title: The New Abnormal

text: The Strokes performed "The Adults Are Talking" and "Bad Decisions" during the October 31, 2020, episode of "Saturday Night Live"s 46th season. "The Adults Are Talking" was released as a radio play single, impacting alternative radio stations, on November 3, 2020.


title: The New Abnormal

text: At Metacritic, which assigns a normalized rating out of 100 to reviews from mainstream publications, the album received a weighted average score of 75, based on 25 reviews, indicating "generally favorable reviews". Most critics praised the mature lyrics and highlighted the members' return to form after a period of tension and apathy from within the group.


title: The New Abnormal

text: Will Hodgkinson of "The Times" awarded the album five out of five stars, labeling it their "second masterpiece", following "Is This It" (2001). He praised Rick Rubin's production as well as the album's overall sound, saying that "the Strokes sound like a band again." "Entertainment Weekly" gave the album an A−, acknowledging that "twenty years on from the band's first flush of stardom, "Abnormal" offers something better than reckless youth: rock stars finally old enough to miss those good old days—and wise enough now, too, to give us the soundtrack these strange new times deserve." "NME" awarded the album four stars, with Ella Kemp remarking, "The Strokes have always kept their feelings at arm's length, but there are traces of deeper introspection on their sixth album, which—despite itself—is something of a crowd-pleaser."


title: The New Abnormal

text: In the review for AllMusic, Heather Phares praised the album, calling it "[f]ull of passion, commitment, and creativity" and proclaiming that ""The New Abnormal" marks the first time in a while that the Strokes have made truly exciting music." Giving the verdict for "Consequence of Sound", Tyler Clark stated that "Even with its inevitable blemishes, The New Abnormal is easily the freshest, most interesting album that The Strokes have released in more than a decade. While the band haven't proven to be the single-handed savior that rock music always seems to be searching for, they have made the case for taking a slow-burn approach to collaboration and creativity. In that respect, this album might just be the first step along a new, more invigorated path." Rachel Aroesti also provided a positive assessment in the review for "the Guardian", writing that "when they put their minds to it, that old magic is still well within the Strokes's grasp."


title: The New Abnormal

text: Some reviewers were more critical in their judgement of the album. In the review for "Pitchfork", Sam Sodomsky mentioned that "the Strokes' sixth album and first in seven years, mostly just feels like a hangover. It's sluggish and slight, and the strongest hooks are so familiar that they require additional writing credits for the '80s hits they copy note-for-note" Neil McCormick of "The Daily Telegraph" gave the album three stars out of five, criticizing its "cheesy Eighties synths and dinky disco beats" as well as Julian Casablancas' lyrics, but praised its instrumentation and Casablancas's vocals, as well as Rick Rubin's production for making The Strokes sound "pretty damn fantastic again." Reviewing the album for "Exclaim!", Kaelen Bell had mixed feelings, saying that it is "not a bad record, but it is a frustrating one, made by a band that feels pulled in a dozen different directions." Kitty Empire of "the Observer" also regarded the album as a "frustrating listen despite its gleam", adding that "faster tempos would have helped."


title: The New Abnormal

text: On the US "Billboard" 200, "The New Abnormal" debuted at number 8 with 35,000 equivalent album units. Of that sum, 23,000 were in album sales, 11,000 in SEA units and less than 1,000 in TEA units. The album reached number 1 on the Top Album Sales chart, making it the highest-selling album in terms of pure sales for that week.


title: The New Abnormal

text: All lyrics are written by Julian Casablancas; all music is composed by the Strokes, except where noted.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: UEFA Euro 2020 was an international football tournament held across eleven cities in Europe from 11 June to 11 July 2021. The 24 national teams involved in the tournament were required to register a squad of up to 26 players – of which three had to be goalkeepers – by 1 June 2021, 23:59 CEST (), ten days prior to the opening match of the tournament. Only players in these squads were eligible to take part in the tournament.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: In the event that a player on the submitted squad list suffered from an injury or illness prior to his team's first match of the tournament, that player could be replaced, provided that the team doctor and a doctor from the UEFA Medical Committee both confirmed that the injury or illness was severe enough to prevent the player from participating in the tournament. Should a goalkeeper have suffered from an injury or illness after his team's first match of the tournament, he could still be replaced, even if the other goalkeepers from the squad were still available. A player who had been replaced on the player list could not be readmitted to the list.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: The position listed for each player is per the official squad lists published by UEFA. The age listed for each player is their age as of 11 June 2021, the first day of the tournament. The numbers of caps and goals listed for each player do not include any matches played after the start of the tournament. The club listed is the club for which the player last played a competitive match prior to the tournament. The nationality for each club reflects the national association (not the league) to which the club is affiliated. A flag is included for coaches who are of a different nationality to their team.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: At the start of April 2021, UEFA stated they were considering allowing tournament squads to be expanded from the usual 23 players, used at every European Championship since 2004, following calls from national team managers in case of a possible COVID-19 outbreak in a team, as well as to reduce player fatigue caused by the fixture congestion of the prior season. On 27 April, it was reported that the UEFA National Team Competitions Committee had approved the expansion of squads to 26 players, subject to confirmation by the UEFA Executive Committee.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: On 4 May 2021, the Executive Committee confirmed the use of 26-player squads. However, teams still could only name a maximum of 23 players on the match sheet for each tournament fixture (of which 12 were substitutes), in line with the Laws of the Game.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Players who either tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 or had been declared as "close contacts" of a positive SARS-CoV-2 tested person – and therefore were put in isolation by the decision of health authorities – were considered cases of serious illness and could therefore be replaced before the first match.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: If a group of players of a team were placed into mandatory quarantine or self-isolation prior to a match following a decision from national or local health officials due to positive SARS-CoV-2 tests, and fewer than 13 players were available (including at least one goalkeeper), additional players could have been called up to meet the minimum of 13 players required. In such a case, an equivalent number of quarantined players must have been definitively withdrawn from the 26-player list.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Any player who had been replaced on the player list after the submission deadline of 1 June 2021 could not be readmitted to the list.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Italy announced a 33-man preliminary squad on 17 May 2021. The squad was extended to 34 players on 25 May, then reduced to 28 players on 30 May (with two players added and eight removed). The final squad was announced on 2 June. Stefano Sensi withdrew injured and was replaced by Matteo Pessina on 7 June. Lorenzo Pellegrini withdrew injured and was replaced by Gaetano Castrovilli on 10 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Switzerland announced a 29-man preliminary squad on 19 May 2021. The final squad was announced on 31 May. After the team's first match, goalkeeper Jonas Omlin withdrew injured and was replaced by Gregor Kobel on 13 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Wales announced on 23 April 2021 that Rob Page would act as manager for the tournament, after regular manager Ryan Giggs was charged by the Crown Prosecution Service. The team announced a 28-man preliminary squad on 24 May. The final squad was announced on 30 May. James Lawrence withdrew injured and was replaced by Tom Lockyer on 31 May.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Belgium announced their final squad on 17 May 2021. Timothy Castagne left the squad on 15 June due to injury. After the team's round of 16 match, goalkeeper Simon Mignolet withdrew injured and was replaced by Thomas Kaminski on 28 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Finland announced a 26-man preliminary squad on 19 May 2021. The squad was extended to 28 players on 23 May, and further extended to 29 players on 25 May. The final squad was announced on 1 June. Sauli Väisänen withdrew injured and was replaced by Niko Hämäläinen on 3 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Russia announced a 30-man preliminary squad on 11 May 2021. The final squad was announced on 2 June. Andrei Mostovoy withdrew after testing positive for SARS-CoV-2 and was replaced by Roman Yevgenyev on 11 June. Yuri Zhirkov left the squad on 15 June due to injury.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Austria announced a 30-man preliminary squad on 19 May 2021. The final squad was announced on 24 May.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: The Netherlands announced a 34-man preliminary squad on 14 May 2021. The final squad was announced on 26 May. Jasper Cillessen withdrew after testing positive for SARS-CoV-2 and was replaced by Marco Bizot on 1 June. Donny van de Beek withdrew injured on 8 June and was not replaced, thus reducing the squad to 25 players.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Ukraine announced a 35-man preliminary squad on 30 April 2021. The squad was extended to 36 players on 1 May, then reduced to 34 players on 15 May as Oleksandr Andriyevskyi and Volodymyr Shepelyev withdrew injured. The squad was further reduced to 33 players on 20 May as Vitaliy Buyalskyi withdrew injured, then extended to 34 players on 26 May. The squad was further reduced to 32 players on 28 May as Yevhen Konoplyanka and Viktor Kovalenko withdrew injured. The final squad was announced on 1 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: The Czech Republic announced 25 players of their final squad on 25 May 2021. Michal Sadílek was announced as the final player in the squad on 27 May, after the confirmation of Ondřej Kúdela's ten-match ban. Jiří Pavlenka withdrew injured and was replaced by Tomáš Koubek on 12 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: England announced a 33-man preliminary squad on 25 May 2021. Mason Greenwood withdrew injured on 1 June, with the final squad announced later that day. Trent Alexander-Arnold withdrew injured on 3 June and was replaced by Ben White on 7 June. After the team's first match, goalkeeper Dean Henderson withdrew injured and was replaced by Aaron Ramsdale on 15 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Poland announced their final squad on 17 May 2021. Arkadiusz Milik withdrew injured on 7 June and was not replaced, thus reducing the squad to 25 players.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Slovakia announced a 24-man preliminary squad on 18 May 2021. The final squad was announced on 2 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Spain announced their final squad, containing 24 players rather than the allowed 26, on 24 May 2021. With the omission of Sergio Ramos, there were no Real Madrid players in the Spain squad for the first time in a major tournament. Sergio Busquets tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 on 6 June, and was isolated while remaining in the squad.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Sweden announced their final squad on 18 May 2021. Martin Olsson withdrew injured and was replaced by Pierre Bengtsson on 31 May. Dejan Kulusevski and Mattias Svanberg tested positive for SARS-CoV-2 on 8 June, and were isolated while remaining in the squad.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Hungary announced a 30-man preliminary squad on 6 May 2021. The squad was reduced to 29 players on 23 May as Szilveszter Hangya withdrew injured. Dominik Szoboszlai withdrew injured on 1 June, with the final squad announced later that day. Dániel Gazdag left the squad on 16 June due to injury.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: Portugal announced their final squad on 20 May 2021. João Cancelo withdrew after testing positive for SARS-CoV-2 and was replaced by Diogo Dalot on 13 June.


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: The above table is the same when it comes to league representation, with only the following exceptions:


title: UEFA Euro 2020 squads

text: No national team had all its players from the nation's club teams. Every national team also had at least one player from a club of its nation, though Wales had no players from its league system.


title: Nair

text: The Nair , also known as Nayar, are a group of Indian Hindu castes, described by anthropologist Kathleen Gough as "not a unitary group but a named category of castes". The Nair include several castes and many subdivisions, not all of whom historically bore the name 'Nair'. These people lived, and continue to live, in the area which is now the Indian state of Kerala. Their internal caste behaviours and systems are markedly different between the people in the northern and southern sections of the area, although there is not very much reliable information on those inhabiting the north.


title: Nair

text: Historically, Nairs lived in large family units called "tharavads" that housed descendants of one common female ancestor. These family units along with their unusual marriage customs, which are no longer practiced, have been much studied. Although the detail varied from one region to the next, the main points of interest to researchers of Nair marriage customs were the existence of two particular rituals—the pre-pubertal "thalikettu kalyanam" and the later "sambandam"—and the practice of polygamy in some areas. Some Nair women also practiced hypergamy with Nambudiri Brahmins from the Malabar region.


title: Nair

text: The Nair were historically involved in military conflicts in the region. Following hostilities between the Nair and the British in 1809, the British limited Nair participation in the British Indian Army. After India's independence, the Nair Brigade of the Travancore State Force was merged into the Indian Army and became a part of the 9th Battalion, Madras Regiment, the oldest battalion in the Indian Army.


title: Nair

text: The serpent is worshipped by Nair families as a guardian of the clan. The worship of snakes, a Dravidian custom, is so prevalent in the area that one anthropologist notes: "In no part of the world is snake worship more general than in Kerala." Serpent groves were found in the southwestern corner of nearly every Nair compound.


title: Nair

text: The origin of the Nair is disputed. Some people think the name itself is derived from "nayaka", an honorific meaning "leader of the people", while others believe it stems from the community's association with the Naga cult of serpent worship. Christopher Fuller, an anthropologist, has said that it is likely that the first reference to the Nair community was made by Pliny the Elder in his "Natural History", dating from 77 AD. That work describes what is probably the Malabar coast area wherein could be found the "Nareae, who are shut in by the Capitalis range, the highest of all the mountains in India". Fuller believes it probable that the "Nareae" referred to the Nairs and the Capitalis range is the Western Ghats.


title: Nair

text: There are large gaps in the known early history of the Kerala region, which in the 1st-century AD is thought to have been governed by the Chera dynasty and which by the late 3rd-century AD had broken up, possibly as a consequence of a decline in trade with the Romans. There is no evidence of Nairs in the area during this period. Inscriptions on copper-plate regarding grants of land and rights to settlements of Jewish and Christian traders, dated approximately between the 7th- and 9th-centuries AD, refer to Nair chiefs and soldiers from the Eranad, Valluvanad, Venad (later known as Travancore) and Palghat areas. As these inscriptions show the Nairs as witnesses to the agreements between those traders and the successors to the Cheras, the Perumals, it is probable that by this time the Nairs were vassal chieftains.


title: Nair

text: Certainly by the 13th-century, some Nairs were the rulers of small kingdoms and the Perumals had disappeared. Trade with China, which had declined for some time, began to increase once more in the 13th-century and it was during this period that two small Nair kingdoms were established. Both of these—at Kolattunad and at Vernad—contained major seaports, and they expanded by taking over the inland territory of neighbouring chieftains. Although trade with China once more went into decline in the 14th-century, it was replaced by trade with Muslim Arabs. These traders had been visiting the area for several hundred years but their activities increased to the point that a third Nair kingdom, based on the port of Calicut, became established. There were also small kingdoms at Walluvanad and Palghat, away from the coastline. This period was characterized by continuous war between these various kingdoms, and most able bodied Nair men were assigned to fight in these wars.


title: Nair

text: The large influx of travelers and traders to Kerala had left many early accounts of the Nairs. These descriptions were initially idealized by Europeans for its martial society, productivity, spirituality, and for its marriage practices. Some early examples of these works being John Mandeville’s ‘’Travels’’ (1356), William Saxton’s ‘The mirrour of the wourld’ (1481), and Jean Boudin’s ‘Les sex livres de la republique’ (1576). The Nair men are described as being polite and well-mannered in old sources, and nearly all historical descriptions describe them as arrogant. Sources on Nair women are scant and were written by men, and these primarily comment on their beauty. The martial society of the Nairs was something that was covered by nearly all visitors, and their characteristic of always being armed is well described.


title: Nair

text: The Portuguese arrived in the area from 1498, by which time the "Zamorin" (King) of Calicut had come to the fore. Arab traders had firmly established themselves at his port and although trade still went to the ports of the other two small kingdoms it was in relatively small amounts. Indeed, the kingdom based at Kolattunad had split into three even smaller kingdoms; and the ruler of Vernad had conceded considerable powers to local chiefs within his kingdom. By the time of European arrival, the title Nair was used to refer to all military castes. The Portuguese used the term Nair for all soldiers, and prior to 1498 the military or retainer Nairs are believed to have been called 'Lokar'. Gough states that the title Nair existed prior to that time referring to only those families that were involved in the military.


title: Nair

text: The Portuguese had many involvements in South India, including their support of the Paravars in a trade battle over control of the pearl fisheries of Malabar, but in the Nair kingdoms their principal interest was to obtain control of the trade in pepper. In this they followed the Muslim Arabs, whom they eventually marginalised; and they were in turn followed by the Dutch in 1683. The British and French were also active in the region now known as Kerala, the former from 1615 and the latter from 1725. These various European powers combined with one or another of the Nair rulers, fighting for control. One notable alliance was that of the Portuguese with the Kingdom of Cochin, with whom they sided in order to work against the power of the Zamorins of Calicut. Although Calicut remained the most significant of the kingdoms until the 1730s, its power was eroded and the rulers of Cochin were freed from being vassals of the Zamorins.


title: Nair

text: In 1729, Marthanda Varma became the Raja of Venad and inherited a state facing war and refractory Nair chiefs. Varma curtailed the power of the Nair chiefs and introduced Tamil Brahmins to form a core component of his administration. Under Marthanda Varma's reign, the Travancore Nair Infantry (also known as the "Nair Pattalam" ) distinguished themselves in battle against the Dutch at the Battle of Colachel (1741). The Nair army was re-organized in the European style and had transformed from a feudal-based force into a standing army. Though this army was still made up of Nairs, this had checked the power of local chiefs and was the first limit on Nair dominance.


title: Nair

text: There had been Hindu–Muslim clashes during the medieval period, notably when Muslim armies from Mysore invaded and gained control of northern Kerala in 1766. The Nairs of Kottayam and Kadathanad led the resistance, and the Nairs managed to defeat all Mysorean garrisons except for those in Palakkad. Shortly afterwards, Haider Ali died and his son Tipu had become Sultan. The Nairs of Calicut and South Malabar had recaptured Calicut and defeated an army sent by Tipu to break the siege. This had caused the Sultan himself to intervene in 1789 during which many Hindus, especially Nairs, were kept captive or killed by Muslims under Tipu Sultan. Many Nairs had fled to the protection of Travancore, while others engaged in guerilla warfare. However the Nairs of Travancore were able to defeat the Muslim forces in 1792 at the Third Anglo-Mysore War. After this, the East India Company established its pre-eminence throughout the entire Kerala region.


title: Nair

text: The British imposed the next limitation on Nair dominance. After signing the treaty of subsidiary alliance with Travancore in 1795, British residents were sent to the Travancore administration; the interference from the British had caused two rebellions in 1804 and 1809, the latter of which was to have lasting repercussions. Velu Thampi, the Nair dewan of Travancore, led a revolt in 1809 to remove British influence from the Travancore sarkar. After a few months, the rebellion was defeated and Velu Thampi had committed suicide. Afterwards, the Nairs were disbanded and disarmed. Up to this time the Nairs had been historically a military community, who along with the Nambudiri Brahmins owned most of the land in the region; after it, they turned increasingly to administrative service. By this time there were nine small Nair kingdoms and several chiefdoms which were loosely affiliated to them; the British amalgamated seven of those kingdoms (Calicut, Kadattunad, Kolattunad, Kottayam, Kurumbranad, Palghat and Walluvanad) to form Malabar District, while Cochin and Travancore were left as native states under the control of their own rulers but with advice from the British. Velu Thampi's rebellion had made the British wary of Nair leaders, and the Travancore sarkar was mainly under control of British residents although the rest of the administration had been handled for the most part by non-Malayali Brahmins and Nairs.


title: Nair

text: The Travancore army became the Travancore Nair Brigade in 1818–1819. The Nair unit, 1st Battalion of HH Rani's Troops, was likewise incorporated into this brigade, but the Brigade served only in a police capacity until the withdrawal of the East India Company troops in 1836. In 1901, the unit was relieved of its police duties and placed under a British officer. In 1935, the Travancore Nair Regiment and the Maharaja's bodyguard were fused and renamed the Travancore State Force, as part of the Indian State Forces system.


title: Nair

text: The changes in the economy and the legal system from the late 1800s had ruined many Nair tharavads. Nair leaders noted the decay of their community and struggled to deal with issues regarding widespread infighting, disunity, and feuds. This was in contrast with other communities who were quick to unite for caste interests. By 1908, the Nairs had not completely lost their dominance; they still held the most land, and had still held a majority of the government posts despite competition from low-castes and Christians. The dominance that Nairs historically held from their ritual status had come under opposition. The land that the Nairs historically had held was gradually lost, for there was a massive rate of wealth transfer to Christians and avarna Hindus. Christian missionaries also found interest in the dissolution of the tharavads as they saw this as an opportunity to convert the Nairs.


title: Nair

text: In 1914, the Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded by Mannathu Padmanabha Pillai. Growing up in poverty and witnessing widespread domestic disarray and land alienation amongst the Nairs had facilitated Padmanabhan to create the NSS. The organization aimed to respond to these issues by creating educational institutions, welfare programs, and to replace cumbersome customs such as the matrilineal system.


title: Nair

text: Subsequent to Indian independence from British rule, the regions of Travancore, Malabar District and Cochin became the present-day state of Kerala. It is with regard to the Nairs living in the former areas of Cochin and South Malabar, which are sometimes jointly referred to as Central Kerala, that there is the most information; that available for North Malabar is the most scant. Two former Travancore State Army divisions, the 1st Travancore Nayar Infantry and the 2nd Travancore Nayar Infantry were converted into 9th and 16th Battalions of Madras Regiment respectively after the independence. The Nayar Army from Cochin was incorporated into the 17th Battalion.


title: Nair

text: Historically most Nairs were literate in Malayalam, and many in Sanskrit. The explanation for this literacy was attributed to the general needs of administration, as many Nairs served as scribes and bailiffs for the royal courts. Many Nairs had become prominent philosophers and poets, and from the 16th century and onwards the Nairs contributed increasingly to literature and drama. Nairs from the lowest subsections of the community had also partaken in these artistic traditions. By the 19th century, novels written by Nairs had dealt with themes of social change. These themes would primarily relate to the rise of the nuclear family in replacement of the old matrilineal system. Novels such as, for example, "Indulekha" by O.C Menon had themes which dealt with societal constraints on romantic love, while C.V Raman Pillai's "Marthanda Varma" had dealt with themes relating to the Nair military past.


title: Nair

text: Kathakali is a dance-drama which portrays scenes from Sanskrit epics or stories. The dance drama was historically performed exclusively by Nairs and had always traditionally been associated with them; Nair rulers and chiefs had patronized the art, the first Ramanattam plays were written by a Nair from a ruling family, and Kathakali had foundations in Nair military training and religious customs. The first Kathakali actors were most likely Nair soldiers who performed the dance-drama part-time, influenced by the techniques of Kalaripayattu. As Kathakali developed as an art form, the need for specialization and detail grew. Those who had become masters of the art would pass their traditions on to their families. These families were the source of the next generations of Kathakali students, and it was often the nephew of the master that would be chosen as the disciple.


title: Nair

text: The historical attire of the Nair men was the "mundu", a cloth wrapped around the waist and then left to hang down nearly to the ground, rather than tucked in as in other parts of India. The low-hanging fabric was considered as specific to the Nair caste, and at the start of the 20th century it was noted that in more conservative rural areas a non-Nair could be beaten for daring to wear a cloth hanging low to the ground. Wealthy Nairs might use silk for this purpose, and they also would cover their upper body with a piece of laced muslin; the remainder of the community used once to wear a material manufactured in Eraniyal but by the time of Panikkar's writing were generally using cotton cloth imported from Lancashire, England, and wore nothing above the waist. Nair men eschewed turbans or other head coverings, but would carry an umbrella against the sun's rays. They also eschewed footwear, although some of the wealthy would wear elaborate sandals.


title: Nair

text: The historical dress of the Nair woman was the mundu, as well as a cloth that covered the upper body. The "mundum neryathum", a garment that roughly resembles the sari, had later become the traditional dress of the Nair women. The dress consisted of a cloth tied around the waist as well as a cloth covering the breast, and worn without a blouse. The mundum neryathum had become the essence for the set sari, which is considered to be Kerala's specific regional wear. Sonja Thomas describes how this is an example of how “primacy was given to upper caste cultural norms”. The Nair women would also wear "onera" ("onnara"), a loincloth worn as an undergarment by more conservative women. The undergarment was noted as beautifying and slimming the waist.


title: Nair

text: The primary deity of the Nairs is Bhagavati, who is the patron goddess of war and fertility. Central to all aspects of Nair life and revered as a kind and ferocious virgin mother, Bhagavati identifies with both Sanskritic and regional based aspects of worship. The goddess was worshipped in the temples of the royal Nair matrilineages and also the village Nair matrilineages. The idol would either be placed in the western side of the house or be placed in a room with other deities. The kalaris would also have an area for the worship of Kali, the warlike manifestation of Bhagavati.


title: Nair

text: Serpent deities known as Nāga were revered by the Nairs, and these deities would be placed in a grove in the family property. The groves would portray a miniature forest made to resemble Patala, and could feature various types of idols. Naga worship was significant to the entire tharavad since, as Gough says, they "... could inflict or avert sickness in general but were especially believed to be responsible for the fertility or barrenness of tharavad women". Gough speculates that the Nagas were seen as phallic symbols representing the procreative powers of the ancestors.


title: Nair

text: Nairs believed in spirits, which on some occasions they attempted to tame by performing various rituals. According to Panikkar, they believed in spirits such as "Pretam", "Bhutam" and "Pisachu". "Pretam" is the spirit of prematurely dead people; "Bhutam", Panikkar says, "is seen generally in marshy districts and does not always hurt people unless they go very near him"; and "Pisachu" is spirit of bad air causing illnesses. Believing "Pretam" to be wandering around the place of death, they warned people to stay away from those areas between 9 am and 3 pm. They also believed in a comic elf called Kutti Chattan who would be prone to mischief. They believed in "evil eye"—that compliments from others had negative effect; they also believed that utterances of a person with "kari nakku" (black-tongue) had a similarly bad effect. They also believed "koti" from a poor man watching someone eating a delicious food will cause stomach-aches and dysentery.


title: Nair

text: The Nair traditionally practised certain rituals relating to births, although often only for those of the first-born. Of these, "pulicudi" was the most significant to them. This involved rubbing coconut oil into the pregnant woman, followed by bathing, formal dressing, consultation with an astrologer regarding the expected date of birth and a ceremonial drinking of tamarind juice, dripped along the blade of a sword. The woman would also select a grain, from which it was believed possible to determine the gender of the child. This ritual was performed in front of the community and contained many symbolic references; for example, the use of the sword was believed to make the child a warrior.


title: Nair

text: In the months subsequent to the birth there followed other rituals, including those of purification and the adornment of the child with a symbolic belt to ward off illness, as well as a name-giving ceremony at which an astrologer again played a significant role. There were also various dietary restrictions, both for the woman during pregnancy and for the child in the first few months of its life.


title: Nair

text: Although birth was considered to be ritually polluting, a death in the family was thought to be much more so. In the case of the death of the oldest member of the family, whether male or female, the body would be cremated on a pyre; for all other family members burial was the norm. In either case, the ceremonies were conducted by the Maran subgroup of the community and they utilised both elements of superstition and of Hinduism. The occasions involving cremation were more ritualised than those involving burial.


title: Nair

text: An elaborate fourteen-day period of mourning followed the cremation, during which the family performed various symbolic acts around the pyre and were regarded to be highly polluted in ritual terms, thus necessitating not only that they took regular baths but also that any other Nair who might touch them must also take a bath. The period was followed by a feast and by participation in sports events, which also involved Nairs from nearby villages. Subsequently, the family stayed in mourning while one male member undertook a "diksha", during which time he had to maintain a pure life. This involved him living with a Brahmin, bathing twice daily and desisting from cutting either his hair or his fingernails, as well as being prevented from speaking with or indeed even seeing women. In some cases the "diksha" might last for a year rather than the more usual forty-one days, in which case there would be considerable celebration at its end.


title: Nair

text: Pork was noted as a favourite food of the Nair, and even high-status Nairs were noted as eating buffalo meat.


title: Nair

text: The Nair avoided beef, and many did not eat lamb. In the modern day, alcohol is a component of Nair-dominated festivals in Kerala.


title: Nair

text: Prior to the reorganisation of the region by the British, Kerala was divided into around ten feudal states. Each of these was governed by a "rajah" (king) and was subdivided into organisational units known as "nads". In turn, the "nads" were divided into "dēsams".


title: Nair

text: The person who governed the "nad" was known as the "naduvazhi". It was an inherited role, originally bestowed by a king, and of a lower ritual rank than the royal lineages. Although Nair families, they generally used the title of "Samantan" and were treated as vassals. However, some "naduvazhi" were feudatory chiefs, former kings whose territory had been taken over by, for example, the Zamorins of Calicut. In these instances, although they were obeisant to the "rajah" they held a higher ritual rank than the Zamorin as a consequence of their longer history of government; they also had more power than the vassal chiefs. The "naduvazhi" families each saw themselves as a distinct caste in the same manner as did the rajahs; they did not recognise other "naduvazhi" families as being equal to them. The "naduvazhi" maintained criminal and civil order and could demand military service from all Nairs below him. There was usually a permanent force of between 500 and 1000 men available and these were called upon by the "rajah" when required. All fighting was usually suspended during the monsoon period of May to September, when movement around the country was almost impossible. Roads did not exist, nor wheeled vehicles or pack animals, until after 1766.


title: Nair

text: The "desavazhi" had the right to operate "kalaris", which were military training schools that all young Nair men from the age of 12 were expected to attend. They ceased attending at the age of 18 but were expected to be available for military duty at a day's notice. The function of these schools became less significant practically following the introduction of the Arms Act by the British, which limited the right of Nairs to carry arms; however, they continued to exist and provided some training to those Nair men who did not attend English schools. This training became evident at village festivals, during which a martial review would take place.


title: Nair

text: According to Gough, the villages were generally between one and four square miles in area and their lands were usually owned by one landlord family, who claimed a higher ritual rank than its other inhabitants. The landlord was also usually the "desavazhi" (headman) and in all cases their families were known as "jenmis". These landlords were from the lineages of the royal families or feudatory chiefs; or were patrilineal Nambudiri families or the estates of temples operated by groups of those families. They were also from the lineages of the matrilineal vassal Samantan chiefs and, finally, the lowest "jenmis" in terms of ritual ranking were Nairs who had inherited from matrilineal ancestors to whom land and the concomitant headmanship had been granted by a king. In all cases, the landholdings could not be sold without royal permission.


title: Nair

text: The villages were historically mostly self-sufficient, with craft trades such as pottery and metalwork present in each of them. This meant that there was little need for close central control by the higher levels in the organisational hierarchy, and it also meant that trade between villages was minimal. Such traders as did exist were mostly concentrated in the port towns and consisted of immigrant Syrians, Muslims, Christians and Jews, with Hindu traders later arriving from other parts of India, as well as the Europeans. The Nairs were the sole members of the village organisations, which existed for such purposes as managing the affairs of the temples and, at one time, organising military training and deployment. A Nair family was considered to be part of the village organisation even if they had moved away from it. There were other castes in these villages, and other religious groups also, but they were excluded from the organisations. This arrangement was different from that found elsewhere in India, and another difference was that each house, whether for Nairs or otherwise, was usually in its own compound. There was no communal land, as existed elsewhere, and no communal plan for the village layout.


title: Nair

text: Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the temples of the "sanketams", the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they might have access to the outer courtyard area. Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to Bhagavadi, that was used by the Nairs. It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation.


title: Nair

text: By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found anywhere in India. There were over 500 groups represented in an elaborate structure of relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to untouchability but even further, to unapproachability. The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those reformers, Swami Vivekananda, having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes. The usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving the "varnas" of "Brahmin" (priest), "Kshatriya" (warrior), "Vaishya" (business person, involved in trading, entrepreneurship and finance) and "Shudra" (service person), did not exist. "Kshatriyas" were rare and the "Vaishyas" were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks were taken to some extent by a few Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.


title: Nair

text: The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked even the kings. They regarded all Nairs as "Shudra". Below the Nambudiris came the Tamil Brahmins and other later immigrants of the Brahmin "varna". Beyond this, the precise ranking is subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the Samantan caste below the Kshatriya rank but above the Nairs, but Gough considers that the Pushpagans and Chakyars, both of which were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as Ambalavasis, were ranked between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi group. She also believes that some Nairs adopted the title of Samantan in order to emphasise their superiority over others in their caste. The unwillingness of the higher "varnas" to engage in what they considered to be the polluting activities of industrial and commercial activity has been cited as a reason for the region's relatively limited economic development.


title: Nair

text: Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group. For example, Dalits were prohibited within 64 feet. Likewise, a Nair could approach but not touch a Nambudiri.


title: Nair

text: The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions. There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in 1961. These analyses bear similarities to the "Jatinirnayam", a Malayalam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the "Kiriyam" and "Illam". Although the "Jatinirnayam" did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers. Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup ("vibhagam") to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king. These names included "Nair" itself, "Kurup", "Menon", and "Pillai".


title: Nair

text: A re-evaluation of the broad system of classification took place from the late 1950s. Fuller, writing in 1975, claims that the approach to classification by use of titular names was a misconception. People could and did award themselves the titles; and on those occasions when a title was in fact bestowed, it nonetheless did not signify their subgroup. He argues that the broad outline of the subdivisions


title: Nair

text: M. N. Srinivas observed in 1957 that, ""Varna" has been the model to which observed facts have been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent." Instead of analysing the structure of the subgroups independently, commentators had explained them inappropriately by using an existing but alien social structure. From this unsuitable methodology had come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions. He also argued, in 1966, that "Some Nayars "ripened" into Samantans and Kshatriyas. The royal lineages of Calicut, Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin, for instance, although of Nayar origin, considered themselves superior in ritual rank to their Nayar subjects." That is to say, they assumed a position above the status that they were perceived as being by others.


title: Nair

text: The hypothesis, proposed by writers such as Fuller and Louis Dumont, that most of the subgroups were not subcastes arises in large part because of the number of ways in which Nairs classified themselves, which far exceeded the 18 or so groups which had previously been broadly accepted. Dumont took the extreme view that the Nairs as a whole could not be defined as a caste in the traditional sense, but Fuller believed this to be unreasonable as, "since the Nayars live in a caste society, they must evidently fit into the caste system at some level or another." The 1891 Census of India listed a total of 128 Nair subgroups in the Malabar region and 55 in the Cochin region, as well as a further 10 in the Madras area but outside Malabar. There were 44 listed in Travancore in the census of 1901. These designations were, however, somewhat fluid: the numbers tended to rise and fall, dependent upon which source and which research was employed; it is likely also that the figures were skewed by Nairs claiming a higher status than they actually had, which was a common practice throughout India. Data from the late 19th-century and early 20th-century censuses indicates that ten of these numerous subdivisions accounted for around 90% of all Nairs, that the five highest ranking of these accounted for the majority, and that some of the subdivisions claimed as little as one member. The writer of the official report of the 1891 census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes, and Fuller has speculated that the single-member subdivisions were "Nayars satisfying their vanity, I suppose, through the medium of the census."


title: Nair

text: The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include Joan Mencher, proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement. These divisions, such as the "Veluttetan", "Chakkala" and "Vilakkittalavan", would take titles such as "Nair" or "Nayar" in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them. It has also been postulated that some exogamous families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief. These groups then became an endogamous subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere. The more subdivisions that were created, the more opportunity there was for social mobility within the Nair community as a whole.


title: Nair

text: Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be. Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them. The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them. These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations. Most significantly, they adopted hypergamy and would utilise the rituals of "thalikettu kalyanam" and "sambandham", which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.


title: Nair

text: The Nair Service Society (NSS) was founded in 1914. Nossiter has described its purpose at foundation as being "... to liberate the community from superstition, taboo and otiose custom, to establish a network of educational and welfare institutions, and to defend and advance Nair interests in the political arena." Devika and Varghese believe the year of formation to be 1913 and argue that the perceived denial of 'the natural right' of upper castes to hold elected chairs in Travancore, a Hindu state, had pressured the founding of the NSS.


title: Nair

text: As late as 1975, the NSS still had most of its support in the Central Travancore region, although it also has numerous satellite groups around the world.


title: Nair

text: From its early years, when it was contending that the Nairs needed to join together if they were to become a political force, it argued that the caste members should cease referring to their traditional subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole. Census information thereafter appears to have become unreliable on the matter of the subdivisions, in part at least because of the NSS campaign to ensure that respondents did not provide the information requested of them. The NSS also promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion, although in this instance it met with only limited success. Indeed, even in the 1970s it was likely that cross-subdivision marriage was rare generally, and this was certainly the case in the Central Travancore area.


title: Nair

text: The influence of the NSS, both within the community and in the wider political sphere, is no longer as significant as once it was. It did attempt to reassert its influence in 1973, when it established its own political party—the National Democratic Party—but this lasted only until 1977.


title: Nair

text: Today, the government of India does not treat the Nair community as a single entity. It classifies some, such as the Illathu and Swaroopathu Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections, such as the Veluthedathu, Vilakkithala and Andhra Nairs, as Other Backward Classes. These classifications are for the purpose of determining which groups of people in certain areas are subject to positive discrimination policies for the purposes of education and employment.


title: Nair

text: Nairs operated a matrilineal ("marumakkathayam") joint family structure called "tharavad", whereby descendant families of one common ancestress lived under a single roof. "Tharavads" consisting of 50 to 80 members were not uncommon and some with membership as high as 200 have been reported. Only the women lived in the main house; men lived in separate rooms and, on some occasions, lived in a separate house nearby. The families split on instances when they became unwieldy and during crisis among its members. When it split, the family property was separated along the female lines. The "karnavan", the oldest male member in the "tharavad", had the decision-making authority including the power to manage common property. Panikkar, a well-known writer from the Nair community, wrote in 1918 that,


title: Nair

text: The husband visited the "tharavad" at night and left the following morning and he had no legal obligation to his children which lay entirely with the "karnavan". In Nair families, young men and women about the same age were not allowed to talk to each other, unless the young man's sister was considerably older than him. The wife of "karnavan" had an unusual relationship in his "tharavad" as she belonged to a different one and her interests lay there. Panikkar wrote that "Karnavan" loved his sister's son more than his own and he believes it was due mainly to the instability of Nair marriages. Divorce rate was very high as both man and woman had equal right to terminate the marriage. "Enangar" was another family with which a "tharavad" remained closely related; a few such related families formed a social group whose members participated in all social activities. Nakane wrote in 1956 that "tharavads" as a functional unit had ceased to exist and large buildings that had once hosted large "tharavads" were occupied by just a few of its remnants.


title: Nair

text: Fuller has commented that "The Nayars' marriage system has made them one of the most famous of all communities in anthropological circles", and Amitav Ghosh says that, although matrilineal systems are not uncommon in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "have achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality". None of the rituals survive in any significant way today. Two forms of ritual marriage were traditional:


title: Nair

text: There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair rituals fitted the traditional definition of marriage and which of "thalikettu kalyanam" or "sambandham" could lay claim to it. Thomas Nossiter has commented that the system "was so loosely arranged as to raise doubts as to whether 'marriage' existed at all."


title: Nair

text: The "thali" is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married. The "thalikettu kalyanam" was the ritual during which the "thali" would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl. If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.


title: Nair

text: The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10–12 years for all girls, including infants, within a "tharavad" who had not previously been the subject of it. Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and 13. This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden. The "karnavan" organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer, known as a "Kaniyan". A "pandal" was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil. The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them. The person who tied the "thali" would be transported on an elephant. The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the "tharavad", and also "vice versa" since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group. Although information is far from complete, those who tied the "thali" for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of Cochin in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher. The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin (who were Kshatriyas), but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain. The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantans. Having the "thali" of each girl tied by a different man was more prestigious than having one tier perform the rite for several girls. The "thali" tying was followed by four days of feasting, and on the fourth day the marriage was dissolved.


title: Nair

text: The girl often never saw the man who tied the "thali" again and later married a different man during the "sambandham". However, although she neither mourned the death of her "sambandham" husband nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her "thali". Panikkar argues that this proves that the real, religious marriage is the "thalikettu kalyanam", although he also calls it a "mock marriage". He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the "thali kalyanam" legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.


title: Nair

text: It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the "thali" might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish "thalikettu kalyanam "rather than in the "tharavadu". These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families. Fuller has also remarked that if each girl had her own "thali" tier, rather than one being used to perform the ritual for several girls at the same ceremony, then this presented the possibility of a subsequent divergence of status with the matrilineal line of the "tharavadu", leading to more subdivisions and a greater chance that one or more of the girls might advance their status later in life.


title: Nair

text: Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was "sambandham", a word that comes from Sanskrit and translates as "good and close union". The Nair woman had "sambandham" relationships with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. He is of the opinion that the system existed principally to facilitate the wedding of Nair women to Nambudiri Brahmins. In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage. This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and primogeniture. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste. The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their "thali", provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent (however far back that may be) or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.


title: Nair

text: The "sambandham" ceremony was simple compared to the "thalikettu kalyanam", being marked by the gift of clothes ("pudava") to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement. There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayalam festivals. If the "sambandham" partner was a Brahmin man or the woman's father's sister's son (which was considered a proper marriage because it was outside the direct line of female descent) then the presentation was a low-key affair. However, "sambandham" rituals were more elaborate, sometimes including feasts, when a "stranger" from within the Nair caste married the woman. The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests.


title: Nair

text: The "sambandham" relationship was usually arranged by the "karanavan" but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place. The first "sambandham" of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such relationships increased his reputation in his community. "Sambandham" relationships could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a "karavanan" forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman. Marriage by "sambandham" was neither legally recognised nor binding. The relationship could end at will and the participants could remarry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate "sambandham" marriages by the Nayar Regulation Act of 1912 in Travancore and the Malabar Marriage Act of 1896 in British Malabar were not very successful.


title: Nair

text: Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her "sambandham" partners if she was to avoid being out-caste, sold into slavery or even executed. There was a presumption that unclaimed children were the consequence of her having a relationship with a man from a lower caste, which could not be the case if the child was claimed because of the caste restrictions imposed in the selection of "sambandham" partners:


title: Nair

text: The Nambudiri Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of marriage within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. Gough notes that


title: Nair

text: The disparity in caste ranking in a relationship between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to live with her husband(s) in the Brahmin family and so remained in her own family. The children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. Panikkar argues that it is this type of relationship that resulted in the matrilineal and matrilocal system. It has also been argued that the practice, along with judicious selection of the man who tied the "thali", formed a part of the Nair aspirational culture whereby they would seek to improve their status within the caste. Furthermore, that


title: Nair

text: Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small. It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups.


title: Nair

text: Fuller argues that there is overwhelming evidence that Nair women as well as men had more than one "sambandham" partner at the same time, that "both men and women could have several partners at once, and either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished."


title: Nair

text: He believes that both polyandrous "sambandhams" and hypergamy were most common in Central Kerala. In northern Travancore there appears not to have been as great a prevalence of hypergamy because of a relative scarcity of Brahmins living there. Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore monogamy may have been predominant, and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the "tharavad" of her husband.


title: Nair

text: Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree state that while Nair women were maritally involved with a number of men, the men were also married to more than one woman. The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than "sexual liaison" and legitimacy for the children.


title: Nair

text: Gough has gone further than Fuller with regard to the interpretation of events in the north, believing that there is no evidence of polyandry in that area at all. She argues that all European travelogues describing polyandry came from the region of Central Kerala. Gough notes the differing personal experiences of earlier Nair commentators and that this could go some way to explaining the varied pronouncement: Panikkar, who queries the existence of polyandry, comes from the northern Travancore region; that A. Aiyappan, who acknowledges its existence, comes from Central Kerala; and that both have based their writings on customs they grew up with in their very different environs.


title: Nair

text: The practices of "thalikettu kalyanam", the polyandrous "sambandhams", and also the existence of large "tharavads" declined during the nineteenth century, as did that of hypergamy. Monogamy and small nuclear family units became the norm, as they were elsewhere in the country. This process occurred more rapidly in some areas than in others, and in Central Kerala the traditional systems still lingered as late as the 1960s, although hypergamy had largely disappeared everywhere by the 1920s. A possible reason for the various rates of change across the region lies in the extent to which the various agrarian local economies were dominated by the Nairs.


title: Nair

text: V. K. S. Nayar has said that, "the matrilineal system tends to produce a society at once hierarchical and authoritarian in outlook. The system is built round family pride as well as loyalty to the "karavanar"". Nossiter cites this as one reason why it was "congruent with the role of a military caste in a feudal society." and explains that the decline in the traditional warrior role, the rise of an economy based on money, together with the ending of agricultural slavery and the effects of western education, all combined to cause the decline of the traditional practices. All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between World War I and World War II where that dominance was lost, although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the 1930s when the Diwan Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer adopted a pro-Nair stance and an oppressive attitude towards communities such as the Syrian Christians. The main beneficiaries in the shifting balance of social influence were the Syrian Christians and the Ezhavas. The former, in particular, were in a position to acquire, often by subdivision, the economically unviable "tharavad" buildings and landholdings around the time of the Great Depression. The role of the Nair Service Society in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part. This collapse of the rural society facilitated the rise of the socialist and communist political movements in the region.


title: Nair

text: The 1968 Socio-Economic Survey by the Government of Kerala gave the population of the Nair community as approximately 14.5% (2.9 million) of the total population of the state.


title: Hummer H1

text: The Hummer H1 is a four-wheel-drive utility vehicle based on the M998 Humvee, which was created by AM General. The vehicle was produced from 1992 through 2006 and was the first of what became the Hummer line. Originally designed strictly for military use, the off-road vehicle was released to the civilian market due to market demand.


title: Hummer H1

text: The vehicle was initially known as the "Hummer"; however, under a 1999 deal, GM bought marketing rights to the Hummer name and called it the Hummer H1. At the time, GM began marketing the Hummer H2 that was also assembled by AM General on a modified GMC Sierra 2500HD chassis. AM General continued to build the H1 and Humvee in its Mishawaka, Indiana facility. GM stopped marketing the H1 in 2006 model year but AM General continued production of the military Humvee versions.


title: Hummer H1

text: Originally released in the civilian market March 14, 1992, the Hummer H1 became known from photographs published during Operation Desert Storm and the enthusiastic promotion by actor Arnold Schwarzenegger.


title: Hummer H1

text: AM General announced that 2006 would be the last model year for the Hummer H1, with production winding down in June 2006 due to a new emission law for diesel engine vehicles, which took effect in 2007. The final model year of 2006 had the most powerful engine and improved fuel efficiency—about .


title: Hummer H1

text: The Hummer H1 was available in three major variants: a convertible-like soft top, a four-door hard top Sport Utility Truck and an "Alpha Wagon" body version. Less known variants were a two-door pickup truck and a four-door slantback, which shares the same body style of the Humvee employed by the U.S. Military. The convertible/soft top and the station SUV versions were the last types available to individual consumers.


title: Hummer H1

text: There were five engine types and three automatic transmission types available. Typical engine/automatic transmission combinations included:


title: Hummer H1

text: The Hummer H1 shares some common driveline parts with the HMMWV. These include brakes, axles, frame and major body panels (hood, tailgate and quarter panels) are shared between the HMMWV and Hummer H1. All H1s and HMMWVs were produced on the same assembly line; of which the civilian H1s were painted and finished in a separate building.


title: Hummer H1

text: The H1 models feature a wide track. They can ford 30 inches (76 cm) of water and climb a 22-inch (56 cm) step. Stock ground clearance of 16 inches (41 cm) is due to the driveline components inside a channel in the wide central space between the left and right seats. Approach/departure angles are 72/37.5 degrees. A Central Tire Inflation System (CTIS) controls the tire air pressure allowing lower tire pressures for off-road and higher tire pressures on-road.


title: Hummer H1

text: Other features include inboard brakes and portal gears to position drivetrain's half shafts higher for greater ground clearance. The radiator is mounted high, sloping over the engine on a forward-hinged hood. The air intake is high, enabling the H1 to ford waist-level water. Optional are magnesium-aluminum alloy or rubber inserts for run flat tire ability. Other options include leather seats, a winch kit, and running boards.


title: Hummer H1

text: The "Alpha" was a re-engineered H1 equipped with GM's 6.6L Duramax Diesel and 5-speed Allison transmission. The previous turbo-diesel engine lacked power.


title: Hummer H1

text: The update program commenced in late 2002 with production launch in fall of 2004. To fit into the H1 engine bay, 23 engine component changes were required as well as a body lift to accommodate the taller engine and its turbo housing (a prior lift had been done for MY96 to accommodate the turbo on the 6.5L engine). The 8th digit of the VIN is 3, setting this version of the 6.6L Duramax apart from the versions used in pickup trucks. The GMT560 engine output was and of torque. The engine was equipped with cooled exhaust gas recirculation and an internal engine oil cooler, thus, requiring a 40 percent heat rejection increase to engine coolant. Because space was limited between the air-lift brackets that protrude from the hood, the fan system was modified by putting it directly under the cool pack and driving it through a special gearbox directly off the crankshaft damper pulley. Several other cooling system modifications were required to assist with cold starting from .


title: Hummer H1

text: Other major modifications included the use of special high-strength steel in the chassis frame, a more powerful steering gear; quieter axle differentials, redesign of the geared hubs to use quieter helical gears, new induction, exhaust and electrical power systems; and re-engineering of the fuel supply and filtration system.


title: Hummer H1

text: The Duramax engine delivered more torque at lower engine speeds than the 6.5L, combined with a lower gearing ratio (about 44.5 to 1 in low lock) made the vehicle more powerful. Other changes included centralized tire inflation and a new interior.


title: Hummer H1

text: Production launch was early in 2005 and continued until production ceased in mid-2006. All vehicles built during this time are classified as model year 2006 (10th digit in VIN is a 6.)


title: Hummer H1

text: The program was cancelled May 12, 2006, because GM decided to withdraw technical and financial support for future engineering and recertification.


title: Hummer H1

text: On June 2, 2009, General Motors attempted a sale of its Hummer brand to a Chinese company, Tengzhong, as part of its bankruptcy settlement. GM stated at the time that it hoped the sale would save about 3,000 jobs in the US.


title: Hummer H1

text: On February 24, 2010, General Motors announced that the company was shutting down its Hummer brand due to Tengzhong withdrawing its bid. Tengzhong stated that the bid was withdrawn due to a failure to get approval from the Chinese government.


title: Hummer H1

text: On January 30th, 2020, General Motors announced the revival of the Hummer nameplate, which would be used as a new electric off-road vehicle sub-brand within its GMC brand. The reborn Hummer, now known as the GMC Hummer EV, will have two variants, an SUV and a truck ("SUT"), with top variants reaching 1,000 hp from three electric motors.


title: Hummer H1

text: While there was no 2005 model year Hummer H1, the 2006 model year H1 Alphas were manufactured in both 2005 and 2006. 448 H1 Alphas were produced from January through May 2005, and 281 H1 Alphas were produced from September 2005 through May 2006, when the production for the Hummer H1 officially ended.


title: Transport for London

text: Transport for London (TfL) is a local government body responsible for most of the transport network in London, United Kingdom.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL has responsibility for multiple rail networks including the London Underground and Docklands Light Railway, as well as London's buses, taxis, principal road routes, cycling provision, trams, and river services. It does not control all National Rail services in London, although it is responsible for London Overground and Elizabeth line services. The underlying services are provided by a mixture of wholly owned subsidiary companies (principally London Underground), by private sector franchisees (the remaining rail services, trams and most buses) and by licensees (some buses, taxis and river services). TfL was also responsible, jointly with the national Department for Transport (DfT), for commissioning the construction of the new Crossrail Project and is now responsible for franchising its operation as the Elizabeth line.


title: Transport for London

text: In 2019–20, TfL had a budget of £10.3 billion, 47% of which came from fares. The rest came from grants, mainly from the Greater London Authority (33%), borrowing (8%), congestion charging and other income (12%). Direct central government funding for operations ceased in 2018. In 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom, TfL sought urgent government support as fare revenues dropped 90%, and proposed near 40% cuts in capital expenditure.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL was created in 2000 as part of the Greater London Authority (GLA) by the Greater London Authority Act 1999. It gained most of its functions from its predecessor London Regional Transport in 2000. The first Commissioner of TfL was Bob Kiley. The first chair was then-Mayor of London Ken Livingstone, and the first deputy chair was Dave Wetzel. Livingstone and Wetzel remained in office until the election of Boris Johnson as Mayor in 2008. Johnson took over as chairman, and in February 2009 fellow-Conservative Daniel Moylan was appointed as his deputy.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL did not take over responsibility for the London Underground until 2003, after the controversial public-private partnership (PPP) contract for maintenance had been agreed. Management of the Public Carriage Office had previously been a function of the Metropolitan Police.


title: Transport for London

text: Transport for London Corporate Archives holds business records for TfL and its predecessor bodies and transport companies. Some early records are also held on behalf of TfL Corporate Archives at the London Metropolitan Archives.


title: Transport for London

text: After the bombings on the underground and bus systems on 7 July 2005, many staff were recognised in the 2006 New Year honours list for the work they did. They helped survivors out, removed bodies, and got the transport system up and running, to get the millions of commuters back out of London at the end of the workday.


title: Transport for London

text: On 1 June 2008, the drinking of alcoholic beverages was banned on Tube and London Overground trains, buses, trams, Docklands Light Railway and all stations operated by TfL across London but not those operated by other rail companies. Carrying open containers of alcohol was also banned on public transport operated by TfL. The Mayor of London and TfL announced the ban with the intention of providing a safer and more pleasant experience for passengers. There were "Last Round on the Underground" parties on the night before the ban came into force. Passengers refusing to observe the ban may be refused travel and asked to leave the premises. The GLA reported in 2011 that assaults on London Underground staff had fallen by 15% since the introduction of the ban.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL commissioned a survey in 2013 which showed that 15% of women using public transport in London had been the subject of some form of unwanted sexual behaviour but that 90% of incidents were not reported to the police. In an effort to reduce sexual offences and increase reporting, TfL—in conjunction with the British Transport Police, Metropolitan Police Service, and City of London Police—launched Project Guardian.


title: Transport for London

text: In 2014, Transport for London launched the 100 years of women in transport campaign in partnership with the Department for Transport, Crossrail, Network Rail, the Women's Engineering Society and the Women's Transportation Seminar (WTS). The programme was a celebration of the significant role that women had played in transport over the previous 100 years, following the centennial anniversary of the First World War, when 100,000 women entered the transport industry to take on the responsibilities held by men who enlisted for military service.


title: Transport for London

text: In 2020, during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom, TfL services were reduced. All Night Overground and Night Tube services, as well as all services on the Waterloo & City line, were suspended from 20 March, and 40 tube stations were closed on the same day. The Mayor of London and TfL urged people to only use public transport if absolutely essential, so that it could be used by critical workers. The London Underground brought in new measures on 25 March to combat the spread of the virus, by slowing the flow of passengers onto platforms. Measures included the imposition of queuing at ticket gates and turning off some escalators. In April, TfL trialled changes encouraging passengers to board London buses by the middle doors to lessen the risks to drivers, after the deaths of 14 TfL workers including nine drivers. This measure was extended to all routes on 20 April, and passengers were no longer required to pay, so that they did not need to use the card reader near the driver.


title: Transport for London

text: On 22 April, London mayor Sadiq Khan warned that TfL could run out of money to pay staff by the end of April unless the government stepped in. Two days later, TfL announced it was furloughing around 7,000 employees, about a quarter of its staff, to help mitigate a 90% reduction in fare revenues. Since London entered lockdown on 23 March, Tube journeys had fallen by 95% and bus journeys by 85%, though TfL continued to operate limited services to allow "essential travel" for key workers. Without government financial support for TfL, London Assembly members warned that Crossrail, the Northern line extension and other projects such as step-free schemes at tube stations could be delayed.


title: Transport for London

text: On 7 May, it was reported that TfL had requested £2 billion in state aid to keep services running until September 2020. On 12 May, TfL documents warned it expected to lose £4bn due to the pandemic and said it needed £3.2bn to balance a proposed emergency budget for 2021, having lost 90% of its overall income. Without an agreement with the government, deputy mayor for transport Heidi Alexander said TfL might have to issue a Section 114 notice - the equivalent of a public body going bust. On 14 May, the UK Government agreed £1.6bn in emergency funding to keep Tube and bus services running until September - a bailout condemned as "a sticking plaster" by Khan who called for agreement on a new longer-term funding model.


title: Transport for London

text: On 1 June 2020, TfL released details of its emergency budget for 2020–2021, revealing it planned to reduce capital investment by 39% from £1.3bn to £808m, and to cut maintenance and renewal spending by 38% to £201m.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL is controlled by a board whose members are appointed by the Mayor of London, a position held by Sadiq Khan since May 2016. The Commissioner of Transport for London reports to the Board and leads a management team with individual functional responsibilities.


title: Transport for London

text: The body is organised in two main directorates and corporate services, each with responsibility for different aspects and modes of transport. The two main directorates are:


title: Transport for London

text: TfL's Surface Transport and Traffic Operations Centre (STTOC) was officially opened by Prince Andrew, Duke of York, in November 2009. The centre monitors and coordinates official responses to traffic congestion, incidents and major events in London. London Buses Command and Control Centre (CentreComm), London Streets Traffic Control Centre (LSTCC) and the Metropolitan Police Traffic Operation Control Centre (MetroComm) were brought together under STTOC.


title: Transport for London

text: STTOC played an important part in the security and smooth running of the 2012 Summer Olympics. The London Underground Network Operations Centre is now located on the fifth floor of Palestra and not within STTOC. The centre featured in the 2013 BBC Two documentary series "".


title: Transport for London

text: Transport for London introduced the "Connect" project for radio communications during the 2000s, to improve radio connections for London Underground staff and the emergency services. The system replaced various separate radio systems for each tube line, and was funded under a private finance initiative. The supply contract was signed in November 1999 with Motorola as the radio provider alongside Thales. Citylink's shareholders are Thales Group (33 per cent), Fluor Corporation (18%), Motorola (10%), Laing Investment (19.5%) and HSBC (19.5%). The cost of the design, build and maintain contract was £2 billion over twenty years.Various subcontractors were used for the installation work, including Brookvex and Fentons.


title: Transport for London

text: A key reasoning for the introduction of the system was in light of the King's Cross fire disaster, where efforts by the emergency services were hampered by a lack of radio coverage below ground. Work was due to be completed by the end of 2002, although suffered delays due to the necessity of installing the required equipment on an ageing railway infrastructure with no disruption to the operational railway. On 5 June 2006 the London Assembly published the 7 July Review Committee report, which urged TfL to speed up implementation of the Connect system.


title: Transport for London

text: The East London line was chosen as the first line to receive the TETRA radio in February 2006, as it was the second smallest line and is a mix of surface and sub surface. In the same year it was rolled out to the District, Circle, Hammersmith & City, Metropolitan and Victoria lines, with the Bakerloo, Piccadilly, Jubilee, Waterloo & City and Central lines following in 2007. The final line, the Northern, was handed over in November 2008.


title: Transport for London

text: The 2010 TfL investment programme included the project "LU-PJ231 LU-managed Connect communications", which provided Connect with a new transmission and radio system comprising 290 cell sites with two to three base stations, 1,400 new train mobiles, 7,500 new telephone links and 180 CCTV links.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL also owns and operates the London Transport Museum in Covent Garden, a museum that conserves, explores and explains London's transport system heritage over the last 200 years. It both explores the past, with a retrospective look at past days since 1800, and the present-day transport developments and upgrades. The museum also has an extensive depot, situated at Acton, that contains material impossible to display at the central London museum, including many additional road vehicles, trains, collections of signs and advertising materials. The depot has several open weekends each year. There are also occasional heritage train runs on the Metropolitan line.


title: Transport for London

text: Most of the transport modes that come under the control of TfL have their own charging and ticketing regimes for single fare. Buses and trams share a common fare and ticketing regime, and the DLR, Overground, Underground, and National Rail services another.


title: Transport for London

text: Rail service fares in the capital are calculated by a zonal fare system. London is divided into eleven fare zones, with every station on the London Underground, London Overground, Docklands Light Railway and, since 2007, on National Rail services, being in one, or in some cases, two zones. The zones are mostly concentric rings of increasing size emanating from the centre of London. They are (in order):


title: Transport for London

text: Superimposed on these mode-specific regimes is the Travelcard system, which provides zonal tickets with validities from one day to one year, and off-peak variants. These are accepted on the DLR, buses, railways, trams, and the Underground, and provide a discount on many river services fares.


title: Transport for London

text: The Oyster card is a contactless smart card system introduced for the public in 2003, which can be used to pay individual fares (pay as you go) or to carry various Travelcards and other passes. It is used by scanning the card at a yellow card reader. Such readers are found on ticket gates where otherwise a paper ticket could be fed through, allowing the gate to open and the passenger to walk through, and on stand-alone Oyster validators, which do not operate a barrier. Since 2010, Oyster Pay as you go has been available on all National Rail services within London. Oyster Pay as you go has a set of daily maximum charges that are the same as buying the nearest equivalent Day Travelcard.


title: Transport for London

text: Almost all contactless Visa, Maestro, MasterCard and American Express debit and credit cards issued in the UK, and also most international cards supporting contactless payment, are accepted for travel on London Underground, London Overground, Docklands Light Railway, most National Rail, London Tramlink and Bus services. This works in the same way for the passenger as an Oyster card, including the use of capping and reduced fares compared to paper tickets. The widespread use of contactless payment - around 25 million journeys each week - has meant that TfL is now one of Europe's largest contactless merchants, with one in 10 contactless transactions in the UK taking place on the TfL network.


title: Transport for London

text: Mobile payments - such as Apple Pay, Google Pay and Samsung Pay - are also accepted in the same way as contactless payment cards. The fares are the same as those charged on a debit or credit card, including the same daily capping. In 2020, one in five journeys are made using mobile devices instead of using contactless bank cards, and TfL had become the most popular Apple Pay merchant in the UK.


title: Transport for London

text: TfL's expertise in contactless payments has led other cities such as New York, Sydney, Brisbane and Boston to license the technology from TfL and Cubic.


title: Transport for London

text: Each of the main transport units has its own corporate identity, formed by differently coloured versions of the standard roundel logo and adding appropriate lettering across the horizontal bar. The roundel rendered in blue without any lettering represents TfL as a whole (see Transport for London logo), as well as used in situations where lettering on the roundel is not possible (such as bus receipts, where a logo is a blank roundel with the name "London Buses" to the right). The same range of colours is also used extensively in publicity and on the TfL website.


title: Transport for London

text: Transport for London has always mounted advertising campaigns to encourage use of the Underground. For example, in 1999, they commissioned artist Stephen Whatley to paint an interior – 'The Grand Staircase' – which he did on location inside Buckingham Palace. This painting was reproduced on posters and displayed all over the London Underground.


title: Transport for London

text: In 2010 they commissioned artist Mark Wallinger to assist them in celebrating the 150th anniversary of the Underground, by creating the Labyrinth Project, with one enamel plaque mounted permanently in each of the Tube's 270 stations.


title: Transport for London

text: In 2015, in partnership with the London Transport Museum and sponsored by Exterion Media, TfL launched Transported by Design, an 18-month programme of activities. The intention is to showcase the importance of both physical and service design across London's transport network. In October 2015, after two months of public voting, the black cab topped the list of favourite London transport icons, which also included the original Routemaster bus and the Tube map, among others. In 2016, the programme held exhibitions, walks and a festival at Regent Street on 3 July.


title: Transport for London

text: "Johnston" (or "Johnston Sans") is typeface designed by and named after Edward Johnston. The typeface was commissioned in 1913 by Frank Pick, then commercial manager of the Underground Electric Railways Company of London (also known as 'The Underground Group'), as part of his plan to strengthen the company's corporate identity. "Johnston" was originally created for printing (with a planned height of 1 inch or 2.5 cm), but it rapidly became used for the enamel station signs of the Underground system as well.


title: Transport for London

text: Johnston was originally printed using wood type for large signs and metal type for print. Johnston was redesigned in 1979 to produce New Johnston. The new family comes in eight members: Light, Medium, Bold weights with corresponding Italics, Medium Condensed and Bold Condensed. After the typeface was digitized in 1981–82, New Johnston finally became ready for Linotron photo-typesetting machine, and first appeared in London's Underground stations in 1983. It has been the official typeface exclusively used by Transport for London and The Mayor of London ever since, with minor updates to specific letterforms occurring in 1990–1992 and 2008. A new version, known as Johnston 100, was commissioned by Transport for London from Monotype in 2016 to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the introduction of the typeface, and was designed to be closer to the original version of the Johnston typeface.


title: Transport for London

text: In May 2019, TfL banned advertising from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates due to their poor human rights records. This brought the number of countries to 11 from which TfL has banned adverts, due to them having the death penalty for homosexuals. Countries previously banned from advertising were Iran, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan and Yemen.


title: Transport for London

text: In 2019, the Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan, introduced restrictions on advertising of unhealthy food and drinks across the TfL network. A study estimated that this lead to a 7% reduction in the average weekly household purchase of foods high in fat, salt, and sugar. The largest reductions were seen in the sales of chocolate and sweets. There was no change in purchases of foods not classified as being high in fat, salt, and sugar.


title: There once was a man from Nantucket

text: "There once was a man from Nantucket" is the opening line for many limericks, in which the name of the island of Nantucket creates often ribald rhymes and puns. The protagonist in the obscene versions is typically portrayed as well endowed and hypersexualized. The opening line is so well known that it has been used as a stand-alone joke, implying upcoming obscenities.


title: There once was a man from Nantucket

text: The earliest published version appeared in 1902 in the "Princeton Tiger" written by Prof. Dayton Voorhees:


title: There once was a man from Nantucket

text: The many ribald versions of the limerick are the basis for its lasting popularity. Many variations on the theme are possible because of the ease of rhyming "Nantucket" with certain vulgar phrases. The following example comes from "Immortalia: An Anthology of American Ballads, Sailors' Songs, Cowboy Songs, College Songs, Parodies, Limericks, and Other Humorous Verses and Doggerel", published in 1927.


title: There once was a man from Nantucket

text: The poem has become a staple of American humor. It is often used as a joking example of fine art, with the vulgarity providing a surprise contrast to an expected refinement, such as in the 2002 film "Solaris", when George Clooney's character mentions that his favorite poem is the most famous poem by Dylan Thomas that starts with "There was a young man from Nantucket" or "Will & Grace" season 8 episode 3 ("The Old Man and the Sea"), in which Grace criticizes her date's poem due to the lack of rhymes, and as an example she recites the first two lines of the ribald version: "There once was a man from Nantucket... Something something something... Suck it."


title: There once was a man from Nantucket

text: Many jokes assume the audience knows the poem so well that they do not need to hear any actual lines to get the allusion, such as "Gilmore Girls" season 3 episode 8, when Lorelai Gilmore jokes about carving something dirty into a bathroom wall by saying "What rhymes with Nantucket?"; in the "Tiny Toon Adventures" episode "Wheel O' Comedy" when Babs Bunny asks Buster Bunny to say the magic chant before spinning the wheel, to which Buster begins reciting: "There once was a girl from Nantucket..." before she quickly cuts him off with: "Not "that" chant!" or a sketch from "Robot Chicken" season 8 episode 19, when J. R. R. Tolkien writing the opening of the book "The Hobbit", comes up with the line, "In a hole of Middle-earth, there was found a Hobbit." The 2012 "Gravity Falls" episode "Headhunters" features the line, "There once was a dude from Kentucky..." Broadcast Standards and Practices requested that the line be changed from “There once was a man from Kentucky”, which retained the sentence structure of the original limerick, arguing that "unsavory rhymes could be gleaned from it."


title: There once was a man from Nantucket

text: In an episode of SpongeBob SquarePants however, SpongeBob was on a stage, about to recite an opera song, when he pulled out a piece of paper and said "There once was a man from Nantucket," before the audience gasps, he puts the paper back into his pocket, and says "Oops, wrong one," and afterwards continuing with his song.


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: Jennifer Chambers Lynch (born April 7, 1968) is an American filmmaker. The daughter of filmmaker David Lynch, she made her directorial debut with the film "Boxing Helena" in 1993. Following a troubled production, the film was a critical and commercial failure, with Lynch receiving a Golden Raspberry Award for Worst Director. The negative reception to her feature debut and controversy surrounding its release led to Lynch taking a 15-year hiatus from filmmaking.


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: Lynch returned to directing with 2008's "Surveillance". The film received mixed reviews, although it won the top prize at the Sitges Film Festival. A year later, Lynch began work on her next film "Hisss", which she disowned after the production was completed without her involvement. Her fourth film "Chained", released in 2012, was met with a positive critical reception. Since 2012, Lynch has focused on directing episodes of television series, including "Psych", "Teen Wolf", "The Walking Dead", "American Horror Story", "Once Upon a Time", "Hawaii Five-0", "Elementary", "The Strain", "Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D.", "9-1-1", and "Ratched".


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: Outside of her career as a director, Lynch wrote the book "The Secret Diary of Laura Palmer" in 1990. Told from the perspective of the character of the same name from her father's television series "Twin Peaks", the novel was a commercial success, reaching number four on "The New York Times" paperback fiction best seller list that year.


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: Lynch was born in Philadelphia. She is the daughter of artist and filmmaker David Lynch, who is responsible for her Finnish ancestry, and painter Peggy Reavey (née Margaret Vosburgh Lentz). She began practicing Transcendental Meditation at the age of six. Lynch graduated from the Interlochen Art Academy where she studied visual arts and creative writing.


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: Lynch was educated in Los Angeles and Michigan at Interlochen Arts Academy. Together with her mother, Lynch made a brief appearance in her father's debut feature film "Eraserhead", but her appearance was not included in the final cut. Lynch subsequently worked as a production assistant on "Blue Velvet" (1986), also directed by her father.


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: Lynch's commissioned screenplay for "Boxing Helena", which she would later go on to direct, attracted many actresses, including Madonna. Sherilyn Fenn, one of the stars in her father's television series "Twin Peaks" and the film "Wild at Heart", was ultimately cast as leading character Helena. Kim Basinger was also attached and was famously sued after resigning from the project. The controversy surrounding that case, as well as feminist outcry over "Helena"'s sadistic subject matter and accusations of nepotism, accompanied the movie's critical drubbing upon its release in 1993.


title: Jennifer Lynch

text: In a 2009 interview with The Hollywood Interview, Lynch mentions her reactions to the critical reception of "Boxing Helena":