Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
主席，如果在2015年通過政改方案，直選出來的特首又能夠處理好民生、經濟的問題，同時也能處理好與中央的關係的話，優化八三一決定便有基礎。
President if the constitutional reform package was passed in 2015 and that the Chief Executive elected directly was able to properly deal with issues concerning the peoples livelihood and the economy as well as aptly handling the relationship with the Central Authorities then we would have had the basis for enhancing the 31 August Decision
相反，如果我們脫離政治現實，在得不到中央的支持下，匆匆啟動政改方案，只會浪費時間，令社會再度撕裂，甚至再次發生佔中事件。
On the contrary if we disregard the political reality and hurriedly kick start constitutional reform without the Central Authorities support it will just be a waste of time that will tear society apart or even causing another Occupy Central incident
這是香港市民不想看到的。
This is not what Hong Kong people wish to see
至於廢除功能界別的問題，由於《基本法》已經明確規定，要在行政長官普選後再進行研究。
As regards the abolition of functional constituencies it is expressly written in the Basic Law that we can only consider this after electing the Chief Executive by universal suffrage
現階段我們應聚焦是否有條件改善行政長官的普選辦法，才較為實際。
At this stage it is more pragmatic for us to focus on whether the situation is right for conditionally enhancing the method for selecting the Chief Executive by universal suffrage
因此，我不會支持郭家麒議員的議案。
Therefore I do not support Dr KWOK Ka - kis motion
主席，我發言反對郭家麒議員的原議案和黃碧雲議員的修正案，因為他們二人均要求撤銷全國人民代表大會常務委員會八三一決定，將人大常委會的權威視為兒戲。
President I rise to speak against the original motion moved by Dr KWOK Ka - ki and the amendment proposed by Dr Helena WONG for they both have demanded the invalidation by the National Peoples Congress NPC of the decision made by the Standing Committee of NPC NPCSC on 31 August 2014 who regard NPCSCs authoritativeness as something of no significance at all
他們這種一貫脫離現實的爭取普選的要求，其實是想推翻人大常委會的決定，挑戰中央的權威，結果不但不能成功爭取到普選，反而挑起政治爭拗，進一步撕裂社會。
They have been taking such an unrealistic approach to demand for universal suffrage which is intended for overturning NPCSCs decision so as to challenge the authority of the Central Government . They just failed to win universal suffrage in the end and provoked political disputes instead tearing our society further apart
如今，他們居然說要爭取"一人一票"選特首，實在非常荒謬，難怪有人懷疑他們想藉重啟政改以洗脫其"普選殺手"的污名。
But now what nonsense they talk when they make the claim of fighting for electing the Chief Executive on a one person one vote basis? . No wonder some people doubt that they want to eliminate their stigma of universal suffrage killer by reactivating constitutional reform
主席，泛民除了口說要爭取民主普選外，從未顯示過爭取普選的誠意和決心。
President apart from paying lip service the pan - democrats have never demonstrated any sincerity and determination in their fight for universal suffrage
如今他們重施故技，強行要求撤銷八三一的決定，重啟政改，這除了會製造更多的矛盾及引起更多的爭拗外，又有甚麼意義？
And now that they play that same old trick again forcing upon the Central Government to invalidate the decision made on 31 August 2014 in reactivating constitutional reform . Apart from stirring up more conflicts and disputes what is the point in doing so?
泛民明知不可為而為之，亦足以證明他們要求重啟政改及追求普選是假的，企圖推翻人大常委會八三一決定、挑戰中央的權威及挑撥中央和港人的矛盾才是真正的目的。
The pan - democrats act of advocating something impossible is good enough to prove that their request for constitutional reform is purely an excuse where their real purposes are to overturn the decision made by NPCSC on 31 August 2014 challenge the authoritativeness of the Central Government and stir up China - Hong Kong conflicts
他們說希望消除社會深層次矛盾也是假的，真正用意其實在於通過重啟政改在香港掀起另一輪政治爭拗，再從中掙得一些政治本錢。
Meanwhile they do no sincerely mean to eliminate the deep - rooted social conflicts even though they claim that it is their hope . Their real intention is in fact to gain some political capital by means of reactivating constitutional reform in order to set off another round of political disputes
主席，民主是好的東西，我也支持按照《基本法》和人大常委會的相關決定，循序漸進地推動民主普選。
President considering democracy something good I am also in favour of taking forward democratic universal suffrage in a progressive and orderly manner in accordance with the Basic Law and the relevant decision made by NPCSC
然而，大家有目共睹，經過多年的爭拗，香港的民主大業並未修成正果，反而累及經濟民生的發展。
However as we all see controversies have lasted for years but the great mission of building a democratic Hong Kong still bears no fruit . On the contrary local economic development and peoples livelihood have to suffer as a result
因此，我支持梁志祥議員的修正案，即應該在凝聚社會共識後才可重啟政改。
Therefore I support Mr LEUNG Che - cheungs amendment which suggests that only after social consensus has been achieved can constitutional reform be reactivated
我認為，政府的當前要務是設法發展經濟，改善民生，並抓緊大灣區及"一帶一路"帶來的重大商機，並提升香港的競爭力。
In my opinion the most urgent task for the Government at present is to improve peoples livelihood through economic development and to seize the major business opportunities brought by the Guangdong - Hong Kong - Macao Bay Area and the Belt and Road Initiative for enhancing Hong Kongs competitiveness
反之，如果我們在毫無社會共識的情況下重啟政改，最終只會令香港再次陷入政治爭拗的沼澤，步向絕路。
On the other hand if constitutional reform is reactivated in the absence of social consensus Hong Kong will only get stuck at political controversies once again with no way out
主席，郭家麒議員和黃碧雲議員還提到要廢除立法會功能界別，就此，我必須提醒泛民議員，他們休想通過討論政改方案來抹黑和中傷功能界別的議員。
President both Dr KWOK Ka - ki and Dr Helena WONG mentioned that the functional constituencies of the Legislative Council should be abolished . Concerning this I have to remind the pan - democratic Members that they should never dream of seeking to defame and vilify Members returned by functional constituencies through the discussions on the constitutional reform package
雖然我們的選民基礎不一樣，但功能界別的議員均具專業水平，在業界有廣泛的代表性。
Although Members representing the functional constituencies have different voter bases we are however of professional standards and have extensive representation in our respective industries
近年來，泛民瘋狂"拉布"，功能界別在維護議事秩序以便審議重大的課題方面發揮了關鍵的作用。
In recent years the pan - democratic Members have been crazily filibustering but thanks to Members representing the functional constituencies for playing a significant role in safeguarding the Rules of Procedure when all those major issues are being deliberated
因此，我相信，即使將來全面普選立法會，但功能界別議員對社會的穩定和經濟發展所作出的貢獻，將會在香港歷史上寫下光輝的一頁。
Thus I trust that even if universal suffrage for the Legislative Council election is implemented eventually in the future the contribution of functional constituency Members to social stability and economic development will definitely leave a glorious page in Hong Kongs history
主席，非常感謝郭家麒議員今天提出這項議案。
President I am most grateful to Dr KWOK Ka - ki for proposing todays motion
陳淑莊議員剛才說伊朗和北韓的情況，我未去過伊朗，與陳淑莊議員不同，她曾前往伊朗，對伊朗的風土民情及政治經濟環境熟識得 多，所以剛才她發言時不斷談及伊朗。
Ms Tanya CHAN has introduced the situation in Iran and North Korea just now . Unlike Tanya CHAN who had been to Iran and thus has a better understanding of the customs and traditions as well as the political and economic realities there I have never been to that country . This also explains why she kept on mentioning Iran in her speech just now
我希望她不要前往北韓，因為是比較危險的，陳議員。
However I hope that Ms CHAN will not travel to North Korea as it will be quite dangerous to do so
我希望陳議員暫時不用前往北韓。
I hope Ms CHAN will not need to go to North Korea for the time being
其實要討論香港政制改革是無需提到那麼遠的地方，其實大家只需看回香港最近一次的特首選舉，便明白八三一方案為何絕對不能接受，以及為何我們當年一定要否決八三一方案。
Actually there is no need for us to refer to places far away in the discussion of constitutional reform in Hong Kong . If we simply look back on the recent Chief Executive Election we can understand why the 31 August proposals are absolutely unacceptable and why we had to veto the proposals at that time
我相信大部分人也覺得當年的決定是正確，尤其是看到今次特首選舉的某些事情。
I trust most of the people will agree that our decision made at that time is correct especially having witnessed some incidents happened in the course of the Chief Executive Election
剛才也有議員說過，八三一方案帶來的最大改變，是不但沒有跟隨《基本法》的要求循序漸進，更是循序漸退。
Some Members have said just now that the biggest change 31 August proposals has brought about is that it is a retrogressive proposal contrary to the principle of gradual and orderly progress as enshrined in the Basic Law
最重要的提名門檻，由本來提名委員會八分之一提名門檻，提升至一半。
A critical factor is the nomination threshold which will be raised from one eighth of the membership of the nominating committee NC to half of it
我記得當時局長和兩位司長都說無須理會那麼多，總之可以投票便可，最重要的是"一人一票"選特首。
As I recalled the Director of Bureau and two Secretaries of Departments have remarked that there was no need to pay much attention to this . As long as people could vote in the election it would go all right anyway . What was of most importance was the election of the Chief Executive by one person one vote
即是說不管政府說得有多好，說如何"一人一票"選舉特首，其實大部分市民是"唔buy"。
In other words despite the ear - pleasing remarks made by the Government that the Chief Executive election would be conducted in one person one vote the general public just did not buy the idea
很厲害，葉劉淑儀議員，我相信不會有人說她不獲中央信任；不會有人說她不是建制派的候選人，但她竟然也無法取得足夠提名票，而所欠的票數是，我們說的只是150張提名票，但葉劉淑儀議員遠遠無法取得這個數目。
I think no one will say Mrs Regina IP is not trusted by the Central Authorities neither will they say Mrs Regina IP is not a pro - establishment candidate . Surprisingly even she could not secure enough nominations to stand for the election . The shortfall of votes was so substantial that there was hardly any change for her to obtain a minimum of 150 nominations
說說另一位候選人曾俊華，他曾擔任財政司司長10年，結果也無法取得足夠的提名票，一定要"民主300+"借出130張提名票，他才僅僅取得足夠提名票。
Let me talk about another candidate John TSANG . Despite his previous career as the Financial Secretary for 10 years he was also unable to secure enough nominations . Only through borrowing 130 votes from Democrats 300 could he barely secure the required nominations to enter the race
主席，我們有份協調"民主300+"提名票的議員都知道，其實當時的情況是非常緊張。因為一旦有任何閃失，曾俊華很可能取不足150張提名票，不能"入閘"。
President for Members who had taken part in coordinating the nominations for Democrats 300 they would surly felt the tenseness at that time because just a slight hiccup would very likely make John TSANG fail to obtain 150 nominations rendering him unable to stand for the election
這兩名從政者均在建制派內那麼長的時間，尤其是財政司司長曾俊華，他可說是被中央委任，擔任財政司司長如此重要的職位多年，然而，最後建制派或西環一聲令下，說不提名他就不提名他，說不給他票就不給他票。
The two are veteran members of the pro - establishment camp . Former Financial Secretary John TSANG in particular can be said to be appointed by the Central Authorities to take up such an important position in the Government for so many years . However under orders from the pro - establishment camp or Western District he was denied of nominations and votes
大家不要忘記，曾俊華由參與特首選舉開始，尤其是到最後階段，他的民望一直大幅拋離其他對手，幅度是二十多三十個百分比。
Please bear in mind that since the start of the race the popularity of John TSANG had been leading his competitors by 20 % to 30 % with the lead further widening at the final stage of the election
試問一位民望如此高，又為建制派工作多年，擁有如此高權位的人，北京三番四次支持其工作，繼續委任他為財政司司長，這樣的人也無 法取得足夠的提名票，更莫說如果我們當年接受八三一方案又會怎樣呢？
John TSANG had been appointed and reappointed by Beijing to hold the senior position of the Financial Secretary showing the continuous support from Beijing . The former Financial Secretary is also a veteran member of the pro - establishment camp earning immense popularity . If a person with such advantages could not secure enough nominations may I ask what would have been the situation if we had accepted the 31 August proposals?
要有一半提名票才可以"入閘"，當然局長可能會說大家沒有看清楚政府的方案，因為那時的方案可以全票選出兩三位，那麼或許可以選出曾俊華，又或許曾俊華能"入閘"，更可以"出閘"。
The Secretary may argue that we are unclear of the Governments proposals . Under the then proposals NC could nominate two to three candidates . Hence perhaps John TSANG could be nominated by them
如果局長想以此說服人的話，不好意思，今次香港人看得很清楚，究竟這個提名委員會內的委員會否跟隨民意？
I am sorry to tell the Secretary that his argument is far from convincing . Hong Kong people can see a clear picture this time . Would NC members follow public opinions?
會否在西環屬意某個候選人的情況下膽敢提名另一位？
Did they have the guts to nominate candidates other than the one preferred by Western District?
是否有膽量公開支持另一位並非西環屬意的候選人？
Did they dare to openly support candidates other than the Western District preferred one?
這就是香港現時的政治現實。
This is a political reality in todays Hong Kong
所以，我覺得當時有很多香港人看到這點，如果把由八分之一的提名門檻，增至50%，所有候選人能否參選，根本取決於西環或中央是否屬意該人，又或是否讓該人"入閘"。
Therefore I think many Hong Kong people could see the point at that time once the nomination threshold was raised from one eighth to half of the total membership of NC the eligibility of aspiring candidates would essentially be at the hands of Western District or the Central Authorities which would decide to let its preferred candidate or a particular candidate enter the race
根本上，普選其中一個最重要的元素，即能否讓選民彰顯或表達其有自由選擇的元素，是完全無法彰顯的。
Basically one of the vital elements of universal suffrage the ability to let electors manifest or express their choices freely is utterly not manifested . Basically there is no freedom of choices
根本上就沒有自由選擇，說甚麼自由選擇；說甚麼普選；說甚麼選民意志。
What is there to talk about freedom of choices? . What is there to talk about universal suffrage? . What is there to talk about the will of electors?
根本上整個設計就是在提名時把人卡住。
The entire design of the proposals primarily seeks to block the way of unfavourable candidates to enter the race
如果大家覺得曾俊華好，就不給曾俊華；如果大家覺得"胡官"好，我卻覺得不好，便不給他提名票"入閘"。
If we are in favour of John TSANG no nominations will be given to him; if we are in favour of Justice WOO but Western District or the Central Authorities thinks otherwise no nominations will be given to him either
所以如果接受八三一方案的話，根本上是扼殺整個普選。
Hence the endorsement of the 31 August proposals would basically stifle the entire universal suffrage
話說回來，今次這項議案非常重要，因為政改問題一日未解決，香港始終會出現很大的問題，影響我們的社會、政治生態和經濟發展。
Having said that I think this motion is very important . As long as the constitutional reform issue has not been solved Hong Kong will still be caught in a trap affecting its development in social political and economic aspects
如果我們不處理行政長官和取消功能界別這兩個議題的話，主席，香港的政制發展是不能健康走下去。
President if we are unwilling to face up to the issues of the Chief Executive election and the abolition of functional constituencies we will not be able to see a healthy constitutional development in Hong Kong
代理主席，我感謝毛孟靜議員提出今天的議案，以及3位議員在會議前就原議案提出的修正案。
Deputy President I thank Ms Claudia MO for moving the motion today and I also thank the other three Members who proposed amendments to the original motion before this meeting
香港淡水資源一向匱乏，既沒有天然湖泊，亦沒有大河或充沛的地下水。
With neither natural lakes nor big rivers or abundant groundwater Hong Kongs freshwater resources have always been in a state of scarcity
為此，香港已發展了一個龐大的雨水收集及儲存系統。
For this reason Hong Kong has developed a huge stormwater collection and storage system
縱使如此，本地所收集的雨水量還是遠遠不能滿足香港的食水需求。
Nevertheless the quantity of stormwater collected locally is far from meeting the need for fresh water in Hong Kong
香港自上世紀60年代已開始從廣東省輸入淡水，以填補本地水源不足的缺口，並積極開發海水沖廁系統，以減少使用淡水資源。
Since the 1960s Hong Kong has been importing fresh water from Guangdong Province to make up for its shortfall of water resources . At the same time it has actively developed a system of seawater for toilet flushing in order to reduce the use of freshwater resources
透過多管齊下的策略，香港逐漸形成本地雨水、東江水和以海水沖廁的三大供水資源格局。
Through a multi - pronged approach Hong Kong has gradually formed a water supply pattern comprising three major sources namely local stormwater Dongjiang water and seawater for toilet flushing
根據香港及廣東省雙方所簽訂的供水協議，香港最終可獲分配每年11億立方米的東江水，而目前給我們的供應上限只是8億2,000萬立方米。這並不是剛才議員所提到我們獲供應的上限，由11億立方米減至目前8億2,000萬立方米，兩者是不同的概念。
According to the water supply agreement between Hong Kong and Guangdong Province Hong Kong is allocated an ultimate annual supply quantity of 1 100 million cu m but the current ceiling of water supply for us is only 820 million cu m This is not a case of the ceiling of supply for us being decreased from 1 100 million cu m to 820 million cu m as a Member has just mentioned and the two things are different concepts
連同香港在內，東江同時供水給河源、惠州、東莞、廣州、深圳及廣東省其他城市共約4,000萬人使用。
With Hong Kong included in its list Dongjiang provides water to Heyuan Huizhou Dongguan Guangzhou Shenzhen and other cities in Guangdong Province for some 40 million people to use
隨着內地經濟發展迅速，這些城市對東江水需求殷切，作為珠三角區內負責任的良好夥伴城市，我們認為香港須要妥善管理本地水資源。
Along with the rapid economic development on the Mainland these cities have large demand for Dongjiang water . We think that Hong Kong as a responsible good partner city in the Pearl River Delta Region should properly manage local water resources
香港特區政府在2008年推出《全面水資源管理策略》，制訂了平衡用水供求的策略，以確保香港可持續發展。
In its Total Water Management Strategy promulgated in 2008 the Hong Kong SAR Government mapped out a strategy for a balanced supply and demand of water in order to ensure sustainable development in Hong Kong
其重點是"先節後增"，主張節約用水，以控制用水需求增長；同時積極開發新的水源，以增加本地供應量。
The key was to save water and then increase water supply and the idea was to conserve water so as to contain growth demand while actively developing new water resources to increase supply locally
代理主席，就毛議員提出的議案，以及梁繼昌議員、黃碧雲議員和劉國勳議員提出的修正案，我嘗試把當中提出的意見歸納為三大範疇，包括a東江水供水協議及水價調整機制；b控制用水需求；及 c開發新的水源和增加本地供應。
Deputy President regarding the motion proposed by Ms MO and the amendments proposed by Mr Kenneth LEUNG Dr Helena WONG and Mr LAU Kwok - fan I have tried to group the views found in them into three categories which are a Dongjiang water supply agreement and water price adjustment mechanism; b control over water demand; and c development of new water resources and increase in local supply
以下我會重點回應這3方面的建議。
In the following paragraphs I will respond mainly to the proposals in these three categories
a 東江水供水協議及水價調整機制 由於香港本身缺乏足夠的淡水資源，東江水在可見的未來對香港的供水安排，仍然會扮演着一個重要的角色。
a Dongjiang water supply agreement and water price adjustment mechanism Due to the fact that Hong Kong lacks adequate freshwater resources Dongjiang water will play an important role in Hong Kongs water supply arrangement in the foreseeable future
自2006年起的東江水供水協議，我們採用了"統包總額"方式。
Starting from the 2006 Dongjiang water supply agreement we have used the package deal lump sum approach
在這方式下，我們獲得保證每年供水量可達至協議所訂上限，並可以按當年的本地集水量，彈性輸入所需的東江水。
With this approach we have obtained guarantee that the supply quantity each year can reach the ceiling specified by the agreement and we can flexibly import Dongjiang water according to the natural yield each year in Hong Kong
根據現行的供水協議，香港每年可獲的東江水上限為8億2,000萬立方米。
According to the current water supply agreement the Dongjiang water for Hong Kong has a ceiling of 820 million cu m per year
為制訂這個上限，我們根據食水需求預測進行詳細分析，並確保供水的可靠程度達99%。
In determining this ceiling we have carried out detailed analyses based on forecast freshwater demand and made sure that water supply reliability can reach 99 %
回顧過去10年間，在乾旱的2011年，東江水的輸入量已經極為接近8億2,000萬立方米上限。我們自採取"統包總額"後，已再沒有因輸入東江水而引致水塘溢流。
Reflecting on the past 10 years we can see that in 2011 which was a drought year the quantity of imported Dongjiang water came very close to the ceiling of 820 million cu m Ever since we adopted the package deal lump sum approach we have not seen overflow from reservoirs resulting from the import of Dongjiang water
數據顯示，本港水塘的溢流量已從1996年至2005年平均每年約9,400萬立方米，大幅減少約71%，至近年2006年至2016年平均約為每年2,700萬立方米。
Data show that overflow from local reservoirs has been drastically reduced by about 71 % from an annual average of around 94 million cu m between 1996 and 2005 to around 27 million cu m in recent years
現時，溢流主要出現於港島區和九龍區的中、小型水塘，它們都是建於19世紀末、20世紀初。
At present overflow mainly occurs in small and medium reservoirs on Hong Kong Island and in Kowloon District―reservoirs that were built between the end of the 19 century and early 20 century
按照當時用水的需求，設計的容量較小，在雨季持續大雨的情況下，容易出現溢流。
As these reservoirs were designed to meet the water needs then they featured relatively small storage capacities and are prone to overflow in times of persistently heavy rainstorms in the rainy season
儘管如此，我們仍會繼續努力研究減低細小水塘的溢流量。
Nevertheless we will continue our effort to study how to reduce overflow from small reservoirs
在"統包總額"方式下，香港實質是向廣東省購買一個水權，保證香港在遇上百年一遇的旱情下，仍然有足夠的食水供應。
Under the package deal lump sum approach Hong Kong is actually buying a right to water in Guangdong ensuring that in case Hong Kong faces the most serious drought in a century it will still have enough freshwater supplies
情況猶如付款購買保險以換取保障，並非每次都會用盡保單上所有的權利，因此不存在多付水費的問題。
The situation resembles paying money for insurance in order to get protection whereby one would not use all the rights listed on the insurance policy every time and so the problem of overpaying water fees does not exist
有關"按量付費"的建議，在以往訂立東江水供水協議時，我們亦予以仔細考慮，並曾與粵方詳細商討。
Regarding the quantity - based charging approach we have carefully considered it when negotiating an agreement on Dongjiang water supply and discussed it in detail with the Guangdong side in the past
粵方表示，"按量付費"方式不會訂明一個明確的每年供水量。
The Guangdong side said that this approach will not dictate a clear annual supply quantity
基於現時多方對有限的東江水資源有殷切的需求，在沒有訂明一個確實的每年供水量上限的情況下，粵方只可將預留的水量配額分配給其他有需要的城市。
In light of the great demand for the limited Dongjiang water resources from various sides the Guangdong side without a clearly specified ceiling of annual water supply for Hong Kong can only distribute the set aside water quota to other cities in need
日後當遇上極旱的氣候時，粵方便無法保證香港可優先獲得所需的供水量。
If Hong Kong runs into an extremely dry climate someday the Guangdong side cannot guarantee that Hong Kong has priority in obtaining the water it needs
黃碧雲議員修正案指出，2016年的東江水價格比2006年高出近92%。
Dr Helena WONGs amendment pointed out that the price for Dongjiang water in 2016 was 92 % higher than that in 2006
其實，2006年的總水價是每年24億9,000萬港元。按當時匯 率計算，相當於25億6,000萬元人民幣。
In fact the total water price in 2006 was HK2.49 billion per annum or approximately RMB2.56 billion based on the exchange rate at that time
2016年的總水價是44億9,000萬港元，按當時匯率計算，相等於38億5,000萬元人民幣。
In 2016 the total water price was HK4.49 billion or RMB3.85 billion based on the exchange rate at that time
由於供港東江水是以港元結算，10年間累積增幅以人民幣計算約為五成，亦即是說平均每年複合增長率是4%。
Because the Dongjiang water supplied to Hong Kong was settled in Hong Kong dollars the cumulative increase during a period of 10 years was about 50 % based on a calculation using renminbi and that is to say the average annual compound growth rate was 4 %
根據1989年粵港雙方簽訂的東江水協議，我們參照營運成本、人民幣兌港幣的匯率，以及粵港兩地有關的物價指數的變化，作為調整東江水價的基礎。
In accordance with the 1989 Dongjiang water supply agreement between Hong Kong and Guangdong we take operation costs the exchange rate of renminbi to Hong Kong dollars and changes in the relevant consumer price indexes in both places as the basis for adjusting Dongjiang water prices
我們透過多管齊下的策略，積極推廣節約用水。
Through a multi - pronged strategy we have actively promoted water conservation practices
在住宅用水方面，我們已向大約14萬個參與"齊來慳水十公升"運動的住宅用戶，免費派發節流器。
As for domestic water consumption we have distributed flow controllers free of charge to some 140 000 domestic customers participating in the Lets Save 10L Water campaign
我們亦已在57個公共屋邨，為超過96,000個住宅用戶安裝節流器。
We have also installed flow controllers for more than 96 000 domestic customers in 57 public housing estates
在非住宅方面，我們已為2,950個政府場所及學校安裝了接近5萬個節流器。
In the area of non - residential water consumption we have installed nearly 50 000 flow controllers for 2 950 government venues and schools
我們亦已為選定的政府設施及高用水量的行業，包括餐飲業及酒店業，編寫了最佳用水指引。
We have also developed best water - using guidelines for selected government facilities and trades with high water consumption such as catering and hotels
此外，為進一步推廣使用於"用水效益標籤計劃"內登記的節水裝置和器具，我們在本年年初強制性要求新發展及樓宇翻新項目，使用該等產品，包括水龍頭及花灑，並提供1年的緩衝期。
In addition to further promote the use of water - saving devices and water efficient appliances registered in the Water Efficiency Labelling Scheme we set a mandatory requirement early this year that newly developed projects as well as building renovation projects must use these products including water taps and showers and we provide a buffer period of 12 months
至於教育方面，我們制訂的"惜水學堂"節約用水教育計劃，至今已有超過220間小學參與。
In the area of education our Cherish Water Campus Education Programme on Water Conservation has more than 220 primary schools as participants
與此同時，水務署擬在2017-2018學年向幼稚園推展節水教育先導計劃。
At the same time the Water Supplies Department is planning to launch a pilot scheme to extend water conservation education to kindergartens in the 2017 - 2018 school year
此外，我們在天水圍的水資源教育中心預計可在2019年啟用，取代現時在旺角的臨時中心。
In addition our Water Resources Education Centre in Tin Shui Wai is expected to be open for use in 2019 replacing the existing temporary center in Mong Kok