sou · GZB361 · 2011-09-29 00:00:00 — One hundred and fifty-five people, 90 women and 65 men, stated that they belonged to a Swedish minority group or were of foreign origin. Thirteen per- sons, eight women and five men, stated that they were disabled during their childhoods. The Inquiry interviewed people of a wide range of ages. The oldest were born in the 1920s and the youngest, in the 1980s. The largest group was born during the 1950s, followed by people born during the 1940s. Two-thirds of the municipalities placed children who were abused and neglected The 866 people reporting abuse and neglect were placed by a total of 196 different municipalities. This means that two-thirds of the municipalities placed one or more people, who during the Inquirys interviews bore witness to the fact that they were exposed to abuse and neglect during the period that they were in institutions and homes. Of the 866 interviewees, 798 were placed in homes, 665 in institutions and 213 in other placements. Five hundred and ninety- eight of the 866 interviewees were placed both in homes and institutions and 169 persons were placed in all three types of placement. Of the persons interviewed (798) who were placed in homes, 96 per cent (763 people) reported abuse and neglect. Almost all of those with experience of home placements thus told the Inquiry about abuse and neglect in at least one of the homes in which they were placed. This is not the case for those with experience of placement in an institution, but even here, the figures are high. Of those who were placed in an institution (665), 69 per cent (462 people) reported abuse and neglect. Small differences in the results compared with the interim report Now that the results of all the interviews have been summarised, the Inquiry is able to state that there are comparatively small dif- in terms of percentage between the interim report, which comprised 404 peoples interviews, and the final report with 866 persons interviewed. Physical violence with a weapon has declined by five percentage points, from 49 to 44 per cent. This can proba- bly be explained by the fact that a larger proportion of younger people were interviewed after the interim report. These reported fewer elements of physical violence in their placements. Harmful exploitation in work has also declined, from 54 per cent in the interim report to 52 per cent in the final report. Sexual abuse shows a slight increase, for women from 61 per cent to 63 per cent and for men from 42 per cent to 43 per cent. Sexual abuse described in the interviews is evenly distributed for all decades. Neglect was reported to the same extent as in the interim report. Eighty-seven per cent of those interviewed described how they were exposed to neglect. Reported by their sub-categories, 78 per cent (76 in the interim report) stated that they were given insuffi- cient care. Twenty-eight per cent (26 in the interim report) referred to insufficient supervision by their parents or institution staff, and 42 per cent (45 in the interim report) referred to insufficient schooling. The other categories, which are not commented upon here, also deviate very slightly from the results of the interim report. Physical violence and sexual abuse were common Only 12 per cent (102 persons) of those interviewed were not exposed to physical violence or sexual abuse. Among these 102 persons who stated that they were not exploited sexually or had been the victims of physical violence were many who experienced other serious abuse or neglect. For example, 57 people stated that they were harmfully exploited in work, 53 people stated that they had experienced various forms of punishment in connection with meals, 50 had to endure people addressing them in a that violated their integrity or having to listen to insulting opinions of their close relatives. Forty-nine people were threatened with vio- lence, had witnessed violence or had been frightened by those caring for them. With reference to schooling and health, 29 persons stated that their schooling was insufficient and that they were pre- vented from going to school or that they did not receive the neces- sary help with their homework, etc. Twenty-two persons also stated that they had been ill without receiving the necessary care. Case descriptions and comparative analyses In the final report, the stories of the interviewed people were given particular prominence in the material as a whole. This was done through case descriptions, based on interviews, judgments and records, as well as descriptions of their lives written by the inter- viewees themselves that are cited in their entirety. What different people stated about the same placement at an institution or home is also analysed. The stories of those interviewed were com- pared with what was stated in the archive material. The Inquiry report presents four case descriptions which are pri- marily based on interviews with the people described. Otherwise, the case descriptions are based on authentic court convictions at district courts or courts of appeal. In addition, there are references to excerpts from records and other archive materials to which the Inquiry had access. These stories aim at giving different examples of circumstances, situations and experiences, based on the account of the interviewee. On the basis of the sum of these accounts, light is thrown on various aspects of the way in which a stay in a home or institution was experienced, the reasons behind a place- ment and the consequences for the affected child. These stories give a concrete form to the vulnerability experienced by the child and point to the importance of adults taking responsibility for the childs situation. The stories also describe the lack of security sur- rounding the child when supervision was ineffective. Life stories provide a deeper insight into experiences The Inquiry received many written childhood stories. Three of these life stories are included in their entirety in the report. The stories recount memories and experiences, described in the inter- viewees own words. They are individual and unique, but describe events and circumstances that are familiar from other peoples sto- ries, despite the fact that those interviewed were relating memories from many years before. All of them stated that they were regularly beaten and could therefore not tell how many times this had happened. They selected certain episodes and described them. Others were beaten on single occasions. But the consequences of this were still exten- sive. They described their continual fear of it happening again, or of the violence they inflicted on themselves in order to adapt them- selves to the wishes of adults. Several personal stories from the same placement A general description of how different people described their stays at one and the same institution was given in the Inquirys interim report.6 These descriptions are recounted in more detail in the final report. In addition, the presentation was extended to include families as well. The aim of the chapter was to focus on, and com- pare experiences witnessed by several of the people interviewed from the same stay in a home or institution. In total, the Inquiry received stories of abuse and neglect at 119 institutions from at least two people. Abuse and neglect in 35 homes were described by at least two people. This means that at least two people separately described abuse and neglect 6 Swedish Government Official Reports (SOU) 2009:99. occurring at a placement where they had each stayed. It should be emphasised that the Inquiry obtained these results without seeking out persons who had lived in the same home, as was the case in some of the other investigations abroad. The Inquirys material contains 35 families in which at least two interviewed persons were placed, either at the same time or at different points in time. Twenty-seven of these families involved siblings, all of whom were interviewed by the Inquiry. In the other eight families, the stories came from interviewees who were not siblings, but who had experience from the same placement. The majority of these accounts were from placements from the late 1960s until the 1970s. Largely similar environments were described time after time by people who had experienced abuse and neglect in homes: Most of the parents had been living in rural areas, several ran farms and kept animals. The families had often been a mar- ried couple where the mother was at home, and they often had biological children of their own. Another common feature of these homes is that the families had had many children, which of course increased the chance for the Inquiry to interview several people who grew up in the same home. Some of the families were described as free-church or in the Church of . This was, however, quite a common environment for home placements and outwardly the 35 families were probably regarded as secure core families that had an idyllic environment in the country to offer their children. The former childrens stories, however, give a completely different picture, which also focuses on the importance of questioning an apparently ideal home environment. It can also be noted that the interviewees who had been in the same home often gave a similar description of abuse and neglect on a general level, but that the details with regard to neglect or violence may differ. We chose to describe three childrens homes from which the Inquiry documented the greatest number of stories about abuse and neglect. These are Vidkärrs childrens home in , Nybodahemmet in och Skärsbo boys home in . A total of 86 people who lived at Vidkärr were inter- viewed. Sixty-five of them described abuse and neglect. Sixty-three of the interviewees had been placed at . Thirty-one of them described abuse and neglect. It should be added that many came to at an early age, and therefore lacked memories of it. Skärsbo boys home was a small institution with only around ten places. Nevertheless, as many as 15 people described abuse and neglect there. Those interviewed often reported the same type of abuse and neglect at institutions, even at a more detailed level, which contrib- uted to a comprehensive picture of what marked out a particular institution at a given period of time. Similarities and differences between the accounts of those interviewed and the archive documents Using files from institutions and homes, the Inquiry report describes what these documents stated about the stays of individual children in societys care. In this connection, it should be empha- sised that the archive documents were created by the same munici- palities that were responsible for protecting children from the abuse and neglect that those interviewed described. The Inquiry report also describes how the interviewed persons talked about their periods of placement. Based on this material, similarities and differences in the stories are discussed. Notes on irregularities are often missing The archive documents of 128 people were included in this investi- gation, 41 of whom had some form of note on irregularities in their archive documents. This means that almost 70 per cent lacked any notes on irregularities. There may be several reasons for this. It may be because the entire child welfare file was not sent to the Inquiry, or that it was missing in the municipal archive and the Inquiry was thus forced to rely on other archive documents that said nothing about the irregularities that the Child Welfare Com- mittee may possibly have known about. However, it is remarkable that seven out of ten of the sample group were not able to verify their abuse and neglect using archive documents. This, in itself, illustrates the difficulty of proving abuse and neglect by using archive documents. On the other hand, applied on the whole group of interviewees, the Inquiry shows that in three cases out of ten it is possible to find some supporting evidence for the stories of abuse and neglect in the archive documents. Limited possibility of using files to verify or prove false allegations of abuse and neglect When going through the documents, the Inquiry is able to state that several of the categories of abuse and neglect were nevertheless described in some way in the files: neglect, violations, force and punishments, sexual abuse and harmful exploitation in work. The majority of the 41 interviewees archive material confirmed the information they had given on irregularities. However, the extent of the abuse and neglect differed considerably between the stories of those interviewed and the notes in records, since in most cases, there were often only notes on specific abuse or neglect at single placements. An interviewee may have described abuse and neglect at several different places, but if there were notes on neglect or abuse, they were usually only from one placement. was it unusual for the notes to either report a type of abuse or neglect other than that stated by the person interviewed, or to express cautious comments on conditions in the home as being doubtful . The Inquirys study showed that it was problematic to check the stories of those interviewed against their archive documents. In most cases, it was possible to verify from the files that the persons had been placed in care. In general, the files were entirely consis- tent with what the interviewees stated with regard to the number of placements, where they had been placed and for how long. However, sometimes the files showed that a person had been placed at more places than the number stated by the interviewee him/herself. Under-reporting on the part of those interviewed compared with the archive material was more usual than over- But the possibility of using the files to verify or prove false claims of abuse or neglect by those interviewed was extremely limited. Checking the stories of those interviewed against the archive documents was also problematic in view of the fact that 70 per cent of the documents included in the Inquirys investigation lacked notes on any type of irregularity. This in itself is remarkable and a reminder that it is not possible only to rely on archive docu- ments in themselves being able to verify a claim of abuse and neglect. How did the lives of those interviewed turn out? The final report continues the account begun in the interim report on what had happened to those interviewed later in their adult lives. The Inquiry report also includes an account of the experi- ences of other countries investigations and states that these are also reflected in the Swedish inquiry. During the interviews, the Inquiry asked open questions on how adult life had turned out for the interviewed persons. The answers involved work, education and family life, but also illnesses, sub- stance abuse, criminality, trust in authorities and, not least, their own self-image. In the opinion of the Inquiry, the abuse and neglect to which those interviewed were subjected when society bore responsibility for them seriously limited their opportunities for a future quality of life. In the material, there is therefore reason to reflect over the fact that so many, despite the abuse, neglect and betrayal to which they were subjected, nevertheless managed their adult lives with varying degrees of success. Only one or two of those interviewed stated during the inter- view that the abuse and neglect to which they were subjected had been totally irrelevant for their adult lives. Great variation in how the abuse and neglect was seen to affect their adult lives Their stories and own thoughts about what their childhoods – and specifically, their placements in institutions and homes – meant for their adult lives, showed great variation. One reason may be that their self-image – the way in which they chose to express themselves, varied considerably among those interviewed. For some, placement had given rise to a strong will to live, an ability to survive and inner strength. At the same time, others stated that it led to life-long suffering, substance abuse, lack of self-esteem and social exclusion. That physical and sexual abuse inflict deep wounds on a child is obvious and well-known. Less known perhaps is that emotional and mental abuse may be equally destructive. The Inquiry makes no assessment of the extent to which the specific abuse and neglect to which any one individual was subjected was the direct cause of his/her life turning out as it did. What the Inquiry does is to document and describe the indi- viduals experiences and knowledge about his or her own life and the significance that those interviewed attached to their experi- ences of abuse and neglect in their childhood. For some of those interviewed, the interview itself was also the first time they had described their deeper feelings about life for an outsider. Education and work very significant for adult life To the question on the working lives of those interviewed, just over 400 people stated at the interview that they had worked full- time throughout their lives. This means that they had either worked and/or studied the equivalent of full time. Three hundred and ninety-six people stated that they had only partially worked and/or studied during adulthood. Twelve people said that they had never worked at all. For the remainder of those interviewed, no information was available. Among those interviewed, their educa- tional level was of crucial importance with regard to how their working lives had been. Many were disappointed at the lost or poorer opportunities for education that they received during their time as children or inmates of children's homes. One hun- dred and fifty-nine people, for different reasons, were not able to complete elementary or compulsory school during the years when they would normally have gone to school. In the Inquiry report, 143 people undertook some kind of university or other higher edu- cation. Many described their adult lives as being characterised by poor self esteem and the feeling that they had been socially and psychologi- cally handicapped. Financial problems and physical ill-health were something that many of them believed had dominated their adult lives; several attributed, for example, their continuous and pro- longed back-ache to the fact that they were exploited to hard, harmful physical work as children. Criminality, alcohol abuse or, for long periods, the intake of psychopharmacological drugs had also, for many people, characterised their adult lives. Several stated that, as adults, they had never dared or wanted to start a family, and that this was due to their having been harmed during their childhood. Lost, or poorer contacts with their biologi- cal families were, for many, a great loss during their adult lives. Social exclusion, prostitution and even homelessness were described by others, as was the feeling of many that their daily lives were hindered by continuous panic feelings or phobias. Within the wider concept of mental ill-health, other interviewees described depressions, anxiety and periods during which they had been hos- pitalised for psychiatric treatment. Of those we interviewed, 30 per cent stated that they had periods during which they had contem- plated suicide. Nineteen per cent had also attempted suicide one or more times, either during the period of placement, when they were growing up, or later in life. Several also described how they had been emotionally exhausted or become burned out. The significance of the interview The significance of the interview for the person interviewed is dis- cussed in Chapter 8. In it, the results of a questionnaire drawn up by the Inquiry are described and comparisons are made with appli- cable results from investigations abroad. The majority positive to the interview The Inquiry sent an evaluation questionnaire to 874 of the 902 people interviewed. Six hundred and fifty-two people answered the questionnaire. It showed that 93 per cent had a positive experience of being interviewed by the Inquiry. Those interviewed stated that it had been important to be able to tell their stories and be listened to, and that it had sometimes meant that they had been able to conclude this episode in their lives, and had experienced it as an opportunity to go forward in life. Many also described how difficult it was to be interviewed and talk about their painful memories. Several expressed the impor- tance of being able to help prevent it happening again, and empha- sised the necessity of exposing the truth about the situation of children in institutions and homes. Some of them expressed the wish for redress in terms of society accepting responsibility. The questionnaire also dealt with the way in which those inter- viewed had experienced the value of the counselling support they had been offered. Thirty-six per cent had made use of this counsel- ling. Of these, 77 per cent considered that they had been helped in some way. Among those who did not use the counselling, it was stated, for example, that they did not feel confidence in the thera- pist and many also felt that they did not have the energy to talk about their feelings again to a new person. Several of those interviewed bore witness to the importance to them of the way in which they had been treated during the inter- view. The interviewers seemed to be competent and well-prepared for their task. People felt that they were believed. Many also main- tained how important it was to them that the Government was aware of what they had been exposed to. They felt that this out- weighed the pain and suffering it had meant for them, perhaps for the first time, to describe what they had experienced as children and young people. Greater security in institutions and homes In Chapter 9, a number of themes (circumstances) are summarised that may have been significant in causing the children harm. Exam- ples of such circumstances involve, for example, the lack of investi- gation, follow-up and supervision, lonely and abandoned children who were never visited by anyone and children with disabilities and deformities. They may have involved closed, isolated environments, placements with influential people or placements with par- ents where there were mental disease or substance abuse. The Inquiry also points to the importance of paying particular attention to radical changes in childrens lives, such as moving house, divorce and death. Finally, there is a discussion of ways in which security for children and young people placed in institutions and homes could be improved, based on the experiences acquired though the interviews. The concept of security refers to the efforts of society, primarily municipal follow-up and state supervision, to prevent children and young people from being exposed to various forms of physical, mental and emotional abuse. This means that society takes responsibility for ensuring that children and young people placed in care are able to live and grow up in environments that strengthen their opportunities to develop and that they are given the care and security to which all children and young people are entitled, which includes health care and well-functioning schooling. supervision and follow-up vital The Abuse and Neglect Inquirys experiences all indicate that what primarily determines whether children and young people in today's institutions and homes can be protected against abuse and neglect and disadvantaged future development are effective super- vision and follow-up. The most obvious means of doing this, to speak to the child him/herself on visits to supervise placements, has proved to be the case far too seldom in the Inquiry's inter- views. Supervisory staff must also have the skills to be able to talk to children and young people. The child must feel trust, if he or she is to dare to talk about his or her situation.