prot · GM09100 · 1999-05-26 00:00:00 — snabbprotokollProtokoll 1998/99:100Onsdagen den 26 majKl. 09.00 - 17.16Det justerade protokollet beräknas utkomma ---------------------------------------------------------------------Anf. 1-3 kommer att vara översatta till svenska idet justerade protokollet.1 § Anförande av FN:s generalsekreterare . 1 TALMANNEN:Mr Secretary-General,my five years as Speaker of the Riksdag,we have arranged solemn ceremonies in this Chambercelebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the UnitedNations, of the United Nations' and - only a few weeks ago - the Councilof Europe.The purpose of these manifestations has been todemonstrate the strong and unwavering support of theRiksdag and the Swedish people for the struggleagainst war and violence for human rights and humandignity.One of the very pillars of Swedish foreign policyis the belief in and support to the United Nations. Forthis reason the Secretary- General of the United Na-tions is the only person outside the Riksdag and theSwedish Government who may be invited to addressthis Chamber.Mr Secretary-General,are right now living in a critical period oftime, when we are forced to observe serious breachesof the peace, which we all , and disrespect forhuman rights, human dignity and even human lives.In this complicated and difficult situation it isgrowing more and more obvious that we all need tocooperate in strengthening our common global or-ganisation - the United Nations.Mr Secretary-General and dear friend,It is with great admiration that we have followedyour personal contributions to the important work ofthe United Nations - both in terms of the reformprocess that you initiated and of the courageous po-litical initiatives you have undertaken to solve com-plex and dangerous situations.It is a great privilege of the Riksdag - and theSwedish people - to be allowed to listen to you today.We will do it with the greatest interest and dedication.Mr Secretary-General,I now invite you to the rostrum to address the ple-nary of the Swedish Parliament, the Riksdag. 2 FN:s generalsekreterare , Distinguished members of theRiksdag, Distinguished members of Government,It is always a great honour to be invited to addressthe Parliament of a . Today that honouris combined, for me, with a kind of homecoming -not just because I am married to a Swede, but becausethe United Nations has a close family relationshipwith the whole nation of Sweden.This country is not only an of stability in anunstable world, it is also a bastion of solidarity.Throughout the history of the United Nations, youhave shown exemplary commitment to its goals andactivities: to peacekeeping and peacemaking, to de-velopment and international law, to human securityand human rights. By doing so, you have helpedpeople far beyond your borders feel that the world isa safer place.Today, your solidarity is more important thanever. Safety and stability are in short supply not onlyon other continents, but even in parts of Europe, asyou, Madam Speaker, referred to earlier.In this day and age, people in different parts of theworld are directly affected by each other's actionsmore than ever before in human history.An automobile may be assembled in one continentfrom parts manufactured in two or more others. Bil-lions of dollars are moved across the world in sec-onds by pressing a few keys on a computer terminal.A sporting event or a rock concert can be watched inreal time by thousands of people miles away. So alsocan scenes of war and terrible suffering.Like almost everything else in life, this phenome-non has good and bad aspects. It brings us manyopportunities to learn from each other and to benefitfrom a wider range of choices.But it can also seem threatening. Workers mayfind their jobs made suddenly obsolete by importedtechnology or foreign competition. Parents find theirchildren attracted by products and role models fromforeign cultures or alien cultures, as some call it.Sometimes the world even seems to be losing itsspice and variety. Instead of widening our choices,globalization can seem to be forcing us all into thesame shallow, consumerist culture - giving us all thesame appetites but leaving us more unequal than our ability to satisfy them.That feeling accounts for much of the fear and an-ger we see in today's world. In many places, verydestructive forces have been unleashed. We like tocall them inhuman, but in reality they are all too hu-man: are one of the ways our human naturereacts when we feel ourselves threatened.These are global challenges, which need globalsolutions, hammered out multilaterally, so that allstates accept them as legitimate, and feel committedto implementing them.There has to be a forum where these issues can bedebated openly - where all participants can feel theyhave a say. You will not be surprised to hear me saythat that forum is the United Nations.Of course it is not easy. There are times when theprocess of reaching agreement in the United Nationsseems too slow and cumbersome as to make swift,decisive action impossible. And then States feel thatthey are justified in taking the law into their ownhands - as the members of Nato did when they tookunilateral action, rather than watch the horrors con-tinue in Kosovo unchecked.I fully understood that feeling. In this age whenthe power of states to control their economy or theirenvironment is limited by global forces, surely wecannot allow their one unchallenged power to be thatof persecuting their own citizens?On the day the action began, I expressed my ownfrustration at the rejection of a political settlement bythe Yugoslav authorities, and said that "there aretimes when the use of force may be legitimate in thepursuit of peace. "But I also reminded the world, with equal empha-sis, that under the Charter of the United Nations it isthe which has primary responsibilityfor maintaining international peace and security.As the conflict has developed, there are today twoprinciples on which all parties seem to agree. One isthat the Kosovar Albanians must be enabled to returnto their homes in safety, with their security and politi-cal and human rights internationally guaranteed andprotected. The other is that ultimately such issues ofwar and peace must be settled within the frameworkof the United Nations.The sooner we can reach a political solution giv-ing effect to both those principles the better it will befor everyone, and especially for the suffering peopleof , whatever their ethnic affiliation.Ever since 1945, the United Nations Charter hasprovided the recognized and indispensable frame-work of international co-operation. If anything, thathas been even more true since the end of the ColdWar, which removed the biggest obstacle to such co-operation.Increasingly, not only Governments but peoplethe world over have looked to the United Nations, asthe forum in which agreements can be reached tosafeguard their interests.You as parliamentarians know this. You areelected by the people, and you have to listen to them.You are often the medium through which civil societymakes its views known, both to national governmentsand to international bodies.You know well the importance that people inSweden, and elsewhere, attach to "" - theprinciples of sustainable development agreed at theUN , in 1992.You know well how much people care about thebarbarity of anti-personnel landmines. It was pressurefrom your constituents, alongside many thousands ofothers, that pushed governments to sign the OttawaConvention.It is partly thanks to you, and other parliamentsaround the world, that the Convention is now inforce, having been ratified by more than the 60 requi-site countries. I hope that other parliaments will soonfollow your example, particularly those of severalmajor landmine producing and exporting countrieswhich are not yet parties to the Convention.To give one more example, you know well howstrongly Swedish people feel - as do those in manyother countries - about the crimes against humanitywhose authors too often get away scot-free, as thoughthe murder of a thousand people were somehow lessculpable than that of one. It was thanks to popularpressure from all over the world that governmentsagreed in last summer on the Statute of theInternational Criminal Court. I urge you and yourfellow parliamentarians around the world to speed upthe process of ratification of the Statute. Wemust not loose the momentum in bringing this extra-ordinary achievement into fruition at the earliestpossible date.I hope that the court will be ratified and that wecan begin to function by . It will be awonderful gift to give to future generations, particu-lary as we enter a new millennium.Your constituents understand, I believe, how im-portant it is for a global society to have shared normsand values, codified in a framework of internationallaw - just as a national community can only surviveso long as its members agree on certain core valueswhich are reflected in domestic law. Without sharedvalues, without agreed norms it is very difficult tohold a community together. This in my judgementapplies to the international level and what we call theinternational community.What they may not realize is how much the Uni-ted Nations does, in quiet, unreported ways, to provi-de the world community with a framework of codifi-ed international law.Even in this learned assembly, I suspect there aresome members who have not heard of UNCITRAL -the United Nations Commission on InternationalTrade . Yet this body plays an essential role infacilitating international trade and reducing transac-tion costs, through its work of standardizing the lawswhich govern commercial transactions. It is one ofmany parts of the United Nations system that estab-lish, maintain and gradually extend the "soft in-frastructure", making possible the internationalexchange of goods, money and information.When people say the United Nations is "no longerrelevant", I believe they overlook, or underrate, theimportance of such contributions to global gover-nance.Tomorrow, at the , I shall spe-ak at greater length about the work of the UnitedNations in upholding human rights and humanitarianlaw. Today I just want to remind you that these formpart of a wider principle: It is respect for the rule oflaw which distinguishes a civilized, secure societyfrom an anarchic one.That is true for countries, and in the end it must betrue for the emerging international order as well. Ifwe do not have established rules and procedures, or ifwe fail to abide by them, we are condemned to liveby the law of the jungle, in which the strong devourthe weak. It was to save humanity from that fate thatthe United Nations was set up in the first place.In this vital task of global governance, you par-liamentarians have a key role to play. I said just nowthat you have to listen to the people. But your roledoes not end there. You also have to act as leaders.You have to educate the people.Left to themselves, people can easily remain trap-ped in narrow ideas of local or national interests, tobe defended at all costs against the rival interests ofoutsiders. Your job is to put across a broader under-standing of national interest. You have to explain theinterest that all nations share in working together topromote such values as democracy, pluralism, humanrights and - perhaps most important of all - the ruleof law.International law is a fine concept. But it remainsno more than that until it is effectively implementedby the international community. As Secretary-General of the United Nations, I am the legal deposi-tary of more than 500 international conventions - Irepeat: 500 international conventions. That soundsimpressive, but only means anything when thoseconventions are given effect in national legislation. Itis your task as parliamentarians, to do that - and youcan only do it if you carry public opinion with you inunderstanding why it matters.Ladies and Gentlemen! Next year, as you allknow, we celebrate the Millennium. That accident ofcalendar has given us an opportunity to do somethingunique. Many of you may also know that this mo-mentous date will be marked, in the autumn, by aMillennium Summit of heads of state or governmentfrom all the Member States of the United Nations.My hope is that this will not be a purely ceremo-nial event, but an occasion for the human race tocome together and rethink its priorities as we embarkon a new century. I hope, in particular, that it willhelp us to think out more clearly the goals of theUnited Nations, and the strategies it will need to achi-eve those goals.For such hopes to be realized, we need carefulpreparation. Above all, we need bold and imaginativethinking. I myself intend to make my contribution,and I am sure that governments will do their part. ButI know that if we are to succeed we have to cast ournet wider than that.Non-governmental organizations have eagerly ta-ken up the challenge, and will be holding a at the United Nations Headquarters in thesummer of next year. But you, the parliamentarians,must also have a vital contribution to make. I amdelighted to hear that the Speakers of all the world'sparliaments also plan to hold a meeting. I urge you allto contribute your ideas, and as far as possible tocombine them in constructive and realistic proposi-tions that will challenge ut to act.By "realistic" I do not mean defeatist or half-hearted. True realism springs from a combination ofcourage and creativity and I hope next year, when weall meet, we will be challenging ourselves.You Swedes have shown that many times in yourremarkable history, and in your dazzling contribu-tions to peace and development worldwide. Let meconclude by paying a special tribute to those many,many Swedes who have placed their andcreativity at the service of the United Nations.I am delighted to see some of them here today.Others, of course, are no longer with us. Some, likeDag Hammarskjöld and , even gavetheir lives in the cause of peace.In preparing for the new Millennium, let us alldraw inspiration from their example.Perhaps, Madam Speaker, you can allow me onemore word on Kosovo to say that I know Kosovo ison all our minds. Great many activities are takingplace in search of a political solution. I visited Mace-donia and a week ago. It was a really painfulexperience. I was able to hear first hand horriblestories and heartbreaking stories from Kosovo.A hundred-year-old woman, uprooted that day,sitting on the road not knowing what happened to her,why she is where she was and where she was going.A mother with a baby who had been born when shehad been on the run for two months, three weeks old,seeking refuge i Macedonia.Earlier that day I had had discussions with the go-vernment of encouraging it to allow therefugees to come, to keep the borders open and toaccept them as refugees and not as deportees, as somewould describe them, who had no rights. They aredeportees, they are refugees, and they are entitled totheir rights.I did talk about the human rights. You referred to the fiftieth anniversary of theUniversal . If thoserights had been respected the kosovars would not bewhere they are today. The human tragedy we arewitnessing in Kosovo is fundamentally a humanright's tragedy. Yes, it is a humanitarian tragedy, butit is fundamentally a human right's tragedy.I hope we will succeed in getting them back homefor the summer. There are some difficult details to beworked out, differences between the GA to be sortedout, before the can take a resolutionon the topic. But what is important, I think, is thateveryone now believes the parties should turn to theUnited Nations in search of a solution and that theSecurity Council should play a central role in thesearch for a solution.At the beginning when the wasignored, we all were worried and anxious that it hadweakened the Council. If they now turn to the Coun-cil for a solution, and the Council helps bring about asolution, then what appeared to have weakened theCouncil may indeed have strenghtened it. It will pro-ve to all concerned that sooner or later one has to turnto the . We hope sooner, rather thanlater. But that also implies that the Council and itsmembers must be ready to do its duty in cases such asKosovo. Thank you very much!(Applåder)Anf. 3 TALMANNEN:I thank you, Mister Secretary-General, for yourwise words challenging us never to give up our fightfor a world characterised by respect for democracyand human rights. I can assure you that you can counton the unanimous support from the Swedish Parlia-ment and the Swedish people. We wish you successin your very important work in the coming weeks andyears. Once again, thank you very much!2 § Justering av protokollJusterades protokollet för den 20 maj.3 § Hänvisning av ärenden till utskottFöredrogs och hänvisadesMotioner1998/99:U11-U15 till utrikesutskottet4 § Förnyad bordläggningFöredrogs men bordlades återKonstitutionsutskottets betänkande 1998/99:KU25Meddelande om voteringAndre vice talmannen meddelade att försvarsut-skottets betänkanden FöU6 och FöU7, samt miljö-och jordbruksutskottets betänkande MJU10 skulleavgöras i ett sammanhang tillsammans medde av dagens ärenden som då var slutdebatterade.5 § säkerhetspolitikFöredrogsSammansatta utrikes- och försvarsutskottets betän-kande 1998/99:UFöU1Sveriges säkerhetspolitik (prop. 1998/99:74 delvis)Anf. 4 Utrikesminister ():Fru talman! Jag uppskattar mycket att riksdagenhar gjort det möjligt för mig att inleda debatten. Dåkan jag ta med mig synpunkter inför mötetmed FN:s generalsekreterare efter debat-ten. Jag hoppas också att ledamöterna därför ursäktarom jag inte kan stanna hela debatten eftersom mötetmed ligger nu . ViolaFurubjelke och jag har gjort uppdelningen att jaghuvudsakligen talar om det aktuella läget och Kosovomedan mer går in på själva betän-kandet och reservationerna.Fru talman! Det är naturligt att dagens säkerhets-politiska debatt präglas av Kosovo. Kriget i Kosovoär en tragedi. påminns vi om människorslidande, flyktingar och de civila serberna. Men detfaktum att det pågår ett krig i utan att säker-hetsläget i påverkats visar att den svenskasäkerhetspolitiken vilar på en stadig grund efter denpositiva säkerhetspolitiska utvecklingen under 1990-talet.Det offensiva och framåtblickande säkerhetspoli-tiska samarbete som inletts efter det slutkan fullföljas. Inom ramen för Östersjö- och Barents-samarbetet har vi möjlighet att arbeta med alla deinstrument som ryms i ett modernt rättssäkerhetstän-kande.De säkerhetspolitiska orosmolnen efter Kosovohar bl.a. handlat om konsekvenserna för utvecklingeni . Betänkandet pekar på att reformprocessenkommer att ta tid och på att den kan drabbas av bak-slag. kan vi konstatera att det senaste åretsallvarliga politiska kriser i har kunnat lösasgenom att alla politiska aktörer agerat inom ramen förden ryska författningen. Demokratin verkar ha fåttstadigt fäste i Ryssland.För Kosovos, och fredens skull är det nuviktigt att deltar fullt ut i att lösa Kosovo-frågan. Jag kommer att ha glädjen attvälkomna den ryske utrikesministern tillStockholm. Vi kommer också att diskutera andrasamarbeten mellan , och EU, och Ryssland.Fru talman! Vilka lärdomar skall vi då dra av Ko-sovo? Den viktigaste lärdomen är att vi i världssam-fundet måste utveckla förmågan att förebygga kon-flikter. Det har i och för sig gjorts mycket i Kosovo.Det har gällt beslut om sanktioner, resolutioner isäkerhetsrådet och stöd till demokratirörelser. Mendet har inte gjorts tillräckligt mycket. Kosovo är etttydligt exempel på att det behövs mycket mer avgenomtänkt strategi för förebyggande.Omvärlden var inte tillräckligt tydlig när Milose-vic beslutade om återtagande av autonomin för Ko-sovo och . Kosovo borde hafunnits med i Daytonöverenskommelsen. Självklartpåminns vi här återigen om det klassiska dilemmat attuppmärksamheten, och därmed resurserna, hand-lingskraften och åtgärderna, har fokuserats på deakuta skeendena. Vi vet ju att några gram förebyg-gande motsvarar åtskilliga kilon kur efteråt. En hu-vuduppgift för en framåtblickande utrikes- och säker-hetspolitik är därför att bygga upp förebyggandetspolitiska vilja och att utveckla, vässa och förfinapreventionens instrument.Det arbete med ett handlingsprogram för förebyg-gande av väpnade konflikter som jag anmälde förriksdagen i utrikesdeklarationen harnu avslutats i en första etapp. Jag hoppas att ni alla tardel av det och kommer med era synpunkter. Därframgår målen för vår politik för förebyggande.Det första målet är att förbättra en förebyggandetskultur och stärka det internationella samfundets viljaoch beredskap att förhindra utbrott av väpnade kon-flikter.Det andra målet är att bättre identifiera särskildakonfliktorsaker: ekonomisk stagnation, ojämn resurs-fördelning, förtryck av mänskliga rättigheter ochminoriteter.Det tredje målet är att stärka det internationellanormsystemet och dess tillämpning. Det handlar omatt värna och utveckla folkrätt, demokrati och mänsk-liga rättigheter. Respekt för nationell suveränitet fårinte stå i vägen för nödvändiga insatser för att för-hindra humanitära katastrofer eller grova kränkningarav mänskliga rättigheter. Folkrätten måste gälla män-niskors och inte bara staters säkerhet. De som begårkrigsförbrytelser måste svara för sina handlingar.Vårt fjärde mål syftar till att bättre utnyttja diplo-matiska, politiska, ekonomiska och militära resurserför konfliktförebyggande insatser. Det behövs bättremetoder för kunskapsuppbyggnad, analys och pre-ventiv diplomati. FN:s roll måste stärkas, och detkrävs en tydligare arbetsfördelning mellan olika in-ternationella organisationer.Det femte målet är att stärka den svenska kapaci-teten. Det behövs mer av helhetssyn, och konfliktfö-rebyggande skall tydligare integreras i utvecklings-samarbetet. Samverkan med folkrörelser och forskareskall öka.Dessa tankar är djupt förankrade i det svenskasamhällets metoder för att utvecklas och förhindraväpnade konflikter. De blir nu en del av den aktivapolitik som vi skall bidra med i de internationellasammanhang där vi verkar. Och alla dessa punkterpåminner oss om Kosovo.Den andra viktiga lärdom vi kan dra av Kosovo äratt EU måste stärka sin kapacitet för gemensam utri-kespolitik och krishantering. När EU bildades i askanoch ruinerna efter var EU ettfredsprojekt. Skall EU bli ett fredsprojekt för dettjugoförsta århundradet måste EU öppnas för helaEuropa. Det gäller såväl de nuvarande kandidatlän-derna som Balkanländerna.EU måste stärka sin kapacitet för krishantering.Utvecklingen av gemensamma strategier och flermöjligheter till majoritetsbeslut ökar förutsättningar-na för tidig samsyn. En gemensam analysenhet gerEU bättre förutsättningar att tidigt sätta in rätt åtgär-der.EU:s samlade ekonomiska resurser både vad gäl-ler handel och bistånd är betydande. Ett enat EU är enstark röst när den talar tydligt mot kränkningar avmänskliga rättigheter. Ländernas samlade resurser förförebyggande diplomati kan ge nya öppningar. Alltdetta ger förutsättningar inte bara för förändringar förstunden utan också för möjligheterna att nå långsikti-ga förändringar och förbättringar i Europa.Även om EU:s viktigaste utmaning är att användade samlade resurserna så att militära insatser inteskall behöva komma till stånd, måste det också finnasen bättre beredskap för att kombinera politiska, dip-lomatiska och ekonomiska åtgärder med militär kapa-citet. och tog under den förra rege-ringskonferensen initiativ till att genom Amsterdam-fördraget ge EU förmågan att agera militärt i krissitu-ationer. Därför deltar vi också aktivt i diskussionernainför för att stärka denna förmåga. Ett viktigtexempel på en aktion är den minröjning som pågåri under svensk ledning.För regeringen är det viktigt att klargöra skillna-den mellan krishantering och gemensamt försvar.EU:s insatser gäller fredsfrämjande arbete. Diskus-sionen handlar inte om att skapa ett gemensamt för-svar.