title: Macroeconomics

text: The AD–AS diagram can model a variety of macroeconomic phenomena, including inflation. Changes in the non-price level factors or determinants cause changes in aggregate demand and shifts of the entire aggregate demand (AD) curve. When demand for goods exceeds supply, there is an inflationary gap where demand-pull inflation occurs and the AD curve shifts upward to a higher price level. When the economy faces higher costs, cost-push inflation occurs and the AS curve shifts upward to higher price levels. The AS–AD diagram is also widely used as an instructive tool to model the effects of various macroeconomic policies.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The IS–LM model gives the underpinnings of aggregate demand (itself discussed above). It answers the question "At any given price level, what is the quantity of goods demanded?". This model shows what combination of interest rates and output will ensure equilibrium in both the goods and money markets. The goods market is modeled as giving equality between investment and public and private saving (IS), and the money market is modeled as giving equilibrium between the money supply and liquidity preference.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The IS curve consists of the points (combinations of income and interest rate) where investment, given the interest rate, is equal to public and private saving, given output The IS curve is downward sloping because output and the interest rate have an inverse relationship in the goods market: as output increases, more income is saved, which means interest rates must be lower to spur enough investment to match saving.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The LM curve is upward sloping because the interest rate and output have a positive relationship in the money market: as income (identically equal to output) increases, the demand for money increases, resulting in a rise in the interest rate in order to just offset the incipient rise in money demand.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The IS-LM model is often used to demonstrate the effects of monetary and fiscal policy. Textbooks frequently use the IS-LM model, but it does not feature the complexities of most modern macroeconomic models. Nevertheless, these models still feature similar relationships to those in IS-LM.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The neoclassical growth model of Robert Solow has become a common textbook model for explaining economic growth in the long-run. The model begins with a production function where national output is the product of two inputs: capital and labor. The Solow model assumes that labor and capital are used at constant rates without the fluctuations in unemployment and capital utilization commonly seen in business cycles.


title: Macroeconomics

text: An increase in output, or economic growth, can only occur because of an increase in the capital stock, a larger population, or technological advancements that lead to higher productivity (total factor productivity). An increase in the savings rate leads to a temporary increase as the economy creates more capital, which adds to output. However, eventually the depreciation rate will limit the expansion of capital: savings will be used up replacing depreciated capital, and no savings will remain to pay for an additional expansion in capital. Solow's model suggests that economic growth in terms of output per capita depends solely on technological advances that enhance productivity.


title: Macroeconomics

text: In the 1980s and 1990s endogenous growth theory arose to challenge neoclassical growth theory. This group of models explains economic growth through other factors, such as increasing returns to scale for capital and learning-by-doing, that are endogenously determined instead of the exogenous technological improvement used to explain growth in Solow's model. The quantity theory by Russian economist Vladimir Pokrovskii explains growth as a consequence of the dynamics of three factors, among them capital service as one of independent production factors in line with labour and capital. Capital service as production factor was interpreted by Ayres and Warr as useful work of production equipment, which makes it possible to reproduce historical rates of economic growth with considerable precision . and without recourse to exogenous and unexplained technological progress, thereby overcoming the major flaw of the Solow theory of economic growth.


title: Macroeconomics

text: In the macroeconomic models in ecological economics, the economic system is a subsystem of the environment. In this model, the circular flow of income diagram is replaced in ecological economics by a more complex flow diagram reflecting the input of solar energy, which sustains natural inputs and environmental services which are then used as units of production. Once consumed, natural inputs pass out of the economy as pollution and waste. The potential of an environment to provide services and materials is referred to as an "environment's source function", and this function is depleted as resources are consumed or pollution contaminates the resources. The "sink function" describes an environment's ability to absorb and render harmless waste and pollution: when waste output exceeds the limit of the sink function, long-term damage occurs. Some persistent pollutants, such as some organic pollutants and nuclear waste are absorbed very slowly or not at all; ecological economists emphasize minimizing "cumulative pollutants". Pollutants affect human health and the health of the ecosystem.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Macroeconomics encompasses a variety of concepts and variables, but there are three central topics for macroeconomic research. Macroeconomic theories usually relate the phenomena of output, unemployment, and inflation. Outside of macroeconomic theory, these topics are also important to all economic agents including workers, consumers, and producers.


title: Macroeconomics

text: National output is the total amount of everything a country produces in a given period of time. Everything that is produced and sold generates an equal amount of income. The total output of the economy is measured GDP per person. The output and income are usually considered equivalent and the two terms are often used interchangeably, output changes into income. Output can be measured or it can be viewed from the production side and measured as the total value of final goods and services or the sum of all value added in the economy.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Macroeconomic output is usually measured by gross domestic product (GDP) or one of the other national accounts. Economists interested in long-run increases in output, study economic growth. Advances in technology, accumulation of machinery and other capital, and better education and human capital, are all factors that lead to increase economic output over time. However, output does not always increase consistently over time. Business cycles can cause short-term drops in output called recessions. Economists look for macroeconomic policies that prevent economies from slipping into recessions, and that lead to faster long-term growth.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The amount of unemployment in an economy is measured by the unemployment rate, i.e. the percentage of workers without jobs in the labor force. The unemployment rate in the labor force only includes workers actively looking for jobs. People who are retired, pursuing education, or discouraged from seeking work by a lack of job prospects are excluded.


title: Macroeconomics

text: A general price increase across the entire economy is called inflation. When prices decrease, there is deflation. Economists measure these changes in prices with price indexes. Inflation can occur when an economy becomes overheated and grows too quickly. Similarly, a declining economy can lead to deflation.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Central bankers, who manage a country's money supply, try to avoid changes in price level by using monetary policy. Raising interest rates or reducing the supply of money in an economy will reduce inflation. Inflation can lead to increased uncertainty and other negative consequences. Deflation can lower economic output. Central bankers try to stabilize prices to protect economies from the negative consequences of price changes.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Changes in price level may be the result of several factors. The quantity theory of money holds that changes in price level are directly related to changes in the money supply. Most economists believe that this relationship explains long-run changes in the price level. Short-run fluctuations may also be related to monetary factors, but changes in aggregate demand and aggregate supply can also influence price level. For example, a decrease in demand due to a recession can lead to lower price levels and deflation. A negative supply shock, such as an oil crisis, lowers aggregate supply and can cause inflation.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Macroeconomic policy is usually implemented through two sets of tools: fiscal and monetary policy. Both forms of policy are used to stabilize the economy, which can mean boosting the economy to the level of GDP consistent with full employment. Macroeconomic policy focuses on limiting the effects of the business cycle to achieve the economic goals of price stability, full employment, and growth.


title: Macroeconomics

text: According to a 2018 assessment by economists Emi Nakamura and Jón Steinsson, economic "evidence regarding the consequences of different macroeconomic policies is still highly imperfect and open to serious criticism." Nakamura and Steinsson write that macroeconomics struggles with long-term predictions, which is a result of the high complexity of the systems it studies.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Central banks implement monetary policy by controlling the money supply through several mechanisms. Typically, central banks take action by issuing money to buy bonds (or other assets), which boosts the supply of money and lowers interest rates, or, in the case of contractionary monetary policy, banks sell bonds and take money out of circulation. Usually policy is not implemented by directly targeting the supply of money.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Central banks continuously shift the money supply to maintain a targeted fixed interest rate. Some of them allow the interest rate to fluctuate and focus on targeting inflation rates instead. Central banks generally try to achieve high output without letting loose monetary policy that create large amounts of inflation.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Conventional monetary policy can be ineffective in situations such as a liquidity trap. When interest rates and inflation are near zero, the central bank cannot loosen monetary policy through conventional means.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Central banks can use unconventional monetary policy such as quantitative easing to help increase output. Instead of buying government bonds, central banks can implement quantitative easing by buying not only government bonds, but also other assets such as corporate bonds, stocks, and other securities. This allows lower interest rates for a broader class of assets beyond government bonds. In another example of unconventional monetary policy, the United States Federal Reserve recently made an attempt at such a policy with Operation Twist. Unable to lower current interest rates, the Federal Reserve lowered long-term interest rates by buying long-term bonds and selling short-term bonds to create a flat yield curve.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Fiscal policy is the use of government's revenue and expenditure as instruments to influence the economy. Examples of such tools are expenditure, taxes, debt.


title: Macroeconomics

text: For example, if the economy is producing less than potential output, government spending can be used to employ idle resources and boost output. Government spending does not have to make up for the entire output gap. There is a multiplier effect that boosts the impact of government spending. For instance, when the government pays for a bridge, the project not only adds the value of the bridge to output, but also allows the bridge workers to increase their consumption and investment, which helps to close the output gap.


title: Macroeconomics

text: The effects of fiscal policy can be limited by crowding out. When the government takes on spending projects, it limits the amount of resources available for the private sector to use. Crowding out occurs when government spending simply replaces private sector output instead of adding additional output to the economy. Crowding out also occurs when government spending raises interest rates, which limits investment. Defenders of fiscal stimulus argue that crowding out is not a concern when the economy is depressed, plenty of resources are left idle, and interest rates are low.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Fiscal policy can be implemented through automatic stabilizers. Automatic stabilizers do not suffer from the policy lags of discretionary fiscal policy. Automatic stabilizers use conventional fiscal mechanisms but take effect as soon as the economy takes a downturn: spending on unemployment benefits automatically increases when unemployment rises and, in a progressive income tax system, the effective tax rate automatically falls when incomes decline.


title: Macroeconomics

text: Economists usually favor monetary over fiscal policy because it has two major advantages. First, monetary policy is generally implemented by independent central banks instead of the political institutions that control fiscal policy. Independent central banks are less likely to make decisions based on political motives. Second, monetary policy suffers shorter inside lags and outside lags than fiscal policy. Additionally, central banks are able to make quick decisions with rapid implementation. Whereas fiscal policy will most likely move slowly through government bureaucracy and take longer to fully implement into the economy.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Dušan Tadić (, ; born 20 November 1988) is a Serbian professional footballer who plays as a forward or attacking midfielder and captains both Eredivisie club Ajax and the Serbia national team.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić spent his youth at hometown club AIK Bačka Topola and Vojvodina, eventually playing in the UEFA Europa League with the latter. After two seasons with Groningen he joined Twente in 2012, where he earned a move to Southampton of the Premier League. After four years in England, he returned to the Netherlands in 2018, when he joined Ajax.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić has more than 90 caps for Serbia, having made his international debut in 2008, and represented the country at the Olympics in that year, as well as the 2018 and 2022 World Cup.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Dušan Tadić grew up honing his skills within the youth ranks of his hometown's club known as AIK Bačka Topola. Eventually he signed a professional contract with Vojvodina and played his first competitive matches in the Meridian SuperLiga at the age of 18. While playing for Vojvodina, he gained invaluable experiences playing against great top-flight teams (even against Atlético Madrid) and playing almost four full seasons without any major injuries or incidents. His potential in big European games was displayed in the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League qualifying phase when he scored a goal against Austria Wien when he was only 20 years old.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: In 2010, Vojvodina sold Dušan Tadić to Groningen for the equivalent of €1.23 million. On 8 August 2010, Tadić made his official debut for the club in an Eredivisie match against Ajax, playing the full match and providing the assist for Tim Matavž's goal in a 2–2 home draw. On 18 December 2010, Tadić scored his first goal for Groningen, against Excelsior in a 2–2 away draw. On 30 January 2011, he scored twice and provided one assist in a 1–4 away league win over Heerenveen. Tadić finished the 2010–11 season with 7 goals, and 22 assists in 41 matches. He had the third highest number of assists in Europe for the 2010–11 season. Only Mesut Özil (26) and Lionel Messi (25) registered more assists.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: On 10 April 2012, it was announced that Tadić had signed for Twente in a €7.7 million move from Groningen. In his debut game on 12 August 2012, he scored two goals against his former club. He finished his debut season as the team's second-highest scorer with 16 goals in all competitions, two less than Nacer Chadli. In the following season, Tadić again scored 16 goals across all competitions, being the team's top scorer.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić became the first signing under new Southampton manager Ronald Koeman on 8 July 2014, signing on a four-year deal. He joined for an undisclosed fee, thought to be £10.9 million. He made his competitive debut on 17 August in their first game of the Premier League season, playing 74 minutes of a 2–1 defeat at Liverpool before being substituted for fellow debutant Shane Long. Tadić assisted Southampton's goal through a one-two with goalscorer Nathaniel Clyne.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: He scored his first Southampton goal on 23 September with a penalty against Arsenal in a 2–1 League Cup victory at Emirates Stadium. His first league goal for the club came in an 8–0 trouncing of Sunderland on 18 October, in which he assisted four others, equalling the Premier League record for the most assists in a single match.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: On 13 December, Tadić had a penalty saved by Tom Heaton as Southampton went on to lose 1–0 away to Burnley. He scored in a 2–0 win over Arsenal on 1 January 2015, and ten days later scored the only goal as Southampton defeated Manchester United at Old Trafford and rose into third position at their expense. This marked Southampton's first league victory at Old Trafford since 1988.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić scored twice in a 3–0 win against Norwich City on 30 August 2015 for the Saints' first league win of the season.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: He scored another brace in a 4–2 win over relegated Aston Villa on 23 April 2016. In the next game, he provided three assists in a 4–2 win over Manchester City, becoming only the fourth player to achieve three or more assists in more than one Premier League game.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić signed for Dutch club Ajax in June 2018. Ajax paid a transfer sum of €11.4 million, which could reach €13.7 million based on variables.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: On 5 March 2019, Tadić’s goal, two assists and man-of-the-match performance helped knock Real Madrid out of the last 16 of the Champions League, as Ajax unexpectedly won 4–1 at the Santiago Bernabéu Stadium. The Spanish side had won the previous three Champions League titles and had beaten Ajax 2–1 in the first leg in Amsterdam. Tadić's performance in the game resulted in him becoming the ninth player ever to receive a 10/10 rating from the French football newspaper, "L'Equipe". The signing of Tadić was seen by some pundits as the single biggest reason for Ajax’s improvement in the 2018–19 season.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: On 23 April 2019, Ajax defeated Vitesse in an Eredivisie match by a score of 4–2; the four goals scored by Ajax secured their position as the first Dutch team in history to score 160 goals across all competitions in a single season. Through 51 games played at the time, Tadić had directly contributed to 53 of the club's goals in all competitions: 34 goals and 19 assists.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić would eventually go on to lead Ajax to the Champions League Semi-Finals, while earning a spot on the UEFA Champions League Squad of the Season. He would also be nominated for the 2019 Ballon d'Or, and at the ceremony on 2 December 2019, it was announced that he finished in 20th place.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: On 2 May 2021, Ajax were crowned Dutch league Champions. Tadić had the honor of being awarded Dutch Footballer of the Year.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić was a regular member of Serbia's under-19 and under-21 teams, taking part at both the 2007 UEFA European Under-19 Championship and the 2009 UEFA European Under-21 Championship. He also represented Serbia at the 2008 Summer Olympics, appearing in all three group stage matches.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić was first named in the Serbia national squad in 2008, aged 20. It was not until 2011 that he became a regular fixture in both the squad and the team, and was an integral part of the national side during Serbia's unsuccessful attempt to qualify for the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil. Tadić scored his first senior goal for his country in the 2014 FIFA World Cup qualification game at home to Wales on 12 September 2012 in a 6–1 victory, coming on the occasion of his eighth full cap.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: Tadić was one of Serbia's most influential players during the 2018 FIFA World Cup qualifications, scoring four goals and helping them win their group. In June 2018 he was selected in the 23-man squad for the final tournament, playing all three group stage matches.


title: Dušan Tadić

text: In November 2022, he captained Serbia in the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar. He played in all three group stage matches, against Brazil, Cameroon and Switzerland. He provided two assists, one in a match against Cameroon, and another one against Switzerland. Serbia finished fourth in the group.


title: Hanbok

text: n North Korea and China, is an umbrella term which is used to refer to traditional ethnic Korean clothes, including the traditional clothing of the (Korean Chinese), an officially recognized ethnic minority in China. The term literally means "Korean clothing". Due to the isolation from each other for about 50 years, the styles of in South Korea, North Korea, and China, worn by the Korean ethnics from these three countries have developed separately from each other. Since the 1990s, the South Korean-style and the North Korean-style have been looking more and more similar to each other. Similarly, since the Chinese economic reform of China, there have been more exchanges with both Koreas leading to both the development and changes in Korean-Chinese-style in China; some of designs of the Korean-Chinese-style have been influenced and inspired by both South-Korean and North Korean designs.


title: Hanbok

text: Earliest visual depictions of can be traced back to the Three Kingdoms of Korea period (57 BC to 668 AD) with roots in the Proto-Koreanic people of what is now northern Korea and Northeast China (Manchuria); it can also be found in the arts of the Goguryeo tomb murals of the same period from the 4th to 6th century AD, where the basic structure of the was established at least since this period. The ancient consisted of a (top), (pants), (skirt), and the "" (coat). The basic structure of was designed to facilitate the ease of movement and integrated many motifs of Mu-ism. These basic structural features of the remains relatively unchanged to this day. However, present-day , which is worn nowadays, is patterned after the worn in the Joseon dynasty, especially those worn by the nobility and royalty. In the past, however, commoners (), were not allowed to wear what is now known as and instead wore (clothing of commoners) which was typically white or off-white in colours; the commoners were only allowed to wear on their wedding day and on special occasions. The extensive use of white clothing among the commoners lead to Korea being referred as "dressed people of white". Nowadays, contemporary Koreans wear for formal or semi-formal occasions and events such as weddings, festivals, celebrations, and ceremonies. In 1996, the South Korean Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism established " Day" to encourage South Korean citizens to wear the .


title: Hanbok

text: The first recorded evidence of the name ' is from an 1881 document 《》. In the document, was used to distinguish Korean clothing from Japanese traditional clothing and Western clothing. ' was used in an 1895 document describing the assassination of Empress Myeongseong to distinguish Korean clothing from Japanese clothing. The origin of the name remains unclear, because these documents predate the Korean Empire () which popularized the hanja character ()"."


title: Hanbok

text: Beginning in 1900, Korean newspapers used the hanja character "" () in words that describe Korean clothing, such as (), () and (). Hanbok was used in a 1905 newspaper article, which described the righteous army wearing Korean clothing. After the March 1st Movement, "hanbok" became a significant ethnic symbol of Koreans.


title: Hanbok

text: Influenced by rising nationalism in the 1900s, "" became a word that meant the unique Korean clothing that can be distinguished from that of foreigners, such as Japanese, Western, and Chinese clothing. Other words with the same meaning, () and (), were concurrently used. , which was more popular in the north, replaced the other words in North Korea after the division of Korea.


title: Hanbok

text: Traditionally, women's consist of the (top) and the (skirt). The ensemble is often known as . Men's consist of and loose fitting (trousers). On top of this ensemble, there are also a variety of vests, jackets and coats. For men, some examples are , , Danryeong-ui, Joong-chimak, Sochang-ui, Daechang-ui, etc. For women, there are Jang-sam, Dan-sam, Won-sam, and more.


title: Hanbok

text: The is the basic upper garment of the , worn by both men and women. It covers the arms and upper part of the wearer's body. The basic form of a consists of "gil", "git", "dongjeong", "goreum" and sleeves. "Gil" (Hangul: 길) is the large section of the garment on both front and back sides, and "git" (Hangul: 깃) is a band of fabric that trims the collar. "Dongjeong" (Hangul: 동정) is a removable white collar placed over the end of the "git" and is generally squared off. The "goreum" (Hangul: 고름) are fabric-strings that tie the . Women's may have "kkeutdong" (Hangul: 끝동), a different colored cuff placed at the end of the sleeves. There are two artifacts that may be the earliest surviving archaeological artifact. One from a Yangcheon Heo clan tomb is dated 1400–1450, while the other was discovered inside a statue of the Buddha at Sangwonsa Temple (presumably left as an offering) that has been dated to the 1460s.


title: Hanbok

text: The form of has changed over time. While men's remained relatively unchanged, women's became dramatically shortened during the latter half of the Joseon dynasty, reaching its shortest length at the late 19th century. However, due to reformation efforts and practical reasons, late modern "jeogori" for women was longer than its earlier counterpart with its length still above the waistline There are various styles and types of varying in fabric, sewing technique, and shape. Contemporary are presently designed with various lengths.


title: Hanbok

text: The early form of is hypothesized to have originated or have been influenced by , nomadic dress typically worn by northern nomadic people in Asia. Hobok characteristics of the ancient "jeogori" include: the closure on the front closing to the left side in Jwa-im (左袵, 좌임), narrow sleeves, and both men and women wearing trousers, even under chima. There is also Hanbok that was influenced by a more tropical style in Southern parts of the Korean Peninsula which lacked trousers and had a one-piece style.


title: Hanbok

text: Most modern is closed to the right which is a fashion trend from what is now mainland China. The closure of the to the right is an imitation of Han Chinese jackets, this style of closure is called "Woo-Yim" (; ) and originated in the Shang dynasty.


title: Hanbok

text: Traditionally, there are many types of "goreum. Goreum" refers to strings of cloth that fasten clothes together. Fabric "goreum" were potentially used since Gojoseon. They were originally practical but often decorative. Silla had regulations against types of "Dae" (belts) and decorative "goreum" for each Golpoom. Southern parts of Korea, including Silla, had a colorful "goreum" on the front of the neck, which influenced Yayoi culture. Parts of Goguryeo style had a fabric "goreum" loop around the waist with a decorative ribbon to the side like a belt. Generally, thin and short ones were used on the inside and more decorative, colourful ones were used on the outside. Since the early form of the "jeogori" was usually wrapped across the front, the outside "goreum" was placed on the side of the wearer, below the armpit. Starting in Joseon Dynasty, the "goreum" slowly moved to the front of the "jeogori". In the 20th century, the "goreum" became the commonly known long and wide decorative ribbons on the front of the "jeogori" and was coined the "Ot-goreum."


title: Hanbok

text: Other than fabric strings, danchu (buttons) were also used. There are many types of danchu. One example is the Maedeup-danchu which were often used to keep symmetrical collars together in the front and used for practical uses on military uniforms and court uniforms. They have long horizontal lines on either side like Manchurian buttons or looked like a ball and lasso. Magoja-danchu are often big decorative metal, gems or stones buttons usually on Jokki (vest).


title: Hanbok

text: "Chima" refers to "skirt", and is also called "sang" () or "gun" () in hanja. The underskirt, or petticoat layer, is called "sokchima". "Chima-malgi" is the waistband that trims the top of the "chima". From Goguryeo to Joseon period, various styles of "chima" existed such as striped, pleated, patchworked, and gored skirts. "Chima" were typically made from rectangular panels that were pleated or gathered into the "chima-malgi" (waistband). This waistband also had "goreum" strings for fastening the skirt around the body.


title: Hanbok

text: According to the murals of Goguryeo and an earthen toy excavated from the neighbourhood of Hwangnam-dong, Gyeongju, Goguryeo women usually wore the "jeogori" over the "chima," covering the top of the chima. One popular fashion was the A-line "chima".


title: Hanbok

text: "Sokchima" was largely made in a traditional way until the early 20th century when shoulder straps were added, later developing into a sleeveless bodice or "reformed" petticoat called "Eo-Kkeh-Heo-ri-Chima". By the mid-20th century, some outer "chima" also gained a sleeveless bodice, which was then covered by the "jeogori".


title: Hanbok

text: "Baji" refers to the bottom part of the men's hanbok. It is the formal term for "trousers" in Korean. Compared to western style pants, baji does not fit tightly. The roomy design is aimed at making the clothing ideal for sitting on the floor and an ethnic style that dates back to the Three kingdoms period. It functions as modern trousers do and the term "baji" is commonly used in Korea to refer to every kind of pants.


title: Hanbok

text: Baji can be unlined trousers, leather trousers, silk pants, or cotton pants, depending on style of dress, sewing method, embroidery and so on.


title: Hanbok

text: "Po" is a generic term referring to an outer robe or overcoat. There are two general types of "po", the Korean type and the Chinese type.


title: Hanbok

text: The Korean type is a common style from the Three Kingdoms of Korea period, and it is used in the modern day. There were many ways to fasten the coat but mainly a belt was used in conjunction with a ribbon "goreum" until the ribbon "goreum" became mainstream during late Joseon dynasty. "Durumagi" is a type of "po" that was worn for protection against the cold. It has been widely worn as an outer robe over "jeogori" and "baji". It is also called "jumagui", "juchaui", or "juui".


title: Hanbok

text: The Chinese type consist of different types of "po" from mainland China. Starting from the North–South states period, they were mainly adopted as court uniforms that localized into Korean culture throughout history. In 1895, there was a nation-wide adoption of the Korean type "durumagi" to regulate clothes and luxury items.


title: Hanbok

text: "Deot-ot" refers to a category of outer layers worn on top of the "jeogori". Po also falls under this category. There are many varieties other than the ones listed here.


title: Hanbok

text: "Banbi" refers to a variety of short sleeved garments that are worn on top of inner garments. A type of outer half-sleeved Banbi can be seen in Goguryeo murals.


title: Hanbok

text: Baeja refers to sleeveless outer garments that are worn on top of inner garments. It can be different lengths, short to long. "Kwaeja" is interchangeable with "Baeja," but "Kwaeja" often refers to men's clothing"."


title: Hanbok

text: The dapho is a short sleeved men's outer garment, often part of military uniform or official uniform.


title: Hanbok

text: "Jokki" () is a type of vest, while "magoja" is an outer jacket. The "jokki" was created around late Joseon dynasty, as Western culture began to affect Korea.


title: Hanbok

text: "Magoja" was originally styled after the clothing of the Manchu people, and was introduced to Korea after Heungseon Daewongun, the father of King Gojong, returned from his political exile in Tianjin in 1887. Long sleeved "Magoja" were derived from the "magwae" he wore in exile because of the cold climate there. Owing to its warmth and ease of wear, "magoja" became popular in Korea. It is also called ""deot jeogori"" (literally "an outer "jeogori"") or "magwae".


title: Hanbok

text: "Magoja" does not have a "git", the band of fabric trimming the collar. "Magoja" was originally a male garment but later became unisex. The "magoja" for men sometimes has "seop" (, overlapped column on the front) and is longer than women's "magoja", with both sides open at the bottom. A "magoja" can be made of silk and often adorned with "danchu" which are usually made from amber. In men's "magoja", buttons are attached to the right side, as opposed to the left as in women's "magoja".


title: Hanbok

text: Traditionally, "Kkachi durumagi" (literally "a magpie's overcoat") were worn as "seolbim" (Hangul: 설빔), new clothing and shoes worn on Korean New Year, while at present, it is worn as a ceremonial garment for "dol", the celebration for a baby's first birthday. It is a children's colorful overcoat. It was worn mostly by young boys. The clothes is also called "obangjang durumagi" which means "an overcoat of five directions". It was worn over "jeogori" (a jacket) and "jokki" (a vest), while the wearer could put "jeonbok" (a long vest) over it. "Kkachi durumagi" was also worn along with headgear such as "bokgeon" (a peaked cloth hat), "hogeon" (peaked cloth hat with a tiger pattern) for young boys or "gulle" (decorative headgear) for young girls.


title: Hanbok

text: The clothing of Korea's rulers and aristocrats after AD 7, was influenced by both foreign and indigenous styles, including significant influences from various Chinese dynasties, resulting in some styles of clothing, such as the from Song dynasty, "gwanbok" worn by male officials were generally adopted from and/or influenced by the court clothing system of the Tang, Song, and Ming dynasties, and Court clothing of women in the court and women of royalty were adapted from the clothing style of Tang and Ming dynasties, the "cheolik" from the Mongol clothing and bestowed from the Ming court, and the "magoja" from Manchu clothing.


title: Hanbok

text: The cultural exchange was also bilateral and Goryeo hanbok had cultural influence on some clothing of Yuan dynasty worn by the upper class (i.e. the clothing worn by Mongol royal women's clothing and in the Yuan imperial court). Commoners were less influenced by these foreign fashion trends, and mainly wore a style of indigenous clothing distinct from that of the upper classes.


title: Hanbok

text: Hanbok is classified according to its purposes: everyday dress, ceremonial dress, and special dress. Ceremonial dresses are worn on formal occasions, including a child's first birthday, a wedding, or a funeral. Special dresses are made for shamans and officials.


title: Hanbok

text: Hanbok was worn daily up until just 100 years ago, it was originally designed to facilitate ease of movement. But now, it is only worn on festive occasions or special anniversaries. It is a formal dress and most Koreans keep a hanbok for special times in their life such as wedding, Chuseok (Korean Thanksgiving), and Seollnal (Korean New Year's), Children wear hanbok during their first birthday celebration (Hangul: 돌잔치) etc. While the traditional hanbok was beautiful in its own right, the design has changed slowly over the generations. The core of hanbok is its graceful shape and vibrant colors, it is hard to think of hanbok as everyday wear but it is slowly being revolutionized through the changing of fabrics, colors and features, reflecting the desire of people.


title: Hanbok

text: Women's traditional consist of jeogori, which is a type of jacket, and chima, which is a wrap around skirt that is usually worn with a petticoat underneath. A man's hanbok consists of jeogori (jacket) and baggy pants that are called baji. There are also additional outer layers, such as the Po which is an outer coat, or robe, jokki which is a type of vest and magoja which is an outer jacket worn over jeogori for warmth and style.


title: Hanbok

text: The color of hanbok symbolized social position and marital status. Bright colors, for example, were generally worn by children and girls, and muted hues by middle aged men and women. Unmarried women often wore yellow jeogori and red chima while matrons wore green and red, and women with sons donned navy. The upper classes wore a variety of colours. Contrastingly, commoners were required to wear white, but dressed in shades of pale pink, light green, gray and charcoal on special occasions.


title: Hanbok

text: Also, the status and position can be identified by the material of the hanbok. The upper classes dressed in hanbok of closely woven ramie cloth or other high grade lightweight materials in warmer months and of plain and patterned silks throughout the remainder of the year. Commoners, in contrast, were restricted to cotton. Patterns were embroidered on hanbok to represent the wishes of the wearer. Peonies on a wedding dress, represented a wish for honor and wealth. Lotus flowers symbolized a hope for nobility, and bats and pomegranates showed the desire for children. Dragons, phoenixes, cranes and tigers were only for royalty and high-ranking officials.


title: Hanbok

text: The earliest visual depictions of can be traced back to the Three Kingdoms of Korea period (57 BC to 668 AD). The origin of ancient can be found in the ancient clothing of what is now today's Northern Korea and Manchuria. Some hypothesize that the of antiquity can trace its origin to nomadic clothing of the Eurasian Steppes (Scythian clothing), spanning across Siberia from western Asia to Northeast Asia, interconnected by the Steppe Route. Reflecting its nomadic origins in western and northern Asia, ancient shared structural similarities with "hobok" type clothing of the nomadic cultures in East Asia"," designed to facilitate horse-riding and ease of movement, such as the use of trousers and jacket for male clothing and the use of left closure in its jacket. However, although the ancient reflects some similarity with the Scythian clothing, numerous differences between the two types of clothing have also been observed which led associated professor Youngsoo Chang from the Department of Cultural Properties in Gyeongju University in 2020 to suggest that the theory about Scythian clothing being the archetype of the ancient , a theory accepted as common knowledge in Korean academia, having to be revised. It is also important to note that the Goguryeo tomb murals were primarily painted in two geographical regions: Ji'an () and Pyeongyang. The former is the second capital of Goguryeo while the latter is the third capital of Goguryeo from the mid-fourth to the mid-seventh centuries. While the mural paintings found in regions Ji'an typically shows the characteristics of Goguryeo people in terms of their customs and morals; those from the regions of Pyeongyang typically show the cultural influences of the Han dynasty as the Han dynasty had governed this geographical region for approximately 400 years, including Chinese-style clothing.


title: Hanbok

text: Early forms of can be seen in the art of Goguryeo tomb murals in the same period from the 4th to 6th century AD. Trousers, long jackets and "twii" (a sash-like belt) were worn by both men and women. Women wore skirts on top of their trousers. These basic structural and features of hanbok remain relatively unchanged to this day, except for the length and the ways the "jeogori" opening was closed as over the years. The "jeogori" opening was initially closed at the center front of the clothing, similar to a kaftan or closed to the left, before closing to the right side eventually became mainstream. Since the sixth century AD, the closing of the "jeogori" at the right became a standard practice. The length of the female "jeogori" also varied. For example, women's "jeogori" seen in Goguryeo paintings of the late 5th century AD are depicted shorter in length than the man's "jeogori".


title: Hanbok

text: In early Goguryeo, the "jeogori" jackets were hip-length Kaftan tunics belted at the waist, and the "po" overcoats were full body-length Kaftan robes also belted at the waist. The pants were roomy, bearing close similarities to the pants found at Xiongnu burial site of Noin Ula. Some Goguryeo aristocrats wore roomy pants with tighter bindings at the ankle than others, which may have been status symbols along with length, cloth material, and colour. Women sometimes wore pants or otherwise wore pleated skirts. They sometimes wore pants underneath their skirts.


title: Hanbok

text: Two types of "hwa" (shoes) were used, one covering only the foot, and the other covering up to the lower knee.


title: Hanbok

text: During this period, conical hat and its similar variants, sometimes adorned with long bird feathers, were worn as headgear. Bird feather ornaments, and bird and tree motifs of golden crowns, are thought to be symbolic connections to the sky.


title: Hanbok

text: The Goguryeo period royal attire was known as "ochaebok". The precursor of what is now known as the "durumagi" was introduced during the Goguryeo period from a long coat worn by Northern Chinese. Originally the "durumagi" was worn by the upper class of Goguryeo for various ceremonies and rituals. It was later modified and worn by the general population. In Muyong-chong murals of "Goguryeo", there are male dancers in short jeogori with long flexible sleeves and female dancers wearing long coats with long flexible sleeves, all performing a dance. This type of long sleeves, similar to the Chinese water-sleeves, was passed down to Goryeo, Joseon, and present day Korean court dances and mu-ism rituals.


title: Hanbok

text: In the North-South States Period (698–926 AD), Silla and Balhae adopted "dallyeong", a circular-collar robe from the Tang dynasty of China. In Silla, the "dallyeong" was introduced by Muyeol of Silla in the second year of queen Jindeok of Silla. The "dallyeong" style from China was used as "gwanbok", a formal attire for government officials, grooms, and "dragon robe", a formal attire for royalty until the end of Joseon.


title: Hanbok

text: The Silla Kingdom unified the Three Kingdoms in 668 AD. The Unified Silla (668-935 AD) was the golden age of Korea. In Unified Silla, various silks, linens, and fashions were imported from Tang China and Persia. In the process, the latest fashions trend of Luoyang which included Chinese dress styles, the second capital of Tang, were also introduced to Korea, where the Korean silhouette became similar to the Western Empire silhouette. King Muyeol of Silla personally travelled to the Tang dynasty to voluntarily request for clothes and belts; it is however difficult to determine which specific form and type of clothing was bestowed although Silla requested the bokdu (幞頭; a form of hempen hood during this period), danryunpo (團領袍; round collar gown), banbi, baedang (䘯襠), and pyo (褾). Based on archaeological findings, it is assumed that the clothing which was brought back during Queen Jindeok rule are "danryunpo" and "bokdu". The bokdu also become part of the official dress code of royal aristocrats, court musicians, servants, and slaves during the reign of Queen Jindeok; it continued to be used throughout the Goryeo dynasty. In 664 AD, Munmu of Silla decreed that the costume of the queen should resemble the costume of the Tang dynasty; and thus, women's costume also accepted the costume culture of the Tang dynasty. Women also sought to imitate the clothing of the Tang dynasty through the adoption of shoulder straps attached to their skirts and wore the skirts over the "jeogori". The influence of the Tang dynasty during this time was significant and the Tang court dress regulations were adopted in the Silla court. The clothing of the Tang dynasty introduced in Silla made the clothing attire of Silla Court extravagant, and due to the extravagance, King Heundeog enforced clothing prohibition during the year 834 AD. The general public of Silla continued to wear their own traditional clothing.


title: Hanbok

text: Balhae (698–926 AD) imported many various kinds of silk and cotton cloth from the Tang and diverse items from Japan including silk products and ramie. In exchange, Balhae would export fur and leather. The clothing culture of Balhae was heterogeneous; it was not only influenced by the Tang dynasty but also had inherited Goguryeo and indigenous Mohe people elements. Early Balhae officials wore clothing appeared to continue the Three Kingdoms period tradition. However, after Mun of Balhae, Balhae started to incorporate elements from the Tang dynasty, which include the "putou" and round collared gown for its official attire. Male everyday clothing was similar to Gogoryeo clothing in terms of its headgear; i.e. hemp or conical hats with bird feathers; they also wore leather shoes and belts. Women clothing appears to have adopted clothing from Tang dynasty (i.e. upper garment with long sleeves which is partially covered by a long skirts and shoes with curled tips to facilitate walking) but also wore the "ungyeon" (Yunjuan; a silk shawl) which started to appear after the demise of the Tang dynasty. The Ungyeon use is unique to late Balhae period and is distinctive from the shawl which was worn by the women of the Tang dynasty. People from Balhae also wore fish-skin skirts and sea leopard leather top to keep warm.


title: Hanbok

text: The Chinese style imported in the Northern-South period, however, did not affect still used by the commoners, In the following Goryeo period, use of the Chinese Tang dynasty style of wearing the skirt over the top started to fade, and the wearing of top over skirt was revived in the aristocrat class. The way of wearing the top under the chima (Tang-style influenced fashion) did not disappear in Goryeo and continued to coexist with the indigenous style of wearing of the top over skirt throughout the entire Goryeo dynasty; this Tang-style influenced fashion continued to be worn until the early Joseon dynasty and only disappeared in the middle and late Joseon periods.


title: Hanbok

text: In Goryeo Buddhist paintings, the clothing and headwear of royalty and nobles typically follows the clothing system of the Song dynasty. The Goryeo painting "Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara", for example, is a Buddhist painting which was derived from both Chinese and Central Asian pictorial references. On the other hand, the Chinese clothing worn in Yuan dynasty rarely appeared in paintings of Goryeo. The Song dynasty system was later exclusively used by Goryeo Kings and Goryeo government officials after the period when Goryeo was under Mongol rule (1270 –1356). However, even in the Buddhist painting of the late Goryeo, such as the "Royal Palace Mandala", the courting ladies are depicted in Tang and Song dynasty-style court dress clothing, which is a different style from the Mongol Yuan court.


title: Hanbok

text: Hanbok went through significant changes under Mongol rule. After the Goryeo dynasty signed a peace treaty with the Mongol Empire in the 13th century, Mongolian princesses who married into the Korean royal house brought with them Mongolian fashion which began to prevail in both formal and private life. A total of seven women from the Yuan imperial family were married to the Kings of Goryeo. The Yuan dynasty princess followed the Mongol lifestyle who was instructed to not abandon the Yuan traditions in regards to clothing and precedents. As a consequence, the clothing of Yuan was worn in the Goryeo court and impacted the clothing worn by the upper-class families who visited the Goryeo court. The Yuan clothing culture which influenced the upper classes and in some extent the general public is called "Mongolpung". King Chungryeol, who was political hostage to the Yuan dynasty and pro-Yuan, married the princess of Yuan announcing a royal edict to change into Mongol clothing. After the fall of the Yuan dynasty, only Mongol clothing which were beneficial and suitable to Goryeo culture were maintained while the others disappeared. As a result of the Mongol influence, the "chima" skirt was shortened, and "jeogori" was hiked up above the waist and tied at the chest with a long, wide ribbon, the "g" (an extending ribbon tied on the right side) instead of the "twii" (i.e. the early sash-like belt) and the sleeves were curved slightly.


title: Hanbok

text: The cultural exchange was also bilateral and Goryeo had cultural influence on the Mongols court of the Yuan dynasty (1279–1368); one example is the influence of Goryeo women's hanbok on the attire of aristocrats, queens, and concubines of the Mongol court which occurred in the capital city, Khanbaliq. However, this influence on the Mongol court clothing mainly occurred in the last years of the Yuan dynasty. Throughout the Yuan dynasty, many people from Goryeo were forced to move into the Yuan; most of them were "kongnyo" (literally translated as "tribute women"), eunuchs, and war prisoners. About 2000 women from Goryeo were sent to Yuan as "kongnyo" against their will. Although women from Goryeo were considered very beautiful and good servants, most of them lived in unfortunate situations, marked by hard labour and sexual abuse. However, this fate was not reserved to all of them; and one Goryeo woman became the last Empress of the Yuan dynasty; this was Empress Gi who was elevated as empress in 1365. Most of the cultural influence that Goryeo exerted on the upper class of the Yuan dynasty occurred when Empress Gi came into power as empress and started to recruit many Goryeo women as court maids. The influence of Goryeo on the Mongol court's clothing during the Yuan dynasty was dubbed as "Goryeoyang" ("the Goryeo style") and was rhapsodized by the Late Yuan dynasty poet, Zhang Xu, in the form of a short banbi (半臂) with square collar (方領). However, so far, the modern interpretation on the appearance of Mongol royal women's clothing influenced by Goryeo is based on authors' suggestions. According to Hyunhee Park: "Like the Mongolian style, it is possible that this Koryŏ style ["Koryŏ yang"] continued to influence some Chinese in the Ming period after the Ming dynasty replaced the Yuan dynasty, a topic to investigate further." Tracing the development and evolution of (高麗樣), it can be found that the popular (方領半臂) during the Yuan Dynasty were actually the result of the influence of ancient Chinese costumes on the Korean Peninsula before the Yuan Dynasty. According to the 高麗史·舆服志, the Goryeo costume system inherited the costume system of the Tang Dynasty. The half arm was developed from the half sleeves in the Han and Wei Dynasties. In the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the half arm became a fashionable dress for women. In the Tang Dynasty, half-arms were worn on top of the coat, or under the coat and on top of the mid-single. With the lower skirt, the half-arm shirt appeared in the form of a placket. The half arm of the Tang Dynasty spread to the Korean peninsula, and continued to be inherited and developed during the Goryeo Dynasty, becoming an important costume of the Goryeo Dynasty.


title: Hanbok

text: Neo-Confucianism as the ruling ideology in Joseon was established by the early Joseon dynasty kings; this led to the dictation of clothing style worn by all social classes in Joseon (including the dress of the royals, the court members, the aristocrats and commoners) in all types of occasions, which included wedding and funerals. Social values such as the integrity in men and chastity in women were also reflected in how people would dress. After the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–98) or "Imjin War", economic hardship on the peninsula may have influenced the closer-fitting styles that use less fabric.


title: Hanbok

text: Early Joseon continued the women's fashion for baggy, loose clothing, such as those seen on the mural from the tomb of Bak Ik (1332–1398); the murals from the tomb of Bak Ik are valuable resources in Korean archaeology and art history for study of life and customs in the early Joseon. The women of the upper classes, the monarchy and the court wore hanbok which was inspired by the Ming dynasty clothing while simultaneously maintaining a distinctive Korean-style look; in turn, the women of the lower class generally imitated the upper-class women clothing. During the Joseon dynasty, the chima or skirt adopted fuller volume, while the jeogori or blouse took more tightened and shortened form, features quite distinct from the hanbok of previous centuries, when "chima" was rather slim and "jeogori" baggy and long, reaching well below waist level.


title: Hanbok

text: In the 15th century, neo-confucianism was very rooted in the social life in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries which lead to the strict regulation of clothing (including fabric use, colours of fabric, motifs, and ornaments) based on status. Neo-confucianism also influence women's wearing of full-pleated chima, longer jeogori, and multiple layers clothing in order to never reveal skin. In the 15th century, women started wearing of full-pleated chima which completely hide the body lines and longer-length jeogori. The 15th century AD "chima-jeogori" style was undoubtedly a clothing style introduced from China consisting of longer jeogori and pleated chima.However, by the 16th century, the had shortened to the waist and appears to have become closer fitting, although not to the extremes of the bell-shaped silhouette of the 18th and 19th centuries. In the 16th century, women's was long, wide, and covered the waist. The length of women's gradually shortened: it was approximately 65 cm in the 16th century, 55 cm in the 17th century, 45 cm in the 18th century, and 28 cm in the 19th century, with some as short as 14.5 cm. A (허리띠) or (졸잇말) was worn to cover the breasts. The trend of wearing a short jeogori with a heoritti was started by the gisaeng and soon spread to women of the upper class. Among women of the common and lowborn classes, a practice emerged in which they revealed their breasts by removing a cloth to make breastfeeding more convenient. As there was an excessive preference for boys in the Joseon dynasty, the deliberate exposure of breast eventually became a cultural practice and an indicator of women's pride and status symbol in having given birth to a son and thus she would "proudly bare her breasts to feed her child, deliberately provoking the envy of other women". During the 17th and 18th centuries the fullness of the skirt was concentrated around the hips, thus forming a silhouette similar to Western bustles. In the 18th century, the "jeogori" became very short to the point that the waistband of the "chima" was visible; this style was first seen on female entertainers at the Joseon court. The "jeogori" continued to shorten until it reached the modern times "jeogori"-length; i.e. just covering the breasts. The fullness of the skirt reached its extreme around 1800. During the 19th century fullness of the skirt was achieved around the knees and ankles thus giving "chima" a triangular or an A-shaped silhouette, which is still the preferred style to this day. Many undergarments such as "darisokgot," "soksokgot," "dansokgot", and "gojengi" were worn underneath to achieve desired forms.


title: Hanbok

text: At the end of the 19th century, as mentioned above, Heungseon Daewongun introduced "magoja", a Manchu-style jacket, which is often worn over "jeogori" to this day.


title: Hanbok

text: A clothes reformation movement aimed at lengthening ' experienced wide success in the early 20th century and has continued to influence the shaping of modern hanbok. Modern ' are longer, although still halfway between the waistline and the breasts. "Heoritti" are sometimes exposed for aesthetic reasons.


title: Hanbok

text: Men's hanbok saw little change compared to women's hanbok. The form and design of "jeogori" and "baji" hardly changed.


title: Hanbok

text: In contrast, men's lengthy outwear, the equivalent of the modern overcoat, underwent a dramatic change. Before the late 19th century, "yangban" men almost always wore "jungchimak" when traveling. "Jungchimak" had very lengthy sleeves, and its lower part had splits on both sides and occasionally on the back so as to create a fluttering effect in motion. To some this was fashionable, but to others, namely stoic scholars, it was nothing but pure vanity. Daewon-gun successfully banned "jungchimak" as a part of his clothes reformation program and "jungchimak" eventually disappeared.


title: Hanbok

text: "Durumagi", which was previously worn underneath "jungchimak" and was basically a house dress, replaced "jungchimak" as the formal outwear for "yangban" men. "Durumagi" differs from its predecessor in that it has tighter sleeves and does not have splits on either sides or back. It is also slightly shorter in length. Men's hanbok has remained relatively the same since the adoption of "durumagi". In 1884, the Gapsin Dress Reform took place. Under the 1884's decree of King Gojong, only narrow-sleeves traditional overcoat were permitted; as such, all Koreans, regardless of their social class, their age and their gender started to wear the durumagi or "chaksuui" or "ju-ui" (周衣).


title: Hanbok

text: Hats was an essential part formal dress and the development of official hats became even more pronounced during this era due to the emphasis of Confucian values. The gat was considered an essential aspect in a man's life; however, to replace the gat in more informal setting, such as their residences, and to feel more comfortable, Joseon-era aristocrats also adopted a lot hats which were introduced from China, such as the banggwan, sabanggwan, dongpagwan, waryonggwan, jeongjagwan. The popularity of those Chinese hats may have partially been due to the promulgation of Confucianism and because they were used by literary figures and scholars in China. In 1895, King Gojong decreed adult Korean men to cut their hair short and western-style clothing were allowed and adopted.


title: Hanbok

text: The upper classes wore hanbok of closely woven ramie cloth or other high-grade lightweight materials in warm weather and of plain and patterned silks the rest of the year. Commoners were restricted by law as well as resources to cotton at best.


title: Hanbok

text: The upper classes wore a variety of colors, though bright colors were generally worn by children and girls and subdued colors by middle-aged men and women. Commoners were restricted by law to everyday clothes of white, but for special occasions they wore dull shades of pale pink, light green, gray, and charcoal. The color of "chima" showed the wearer's social position and statement. For example, a navy color indicated that a woman had son(s). Only the royal family could wear clothing with "geumbak"-printed patterns (gold leaf) on the bottom of the chima.


title: Hanbok

text: Both male and female wore their hair in a long braid until they were married, at which time the hair was knotted; man's hair was knotted in a topknot called "sangtu" (상투) on the top of the head, and the woman's hair was rolled into a ball shaped form or "komeori" and was set just above the nape of the neck.


title: Hanbok

text: A long pin, or "binyeo" (비녀), was worn in women's knotted hair as both a fastener and a decoration. The material and length of the "binyeo" varied according to the wearer's class and status. And also wore a ribbon or "daenggi" (댕기) to tie and to decorate braided hair. Women wore a "jokduri" on their wedding day and wore an "ayam" for protection from the cold. Men wore a gat, which varied according to class and status.


title: Hanbok

text: Before the 19th century, women of high social backgrounds and "gisaeng" wore wigs ("gache"). Like their Western counterparts, Koreans considered bigger and heavier wigs to be more desirable and aesthetic. Such was the women's frenzy for the "gache" that in 1788 King Jeongjo banned by royal decree the use of "gache", as they were deemed contrary to the Korean Confucian values of reserve and restraint.


title: Hanbok

text: Owing to the influence of Neo-Confucianism, it was compulsory for women throughout the entire society to wear headdresses ("nae-oe-seugae") to avoid exposing their faces when going outside; those headdresses may include "suegaechima" (a headdress which looked like a "chima" but was narrower and shorter in style worn by the upper-class women and later by all classes of people in late Joseon), the jang-ot, and the "neoul" (which was only permitted for court ladies and noblewomen).


title: Hanbok

text: In the 19th century "yangban" women began to wear "jokduri", a small hat that replaced "gache". However "gache" enjoyed vast popularity in "kisaeng" circles well into the end of the century.


title: Hanbok

text: Today's hanbok is the direct descendant of hanbok patterned after those worn by the aristocratic women or by the people who were at least from the middle-class in the Joseon period, specifically the late 19th century. Hanbok had gone through various changes and fashion fads during the five hundred years under the reigns of Joseon kings and eventually evolved to what we now mostly consider typical hanbok.


title: Hanbok

text: Beginning in the late 19th century, hanbok was largely replaced by new Western imports like the Western suit and dress. Today, formal and casual wear are usually based on Western styles. However, hanbok is still worn for traditional occasions, and is reserved for celebrations like weddings, the Lunar New Year, annual ancestral rites, or the birth of a child.


title: Hanbok

text: has been featured in international haute couture; on the catwalk, in 2015 when Karl Lagerfield dressed Korean models for Chanel, and during Paris Fashion Week in photography by Phil Oh. It has also been worn by international celebrities, such as Britney Spears and Jessica Alba, and athletes, such as tennis player Venus Williams and football player Hines Ward.


title: Hanbok

text: Hanbok is also popular among Asian-American celebrities, such as Lisa Ling and Miss Asia 2014, Eriko Lee Katayama. It has also made appearances on the red carpet, and was worn by Sandra Oh at the SAG Awards, and by Sandra Oh's mother who made fashion history in 2018 for wearing a hanbok to the Emmy Awards.


title: Hanbok

text: Although hanbok is a traditional costume, it has been re-popularized in modern fashion. As the hanbok continues to modernize, opinions are divided on the redesigns.


title: Hanbok

text: The South Korean government has supported the resurgence of interest in hanbok by sponsoring fashion designers. Domestically, hanbok has become trendy in street fashion and music videos. It has been worn by the prominent K-pop artists like Blackpink and BTS, notably in their music videos for "How You Like That" and "Idol."


title: Hanbok

text: In Seoul, a tourist's wearing of hanbok makes their visit to the Five Grand Palaces (Changdeokgung, Changgyeonggung, Deoksugung, Gyeongbokgung and Gyeonghuigung) free of charge.


title: Hanbok

text: is also worn present-days North Korea where it is known as (). The thus highlights the identity of the Korean ethnic and has been more actively promoted under the rule of Kim Jong-Un. The is currently typically worn during special occasions, e.g. weddings, and when North Koreans celebrate the 60th, 70th, and 80th birthdays of their parents. It is also mandated that women wear when attending National events, such as Kim Jong-il's birthday (February 16), International women's day (March 8), Kim Il-Sung's birthday (April 15), Foundation Day (September 9). White coloured hanbok is often used as the colour white has been the traditionally favoured by the Korean people as the symbolism of pure spirit.


title: Hanbok

text: The remains the clothing of women, including female university students who are required to wear it as part of their university school uniforms. The uniform of female university students is a black-and-white since the early to mid 2000s. The can often be found about 30 cm from the ground-level for practice purposes in order to facilitate movements and ensure that women could wear it on their daily workday with ease and comfort; this decrease in skirt length also gives a sense of modern style.


title: Hanbok

text: The patterns also have special meanings, which are given by the North Koreans. Generally, young people in North Korea likes floral prints and bright colours, while the older generations favours simple styles of clothing and solid colours. The in North Korea is sometimes characterized by its use of floral patterns which are often added to the sleeves of the and to the . Azalaes, in particular, are well-favoured in Yongbyon due to its association with an emotional poem "Azaleas"《》by Kim So-wol. Men occasionally wore .


title: Hanbok

text: However, are typically more expensive than ordinary clothing, and renting is available for people cannot afford to purchase one; some are available for purchase at US$20 while the made in China with South Korean designs and fabrics are more expensive and can cost approximately US$3000. The mid-2010s also saw the increased popularity of children dressing in by their parents.


title: Hanbok

text: The 1950s and 1960s also saw women from the upper-class wore made out of rayon while a black-and-white consisting of a black long-length and white were used in the 1950s and 1960s where it was generally worn by women; this style can, however, be traced to a typical clothing style used in the Joseon dynasty period. This combination is still representative of the ideal woman and remains the official outfit for women in North Korea to this day. In the 1980s, the became the official attire of women when attending ceremonies while western-style clothing became the everyday, ordinary clothing.


title: Hanbok

text: After the mid-1990s due to extreme econooic contractions, women can purchase their in private markers and are allowed to choose their desired colours and designs.


title: Hanbok

text: In 2001, Lee Young-Hee, a South Korean designer visited Pyeongyang to hold fashion at the Pyeongyang Youth Center on June 4 and 6; and since the 2002, North Korea have held their own fashion show in Pyeongyang every spring. Since 2001, there have been an increased of shops specialized in the customization of in Pyeongyang which was reported by the KBCS.This increase was due to a project implemented by the public service bureau of the Pyeongyang People's Committee to increase tailoiring shops. These shops are typically found in large cities, such as Pyeongyang and Gaesong but are rarely found in small cities and villages.


title: Hanbok

text: In China, the is referred as (; ) and is recognized as being the traditional ethnic clothing of () in China. The is an official term and is recognized as one of the official 55 ethnic minority in China; people from ethnic are not recent immigrants in China but have a long history having lived in China for generations. They share the same ethnic identity as the Korean ethnic in both Northern and Southern Korea but are counted as Chinese citizens by nationality under the Constitution of China. Their traditions are not entirely the same due to their unique historical experiences, geographical location and mixed identities. The term literally correspond to (), a non-official deragotory term in South Korea, to refer to (), which is the actual legal term in South Korea. In the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, where most reside, the was mostly worn on special occasions in the past; however, by 2019, they had regained popularity and have become fashionable.


title: Hanbok

text: since the Chinese economic reform of China, there have been more exchanges with both Koreas leading to both the development and changes in chaoxianzu-style in China; some of designs of the chaoxianzu-style have been influenced and inspired by both South Korean and North Korean designs.


title: Hanbok

text: The originally preferred to wear white colours as it represented cleanliness, simplicity, and purity; however, since the 20th century, the colours started to become brigher and more vivid and diverse as woven fabrics, such as polyester and nylon sateen, started to be introduced. The "reform and opening up" of China also allowed for more exchanges with both Koreas, which lead to the both development and changes in the of China. Following the tradition, the has an A-line in silhouette to give it the appearance of a mountain as per the tradition, women are the host of the family, and thus, women holding the household need to be stable; the also covers the entire body. The have developed their own style of due to the isolation for about 50 years from both the North and South Koreas. As a result, the styles of in South Korea, North Korea, and China, worn by the Korean ethnics from these three countries have developed separately from each other. For example, "Yemi Hanbok" by Songok Ryu, an ethnic from the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, is unique in both style and business model as it can operate in both South Korea and North Korea. In terms of design, "Yemi Hanbok" designs are based on Chinese-style designs. Over the years, the women's also changed in length for the , , and and changed in width for the , , sleeves, and . The and have evolved from straight to curve patterns. The wrinkle arrangement, length, and silhouette of the have also evolved; some of the skirts were sometimes decorated with gold embroidery or gold leaf at the bottom hem. The colours used were also very varied; for example, feminine colours such as pink, yellow, and deep red could be used. The 1990s saw the use of gold leaf, floral prints, embroidery on the women's ; the use of gradient colours also emerged. For men, their , , and sleeves were made longer; their also became wider. The continues to be worn, and the and are worn frequently in present-days.


title: Hanbok

text: On June 7, 2008, the were approved by the State Council of China to be included in the second layer of national intangible cultural heritage. And, in 2011, the was official designated as being part of the intangible cultural heritage of China by the Chinese government; while the announcement was welcomed by the ethnic in China as a proud indicator of their equal membership in a multi-ethnic and multicultuary country such as China, it received negative criticism in South Koreans who perceived it as a "scandalous appropriation of the distinctive national culture of Koreans". In 2022, a girl from the ethnic wore a on the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics opening ceremony leading to an uproar from South Koreans who accused China of cultural appropriation.


title: Hanbok

text: Especially from the Goryeo Dynasty, the hanbok started to determine differences in social status (from people with the highest social status (kings), to those of the lowest social status (slaves)) and gender through the many types, components, colours, and characteristics. Although the modern Hanbok does not express a person's status or social position, Hanbok was an important element of distinguishment especially in the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties. For example, farmers and commoners were not allowed to wear colour garments in their daily lives, excluding some categories of people, such as the shamans, gisaeng, and children, who were allowed to wear colourful clothing despite their social status. Occasions when all people were allowed to wear colourful clothing were for special ceremonial occasions (e.g. wedding, birthday, holidays).


title: Hanbok

text: ' or ' () was the full dress for a princess and the daughter of a king by a concubine, formal dress for the upper class, and bridal wear for ordinary women during the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties. Popular embroidered patterns on were lotuses, phoenixes, butterflies, and the ten traditional symbols of longevity: the sun; mountains; water; clouds; rocks/stone; pine trees; the mushroom of immortality; turtles; white cranes, and deer.<ref name="Official/Court Clothing">Life in Korea, "Official/Court Clothing", "Life in Korea"</ref> Each pattern represented a different role within society, for example: a dragon represented an emperor while a phoenix represented a queen; floral patterns represented a princess and a king's daughter by a concubine, and clouds and cranes represented high ranking court officials. All these patterns throughout Korean history had meanings of longevity, good luck, wealth and honor. also had blue, red, and yellow colored stripes in each sleeve; a woman usually wore a scarlet-colored skirt and yellow or green-colored Jeogori, a traditional Korean jacket. was worn over the Jeogori and skirt. A woman also wore her hair in a bun, with an ornamental hairpin and a ceremonial coronet. A long ribbon was attached to the ornamental hairpin, the hairpin is known as (). In more recent times, people wear on their wedding day, and so the Korean tradition survives in the present day.


title: Hanbok

text: Wonsam () was a ceremonial overcoat for a married woman in the Joseon dynasty. The Wonsam was also adopted from China and is believed to have been one of the costumes from the Tang dynasty which was bestowed in the Unified Three Kingdoms period. It was mostly worn by royalty, high-ranking court ladies, and noblewomen and the colors and patterns represented the various elements of the Korean class system. The empress wore yellow; the queen wore red; the crown princess wore a purple-red color; meanwhile a princess, a king's daughter by a concubine, and a woman of a noble family or lower wore green. All the upper social ranks usually had two colored stripes in each sleeve: yellow-colored Wonsam usually had red and blue colored stripes, red-colored Wonsam had blue and yellow stripes, and green-colored Wonsam had red and yellow stripes. Lower-class women wore many accompanying colored stripes and ribbons, but all women usually completed their outfit with Onhye or Danghye, traditional Korean shoes.


title: Hanbok

text: Dangui or Tangwi () were minor ceremonial robes for the queen, a princess, or wife of a high ranking government official while it was worn during major ceremonies among the noble class in the Joseon dynasty. The materials used to make varied depending on the season, so upper-class women wore thick in winter while they wore thinner layers in summer. The came in many colors, but yellow and/or green were most common. However the emperor wore purple , and the queen wore red. In the Joseon dynasty, ordinary women wore as part of their wedding dress.


title: Hanbok

text: Myeonbok () were the king's religious and formal ceremonial robes while Jeokui were the queen's equivalent during the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties. Myeonbok was composed of Myeonryu-Gwan () and Gujang-bok (). Myonryu-Gwan had beads, which hung loose; these would prevent the king from seeing wickedness. There were also wads of cotton in the left and right sides of Myeonryu-Gwan, and these were supposed to make the king oblivious to the influence of corrupt officials. Gujang-bok was black, and it bore nine symbols out of the Twelve ornaments, which all represented the king.


title: Hanbok

text: Jeokui or Tseogwi () was arranged through the use of different colors as a status symbol within the royal family. The empress wore purple-red colored Jeokui, the queen wore pink, and the crown princess wore deep blue. "Jeok" means pheasant, and so Jeokui often had depictions of pheasants embroidered onto it.


title: Hanbok

text: Cheolique (Alt. Cheolick or Cheollik) (Hangul: 철릭) was a Korean adaptation of the Mongol tunic, imported in the late 1200s during the Goryeo dynasty. Cheolique, unlike other forms of Korean clothing, is an amalgamation of a blouse with a kilt into a single item of clothing. The flexibility of the clothing allowed easy horsemanship and archery. During the Joseon dynasty, they continued to be worn by the king, and military officials for such activities. It was usually worn as a military uniform, but by the end of the Joseon dynasty, it had begun to be worn in more casual situations. A unique characteristic allowed the detachment of the Cheolique's sleeves which could be used as a bandage if the wearer was injured in combat.


title: Hanbok

text: Ayngsam () was the formal clothing for students during the national government exam and governmental ceremonies. It was typically yellow, but for the student who scored the highest in the exam, they were rewarded with the ability to wear green Aengsam. If the highest-scoring student was young, the king awarded him with red-colored Aengsam. It was similar to the namsam () but with a different colour.


title: Hanbok

text: Binyeo or Pinyeo (Hangul: 비녀) was a traditional ornamental hairpin, and it had a different-shaped tip again depending on social status. As a result, it was possible to determine the social status of the person by looking at the binyeo. Women in the royal family had dragon or phoenix-shaped Binyeo while ordinary women had trees or Japanese apricot flowers. And Binyeo was a proof of marriage. Therefore, to a woman, Binyeo was an expression of chastity and decency.


title: Hanbok

text: Norigae (Hangul: 노리개) was a typical traditional accessory for women; it was worn by all women regardless of social ranks. However, the social rank of the wearer determined the different sizes and materials of the norigae.


title: Hanbok

text: Danghye or Tanghye (Hangul: 당혜) were shoes for married women in the Joseon dynasty. Danghye were decorated with trees bearing grapes, pomegranates, chrysanthemums, or peonies: these were symbols of longevity.


title: Hanbok

text: Danghye for a woman in the royal family were known as Kunghye (Hangul: 궁혜), and they were usually patterned with flowers.


title: Welsh people

text: The Welsh () are an ethnic group native to Wales. "Welsh people" applies to those who were born in Wales () and to those who have Welsh ancestry, perceiving themselves or being perceived as sharing a cultural heritage and shared ancestral origins.


title: Welsh people

text: Wales is the third-largest country of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. In the Acts of Union 1707, the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Scotland merged to become the Kingdom of Great Britain. The majority of people living in Wales are British citizens.


title: Welsh people

text: In Wales, the Welsh language () is protected by law. Welsh remains the predominant language in many parts of Wales, particularly in North Wales and parts of West Wales, though English is the predominant language in South Wales. The Welsh language is also taught in schools throughout Wales, and, even in regions of Wales in which Welsh people predominantly speak English on a daily basis, the Welsh language is often spoken at home among family or in other informal settings, with Welsh speakers often engaging in code-switching and translanguaging. In the English-speaking areas of Wales, many Welsh people are bilingually fluent or semi-fluent in the Welsh language or, to varying degrees, capable of speaking or understanding the language at limited or conversational proficiency levels. The Welsh language has been spoken in the region which is now Wales since well before the Roman incursions into Britain. The historian, John Davies, argues that the origin of the "Welsh nation" can be traced to the late 4th and early 5th centuries, following the end of Roman rule in Britain.


title: Welsh people

text: In 2016, an analysis of the geography of Welsh surnames commissioned by the Welsh Government found that 718,000 people (nearly 35% of the Welsh population) have a family name of Welsh origin, compared with 5.3% in the rest of the United Kingdom, 4.7% in New Zealand, 4.1% in Australia, and 3.8% in the United States, with an estimated 16.3 million people in the countries studied having at least partial Welsh ancestry. Over 300,000 Welsh people live in London.


title: Welsh people

text: The names "Wales" and "Welsh" are modern descendants of the Anglo-Saxon word "wealh", a descendant of the Proto-Germanic word "Walhaz", which was derived from the name of the Gaulish people known to the Romans as Volcae and which came to refer indiscriminately to inhabitants of the Roman Empire. The Old English-speaking Anglo-Saxons came to use the term to refer to the Britons in particular. As the Britons' territories shrank, the term came ultimately to be applied to a smaller group of people, and the plural form of Wealh, , evolved into the name for the territory that best maintained cultural continuity with pre-Anglo-Saxon Britain: Wales. The modern names for various Romance-speaking people in Continental Europe (e.g. Wallonia, Wallachia, , Vlachs, and , the Polish name for Italy) have a similar etymology.


title: Welsh people

text: The modern Welsh name for themselves is (plural) (singular: [m] and [f]), and is the Welsh name for Wales. These words (both of which are pronounced ) are descended from the Brythonic word "kombrogi", meaning "fellow-countrymen". Thus, they carry a sense of "land of fellow-countrymen", "our country", and notions of fraternity. The use of the word "Cymry" as a self-designation derives from the post-Roman Era relationship of the Welsh with the Brythonic-speaking peoples of northern England and southern Scotland, the peoples of "Yr Hen Ogledd" (). The word came into use as a self-description probably before the 7th century.


title: Welsh people

text: In Welsh literature, the word "Cymry" was used throughout the Middle Ages to describe the Welsh, though the older, more generic term "Brythoniaid" continued to be used to describe any of the Britonnic peoples, including the Welsh, and was the more common literary term until . Thereafter "Cymry" prevailed as a reference to the Welsh. Until the word was spelt "Kymry" or "Cymry", regardless of whether it referred to the people or their homeland.


title: Welsh people

text: During their time in Britain, the ancient Romans encountered tribes in present-day Wales that they called the Ordovices, the Demetae, the Silures and the Deceangli. The people of what is now Wales were not distinguished from the rest of the peoples of southern Britain; all were called Britons and spoke Common Brittonic, a Celtic language. This language, and Celtic culture more generally, seems to have arrived in Britain during the Iron Age, though some archaeologists argue that there is no evidence for large-scale Iron Age migrations into Great Britain, in which case the Celticisation of Britain would have occurred through cultural diffusion.


title: Welsh people

text: Most people in Wales today regard themselves as modern Celts, claiming a heritage back to the Iron Age tribes. When the Roman legions departed Britain around 400, a Romano-British culture remained in the areas the Romans had settled, and the pre-Roman cultures in others. The people in what is now Wales continued to speak Common Brittonic with significant influence from Latin, as did people in other areas of western and northern Britain; this language eventually evolved into Old Welsh. The surviving poem "Y Gododdin" is in early Welsh and refers to the British kingdom of Gododdin with a capital at Din Eidyn (Edinburgh) and extending from the area of Stirling to the Tyne. Offa's Dyke was erected in the mid-8th century, forming a barrier between Wales and Mercia.


title: Welsh people

text: The process whereby the indigenous population of Wales came to think of themselves as "Welsh" (a name applied to them by Anglo-Saxon settlers) is not clear. There is plenty of evidence of the use of the term "Brythoniaid" (Britons); meanwhile, the earliest use of the word "Kymry" (referring not to the people but to the land—and possibly to northern Britain in addition to Wales) is found in a poem . The name of the region in northern England now known as Cumbria is derived from the same root. Only gradually did "Cymru" (the land) and "Cymry" (the people) come to supplant "Brython". Although the Welsh language was certainly used at the time, Gwyn A. Williams argues that even at the time of the erection of Offa's Dyke, the people to its west saw themselves as Roman, citing the number of Latin inscriptions still being made into the 8th century. However, it is unclear whether such inscriptions reveal a general or normative use of Latin as a marker of identity or its selective use by the early Christian Church.


title: Welsh people

text: There was immigration to Wales after the Norman Conquest, and several Normans encouraged immigration to their new lands; the Landsker Line dividing the Pembrokeshire "Englishry" and "Welshry" is still detectable today. The terms Englishry and Welshry are used similarly about Gower.


title: Welsh people

text: Recent research on ancient DNA has concluded that much of Britain's Neolithic population was replaced by Beaker people in the Bronze Age. The British groups encountered by the Romans were thus largely descended from these Beaker populations.


title: Welsh people

text: The post-Roman period saw a significant alteration in the genetic makeup of southern Britain due to the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons; however, historical evidence suggests that Wales was little affected by these migrations. A study published in 2016 compared samples from modern Britain and Ireland with DNA found in skeletons from Iron Age, Roman and Anglo-Saxon era Yorkshire. The study found that most of the Iron Age and Roman era Britons showed strong similarities with both each other and modern-day Welsh populations, while modern southern and eastern English groups were closer to a later Anglo-Saxon burial.


title: Welsh people

text: Another study, using Iron Age and Anglo-Saxon samples from Cambridgeshire, concluded that modern Welsh people carry a 30% genetic contribution from Anglo-Saxon settlers in the post-Roman period; however, this could have been brought about due to later migration from England into Wales.


title: Welsh people

text: A third study, published in 2020 and based on Viking era data from across Europe, suggested that the Welsh trace, on average, 58% of their ancestry to the Brittonic people, up to 22% from a Danish-like source interpreted as largely representing the Anglo-Saxons, 3% from Norwegian Vikings, and 13% from further south in Europe, possibly related to French immigration during the Norman period.


title: Welsh people

text: A 2015 genetic survey of modern British population groups found a distinct genetic difference between those from northern and southern Wales, which was interpreted as the legacy of Little England beyond Wales.


title: Welsh people

text: A study of a diverse sample of 2,039 individuals from the United Kingdom allowed the creation of a genetic map and the suggestion that there was a substantial migration of peoples from Europe prior to Roman times forming a strong ancestral component across England, Scotland, and Northern Ireland, but which had little impact in Wales. Wales forms a distinct genetic group, followed by a further division between north and south Wales, although there was evidence of a genetic difference between north and south Pembrokeshire as separated by the Landsker line. Speaking of these results, Professor Peter Donnelly, of the University of Oxford, said that the Welsh carry DNA which could be the most ancient in UK and that people from Wales are genetically relatively distinct.


title: Welsh people

text: The population of Wales doubled from 587,000 in 1801 to 1,163,000 in 1851 and had reached 2,421,000 by 1911. Most of the increase came in the coal mining districts; especially Glamorganshire, which grew from 71,000 in 1801 to 232,000 in 1851 and 1,122,000 in 1911. Part of this increase can be attributed to the demographic transition seen in most industrialising countries during the Industrial Revolution, as death rates dropped and birth rates remained steady. However, there was also a large-scale migration into Wales during the Industrial Revolution. The English were the most numerous group, but there were also considerable numbers of Irish; and smaller numbers of other ethnic groups, including Italians migrated to South Wales. Wales received other immigration from various parts of the British Commonwealth of Nations in the 20th century, and African-Caribbean and Asian communities immigrated particularly to urban Wales.


title: Welsh people

text: In 2001, it is uncertain how many people in Wales considered themselves to be of Welsh ethnicity; the 2001 UK census did not offer 'Welsh' as an option; respondents had to use a box marked "Other". Ninety-six per cent of the population of Wales thus described themselves as being White British. Controversy surrounding the method of determining ethnicity began as early as 2000, when it was revealed that respondents in Scotland and Northern Ireland would be able to tick a box describing themselves as of Scottish or of Irish ethnicity, an option not available for Welsh or English respondents. Prior to the census, Plaid Cymru backed a petition calling for the inclusion of a Welsh tick-box and for the National Assembly to have primary law-making powers and its own National Statistics Office.


title: Welsh people

text: In the absence of a Welsh tick-box, the only tick-boxes available were 'white-British,' 'Irish', or 'other'. The Scottish parliament insisted that a Scottish ethnicity tick-box be included in the census in Scotland, and with this inclusion as many as 88.11% claimed Scottish ethnicity. Critics argued that a higher proportion of respondents would have described themselves as of Welsh ethnicity had a Welsh tick-box been made available. Additional criticism was levelled at the timing of the census, which was taken in the middle of the 2001 United Kingdom foot-and-mouth crisis. Organisers said that this had not affected the results. The foot-and-mouth crisis delayed the 2001 United Kingdom general election; the first time since the Second World War that any event had postponed an election.


title: Welsh people

text: In the census, 14% of the population took the 'extra step' to write in that they were of Welsh ethnicity. The highest percentage of those identifying as of Welsh ethnicity was recorded in Gwynedd (at 27%), followed by Carmarthenshire (23%), Ceredigion (22%) and the Isle of Anglesey (19%). Among respondents between 16 and 74 years of age, those claiming Welsh ethnicity were predominantly in professional and managerial occupations.


title: Welsh people

text: In advance of the 2011 UK Census, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) launched a census consultation exercise. They received replies from 28 different Welsh organisations and a large proportion of these referred to Welsh ethnicity, language or identity.


title: Welsh people

text: For the first time ever in British census history the 2011 Census gave the opportunity for people to describe their identity as Welsh or English. A 'dress rehearsal' of the Census was carried out on the Welsh island of Anglesey because of its rural nature "and" its high numbers of Welsh speakers.


title: Welsh people

text: The Census, taken on 27 March 2011, asked a number of questions relating to nationality and national identity, including "What is your country of birth?" and "How would you describe your national identity?" (for the first time 'Welsh' and 'English' were included as options), "What is your ethnic group?" ('White Welsh/English/Scottish/Northern Irish/British' was an option) and "Can you understand, speak, read or write Welsh?".


title: Welsh people

text: As of the 2011 census in Wales, 66 per cent (2.0 million) of residents reported a Welsh national identity (either on its own or combined with other identities). Of these, 218,000 responded that they had Welsh and British national identity. Just under 17 per cent (519,000) of people in Wales considered themselves to have a British national identity only. Most residents of Wales (96 per cent, 2.9 million) reported at least one national identity of English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish, or British.


title: Welsh people

text: A survey published in 2001, by the Centre for Research into Elections and Social Trends at Oxford University (sample size 1161), found that 14.6 per cent of respondents described themselves as British, not Welsh; 8.3 per cent saw themselves as more British than Welsh; 39.0 per cent described themselves as equally Welsh and British; 20.2 per cent saw themselves as more Welsh than British; and 17.9 per cent described themselves as Welsh, not British.


title: Welsh people

text: Most Welsh people of faith are affiliated with the Church in Wales or other Christian denominations such as the Presbyterian Church of Wales, Catholicism, and Russian Orthodox Christianity. Wales has a long tradition of nonconformism and Methodism. Some Welsh people are affiliated with either Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, Islam or Sikhism. In the 2001, around 7,000 classified themselves as following "other religions", including a reconstructed form of Druidism, which was the pre-Christian religion of Wales (not to be confused with the Druids of the Gorsedd at the National Eisteddfod of Wales). Approximately one third of the population, some 980,000 people, profess no religious faith whatsoever.


title: Welsh people

text: The census showed that slightly fewer than 10% of the Welsh population are regular church or chapel goers (a slightly smaller proportion than in England or Scotland), although about 58% of the population see themselves as Christian in some form. Judaism has quite a long history in Wales, with a Jewish community recorded in Swansea from around 1730. In August 1911, during a period of public order and industrial disputes, Jewish shops across the South Wales coalfield were damaged by mobs. Since that time the Jewish population of that area, which reached a peak of 4,000–5,000 in 1913, has declined; only Cardiff has retained a sizeable Jewish population, of about 2000 in the 2001 Census. The largest non-Christian faith in Wales is Islam, with about 22,000 members in 2001 served by about 40 mosques, following the first mosque established in Cardiff. A college for training clerics has been established at Llanybydder in West Wales. Islam arrived in Wales in the mid 19th century, and it is thought that Cardiff's Yemeni community is Britain's oldest Muslim community, established when the city was one of the world's largest coal exporting ports. Hinduism and Buddhism each have about 5,000 adherents in Wales, with the rural county of Ceredigion being the centre of Welsh Buddhism. Govinda's temple and restaurant, run by the Hare Krishnas in Swansea, is a focal point for many Welsh Hindus. There are about 2,000 Sikhs in Wales, with the first purpose-built gurdwara opened in the Riverside area of Cardiff in 1989.


title: Welsh people

text: The Sabbatarian temperance movement was also historically strong among the Welsh; the sale of alcohol was prohibited on Sundays in Wales by the Sunday Closing (Wales) Act 1881 – the first legislation specifically issued for Wales since the Middle Ages. From the early 1960s, local council areas were permitted to hold referendums every seven years to determine whether they should be "wet" or "dry" on Sundays: most of the industrialised areas in the east and south went "wet" immediately, and by the 1980s the last district, Dwyfor in the northwest, went wet; since then there have been no more Sunday-closing referendums.


title: Welsh people

text: The Welsh language is in the Insular Celtic family; historically spoken throughout Wales, with its predecessor Common Brittonic once spoken throughout most of the island of Great Britain. Prior to the 20th century, large numbers of Welsh people spoke only Welsh, with little or no fluent knowledge of English. Welsh remains the predominant language in parts of Wales, particularly in North Wales and parts of West Wales.


title: Welsh people

text: According to the 2001 census the number of Welsh speakers in Wales increased for the first time in 100 years, with 20.5% of a population of over 2.9 million claiming fluency in Welsh. In addition, 28% of the population of Wales claimed to understand Welsh. The census revealed that the increase was most significant in urban areas, such as Cardiff with an increase from 6.6% in 1991 to 10.9% in 2001, and Rhondda Cynon Taf with an increase from 9% in 1991 to 12.3% in 2001. However, the proportion of Welsh speakers declined in Gwynedd from 72.1% in 1991 to 68.7% in 2001, and in Ceredigion from 59.1% in 1991 to 51.8% in 2001. The greatest fluctuation was in Ceredigion, with a 19.5% influx of new residents since 1991.


title: Welsh people

text: The decline in Welsh speakers in much of rural Wales is attributable to non-Welsh-speaking residents moving to North Wales, driving up property prices above what locals may afford, according to former Gwynedd county councillor Seimon Glyn of Plaid Cymru, whose controversial comments in 2001 focused attention on the issue. As many as a third of all properties in Gwynedd are bought by people from outside Wales. The issue of locals being priced out of the local housing market is common to many rural communities throughout Britain, but in Wales the added dimension of language complicates the issue, as many new residents do not learn the Welsh language.


title: Welsh people

text: A Plaid Cymru taskforce headed by Dafydd Wigley recommended land should be allocated for affordable local housing, called for grants for locals to buy houses, and recommended that council tax on holiday homes should double.


title: Welsh people

text: However, the same census shows that 25% of residents were born outside Wales. The number of Welsh speakers in other places in Britain is uncertain, but there are significant numbers in the main cities, and there are speakers along the Welsh-English border.