his cabinet, which concurred with the change of direction. The "Washington Union", the communications organ for the administration, wrote on January 24 that support for the bill would be "a test of Democratic orthodoxy."