title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: In 1965, British theatre director William Gaskill was named artistic director of the Royal Court Theatre, where he hoped to re-establish a repertoire. He approached Shaw, who had made his acting début at the Royal Court Theatre as a youth, and Shaw agreed to return. There he delivered several performances over the next year, including General Conrad von Hotzendorf in John Osborne's "A Patriot for Me"; various roles in Ann Jellicoe's "Shelley"; Sir Francis Harker in N.F. Simpson's "The Cresta Run" and Pte Atterclife in John Arden's "Serjeant Musgrave's Dance".


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: In 1966, Shaw joined the Royal Shakespeare Company, where he spent the next decade of his career and eventually became an associate artist. He mostly appeared in Shakespeare plays, including the title role in "Cymbeline", Edmund of Langley in "Richard II", the King in "All's Well That Ends Well", Ulysses in "Troilus and Cressida", and Leonato in "Much Ado About Nothing". "The Times" described his performance in the title role of "Cymbeline" as "awe-inspiring", and "The Independent" described his performance as Polonius in "Hamlet" as "unrivalled in his complacency and sense of circumstance". The "Telegraph" described his performance of Gloucester in "King Lear" as "doleful" and his performance of Duncan in "Macbeth" as "decent". Many of the company's Shakespearean productions at the time were considered interpretive and modern, which drew criticism from some traditionalists, but Shaw defended the experimental nature of the shows and rejected the notion that plays should be restricted to preconceived interpretations.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: During his time with the company, he also demonstrated what the "Daily Telegraph" called a "crusty charm" as Sir Oblong Fitz Oblong in Robert Bolt's children's play "The Thwarting of Baron Bolligrew". He was also noted as possessing a gift for dry comedy during this period of his acting career, exemplified by his roles in Maxim Gorky's plays "Enemies" and "Summerfolk". He demonstrated a particular knack for Russian comedy in Jonathan Miller's productions of the Anton Chekhov plays "Three Sisters" and "Ivanov".


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: In 1978, Shaw earned acclaim for his performance as a judge in the stage debut of "Whose Life Is It Anyway?" at the Mermaid Theatre. The production won Laurence Olivier Awards for Best Play and Best Actor (Tom Conti). Although 73 years old, Shaw did not let his age slow down his career. During the run of this production a mugger tried to steal his money, but Shaw chased him down, tackled him and recovered his property. Later that year, he was painted in the nude by his nephew, Brian Ocean. During his later years, Shaw suffered a physical disability that made him tremble, which had a negative impact on his television roles, particularly when handling cups or trays of drinks. One of his later television appearances was in "The Old Curiosity Shop", a 1979 mini-series based on the novel by Charles Dickens. Around this time, he also voiced the part of Squire Beltham in a radio production of "The Adventures of Harry Richmond", which the "Daily Telegraph" said was "remembered with affection". He lent his voice to several radio performances, both Shakespearean and modern, including protagonist John Tanner in the five-hour "Man and Superman" by George Bernard Shaw.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: Shaw wrote "Take a Life", his first play, in 1961. He directed a production of the show at London's Mermaid Theatre, where he also played the lead role of the Detective. That same year he played two lead roles in George Bernard Shaw plays at the Dublin Theatre Festival: "Mrs. Warren's Profession" and "Candida". Around this time, he also wrote an outline for a television comedy series about four girls sharing a flat, inspired by his real-life daughter, who was in her early twenties and living in a flat with other girls her age. The series was submitted to the Granada Television company, which expressed interest in the show and said it was one of two under consideration for television. The company ultimately chose the other show, the long-running British soap opera "Coronation Street".


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: Shaw agreed to take certain roles only on the condition that he have complete freedom to rewrite his dialogue. When he appeared in "It Happened Here", a 1966 World War II film, he wrote many of his own lines, which the filmmakers later said "gave his dialogue an individual slant which enhanced his performance". He also helped in other aspects of the filmmaking, including casting; he introduced the filmmakers to Fiona Leland, who would be cast as the wife of Shaw's character in "It Happened Here". He wrote other plays, including "The Ship's Bell", "The Cliff Walk", "The Glass Maze" and "Cul de Sac". He also wrote "Poems", a collection of his personal poetry, which saw a limited print of 300 editions by publisher Exeter University.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: Shaw wrote "The Christening", his only novel, in 1975. It centres around Miles Madgwick, who believes that he is bisexual but is too timid to find out through physical intercourse, so he instead describes his most intimate thoughts in his diary. He then meets a married woman named Alice and her son, Rodney; he comes to identify with Rodney's childhood innocence, and in Alice sees a symbol both of his mother and a heterosexual lover. Alice starts to tire of her husband and grow fonder of Madgwick, who experiences mixed emotions in his continued interactions with her and Rodney. One night, Rodney stays overnight at Madgwick's house and, when he takes the boy home in a taxicab, the driver observes their strange behaviour and accuses Madgwick of being a pederast. When Alice asks Madgwick to become the godfather to her new child, the driver threatens to expose Madgwick, creating a conflict between losing his first feelings of intimacy with others or facing humiliation and ridicule at the driver's exposure.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: A description in the book cover flap reads, "In this tender, sensitive and blackly comic novel, Sebastian Shaw, the distinguished Shakespearean actor, explores areas of sexual and emotional encounter that are rarely seen and, unfortunately, too rarely understood." Shaw originally planned to call the novel "The Godfather", but later said he was glad he did not due to the popularity of Mario Puzo's book of that name. He was said to have been working on another novel shortly after "The Christening" was completed, but no others were ever published.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: In 1982, Shaw was chosen for the small but crucial role of redeemed, unmasked and dying Anakin Skywalker in "Return of the Jedi", the third and final film in the original "Star Wars" trilogy. As in the previous films, David Prowse and Bob Anderson played the costumed scenes, while James Earl Jones and Ben Burtt provided the voice and breaths of Darth Vader. Shaw was cast in a single scene with Mark Hamill, during the moment aboard the second Death Star when Luke Skywalker unmasks his dying father. Since the scene was unquestionably the emotional climax of the film, the casting crew sought an experienced actor for the role. Contrary to popular belief, Shaw was familiar with the previous two "Star Wars" films and enjoyed them particularly for the visual effects, which he described in an interview with science-fiction film magazine "Starlog" as "brilliant techniques which, in many ways, were revolutionary, something quite new."


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: When Shaw arrived at the set for filming, he ran into his friend Ian McDiarmid, the actor playing Emperor Palpatine. When McDiarmid asked him what he was doing there, Shaw responded, "I don't know, dear boy, I think it's something to do with science-fiction." His presence during the filming was kept secret from all but the minimum cast and crew, and Shaw was contractually obliged not to discuss any film secrets with anyone, even his family. The unmasking scene, directed by Richard Marquand, was filmed in one day and required only a few takes, with no alteration from the original dialogue. When the film was re-released on DVD in 2004, a few changes were made: the unmasking scene with Hamill remained mostly the same, but Shaw's eyebrows were digitally removed to maintain continuity with the injuries Darth Vader suffers at the end of "". Shaw's eyes were also digitally coloured to match Hayden Christensen's, who portrayed Anakin in "" and "Revenge of the Sith".


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: "Star Wars" creator George Lucas personally directed Shaw for his appearance in the final scene of the film, in which he is a Force ghost of Anakin. Shaw's image in this scene was replaced with that of Christensen in the 2004 release. This last attempt to tie the prequel and original trilogies together proved to be among the most controversial changes in the "Star Wars" re-releases.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: Although Shaw's unmasking scene lasted only two minutes and seven seconds and included just 24 words of dialogue spoken by Shaw, he received more fan mail and autograph requests from "Return of the Jedi" than he had for any role in the rest of his career. He later reflected that he very much enjoyed his experience filming for "Return of the Jedi" and expressed particular surprise that an action figure was made of him from the film.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: Shaw remained active in his later years; along with fellow Royal Shakespeare Company actors Ian Richardson, John Nettles, Martin Best and Ann Firbank, he engaged in discussions and workshops with acting teachers and students in the early 1980s. Although appearances in films became far less common in his later career, he received much acclaim for his performance as the Cold War spy Sharp in Clare Peploe's "High Season" at the New York Film Festival in 1987; "The San Diego Union-Tribune" said Shaw played the role with "endearing, sweet gravity". One of his last performances was in the Christmas season of 1988 and 1989, when he played the wizard in a stage production of "The Wizard of Oz" at the Barbican Centre. "The Times" said audiences were "delighted to recognise his honeyed threats from behind the great carapace that disguised the Wizard of Oz". Shaw became an honorary life-member at the Garrick Club, which included such past members as writers Charles Dickens, J.M. Barrie, Kingsley Amis and A.A. Milne; artists Dante Gabriel Rossetti and John Everett Millais; and composer Edward Elgar.


title: Sebastian Shaw (actor)

text: Shaw died of natural causes on 23 December 1994 at the age of 89 in Brighton, Sussex, England. A memorial service was held on 15 February 1995 at St Paul's, Covent Garden, commonly known as the "Actors' Church" due to its long association with the theatre community. Actors Ian Richardson and Ben Kingsley read works by William Shakespeare, stage actress Estelle Kohler read "How Do I Love Thee?" by Victorian poet Elizabeth Barrett Browning, actress Sheila Allen read "Life" by Welsh poet George Herbert and actor Kenneth Branagh read from the works of Canon Henry Scott Holland. One of Shaw's own poems, "Gemini", was also read by Alan Ravenscroft. Baritone Stephen Varcoe sang by Johannes Brahms, accompanied by Graham Johnson on the piano, and guitarist Martin Best performed and sang his composition of "Ariel's Songs" from "The Tempest". Shaw was survived by his partner Joan Ingpen, daughter Drusilla MacLeod, sisters Susan Bonner-Morgan and Penelope Harness, and sister-in-law Olga Young.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Michael Ray Dibdin Heseltine, Baron Heseltine, (; born 21 March 1933) is a British politician and businessman. Having begun his career as a property developer, he became one of the founders of the publishing house Haymarket. Heseltine served as a Conservative Member of Parliament from 1966 to 2001, and was a prominent figure in the governments of Margaret Thatcher and John Major, and served as Deputy Prime Minister and First Secretary of State under Major.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine entered the Cabinet in 1979 as Secretary of State for the Environment, where he promoted the "Right to Buy" campaign that allowed two million families to purchase their council houses. He was considered an adept media performer and a charismatic minister, although he was frequently at odds with Thatcher on economic issues. He was one of the most visible "wets", whose "One Nation" views were epitomised by his support for the regeneration of Liverpool in the early 1980s when it was facing economic collapse; this later earned him the award of Freeman of the City of Liverpool in 2012. As Secretary of State for Defence from 1983 to 1986, he was instrumental in the political battle against the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. He resigned from the Cabinet in 1986 over the Westland Affair and returned to the back benches.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine became a vocal critic of Thatcher, mostly because of her Eurosceptic views and confrontational approach in Parliament. Following Geoffrey Howe's resignation speech in November 1990, Heseltine challenged Thatcher for the leadership of the Conservative Party, polling well enough to deny her an outright victory on the first ballot. Following Thatcher's subsequent resignation, Heseltine then lost to John Major on the second ballot, but returned to the Cabinet when Major became Prime Minister. As a key ally of Major, Heseltine rose to become President of the Board of Trade and, from 1995, Deputy Prime Minister and First Secretary of State. He declined to seek the leadership of the party following Major's 1997 election defeat, but remained a vocal advocate for modernisation in the party.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In May 2019, Heseltine had the whip suspended after saying he would vote for the Liberal Democrats, rather than the Conservatives, at the 2019 European Parliament election in the United Kingdom.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Michael Heseltine was born in Swansea in Wales, the son of Territorial Army Colonel Rupert Dibdin Heseltine (1902–1957), TD, of the Royal Engineers during the Second World War, a factory owner and South Wales local director of Dawnays Ltd, bridge and structural engineers, and Eileen Ray ("née" Pridmore). The Heseltine family were in the tea trade: Michael Heseltine's great-grandfather, William Heseltine, was a clerk who worked his way up to being manager of Tetley, later being involved in establishing a chain of grocers; he killed himself after suffering the loss of his fortune through debt and bad investments. Michael Heseltine's grandfather, William's son John Heseltine, became a tea salesman and relocated from Huntingdonshire to Swansea, the docks being a major arrival point for tea shipments. Earlier generations were farm labourers in Pembrey. His mother originated in West Wales, daughter of James Pridmore, a dock labourer who unloaded coal from ships, later hiring others to do so and founding West Glamorgan Collieries Ltd, a short-lived company that briefly worked two small mines on the outskirts of Swansea (1919–1921); his father, also James, worked at the Swansea docks. Due to this heritage Heseltine was later made an honorary member of the Swansea Dockers Club. Heseltine is a descendant of the composer and songwriter Charles Dibdin.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was brought up in relative luxury at No. 1, Eaton Crescent, London (now No. 5). He told "Tatler" interviewer Charlotte Edwardes in 2016: "At prep school, I started a birdwatching club called the Tit Club. Every member was named after a member of the tit family: the Marsh Tit, the Blue Tit. I was the Great Tit". He once feared the story might reach the press: "I just know if that had got out when I was in active politics, I would never have recovered". Heseltine enjoyed angling in Brynmill Park and won a junior competition. He was educated at Broughton Hall in Eccleshall, Staffordshire, when it was briefly amalgamated with Brockhurst Preparatory school, Bromsgrove School, Worcestershire, and Shrewsbury School, Shropshire.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine campaigned briefly as a volunteer in the October 1951 general election before going up to Pembroke College, Oxford. While there, in frustration at his inability to be elected to the committee of the Oxford University Conservative Association, he founded the breakaway Blue Ribbon Club. Along with undergraduates Guy Arnold, Julian Critchley and Martin Morton he canvassed workers at the gates of the Vickers Shipyard in Barrow-in-Furness. Julian Critchley recounted a story from his student days of how he plotted his future on the back of an envelope, a future that would culminate as Prime Minister in the 1990s. A more detailed apocryphal version has him writing down: 'millionaire 25, cabinet member 35, party leader 45, prime minister 55'. He became a millionaire and was a member of the shadow cabinet from the age of 41, but did not manage to become Party Leader or Prime Minister.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: His biographers Michael Crick and Julian Critchley (who was a contemporary of Heseltine's at Brockhurst Prep School) recount how, despite not having an innate gift for public speaking, he became a strong orator through much effort, which included practising his speeches in front of a mirror, listening to tape recordings of speeches by television administrator Charles Hill, and taking voice-coaching lessons from a vicar's wife. (In the 1970s and 1980s, Heseltine's conference speech was often the highlight of the Conservative Party Conference, despite his views being well to the left of the then leader Margaret Thatcher.) He was eventually elected to the Library Committee of the Oxford Union for Hilary (Spring) Term 1953. The Oxford Union minutes record after a debate on 12 February 1953 that "Mr Heseltine should guard against artificial mannerisms of voice and calculated flourishes of self-conscious histrionics; this is only worth saying because he has the makings of a first class speaker".


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was then elected to the Standing Committee of the Oxford Union for Trinity (summer) Term 1953. On 30 April 1953 he opposed the setting up of the Western European Union (a European defence treaty), not least because it might antagonise the USSR following the supposed "recent change of Soviet attitudes" (i.e. after Stalin's death). On 4 June 1953, he called for the development of the British Commonwealth as a third major power in the world (after the US and USSR). At the end of that summer term he stood unsuccessfully for the Presidency but was instead elected to the top place on the committee. In his third year (1953–54) he served in top place on the committee, then as Secretary, and finally as Treasurer. As Treasurer he attempted to solve the Union's financial problems not by cost-cutting but by an ultimately successful "Brighter Union" policy of bringing in more students for food and drink, and by converting the Union cellars into a venue for events. The Union's Senior Member (the university don that every society was required to have) resigned in protest at what he saw as Heseltine's profligacy, and was replaced by the young Maurice Shock.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: At the end of the Trinity (summer) Term 1954 he was elected President of the Oxford Union for Michaelmas term 1954, largely on the strength of his business management, and with the assistance of Union contemporaries Jeremy Isaacs and Anthony Howard, the then chairman and chairman-elect of the Oxford University Labour Club; Heseltine had even, for a brief period that term, joined a protest group against the Conservative government's testing of an H-Bomb. He had done little study at University, and passed his finals with the help of last-minute coaching from friends. After graduating with a second-class degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics, described by his tutor Neville Ward-Perkins as "a great and undeserved triumph", he was permitted to stay on for an extra term to serve as Union President.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: The Union cellars were opened on 30 October 1954, and Heseltine persuaded the visiting Sir Bernard and Lady Docker to contribute to the considerable cost. Debates over which he presided included censorship of the Arts (no vote taken), welcoming the decline of British Imperialism (defeated 281–381) and calling for a "change in the principles and practice of British Trade Unions" (carried 358–200). Guest speakers that term included Rajani Palme Dutt, Lady Violet Bonham Carter, his old headmaster John Wolfenden and Jacob Bronowski, whilst Aneurin Bevan addressed a packed meeting of the University Labour Club, chaired by Anthony Howard, in the Union Chamber.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine began articles at Peat Marwick & Mitchell in January 1955. Whilst training as an accountant, he also built up a property business in the London property boom of the late 1950s. He and his Oxford roommate Ian Josephs had each inherited around £1,000 (around £23,000 at 2016 prices). They formed a property company called "Michian" (after their first names) and with the aid of a mortgage bought a 13-year lease on the so-called Thurston Court Hotel at 39 Clanricarde Gardens (near Notting Hill) for £3,750. They evicted the existing tenants so that Josephs' father could renovate the property and let out the rooms for a total rent of around £30 per week. A year later, they were able to sell the property at a profit, doubling their capital to £4,000.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: With the aid of a £23,000 mortgage, Heseltine and Josephs now bought a group of five adjacent houses for £27,000 in Inverness Terrace, Bayswater. They arranged for some medical students to decorate and remodel the property into a 45-bedroom boarding house, which they called the "New Court Hotel". Heseltine would sometimes cook breakfast himself, although he rejects tales that he would get up early to mix margarine in with the butter. Many of the tenants were American servicemen who, he later recorded, were for the most part respectful but sometimes rowdy at weekends.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Edward Heath, then a government whip whom he had met at the Oxford Union, was his referee when he applied for the Conservative Party Parliamentary Candidates' List in October 1956. Heseltine bought his first Jaguar, second hand and cheap because of the rise in the price of petrol owing to the Suez Crisis, for £1,750 in December 1956, upgrading to newer and more expensive models in future years.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: New Court Hotel was sold in 1957. At this point Heseltine went into business with another Oxford friend, Clive Labovitch, who brought out "Opportunities for Graduates" that year. Heseltine arranged for this to be distributed free, expanded from 40 pages to a 169-page hardback book, to final year students at all British universities, paid for by advertising. Heseltine ended his partnership with Josephs and with the aid of a £4,500 investment by Heseltine's mother (following the death of his father in 1957) he and Labovitch were able to buy a group of houses at 29–31 Tregunter Road (south of Earl's Court), adding two more in neighbouring Cathcart Road.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine had transferred his articles to a partner at a smaller firm of accountants located off Haymarket, feeling that this would allow him more chance of hands-on involvement in the affairs of the firms whose books he examined, rather than being a cog in a bigger machine. It took him three attempts and special coaching to pass his intermediate exams, and he had little immediate prospect of passing his accountancy finals. He also estimated that he was earning more from his property business than the partner to whom he was articled. With the expiry of his articles in January 1958 he could no longer avoid conscription into National Service.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine later wrote that he admired the military, for his father had been a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Royal Engineers in the Second World War and active in the Territorial Army thereafter, but that he had felt that his business career was too important to be disrupted. He and his father had taken the precaution of arranging interviews to increase his chances of attaining an officer's commission in case he had to serve. He had been lucky not to be called up for the Korean War in the early 1950s or the Suez Crisis in 1956; and in the final years of National Service, already due for abolition by 1960, an effort was made to call up men who had so far managed to postpone service. Despite having almost reached maximum call-up age, recently reduced from thirty to twenty-six, Heseltine was conscripted into the Welsh Guards in January 1959.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine spent nine weeks in the ranks as a Guardsman before being sent for three months of officer training at Mons Officer Cadet School, Aldershot, alongside men from other regiments. He was a capable cadet, reaching the rank of Junior Under-Officer and graduating with an A-Grade, but he was not awarded the Sword of Honour or promoted to the rank of Senior Under-Officer, as it was felt his age had given him an unfair advantage over younger cadets. Throughout his training he had been troubled by an old ankle sprain, but he declined the offer of a medical discharge. He was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant on 11 June 1959.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was granted leave to contest the general election in October that year; according to Ian Josephs this had been his plan from the start. Afterward he applied on business grounds for exemption from return to the Army, in part because of difficulties caused by an employee's embezzlement, and partly including the need to sort out his father's affairs, and was exempted from his remaining sixteen months of service. During the 1980s his habit of wearing a Guards regimental tie, sometimes incorrectly knotted with a red stripe on the neck, was the subject of much acerbic comment from military figures and from older MPs with distinguished war records. Crick estimated that he must have worn the tie on more days than he actually served in the Guards.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: By now the property boom was in full swing. Heseltine and Labovitch established first one, then a group of companies under the name "Bastion Properties". Heseltine later recorded that he and Labovitch bought at least three properties in W1 and W2 which they were able to sell at a profit before they had completed the original purchases. They also built eight small houses in Queensborough Mews, Bayswater. They bought a 58-year lease on a block of seven properties at Stafford Terrace, off Kensington High Street, which they converted into flats and built houses for Stepney Borough Council. Bastion also planned to build an estate of up to 126 houses at Tenterden, Kent, which failed to sell. In order to attract other buyers to the empty estate Heseltine had to accept an offer of £4,000 for the first house, which had been valued at £7,250. The estate was beset with repair problems until after Heseltine's election to Parliament.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine and Labovitch also founded the magazine publishing company Cornmarket, and brought out "Directory of Opportunities for School Leavers" and "Directory of Opportunities for Qualified Men", which earned a steady income from advertising. Canadian, French and German versions were also launched, although these were less profitable. In late 1959, using £10,000 of a £30,000 profit on selling a freehold site off Regents Park, they acquired the famous (but unprofitable) magazine "Man About Town" whose title was shortened to "About Town" then simply "Town". In 1962, they paid £10,000 for "Topic", a weekly newspaper that had been launched the previous year by a group of entrepreneurs including the Prime Minister's son Maurice Macmillan, and which was now owned by Norman Mascall (a pyramid scheme fraudster of the era). By then the economic climate was too difficult, and like many publishers they found that there is limited appetite for weekly papers in the UK. "Topic" ceased publication at the end of 1962, but its journalists later became "The Sunday Times" Insight Team.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine became managing director of Bow Group Publications in 1960, mainly looking after advertising and circulation for its "Crossbow" magazine (he does not seem to have written any articles or pamphlets himself). He contemplated suing "The Observer" for a limerick mocking his dress sense (spelling "Bow" as "Beau") for implying him to be homosexual, but was talked out of it. He remained a director until 1965.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Bastion Properties was in trouble because of building costs and an unsatisfactory building manager. After rapid expansion, Heseltine's businesses were badly hit by the Selwyn Lloyd financial squeeze of 1961 and, still not yet thirty years old, he eventually owed £250,000 (around £4.5 million at 2016 prices). He states he was lent a badly needed £85,000 in December 1962 by a bank manager who retired the same day. He avoided bankruptcy by such tactics as paying bills only when threatened with legal action, although he eventually settled all his debts. It was during this stressful period of his life that he took up gardening as a serious hobby. Later, during the 1990s, Heseltine committed a minor gaffe when he joked in a speech about how he had strung creditors along.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Between 1960 and 1964, Heseltine also worked as a part-time interviewer for ITV, very likely, in Crick's view, to maintain his public profile as an aspiring politician.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Despite Heseltine's later insistence on management controls in government departments which he ran, Cornmarket was a highly disorganised company, with little in the way of accounting or business plans and cheques and invoices often going astray. One of its most lucrative ventures, the "Graduates Appointments Register" (albums of anonymous graduate CVs—companies had to pay for the names and addresses of those whom they wished to interview), went ahead after an employee simply ignored Heseltine's instructions to abandon the project. Heseltine and Labovitch brought a great deal of energy and openness to new ideas (for example the in-house magazine for Hilton Hotels, or new owners' packs for people who bought Ford cars), talent-spotting able young men and leaving it to them to sort out the details.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Lindsay Masters, who had joined the Heseltine-Labovitch publishing business as an advertising manager in spring 1958, and Simon Tindall, who had joined in his early twenties as an advertising salesman while Heseltine had been doing his National Service, played an increasingly large role in managing the company. Masters kept a tight grip on the selling of advertising space, banning boozy lunches and setting targets for calling of clients, followed by chase-up calls, whilst keeping a public league table of salesmens' success rates; these were relatively innovative techniques at the time.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: By 1964 Cornmarket owed a great deal of money to their printers, Hazell Watson & Viney, which was then merging with the British Printing Corporation (BPC). Heseltine was summoned by BPC to be told to sort out his firm's debts, but instead persuaded them to accept, instead of payment, an equity stake of at least 40% in a new, merged business. The portmanteau name "Haymarket" was suggested by Sir Geoffrey Crowther, chairman of BPC.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: From the autumn of 1964, Haymarket set out aggressively to acquire magazines, approaching them from the list in the media directory BRAD. They acquired small, modestly profitable magazines for tape recorder and camera, and camping and caravan, enthusiasts, and using a loan from BPC bought a series of leisure and medical publications for £250,000 from a Canadian publisher, in competition with Thomson Group.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1965 Heseltine's businesses had a turnover of around £700,000 per annum, and employed around 50 staff. Although the "Opportunities for Graduates" series continued to generate profits, "Town" magazine continued to lose money, hampered by the cost of printing (much more expensive at that time than nowadays) and by Heseltine's reluctance, for political reasons, to include nude pictures of girls or cartoons disrespectful of the Royal Family.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Haymarket launched a bid for the British Institute of Management's magazine "The Manager", again in competition with Thomson Group, in late 1965. It was envisaged that Haymarket would take a 25% stake, as would the "Financial Times" and "The Economist", of both of which Crowther was also chairman. Over the weekend Heseltine, inspired by how Donald Stokes had once won a Scandinavian bus contract for British Leyland by building a model bus, had a team led by Labovitch prepare a 96-page mock copy of what they envisaged, mostly using text cut from "The Economist". Robert Heller was brought in as the first editor of what became "Management Today" – Heseltine initially irritated him by taking him to lunch at the Carlton Club and talking of his political aspirations, but Heller soon recognised that Labovitch was the front man whose job was to impress those who needed to be impressed, and Heseltine was "the dynamic and real entrepreneurial brain". The first edition came out in April 1966, just after Heseltine's election to Parliament. Haymarket went on to publish similar magazines for Marketing, Personnel Management and Computing Institutes.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Labovitch left Haymarket at the end of 1965. Heseltine stated he spent three days trying to persuade him to stay. Labovitch wanted to establish himself as a successful educational and careers publisher, and may well have been pushed by his then wife, the socialist journalist Penny Perrick, who disliked Heseltine both personally (as best man at their wedding he had, she said, welcomed various business figures in his speech as if he were at a board meeting) and politically and whom he had refused to include on the Haymarket board. Labovitch was a generator of ideas but he lacked Heseltine's business skills. Although he took his profitable "Directories" with him, he had to sell them back to Haymarket when his business failed in 1973, causing him to attempt suicide. Heseltine offered him a position as consultant to Haymarket. The two former partners remained on friendly terms until Labovitch's death in 1994.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Very few staff left with Labovitch. Lindsay Masters stayed behind, very likely in the knowledge that he might soon be running the company as Heseltine's political career took off. However, Heseltine continued as managing director of Haymarket even after being elected to Parliament in March 1966, and based himself at the company offices near Oxford Circus rather than in the House of Commons. Heseltine's Oxford friend Julian Critchley was editor of "Town" for around a year from 1966 until he was sacked by Masters, ending his friendship with Heseltine who had shrunk from delivering the blow himself.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In April 1967, Heseltine persuaded BPC to inject a further £150,000 into Haymarket, increasing its ownership stake to 60%, whilst Heseltine and other directors retained smaller shareholdings. Haymarket doubled their magazine portfolio by taking over the management of twenty of BPC's magazines (many of which had been acquired by BPC in lieu of bad debts by other publishers), including "Autosport". However, they were now effectively a subsidiary of BPC; Heseltine, Masters and Tindall could potentially be outvoted or even sacked by the four BPC directors on the board. BPC installed a new financial controller who installed cost and cashflow management for the first time, and insisted on finally closing "Town" magazine at the end of 1967. "Town" had never made a profit, but Heseltine writes that its quality was instrumental in establishing Haymarket's reputation as a publishing house. Around that time, "Management Today" became Haymarket's first big success. A BPC manager recorded that Heseltine kept the initiative at board meetings by "poker-faced nit-picking" about the quality and timing of BPC's printing, rather than by employing what came to be considered his usual "I will transform the world" rhetoric.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1968, there were rumours that BPC was planning to sack Heseltine. Another of the titles acquired from BPC was "World's Press News", largely a compilation of world press releases, which was relaunched by Masters and Robert Heller as "Campaign" in September 1968 (Heseltine initially opposed the title, thinking it sounded too political). It rapidly became standard reading in the world of advertising and Public Relations, for its gossipy reporting, often obtained by trading information, of who was gaining or losing accounts or being promoted or sacked. Within a year it had overtaken "Advertisers Weekly" for its volume of classified ads. Heseltine was forced, in the face of a strike, to recognise the National Union of Journalists among his staff. Josephine Hart (later a novelist and the wife of Maurice Saatchi, who was Heseltine's assistant at this time), further improved the advertising sales operation by recruiting a team of largely female sales staff.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: As part of his ongoing campaign to buy titles off other publishers, Heseltine noticed a magazine called "The Accountant" which was easily paid for by vast amounts of advertising. Robert Heller produced a dummy edition of a Haymarket version, modelled on the "Daily Telegraph", which became "Accountancy Age". Following an international phone call between Heller, who was on holiday in Portugal, and Heseltine who was on a political trip to Singapore, the launch date was brought forward by three months on learning that a rival publication was to be launched. "Accountancy Age" was launched in December 1969, largely by Haymarket's business development manager Maurice Saatchi, and was profitable from the start.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Buoyed by the success of "Management Today", "Campaign" and "Accountancy Age", Haymarket made pre-tax profits of £3,000 in 1968, £136,000 in 1969 and £265,000 in 1970. Heseltine resigned as managing director of Haymarket on his promotion to principal opposition spokesman on transport in 1969, although he continued as chairman of the board until he became a minister in 1970, at which point he resigned from the board altogether, whilst remaining a major shareholder.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1970, Heseltine turned down the chance to invest £25,000 in the advertising agency Saatchi & Saatchi when it was set up (his former employee Maurice Saatchi said that he had learned a great deal from Heseltine's aggressive techniques of acquiring magazine titles, and from publicity in "Campaign" magazine), believing wrongly that it was against the code for ministers to make such an investment. Lindsay Masters did invest, but was eventually bought out by the Saatchi brothers; Heseltine later believed that he and Masters together could have made another fortune if they had reinforced one another with large shareholdings in Saatchi and Saatchi.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: With Heseltine a government minister from June 1970, Haymarket was being run by Masters and Tindall, who had secured another coup by publishing "Computing" for the British Computing Society. BPC was in financial trouble in 1971, and Heseltine, Masters and Tindall assembled a consortium of County Bank, Charterhouse Development, ICFC and Wren Investments to help buy out BPC's 60% stake for £1m, a very low price given that Haymarket had made over £250,000 the previous year. The consortium took a 40% stake in Haymarket, and loaned the company £820,000, while Heseltine took out a large personal loan at this time to buy both another 20% of Haymarket's shares (the rest of the BPC shareholding, bringing Heseltine's own shareholding to just under 50%). At the meeting to close the deal, one of the bankers recorded, "Michael thought he was President of the Oxford Union again, and entered into a grand oration and bored everyone stiff". In 1971 Heseltine placed his shares in a trust controlled by his ministerial boss Peter Walker and by his solicitor Charles Corman. Haymarket's pretax profits were £453,000 in 1971 and £704,000 in 1972. Haymarket was due to be floated as a public company in the autumn of 1973, although this was cancelled because of the rise in the oil price, which reduced the profitability of the publishing industry. They thus avoided the stock market crash which followed. The company remains privately owned to this day.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine acted as a consultant to Haymarket during his period out of government office between 1974 and 1979. His role was to bring in new publishing ideas. He believed he increased performance, although Robert Heller later recorded that he did very little, for he was too busy as a member of the Shadow Cabinet. He worked from an office at Haymarket, near Regent Street, rather than in the House of Commons. Under the management of Masters and Tindall, Haymarket continued to grow. By 1976 it was making annual profits of round £1.75m. In 1976–1977 Heseltine, Masters, Tindall and the Finance Director David Fraser bought out the consortium's 40% share, using money borrowed from them, giving Heseltine and his family over 50% control of Haymarket. Heseltine had taken out large personal loans both to increase his stake in the company and to buy his country mansion Thenford House. Masters had also done the same to buy himself a property. Several titles, including "Accountancy Age" and "Computing" were sold to the rival company VNU in 1980. The transaction raised £17m, half of which went to Heseltine, but in Crick's view was a bad move for Haymarket. During Heseltine's second period out of office (1986–1990), Masters threatened to resign if Heseltine returned to Haymarket, but once again he became a consultant on £100,000 per annum.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: By 1997, when his career as a Cabinet minister ended, Haymarket was making an annual profit of over £10m and employing around 1,000 people. Heseltine resumed management of the company after Masters' retirement in 1999. Haymarket has seen reduced profitability in the UK since 1999, but has expanded further into foreign markets (for example India). It has also laboured under heavy borrowings of over £100 million to buy back Masters' and Tindall's large minority shareholdings, which have been reduced to some extent by the sale of properties. Heseltine has now retired from day-to-day management, handing over to his son Rupert.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine's ownership of Haymarket has made him a large personal fortune. As of 2013 he was ranked 311th in "The Sunday Times" Rich List with an estimated wealth, including shareholdings held by members of his immediate family, of £264 million.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine contested the safe Labour seat of Gower at the October 1959 general election. He had been the only applicant for the Conservative (technically, Conservative and National Liberal) candidacy. He would at times attend Labour meetings and attempt to heckle the speakers, including Aneurin Bevan and the Labour candidate Ifor Davies, whom he kept trying to challenge to a debate. He obtained plenty of publicity in the local paper and obtained a swing to the Conservatives slightly better than the national average.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1961, Heseltine was one of 29 applicants—of whom half were interviewed—for the Conservative candidacy in the marginal constituency of Coventry North. He clinched the selection after bringing his fiancée Anne Williams to the meeting. He got on well with the incumbent Labour member Maurice Edelman (whose daughter was a friend of Anne Heseltine, as she became in 1962) and they met for dinner sometimes during the campaign. Many of his Oxford contemporaries had already entered Parliament, but, to his disappointment, in the 1964 general election he was defeated by 3,530 votes. The swing to Labour was slightly less than the national average.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In March 1965, Heseltine applied to be candidate for the safe Conservative seat of Tavistock in Devon, where the incumbent MP had announced his retirement two months earlier. Of the 51 applicants, 14 were considered, six of whom had local connections. Heseltine reached the final short list of three, the others being a dairy farmer in a senior position at the Milk Marketing Board (thought to be the favourite), and a local authority lawyer, who later recalled that on the train down from London Heseltine kept jumping out at every stop to check that his magazines were on display at the station newsagents. Heseltine had already spent several days driving round talking to locals and had ordered a year's worth of back copies of Tavistock's two weekly papers. Such effort is nowadays common in Parliamentary selections but was unusual at the time. He was selected by a clear majority of the Tavistock Conservative Association's Finance and General Purposes Committee (which contained between 100 and 120 people).


title: Michael Heseltine

text: He was picked in part as a young, dynamic candidate who could face the challenge of the resurgent Liberal Party in the West Country, where Jeremy Thorpe, Peter Bessell and Mark Bonham Carter had recently won seats. The Liberals had halved the Conservative majority at Tavistock in 1964.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Trouble then arose at his adoption by a full general meeting of the Conservative Association, which should have been a formality. Criticism arose that a person with farming links should have been chosen, for the bikini-clad girls on the cover of "Town" magazine, which were considered risqué at the time, and for jokes in the magazine at the expense of the Royal Family. He was selected after a stirring speech to around 540 assembled members of the local Conservative Association on Friday 26 March 1965. Crick believes that this is a rare example in politics of a single speech determining a career. Only 27 members supported an amendment to refer the matter back to the selection committee and 14 opposed Heseltine's adoption altogether. Thereafter his name stopped appearing as "publisher" on his magazines. He had to learn about farming, an important issue in the seat, about which he knew almost nothing.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In the March 1966 general election both the Conservative leader Edward Heath and Liberal leader Jo Grimond spoke at Tavistock. Heseltine stressed his agreement with Liberal principles and fought extremely hard, achieving a small swing to the Conservatives, bucking the national trend. He was elected Member of Parliament (MP) for Tavistock.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine's liberal stance on race issues and his opposition to hanging (he felt it was barbaric and not an effective deterrent, although he later expressed openness to the idea of hanging terrorists) was unpopular with many of his constituents, as was his continued unease with agricultural issues, and his dressing as a city businessman in pale grey suits, kipper ties and driving a Jaguar. Despite the huge demands on his time as both an MP and running Haymarket Press, and the distance of the seat from London, he remained relatively active at constituency casework at weekends and during the late summer recess, touring rural areas in a caravan and using a small tape recorder (relatively new technology at the time) to dictate answers to constituents' problems in front of them.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: As soon as Heseltine was elected in March 1966, the seat of Tavistock was recommended for abolition by the Boundary Commission, divided between the new seats of West Devon (effectively a rural seat, where Heseltine would have had to compete for the candidacy with the sitting MP Peter Mills who had a strong local following) and Plymouth Sutton (which had a strong Powellite/Monday Club element—they eventually selected the right-winger Alan Clark). Several of his activists attempted to persuade him to apply for Plymouth Sutton, but he was not interested, wanting a seat nearer London.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In the event, the implementation of the Boundary Review was postponed for partisan reasons until after the next general election by Home Secretary James Callaghan (on the pretext of waiting until after the Redcliffe-Maud Report on local government reorganisation). Heseltine therefore defended Tavistock at the 1970 general election, achieving a better than average swing to the Conservatives.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine, by now a junior minister in the Heath government, was now forced to apply for a new candidacy, often in competition with other sitting Conservative MPs whose seats were also due for abolition. He applied for Mid Sussex in competition with Ian Gilmour, but they lost to Tim Renton. He also applied for Mid-Oxfordshire but lost to Douglas Hurd.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1972, Edward Heath attempted to persuade Heseltine, a strong supporter of his, to challenge Powellite MP Ronald Bell for the Conservative nomination for the new seat of Beaconsfield. Heseltine wrote that he was "tempted" to enter the lists at Beaconsfield, but did not actually do so. Crick writes that he reached the final shortlist of four against Bell, before being "apparently persuaded" to withdraw. Bell's campaign within the local Conservative ranks was masterminded by Hugh Simmonds, chairman of the Young Conservatives, and he narrowly won.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was one of 180 applicants for the safe Conservative seat of Henley (the constituency association of which was known as North Oxfordshire), whose MP John Hay was stepping down. He reached the final shortlist of three along with two other sitting MPs, William Shelton and Norman Fowler, and in September 1972 was selected as candidate with a clear majority at the first ballot. Part of the reason was that the Association wanted a wealthy MP who would not be distracted by the need to earn money in business as Hay had been. He maintained a constituency home in Crocker End, near Nettlebed, and still maintained a London home at Wilton Crescent.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was MP for Henley from February 1974 until his retirement from the House of Commons in 2001.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1967, Peter Walker invited Heseltine to be opposition spokesman on transport (not a Shadow Cabinet-level position, but reporting to Walker), after he had arranged a successful speaking tour of the West Country for him. Heseltine's duties included opposing Barbara Castle's 1967 Transport Bill (which eventually became the Transport Act 1968). Heseltine led opposition to the parts of the bill which nationalised small bus companies into the National Bus Company (UK) and set up Passenger transport executives (PTEs) in major urban areas. He criticised Castle for wanting to give PTEs the right to manufacture or produce anything necessary for their function, which as she pointed out was almost word-for-word identical to a clause in the Conservatives' Transport Act 1962. In 1968 Margaret Thatcher became Heseltine's boss for a year; he found her "embarrassingly rude". Unusually for the time, he employed a full-time researcher, Eileen Strathnaver.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heath allowed his shadow ministers more leeway than would be normal nowadays. Heseltine was one of a group of 15 Conservative MPs to vote against the 1968 Commonwealth Immigration Bill on second reading (Conservative whips advised their MPs to support it, but it was a free vote). He also voted against the bill on three subsequent votes, arguing that it was based on "sheer naked racialism" and that Britain should honour promises previously made to the Kenyan Asians. Following Enoch Powell's Rivers of Blood speech Heseltine publicly urged Heath to deal firmly with him—to the consternation of many in his local party at Tavistock, where Powell enjoyed strong support. Three days later, Heseltine was one of around two dozen Conservative MPs who defied the whip to abstain rather than vote against the second reading of the 1968 Race Relations Bill (which banned racial discrimination). He argued that the Conservatives should state their own alternative policy rather than just oppose.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was promoted to principal opposition spokesman on transport in November 1969, although unlike his predecessors Thatcher and Walker, he was not a member of the Shadow Cabinet. He went on a six-week tour of India, Hong Kong, Singapore, Australia and the US to study how their docks were run, in readiness for Labour's planned 1970 Docks Bill (which in the event was cancelled because of that year's general election).


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Following the Conservative victory in the 1970 general election, new Prime Minister Edward Heath appointed Heseltine a junior minister at the Department of Transport. Transport had been demoted from a Cabinet position in 1969, when Barbara Castle had been replaced by Fred Mulley. To his disappointment Heseltine, who had been principal spokesman in opposition, was appointed a Parliamentary Under-Secretary, the lowest rung on the ministerial ladder, to John Peyton (himself only a Minister of State rather than a Cabinet Minister). Officials found him brash, arrogant and overbearing, with a very limited attention span for paperwork, although quick to complain if he was not told about things (the trick, they found, was to submit the two-page summaries on each topic which he demanded, but with extensive background documents). He complained to Lord Jellicoe, Minister for the Civil Service, about being given inexperienced civil servants fresh out of university to work in his office. "Pussy – that's what they called us. The scum of the earth, tolerated by civil servants" he told the "Sunday Times" (1 May 1983). One of his first duties was to open the Westway A40 (M), and he also opened the stretch of the M4 west of Maidenhead, on which he was shortly afterwards fined £20 for speeding. He insisted on being shown maps' of where protesters lived, so that he could see the reasons for public concerns at new roads and motorways.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: After four months Transport was absorbed into the new "monster ministry" of the Department for the Environment, under Heseltine's ally Peter Walker. Heseltine was still responsible for transport, but also for local government reform, covered in the Local Government Act 1972. Redcliffe-Maude's proposals for unitary councils (i.e. merging the two layers of county and borough/district councils) were abandoned. Many historic counties were abolished. Large Metropolitan counties were created around the big cities, but many smaller cities lost their county borough status. One such was Plymouth, the eastern suburbs of which lay in Heseltine's seat of Tavistock. Plymouth opinion was particularly angry that education was now to be run by Devon County Council in Exeter, 40 miles away. Heseltine declined to support a campaign by Plymouth MP Dame Joan Vickers to create a Tamarside Metropolitan county, and was rebuked by Sir Henry Studholme, his predecessor as MP for Tavistock, for declining to support (on the grounds that as minister he might have to adjudicate any dispute) Plymouth Council's attempt to buy more land near Sparkwell to develop light industry under its control.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In April 1972 Heseltine was promoted to be Minister for Aerospace, a Minister of State rather than a Cabinet minister but effectively running his own department within the Department of Trade and Industry, another of Heath's new mega ministries. The department had been given major new powers by the 1972 Industry Act. Later in the year Peter Walker was appointed Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, making him Heseltine's boss once again. Heseltine appointed Cecil Parkinson, whom he had met on an accountancy course in the mid-1950s, as his Parliamentary Private Secretary, ostensibly on the grounds that he knew even less about aerospace than he did. Parkinson was impressed by Heseltine's vigour and his insistence that civil servants produce results for him quickly, later writing in his memoirs (1992) "in his constructive and deliberate unreasonableness he reminds me in many ways of Mrs Thatcher". Heseltine arguably did not make aerospace policy any more interventionist than it already was.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: One of Heseltine's main jobs was to sell Concorde, which was difficult because of its cost and limited range (it could fly from New York to London or Paris, but not the short extra distance to Rome or Frankfurt) and capacity (a quarter that of a Boeing 747). It had been initiated by Macmillan in 1962 as an Anglo-French project to try to get Britain into the EEC, although by the early 1970s Heath was already broaching cancellation with President Pompidou. BOAC threatened to cancel its order, and Heseltine several times summoned the board, who had threatened to resign "en masse", to his office, impressing Parkinson by his skills of persuasion. Civil Servants were happy that his love of generating headlines helped the cause of Concorde sales. The Queen, Princess Margaret and Princess Anne were all seen accompanying Heseltine on board Concorde to drum up publicity. In the summer of 1972 he sent Concorde 002 on a tour of Iran, India, Singapore, Japan and Australia. Heseltine and his wife Anne accompanied the plane as far as Singapore (the press joked that Lee Kuan Yew might not let him in with such long hair), and he met it at Toulouse on the way back, but not a single plane was sold. By this stage there were options to sell 74 Concordes to 17 airlines around the world (the original hope had been to sell 30), but this went wrong because of the rises in the oil price in 1973 and 1979; in the event only 10 were ever sold, five each to British Airways (as BOAC had become in 1974) and Air France. Heseltine won praise for his efforts at salesmanship, but some civil servants felt that he was more committed to the plane than Tony Benn had been, and that he should have acted decisively to cut back marketing efforts sooner than he did. He did not mention Concorde at all in his books "Where There's A Will" or "The Challenge of Europe".


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was a key mover in the setting up of the European Space Agency (ESA) in 1973. He cancelled the British Geostationary Technological satellite and handed back the grant to the Treasury. He was less successful in persuading colleagues to centralise British space expenditure, which was split between the DTI, Defence, the Post Office and the Science Research Council – his attempt to get Margaret Thatcher, Secretary of State for Education and Science, to give up control of the latter, soured their relations. He also favoured pan European cooperation on civil aviation.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine had almost daily dealings with the industrialist Arnold Weinstock, Head of GEC – as transport minister Heseltine had once summoned him in to the ministry to ask why the electronic signs on the motorway, built by GEC, did not work properly. By May 1973, Weinstock was thought by Cecil King to have a very low opinion of Heseltine, but this later improved and they became friends. Heseltine had started almost from nothing, but Haymarket had only succeeded when bought out by the big conglomerate BPC. This may explain his corporatism, in Crick's view, although unlike Jim Prior or Heath, Heseltine had never shown much interest in involving trade unions.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: During this period, Heseltine's opponent Stanley Clinton-Davis coined his nickname of Tarzan, due to his similarity to Johnny Weissmuller, the actor who had played Tarzan in a number of films in the 1930s and 1940s. The media were quick to follow in Clinton-Davis's example. He was caricatured as such, complete with loin-cloth, in the "If" series drawn by satirical political cartoonist Steve Bell. Heseltine has claimed never to have been bothered what people called him, although the nickname amused his wife: "It was quite fun to be married to Johnny Weissmuller".


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Early in 1973, rumours began to circulate that the Tracked Hovercraft (known as the "Hovertrain"), a planned 300 mph floating train on which work had begun in 1967, was to be cancelled. On 12 February 1973, Heseltine gave a written answer on Peter Walker's behalf to a written question from Labour MP David Stoddart, that a further injection of government money was still "under consideration". However, two days later Heseltine appeared before the Select Committee, and revealed that the government had already decided to pull the plug on the Hovertrain on 29 January. Airey Neave believed Heseltine had been lying and urged Stoddart to pursue the matter. The Hovertrain incident came to be regarded as the worst example of lying to the House of Commons since the Profumo affair a decade earlier, and Heseltine survived because full details only emerged during the Parliamentary summer recess.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: The committee's report in September accused Heseltine of having given an "untrue" answer on 12 February. Heseltine immediately gave a press conference (7 September 1973) in which he denied that he had lied. On the orders of Chief Whip Francis Pym he apologised to the House of Commons on 16 October 1973 for having made a statement which was open to "more than one interpretation". Heseltine said that his statement that further investment was "under consideration" was not just the normal euphemism for a decision that had not yet been announced, but was actually technically true, as at that time he was still talking to Hawker Siddeley and British Rail about buying part of the Hovertrain business. The row deflected attention from the committee's anger at the cancellation decision. Neave's real target, in the view of Heseltine's PPS Cecil Parkinson, was Heath, whom Neave detested and later helped to topple as party leader in 1975, but he and Sir Harry Legge-Bourke, both of whom had distinguished war records, also deplored Heseltine's cutting short of his National Service and his brashness and new money.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heath does not appear to have been overly bothered about the cancellation of Hovertrain, but was bothered about the mooted third London Airport at Maplin Sands on the Essex Coast, which was seen as a major prestige project along with the Channel Tunnel which was begun at this time. The Bill was threatened by a revolt of Tory backbenchers whose seats were affected, and Heath gave Heseltine a dressing down for his lack of energy in promoting it.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was not popular with his ministerial peers at this time. A story was told of how ministers had volunteered him to be the one "taken hostage by terrorists" in a mooted training exercise. Nonetheless, Heseltine emerged from the Heath government with an enhanced reputation. He had avoided the worst crises of that government: the two miners' strikes, incomes policy, industrial relations policy and Northern Ireland, as well as any direct involvement in British entry into the EEC. Heseltine's career under Heath's ministry saw him associated with local government reorganisation, prestige projects, Europe and state aid to industries, themes which would recur throughout his career. He had attained a higher public profile than many Cabinet ministers, and by 1974 he was being seriously tipped as a future Prime Minister.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was promoted to the Shadow Cabinet in June 1974 as Industry spokesman. If the Conservatives had won either of the general elections in 1974 (February or October) he would almost certainly have joined the Cabinet. He was shadowing Tony Benn, who planned a major expansion of public ownership through the National Enterprise Board. In the summer of 1974, Heseltine put together a team of over 20 Conservative MPs, each a specialist in a particular industry, to campaign against Benn's plans.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine had lost faith in Heath over the second miners' strike and over Heath's personal abrasiveness (Heath had apparently once told him to his face that he was too openly ambitious); his patron Peter Walker had also come to have similar doubts about Heath. Ten days before the October 1974 election, at which Heseltine bucked the national swing by increasing his majority at Henley, he urged Heath to consider his position by the end of the year.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: It is unclear how Heseltine voted in the first ballot of the 1975 Conservative leadership election, in which the challenger Margaret Thatcher defeated Heath. Norman Tebbit stated that he and John Nott persuaded him to vote for Thatcher so as to open up the way for his preferred candidate Willie Whitelaw to stand on the second ballot. Another (anonymous) close friend later told Michael Crick that Heseltine voted for Thatcher. The Thatcher team had him down as an abstainer, while he refused at the time to reveal how he voted. In his memoirs Heseltine wrote that he abstained in the first ballot, but that he would have voted for Whitelaw in the first ballot had he stood against Heath. Whitelaw admired his drive and energy but looked down on him as "new Money" and is said to have commented that Heseltine was "the sort of man who combs his hair in public".


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine toyed with standing himself for the second ballot (in Crick's view his vote would very likely have been derisory), but voted for Whitelaw. Thatcher, whom Heseltine like many others had initially regarded as something of a joke candidate, defeated Whitelaw and became party leader.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine did not work easily with women as senior colleagues, as was shown by the difficulty experienced by Elinor Goodman in obtaining promotion from secretary to journalist at "Campaign", and his reluctance to let Josephine Hart sit on the Haymarket Board. Heseltine fully expected to be sacked from the Shadow Cabinet by the new leader (as Peter Walker was at this time), but was retained, in part because Thatcher was impressed by his fierce opposition to Benn's Industry Bill, and partly because a senior figure, possibly Geoffrey Howe, argued for his retention.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine first emerged as a platform orator at the Conservative National Council in March 1975, and then at the autumn conferences in 1975 and 1976 (where he likened Labour to a one-legged army marching "Left, left, left"). He dictated his speech ideas beforehand to his scriptwriters, who had to discard a good deal of unintelligible material. His reputation was derived not from any factual content or argument, but from the force and brio of his delivery – it was said of him that he could "find the party's clitoris". There was talk of his being appointed Party Chairman (in charge of the party organisation and of campaigning across the country) in place of Peter Thorneycroft.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In the summer of 1975, Heseltine persuaded the Shadow Cabinet not to oppose the Labour Government's bailout of British Leyland because of the risk to marginal seats (including some Cowley workers in northern wards of his own Henley seat). Industry Secretary Tony Benn thought Heseltine intellectually shallow (describing one of his speeches as "an awful old flop" and another as "another flayling attack") but admired his ability to make headlines in opposition.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: The infamous Mace Incident took place at this time during the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Bill, a measure whose passage had already lasted a year and seen 58 Committee sessions. The Speaker had ruled the bill to be hybrid, as it excluded one shipbuilding company (although there was dispute as to whether the company in question actually was a shipbuilder). All interested parties were therefore entitled to put their case to a special select committee. An earlier vote in favour of the Speaker's ruling had been tied, and defeated after the Speaker had been obliged by convention to use his casting vote against his own ruling. The Labour Government now moved to suspend the normal Parliamentary standing order to allow the bill to proceed as normal. This time the Conservatives expected the Speaker to use his casting vote "against" the government's motion to suspend the standing order. Instead the Labour motion was carried, after a Labour whip broke his pair. Amid riotous scenes of Labour left-wingers singing "The Red Flag" Heseltine picked up the Mace, the symbol of Parliament's authority, until Jim Prior grabbed it off him. Accounts of exactly what happened vary but it seems likely that he was mockingly offering it to the Labour benches, not, as some alleged, "brandishing" it – an illusion caused by Prior pulling his other arm down. Thatcher was furious. Speaker Thomas suspended the sitting and made Heseltine wait until next day to apologise so that tempers could cool. Heseltine was faced with calls for his resignation from the Shadow Cabinet; he thought it would play well with the public, but in Crick's view it helped to cement a reputation for impulsiveness and poor judgement.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In autumn 1976 Heseltine was reshuffled, against his will, to the job of Shadow Environment Secretary. He was particularly cross at having to give up the job of Shadow Industry Secretary to John Biffen. He accepted on condition that he would not have to take the Environment job when the Conservatives returned to office. As Benn had given way to Eric Varley there was no longer such a need for aggressive campaigning on Industry, and Thatcher, who had herself been Shadow Environment Secretary in 1974, wanted campaigning on council house sales (Heseltine offered up to 50% discounts for tenants who bought their homes) and reform of the rates, and thought his predecessor Timothy Raison ineffective.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Thatcher was impressed by Heseltine's campaigning and love of headlines during the May 1979 election, in contrast to most of the Shadow Cabinet. After the Conservatives had won, and mindful of her earlier promise that he need not take on the Environment job in government, she offered him the Energy Department (an important job following the 1979 energy crisis caused by the Iranian Revolution). He preferred to be Secretary of State for the Environment after all, entering the Cabinet for the first time.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: During the macroeconomic disputes of the early 1980s, Heseltine was sometimes associated with the Cabinet "wets" (Peter Walker, Jim Prior, Ian Gilmour, Lord Carrington and Norman St John Stevas) but was not seen as one of them, nor was he invited to their private meetings. Both Nigel Lawson and Cecil Parkinson agreed in their memoirs (1992) that he accepted in principle the need to control public expenditure. He opposed the abolition of exchange controls in 1979 and opposed Geoffrey Howe's tight budget in 1981, suggesting a public sector pay freeze instead.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine favoured privatisation of state owned industries, a novel idea in 1979 as the Conservatives were initially only proposing to denationalise the industries nationalised by Labour in the 1970s.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Despite his initial reluctance to take on the job, Heseltine later described it as "four of the happiest years of my life". He passed the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981, a conservation measure. He also vetoed the "Green Giant", a skyscraper on the South Bank, initiated plans for the National Gallery extension (the winning entry was famously described by Prince Charles as "a monstrous carbuncle" and was never built) and signed off on the building of the Queen Elizabeth II Centre on a bomb site near Westminster; when he was unable to secure private funding as planned the Treasury were forced to pay for the building. Some of the DoE's responsibilities were hived off into English Heritage, a new body.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: The Permanent Under-Secretary at the Environment Department, Sir John Garlick, described Heseltine's arrival as a change from "a very conservative Labour Secretary of State [Peter Shore] to a very radical Conservative Secretary of State". On his first day Heseltine took him out to lunch at the Connaught and drew up a list of what he wanted to accomplish in office (the list appears in Heseltine's book "Where There's A Will", and was returned to him at the end of his time at the Environment). Only a quarter of Heseltine's agenda consisted of manifesto commitments and other political goals; the rest of it consisted of administrative and organisational changes. Peter Hennessy observed that Heseltine was more interested in the nuts and bolts of Whitehall reform than any minister since David Lloyd George. Heseltine was quite ruthless about moving civil servants with whom he was dissatisfied, but nonetheless staff thought he had mellowed somewhat since the early 1970s, and was more relaxed and fun to work with. His permanent secretaries Sir John Garlick and Sir George Moseley thought highly of him. He preferred to reach decisions through informal discussion rather than wading through paperwork. He instituted Peter Walker's custom of morning "prayer" meetings (ministers and PPSs with no civil servants present), now common in Whitehall but an innovation at the time.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: The department had a budget of £14bn a year and employed 52,000 people. The Conservatives were pledged to cut 100,000 off the 730,000 strong civil service. On the advice of his junior minister Lord Bellwin, a former leader of Leeds City Council, Heseltine ordered that nobody was to be hired without his personal approval.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine instituted an internal audit system called "MINIS" ("management information system for ministers"), ironically, in Crick's view, as Heseltine's own company Haymarket had often been chaotically organised. Peter Hennessy likened it to "a Domesday Book". Heseltine personally interrogated the heads of department (many of whom felt he was interfering in internal civil service matters). The lengthy reports, showing organisation charts of each of the 66 directorates, expenditure, staff costs and forward plans, were made publicly available. Staff numbers were cut more deeply than in any other Whitehall department – one in twelve had gone within a year and nearly 30%, 15,000, by 1983; local government finance, under Terry Heiser, was the only department to receive extra resources. Thatcher was impressed by MINIS, and in February 1983 Heseltine was invited to give a presentation about them to other senior ministers and civil servants, in the hope that they might be adopted by other departments. There was little interest, but similar concepts were later adopted by Derek Rayner's Financial Management Initiative across Whitehall.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine was a convert to the sale of council houses, a policy pioneered by some Conservative local authorities, e.g. Birmingham. He also favoured the policy of giving away houses, a policy first mooted from the backbenches by Peter Walker in the mid-1970s, not least as some local authorities were spending more on maintenance than they were recouping in rents. Thatcher, who was concerned at the reaction from those who had made financial sacrifices to buy their homes, was initially sceptical. After taking office Heseltine issued a circular enabling councils, if they chose, to sell houses at 30% discount and to offer 100% mortgages. The Housing Act 1980 enacting Right to Buy was delayed by a Lords amendment and did not reach the statute book until the end of 1980. Some councils were slow in processing applications (one even threatened to house "problem" families next door to those who bought) and Heseltine made an example of Norwich by setting up a DOE sales office there – Norwich council took him to court and lost. At the time Heseltine permitted councils to use up to 75% of sales receipts for renovating the housing stock, and was angry in later years when this was cut back by the Treasury. Heseltine also insisted on the doubling of rents to encourage buying.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: During the 1980s over a million council houses – around 20% of the stock – were sold, and by 1987 Labour had dropped their opposition to the Right to Buy. This was an enormous social change, doing much to increase Conservative support amongst new homeowners and which Heseltine often cites as one of his major achievements. Heseltine noted that, "no single piece of legislation has enabled the transfer of so much capital wealth from the state to the people." He said that the 'right to buy' policy had two main objectives: to give people what they had wanted, and to reverse the trend of ever-increasing dominance of the State over the life of the individual. He said: "There is in this country a deeply ingrained desire for home ownership. The Government believe that this spirit should be fostered. It reflects the wishes of the people, ensures the wide spread of wealth through society, encourages a personal desire to improve and modernize one's own home, enables parents to accrue wealth for their children and stimulates the attitudes of independence and self-reliance that are the bedrock of a free society." Many of the homes sold were "street properties" rather than flats, which arguably helped to ghettoise the remaining council tenants on run-down inner city estates. In fact, in Crick's view, he deserves only limited credit – it had been a Conservative commitment since 1974, and much of the detailed work was done by his juniors Hugh Rossi (in opposition) and John Stanley (in government).


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In 1979 the Conservatives were strongly represented in local government, as a result of the unpopularity of the outgoing Labour government. Four of the five council associations were Conservative-controlled. Heseltine was able to persuade them to rein in their spending by 1% each year. Whereas previously overspending councils had received extra rate support grants from Whitehall, after six months Heseltine announced a list of fourteen overspending councils who were to have their grant "cut", most of them inner London councils and only one of them – Hammersmith & Fulham – Conservative controlled. The move appeared blatantly political as many of the other 114 overspenders were Conservative councils. Council leaders who came to appeal to Heseltine were often humiliated by being interrogated about their budget, to demonstrate their lack of detailed knowledge, before the council treasurer was allowed to speak.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: From 1980 to 1981 relations with local government became increasingly confrontational, as Labour made large gains in local elections, with a new generation of council leaders such as Ken Livingstone in London and David Blunkett in Sheffield seeking to generate employment through their councils. Council spending now began to rise again, largely as a result of increases by the GLC, Merseyside and West Midlands councils; whereas Labour votes tended to be poorer and eligible for rate rebates, the burden of higher spending tended to fall on businesses and middle class homeowners. Although councils had already suffered deep cuts under Labour in the 1970s, Heseltine was under pressure from Thatcher and from Conservative MPs and newspapers to cut more. Heseltine's initial suggestion, that councils who wanted to increase the rates be forced to submit to re-election, was rejected by the Cabinet, in favour of a proposal that such increases be put to referendum (in Coventry, voters had recently voted by over 7:1 for spending cuts rather than a supplementary rate increase). This proposal in turn was attacked by Conservative backbenchers, both as an infringement of council freedom and a risky precedent for national taxation, both in the Environment Committee and in the debate on a bill which Heseltine introduced and had to withdraw. Heseltine then banned supplementary rates and imposed stiffer sanctions on overspending councils.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Thatcher's 1974 pledge to abolish the rates and replace them with a new form of local government funding was still in force. However, the 1979 manifesto made clear that income tax cuts took priority over rates reform. Thatcher also blocked the upward revaluation of property rating values in 1982. A review of rates reform was begun in 1981, in which his junior minister Tom King personally spoke to every single backbench Conservative MP to canvass opinion about the various options. A Green Paper was produced in December 1981, recommending that no single alternative to the rates suggested itself. Thatcher wrote "I will not tolerate failure in this area" in the margin of the report and in the summer of 1982 a new committee was set up under Willie Whitelaw, only to come to much the same conclusion (The eventual solution, a "poll tax", was rejected both by the Green Paper and by Whitelaw's committee).


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine resisted demands by Leon Brittan, the Chief Secretary to the Treasury with whom he already enjoyed a somewhat antagonistic relationship, that central government have power to cap the spending of local authorities. He argued that the worst offenders were the large metropolitan counties (which, ironically, he had helped to create a decade earlier) and that the simplest solution was simply to abolish them. In the event, the 1983 manifesto, after Heseltine had moved to his next job, committed the Conservatives both to abolition of the metropolitan boroughs and to rate capping. When Heseltine objected after the election, Thatcher gave him "one of the most violent rebukes I have ever witnessed in Cabinet" according to Jim Prior, who believed that the issue helped fuel the hostility between Heseltine and Thatcher and Brittan, which would later exhibit itself as the Westland Affair.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In opposition, in the late 1970s, Heseltine had been committed to reducing central government control over local government. In the 1980s, the opposite happened, with no less than 50 Acts of Parliament reducing the powers of local government. In Crick's view, although he opposed both rate capping and the poll tax, the overall trend towards centralisation was too strong for him to resist. During his time at Environment Heseltine also brought in compulsory competitive tendering for council services, and helped set up the Audit Commission, whose initial role was to act as an independent supervisor of district auditors of council activities.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine became the troubleshooter to deal with the explosion of violence in Britain's inner cities in the aftermath of the Brixton and Toxteth riots of 1981. Unemployment had reached 20% in Liverpool as a whole, but 60% among young black residents in Toxteth. Tear gas had had to be used, and the Cabinet contemplated deploying the Army. A few weeks before the riots, a Cabinet thinktank had proposed that the area be left to go into "managed decline". Thatcher visited Merseyside and it was decided that a minister should go for a longer visit. Heseltine was already chairman of the Merseyside Partnership, set up by his predecessor Peter Shore, to channel government money into Liverpool (six other partnerships existed).


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine visited Liverpool accompanied by a dozen or so officials from different ministries. Timothy Raison, a junior Home Office minister, went ostensibly to check on race matters but actually to ensure that Heseltine did not interfere in police matters. Heseltine visited council estates, often accompanied by gangs of grinning children trying to be noticed on television, and his flamboyance as a self-made man went down surprisingly well in a City famous for turning out flamboyant figures in the entertainment industry. He talked to black community leaders, who complained about police bias and brutality, and he later had an awkward private meeting with the Chief constable Kenneth Oxford about the matter. He arranged for the bosses of the leading banks and building societies to tour the area in a coach (they were reluctant until Heseltine's PPS Tim Sainsbury persuaded Robin Leigh-Pemberton of NatWest to come), and asked them to each second a bright young manager to the DOE for a year.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine circulated a 21-page minute to Cabinet on his return, entitled "It Took a Riot". He proposed a regional office and a review of the status of the Metropolitan Counties, as well as greater government emphasis on Merseyside in future. He had prepared the ground with a small dinner for Whitehall mandarins including Robert Armstrong (Cabinet Secretary) and Ian Bancroft (Head of the Civil Service). However, Thatcher was not impressed, although she agreed to his appointment as Minister for Merseyside for twelve months. Neither was Keith Joseph (Secretary of State for Industry) nor Howe (Chancellor of the Exchequer), who favoured enterprise zones where businesses would be given favourable tax treatment.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Shortly after his appointment as Minister for Merseyside, Heseltine gave his annual party conference speech, in which he condemned talk of repatriation and called for more public spending on inner cities. Although he felt he had taken a risk – the speech was in marked contrast to Norman Tebbit's "On Your Bike" speech a few hours later – he received his usual standing ovation and later recorded that it was the one of his speeches of which he was most proud.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In autumn 1981 he visited Liverpool again, this time with a thirty-strong task force of representatives of local employers and civil servants (unusually for the time, drawn from different departments – DOE, DTI and Employment, but not the Home Office this time – Heseltine had been pushing for greater cooperation between departments since the setting up of the European Space Agency in 1973). For the next fifteen months he visited Liverpool for a day almost every week, refusing police protection and often driving himself, persuading business and local government to work together. Colette Bowe, a DTI official who was deputy director of the task force, recorded that Heseltine was the most effective minister she had ever seen at getting the official machine to do his bidding through a mixture of charm and tough questions.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine faced initial suspicion from Labour-led Merseyside Council, but got on well with Sir Trevor Jones, Liberal leader of Liverpool City Council. Jones, also a self-made businessman, got on well with Heseltine, and Jones claimed that Heseltine admitted to him late one night that he was a Liberal at heart, but could not bear the thought of having no realistic chance to win power.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Inspired by the Bundesgartenschauen which had helped to regenerate German cities after the war, Heseltine arranged for the first of five biennial National Garden Festivals to be held in Liverpool in 1984 (Jones arranged for the council to delegate the bid to the Merseyside Development Corporation, of which he was a director). More than 3 million people eventually attended.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine arranged for Liverpool to receive unused government grants for other cities (from the Urban Programme), although the money was less than had been clawed back from Liverpool through council spending cuts. He also played an important role in the redevelopment of Albert Dock, the development of Wavertree Technology Park (the land purchased by £10m of public money) and the development of Cantril Farm estate into Stockbridge Village, arranging for Barratt Developments to build many new houses for owner occupiers.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine also played an important role in the development of Urban Development Corporations, directly appointed by the minister and overriding local authority planning controls to spend government money on infrastructure. This was a controversial measure in Labour strongholds such as East London, Merseyside and North East England. He obtained a Treasury grant of £77m to build the Docklands Light Railway, although transport links to Docklands remained inadequate. He opened Britain's first Enterprise Zone at Corby in Northamptonshire.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Some criticism was made of his time in Liverpool that he spent a lot of money but generated little in the way of new employment ("I would not blame him for that: Liverpool had defeated better men than Michael Heseltine" commented Lady Thatcher acidly in her memoirs in 1993). Local Labour politicians tended to feel that he had accomplished little, although they acknowledged his good intentions. However a more positive assessment was offered by Michael Parkinson, Professor of Urban Affairs at John Moores University: although he had been sceptical in the 1980s, by 1997 he had come to favour the policies championed by Heseltine: assignment of ministers to regions, development of housing associations and cooperatives, and the channelling of government money through business-led agencies rather than through local government.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: In October 1982 Secretary of State for Defence John Nott announced that he was stepping down from Parliament at the next election. As defence was expected to be a major issue at the election, it made sense to appoint his successor as soon as possible, and Heseltine's name was widely touted. Over the winter of 1982–1983 there were frequent rumours that military top brass were lobbying against his appointment, strongly denied to the press by Willie Whitelaw (Home Secretary and "de facto" Deputy Prime Minister) and Chief of Defence Staff Edwin Bramall. Heseltine was appointed in January 1983, with the backing of Nott and Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Bramall had hoped for a period of consolidation after the reorganisations of the early 1980s and the Falklands War. Thatcher felt that Heseltine was "restless" at the Environment, and that he would bring efficiency reforms to Defence, whilst she also wanted to keep him away from economic and social issues. She appointed her Principal Private Secretary Clive Whitmore as Permanent Under-Secretary for Defence (head civil servant for the department – the job had coincidentally fallen vacant).


title: Michael Heseltine

text: One of Heseltine's main jobs was to campaign against the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), which had grown in size from 3,000 to 10,000 in three years amid public disquiet about the deployment of Trident and Cruise missiles, and the hawkish rhetoric often employed by Thatcher and US President Ronald Reagan. Nott had had little interest in campaigning and had left the matter to the Minister of State, Peter Blaker, Heseltine's contemporary from Oxford. Heseltine put together a small group of seven civil servants called Defence Section 19 (DS19) to brief MPs and other opinion formers, and argue the case for Britain to have nuclear weapons. Some, both in the civil service and out of it, had qualms about using civil servants for what amounted to a political campaigning role. Opinion polls showed the public to be opposed to Trident and Cruise missiles, but also opposed to "unilateral" ("one-sided" as Heseltine insisted on calling it) disarmament, so Heseltine steered the debate away from the former and towards the latter.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: At the advice of John Ledlie Heseltine visited at the US Air Base at RAF Greenham Common, and after long prior discussion Heseltine insisted on wearing a combat jacket (not, as was often wrongly asserted, a Flak jacket; Ledlie does not accept Heseltine's later claim that he was simply handed it by a military figure to protect his coat from the rain). The jacket was a gift to cartoonists and he wore it on several subsequent visits to military bases. In February 1983 he fell over in the melée (he said at the time that he was pushed) when CND protestors surrounded a meeting of Newbury Conservatives, a propaganda gift, and on Good Friday 1983 he was filmed in West Berlin looking over the wall to the communist east, distracting attention from CND's linking of arms round Greenham Common that day.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: With a general election looming, Heseltine was keen to associate Labour with CND, and CND with communists and the Soviet Union (ignoring earlier comments by Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson that this was "manifest nonsense" – the media did not pick up on this). He made such a claim in a speech at Exeter in April 1983, and distributed to Tory candidates information about the background of leading members of CND. This had been assembled by Ray Whitney MP, but some of it was suspected of having come from intelligence sources. MI5 agent Cathy Massiter later wrote, in 1985 in "The Observer", that from 1981 onwards and especially from 1983 she had been asked to pass on to DS19 (the propaganda unit at the Ministry of Defence) information obtained by wiretaps and by an MI5 mole in CID. MI5 bosses refused to pass on classified material about security matters but agreed to pass on information about the political links of CND members. Even this was in breach of the 1952 Directive from Home Secretary David Maxwell-Fyfe that the security services not provide information for party political purposes. Heseltine allowed his deputy Peter Blaker to debate with CND, but refused to do so himself, believing that he would be at a disadvantage against the attractive Joan Ruddock. Blaker did much of the work while Heseltine got the publicity. DS19 was wound up three months after the 1983 election, at which Heseltine was widely credited with helping the Conservatives achieve a landslide victory.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Although the Ministry of Defence already had its own "Management Audit" system, Heseltine insisted on introducing his own version of the MINIS system which he had introduced at the Environment. The Ministry of Defence had a budget of £17m per annum, and employed 246,000 civilians as well as 300,000 in uniform. Whereas the Department of the Environment had 66 directorates, Defence had 156, each headed by a two-star officer or a civil servant of equivalent seniority. The organisation chart took months to design and covered four large sheets of paper. In the event Heseltine was too preoccupied by the political matters to pay much attention to the MINIs reports which had taken so long to produce. Heseltine disliked dealing with paperwork, and insisted on having plenty of time to take decisions, and that all reports sent to him had to be first run past one of his advisers for comments. Staff numbers fell by 20,000 (one in twelve) during Heseltine's time at Defence, and many services were privatised, including the Royal Ordnance Factories whilst the Royal Navy Dockyards at Devonport and Rosyth were put under private management.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: The three separate service ministries (Admiralty, War and Air) had merged into a single Ministry of Defence in 1981. Heseltine drew up plans on a flight back from Kuwait to merge the services further, so that the three chiefs of staff reported directly to the Chief of Defence Staff instead of being treated as colleagues, whilst some supply services were to be merged. The plans were bounced onto the Chief of Defence Staff, Field Marshal "Dwin" Bramall, over a weekend before publication on Monday, so senior officers had minimal time to drum up opposition in Parliament and the press. There was around three months of protest in the press, including from Bramall's predecessor Admiral of the Fleet Sir Henry Leach. Bramall obtained the concession that the individual service chiefs would be allowed to retain small staffs of their own and have a right of appeal to the Prime Minister. The changes took effect at the start of 1985.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Bramall admired Heseltine's "great drive" and his "style, energy and vision about Europe", but was displeased at Heseltine's rudeness. It was not uncommon for Heseltine to summon him to a meeting early in the day, then keep Bramall "on hold" all day as he kept putting back the meeting, and eventually earning himself a rebuke for failing to display the respect with which every officer in the armed forces is trained to treat his subordinates. A number of senior officers spoke of Heseltine in scathing terms, for example for his self-centredness, to Michael Crick when he was researching his biography. Crick observes that with the exception of some defence chiefs, many people who worked with Heseltine came to "admire and respect him", although those who see him from afar are more suspect.


title: Michael Heseltine

text: Heseltine took a hard line on civil liberties issues. He supported Thatcher's attempt to ban trade unions from GCHQ. He supported the prosecution of Sarah Tisdall for leaking his public relations plans for the arrival of cruise missiles in 1983.