Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
代理主席，問題的癥結之一，是在制度上對於業主、業主委員會和法團的支援不足。
Deputy President the crux of the problem is the inadequate support provided to owners owners committees and OCs system - wise
雖然政府聲稱鼓勵成立法團，但現時全港仍大約有6,000幢"三無"大廈，即是無法團、無聘用物業管理公司及無適當維修保養。
Despite the Governments claim of encouraging the setting up of OCs there are still around 6 000 three - nil buildings in Hong Kong which have not formed any OC not hired any property management company and not undergone proper repairs and maintenance
我認為對這些議題應務實衡量和處理，必須在法團的代表性和實際操作之間取得平衡，當局亦不應只是以成立法團為目標，而忽視在操作層面對小業主的實際支援。
In my view these issues should be gauged and handled pragmatically . A balance must be struck between the OC representation and the actual operation . The authorities should not only aim at setting up OCs while ignoring the provision of actual assistance to small property owners at the operation level
為了鼓勵市民參與樓宇維修和保養，政府、房協和市建局曾先後推出一些支援計劃，例如樓宇維修綜合支援計劃和樓宇安全貸款計劃等。
To encourage public participation in building repairs and maintenance the Government HKHS and URA have successively launched some assistance programmes such as the Integrated Building Maintenance Assistance Scheme the Building Safety Loan Scheme etc
這些計劃側重於財政資助，應適當放寬樓齡限制，讓更多舊樓業主受惠。
With their focus on financial support the age limit under the schemes should be appropriately relaxed to benefit more owners of old buildings
此外，市建局自去年5月起推出"招標妥"樓宇復修促進服務計劃，協助業主組織取得樓宇維修保養工程的技術支援及專業意見。
Moreover since May last year URA has introduced the pilot scheme of the Smart Tender Building Rehabilitation Facilitating Services to assist owners organizations in acquiring technical support and professional advice for building maintenance and repair works
政府今年的財政預案更宣布預留3億元，讓業主以優惠費用參加該計劃，預計未來5年約有4,500幢樓宇的業主受惠。
The Government announced in the Budget this year that 300 million was earmarked for enabling owners to enjoy the services at a discount . It is expected that owners of about 4 500 buildings will benefit from it in the next five years
至於有議員建議成立"樓宇維修工程監管局"，我則有所保留。
As regards a Members proposal for setting up a building maintenance works authority I have reservations
因為《競爭條例》已經實施，《建築物管理條例》也即將獲修訂，當局可按相關法例所賦予的權力......
As the Competition Ordinance is in force and the Building Management Ordinance will also be amended shortly the authorities can handle related matters with the powers conferred by the relevant laws
處理有關事宜，現階段不必......
At the present stage it is unnecessary
另設獨立機構，以免架床疊屋。
to set up another independent authority so as to avoid duplication of structure
現在差不多來到中午時分，要說的觀點，很多同事已經說了，我不知道在座數位議員還有沒有打算發言。
The time is almost noon now . The views I intend to raise have already been covered by a number of Honourable colleagues and I do not know if the several Members now present in the Chamber would speak on the motion or not
我覺得建制派議員可能弄錯了甚麼。
I think pro - establishment Members may be wrong about something
比起所謂找對手，我認為民粹其中一個更大的特徵，就是將事情簡化，令大家開始不講道理，然後訴諸一種情緒。
To say that populism is about finding an opponent I would rather say that a more prominent feature of populism is oversimplifying all issues such that people start becoming irrational and then emotional
民粹政治往後是用來取代或民主政治。
In politics populism is always a substitute for democracy
其實，當今世上哪個政權最懂得玩弄民粹？
Actually which ruling regime in the world is the best player of populism?
就是中國共產黨。
The answer is the Communist Party of China CPC
一個不想開放政治權力的政黨，現在能夠訴諸甚麼？
If a ruling party is unwilling to relinquish its political powers what can it do?
就是民粹政治。
It resorts to populism
所以，中國人民千萬不要跟香港人混在一起，因為混在一起就是支持搞分裂、搞"港獨"。
So Chinese people must never mix with Hong Kong people because that will mean supporting separatism and advocating Hong Kong independence
這種政治語言在中國大陸很奏效，令很多人民覺得原來情況如此，真的很糟糕。
Such political jargon is so effective in the Mainland that many Chinese people actually believe that Hong Kong is in a terrible situation
共產黨更進一步說不要支持香港，所以，大家不要問中國為甚麼沒有民主，因為他們有更重要的任務，要築造他們的中國夢。
CPC even says that no support should be given to Hong Kong . So people should no longer ask the question why is there no democracy in China? . It is because they have more important things to do they have to build the Chinese dream
在香港，民粹政治亦以差不多形式在不同議題出現。
In Hong Kong populism can also arise in different issues in similar form such as the question of bogus refugees often mentioned by pro - establishment Members
例如建制派同事經常提到的"假難民"；建制派同事又經常說，現時所有民主派均反對任何發展，以"拉布"手段阻止工程進行。
Moreover pro - establishment Members would often say that the democrats reject any development and hence they filibuster to stall the works projects
這些都是簡化、失實和誤導公眾的說法，令民主沒有辦法落地生根的政治操作。
All these are oversimplified false or misleading statements motivated politically to prevent democracy from taking root in Hong Kong
建制派同事如果真的希望香港有民主，我們就要回到......
If pro - establishment Members really want to have democracy in Hong Kong we must go back
我們期望的民主政治，首要因素是甚麼？
We long for democracy . And what are the most important elements of a democratic government?
主席，就是開誠布公、資訊透明，然後大家進行辯論後作出決定。
President they are openness transparency and a deliberative decision - making process
所以，關於梁振英的UGL事件，由東窗事發到立法會嘗試引用《立法會條例》進行有法定效力的調查，目標只是希望當中有資訊透明的過程。
So regarding LEUNG Chun - yings UGL incident the aim of what we have done so far since the incident come to light including our attempts to conduct a statutory investigation by invoking the Legislative Council Ordinance is to enhance the transparency of the entire process
殊不知，梁振英去到這個地步還要插手，跟周浩鼎議員串通。
But even at this stage who would have thought that LEUNG Chun - ying still tried to interfere with our inquiry by colluding with Mr Holden CHOW
在整個過程中，完全是一步一步離開大家所公認民主政治應具備的質素，越走越遠。
Every move they take has departed further and further away from the principles of democracy as we generally recognized
建制派同事如果能夠想清楚，追溯到源頭，再一步一步思考，他們便會看到，現時在香港是民粹蓋過民主。
If pro - establishment Members can be level - headed and consider the matter from its beginning step by step they would have noticed that democracy has been overtaken by populism in Hong Kong nowadays
要將事情稍為扭轉，只有一個方法，就是要清楚地把犯錯的人的錯誤說出來。
The only way to slightly reverse the trend is to point out the wrongdoings of the culprit in no uncertain terms
擁有最大權力的人濫用本身的職份，與立法會議員私通，是"私通"，直接的意圖是影響立法會的調查工作。
As the person with most powers LEUNG had abused his public office and colluded with a Member of the Legislative Council―I stress again they have colluded―with the direct intention of influencing the inquiry of the Legislative Council
其實，香港市民以至在中國的人民都知道，中國所謂打貪只可以打擊政敵，不會打擊自己人。
In fact Hong Kong people or even the people of China know very well that anti - corruption campaigns in China are only meant to target political enemies and never friends
如果真的會打擊自己人，請大家看看，在現時政治局常委中，哪個的親戚不是家財萬貫？
If friends could also become the target how come current Members of the Politburo Standing Committee are still safe and sound? . Who doesnt have relatives that are filthy rich?
在香港，同樣的現象已經出現。
In Hong Kong we can see the same phenomenon emerging
幸好立法會還可按照《基本法》走到最後這一步，還有第七十三條第九項賦予我們權力進行調查。
Fortunately the Legislative Council can still take this final step in accordance with the Basic Law . We still have the powers conferred under Article 739 to conduct investigation
香港已經複製了中國面對高層貪腐的作風，即可以"動"下層的人，也可以"動"政敵，但最高位者卻不能"動"，甚至最高位者包攬的兄弟姊妹也無論如何不能"動"。
Hong Kong has copied the Chinese style of fighting corruption among its high ranking officials that is only officials in the lower ranks or political enemies can become the target but never the highest ranking officials not even relatives under their protection
事到如今，已到了最後階段，我要說的道理是"紙包不住火"，人人都知道發生了甚麼事。
Now we have come to the final stage . As the saying goes you cant wrap fire in paper . We all know what has happened
現在要做的是讓犯錯的人承擔責任。
What is left to do today is to hold the culprit accountable
究竟梁振英該當何罪？
What was LEUNG Chun - yings wrongdoing?
剛才廖長江議員引用美國的例子，我認為非常值得參考。
A moment ago Mr Martin LIAO quoted some examples from the United States which I think we should make reference to
主席，美國史上有兩次總統彈劾案，第二次是克林頓的彈劾案。
President in the history of the United States there are two incidents of impeaching the President . The second one involves Bill CLINTON
張達明律師提出的問題很清楚，我們提出問題的人 都開誠布公，每次提問往往二三千字，但換來的回應只是："要解釋的已經解釋過了。
The questions we have been asking so far are all perfectly open and clear . Every time our list of questions can be as long as several thousand words . But his reply is invariably that I have already explained everything that needs to be explained
" 主席，我們已用盡方法希望啟動調查，但都失敗。
President we have already exhausted all ways and means to activate an investigation but to no avail
即使只啟動沒有法定效力的專責委員會，梁振英也透過私通來干預。
Even though the Select Committee established does not have statutory powers LEUNG Chun - ying still interfered our work through secret dealings
那麼，他的罪行必定較克林頓更為嚴重，因為他不單說謊、隱瞞本會、刻意干預立法會運作，並串通、隱瞞、說謊來掩飾，其罪行一定較克林頓大千千萬萬倍。
That is why his wrongdoing must be many times more serious than those of Bill CLINTON because LEUNG Chun - ying did not only lie to this Council to conceal his wrongdoing and deliberately interfere with the operations of the Legislative Council he also tried to cover up the matter through collusion concealment and lies . His wrongdoing must be a zillion times more serious than Bill CLINTONs
主席，我發言支持根據《基本法》第七十三條第九項動議彈劾特首梁振英，我亦是參與聯署的議員。
President I am speaking in support of the motion to impeach the Chief Executive LEUNG Chun - ying according to Article 739 of the Basic Law . I am also one of the signatories to initiate the motion
這兩天聽到包括政務司司長張建宗在內的官員及建制派議員的發言，都反對彈劾議案。
In these two days the Chief Secretary for Administration Matthew CHEUNG and pro - establishment Members have spoken to oppose the impeachment motion
我想先就司長及建制派提出的論點作出一些回應，然後談談為何我支持彈劾議案。
I would like to respond to the arguments made by the Chief Secretary and the pro - establishment Members before explaining why I support this impeachment motion
他強調彈劾程序是非常嚴肅的事情，除非有充分理據證明行政長官行為違法或瀆職，否則不應動輒把彈劾議案當作政治工具。
The Chief Secretary stressed that impeachment was a very solemn matter; and unless there was sufficient justification to prove that the Chief Executive had acted in breach of the laws and committed dereliction of duty a motion of impeachment should not be moved arbitrarily as a political tool
他更表示沒有足夠理據，故此促請我們否決此議案。
He also urged Members to veto the motion since it was not sufficiently justified
我記憶中是1次也沒有。
As far as I remember he has not not even once
我最近協助民主黨開設街站賣獎券籌款，正如剛才議員所說，有市民跑過來對我們說，一定不可以放過梁振英，即使他快將下台或已經下台，都要繼續追查UGL事件。
Recently I helped in selling raffle tickets at a street booth to raise funds for the Democratic Party . As a Member said earlier members of the public approached us telling us not to let LEUNG Chun - ying get off the hook even although he would step down soon . They asked us to continue to pursue the inquiry on the UGL incident
張建宗司長又指梁振英作為當事人，有權要求專責委員會的研究範圍要全面公正而準確，以及盡快完成研究。
Chief Secretary Matthew CHEUNG also said that as the subject of inquiry LEUNG Chun - ying had the right to require the areas of study of the Select Committee to be comprehensive fair and accurate
我們的彈劾議案不是討論梁振英是否有權就調查範圍向專責委員會表達意見，這不是彈劾議案的內容，我們討論的是他有否正確地用恰當的渠道表達意見。
This impeachment motion is not about whether LEUNG Chun - ying has the right to express his views on the scope of inquiry of the Select Committee . That is not the contents of the impeachment motion . We are discussing whether LEUNG Chun - ying had used a proper channel to express his views
但是，司長刻意迴避了也這問題。
However the Chief Secretary has deliberately evaded the question
我很明白張建宗作為司長，上司就是梁振英。
I can well understand that LEUNG Chun - ying is his boss
由於梁振英還未下台，仍然是特首，核心問題碰不得，"老虎的屁股摸不得"。
As LEUNG has not stepped down he is still the Chief Executive and as such the core issues cannot be touched upon just like a tigers tail should never be pulled
張建宗司長為官30年，可能都懂得怎樣"走位"，所以今時今日才可以擔任司長，亦可能可以過渡至下屆政府繼續擔任政務司司長，這是典型技術官僚一種懂得"走位"的心態。
Being a public official for 30 years Chief Secretary Matthew CHEUNG probably knows how to take the right course and that is why he can now be the Chief Secretary and may still serve as the Chief Secretary in the next - term Government . This is the mentality of a typical technocrat who knows how to take the right course
如果張司長能過渡至下任政府，亦順利在下任政府擔任司長一職，我不知屆時有了新的上司後，他的立場會否有少許變化。
If Matthew CHEUNG still acts as the Chief Secretary in the next - term Government I do not know if his stance will change a little with a new boss
然而，如果他告訴我，他擔任這個職位就很難說良心話，亦很難分辨是非、明辨黑白對錯，我就不知他怎能與下任特首一起領導16萬名公務員。
Nevertheless if he told me that being in that position it would be difficult for him to say things according to his own conscience differentiate right from wrong and distinguish between black and white I did not know how he could together with the new Chief Executive lead 160 000 civil servants
是否已經不能夠再討論是非對錯？
Is it that we can no longer discuss what is right and wrong?
既然"老虎屁股摸不得"，核心問題就不能夠正視及討論，司長接着在發言中便指出在行政長官領導之下，今屆政府過去5年做了甚麼好事。
Since the tigers tail cannot be pulled the core issues cannot be squarely addressed and discussed . The Chief Secretary then told us the good things done by the Government under the leadership of the Chief Executive over the past five years
我們此項辯論的彈劾焦點，不是評論梁振英有否領導特區政府做了甚麼好事或不好的事，所以，他的發言亦沒有針對28位議員提出的彈劾議案，作出公正的論述。
The focus of this debate on the impeachment motion is not what good or bad things the SAR Government has done under LEUNG Chun - yings leadership . Thus the Chief Secretary has not in his speech made fair comments on the motion of impeachment initiated by 28 Members
談到建制派議員，他們最低限度提出了4項論據。
The pro - establishment Members have at least put forward four arguments
第一，時間問題。
First there is the problem of time
梁振英已經時日無多，本來根據他個人的意願，當然很想連任，但如果他真的好像張建宗司長說的如此英明神武、為香港做了許多好事，又領導政府做了值得讚賞的好事，他理應可以根據《基本法》擔任兩任特首。
There is not much time left before LEUNG Chun - yings departure . Initially LEUNG certainly wished to seek for re - election . If LEUNG Chun - ying was really so brilliant had done so many good things for Hong Kong and led the Government to make commendable achievements as claimed by the Chief Secretary he should be able to serve as the Chief Executive for the second term in accordance with the Basic Law
為何最後要煞停？
Why was a ban imposed all of a sudden?
是否真的為了他女兒的問題？
Was it really because of the problem with his daughter?
梁振英的任期已經時日無多，只剩下22天，我們啟動彈劾議案，然後根據《基本法》第七十三條第九項所訂，由不少於四分之一的立法會議員聯合動議議案，其實10多位議員已足夠。
At a time when there are only 22 days left in LEUNG Chun - yings term of office we initiated the motion of impeachment and moved it jointly by one fourth of all the Members of the Legislative Council according to Article 739 of the Basic Law
其實，《基本法》第七十三條第九項提到立法會的彈劾權時，沒有列明在行政長官的任期尚餘只有不足1個月時便不准動議這彈劾議案。
In fact regarding the power of impeachment of the Legislative Council Article 739 of the Basic Law does not say that a motion of impeachment cannot be moved when the remaining time of the term of office of the Chief Executive is less than a month
因此，即使他明天便要下台，今天仍可以提出這彈劾議案，所以我們不認為這是多餘的舉動。
Thus even if the Chief Executive has to step down tomorrow a motion of impeachment can still be moved today . Therefore I do not think that moving this motion is redundant
有建制派議員質疑民主派議員濫用這項條文訂明的彈劾機制，說我們其實不需要引用這條文，大可以找稅務局或廉政公署進行調查，為何要在立法會進行調查？
A pro - establishment Member suspected that pro - democracy Members had abused the mechanism of impeachment under the above mentioned provision and said that it was not necessary for us to invoke the provision because we could have asked the Inland Revenue Department IRD or the Independent Commission Against Corruption ICAC to investigate the matter . The Member questioned why there was the need to investigate through the Legislative Council
當然，我也知道應已有人向稅務局和廉署舉報，但問題是廉署開立檔案調查梁振英，我不知道調查進度如何，大概是正進行調查，其間我們已看到廉署最高層人員下台，這就是李寶蘭事件。
Certainly I am also aware that people had already reported the matter to IRD and ICAC and ICAC had opened a file to initiate the investigation on LEUNG Chun - ying . However I do not know the progress of investigation; probably the case is still under investigation . But we noticed that in the interim one of the most high - ranking officials had stepped down and that is the incident of Rebecca LI
我相信大家都知道，稅務局和廉署跟張建宗一樣，老闆都是梁振英，就是被調查的對象。
I believe Members will know that IRD and ICAC are in the same position as Matthew CHEUNG in that their boss is LEUNG Chun - ying who is the subject of investigation
因此，只要梁振英一天未下台，可能很難認真進行調查。
Thus as long as LEUNG Chun - ying has not stepped down it may be very difficult to conduct a serious investigation
這是一個很可悲的情況。
That is very sad
一些建制派議員及張建宗司長說，我們現在啟動彈劾程序，其實沒有具體證據、理據或事實根據，明顯地顯示梁振英作為行政長官有嚴重違法或瀆職行為。
Some pro - establishment Members and Chief Secretary Matthew CHEUNG said that although we had initiated the impeachment procedure there was no specific evidence justification or supporting facts which clearly showed that LEUNG Chun - ying had committed serious breaches of law or dereliction of duty as the Chief Executive
其實，究竟是有證據還是沒有證據？
In fact is there evidence or is there not?
我出任議員已有5年，我們真的不會經常引用彈劾這條文，如果沒有證據，我們真的不會亂來，我們也要向市民負責。
I have been a Member of the Legislative Council for five years . It is true that Members do not often invoke the provision on impeachment . If there was no evidence we really would not have taken this action because we would not act wilfully and we have to be accountable to the public
但是，今次立法會成立的"調查梁振英先生與澳洲企業UGL Limited所訂協議的事宜專責委員會"剛開始進行調查，便出現了周浩鼎議員事件和梁振英事件。
However on this occasion when the Select Committee to Inquire into Matters about the Agreement between Mr LEUNG Chun - ying and the Australian firm UGL Limited formed by the Legislative Council just started to conduct the inquiry the incident involving Mr Holden CHOW and LEUNG Chun - ying occurred
這合謀行動是欺詐行動，而梁振英不恰當地繞過專責委員會，不是直接向專責委員會表達意見，而是透過副主席繞過專責委員會作出修訂，企圖改變調查的方向，模糊焦點，這便是嚴重的瀆職行為。
The act of conspiracy is an act of deception . LEUNG Chun - ying had improperly circumvented the Select Committee . He did not express his views directly to the Select Committee; instead he circumvented the Select Committee and made amendments through the Deputy Chairman in an attempt to change the direction of inquiry blur the focus of the inquiry
主席，今年是六四28周年，我動議通過印載於議程內的議案：毋忘六四，平反八九民運。
President this year marks the 28 anniversary of the 4 June incident . I move that the motion that the 4 June incident be not forgotten and the 1989 pro - democracy movement be vindicated as printed on the Agenda be passed
主席，在過去28年，民主派議員都會在每年的6月4日之前或接近6月4日時，提出平反六四或平反八九民運的議案辯論。
President over the past 28 years the pro - democracy Members moved a motion debate on vindicating the 4 June incident or the 1989 pro - democracy movement before or near 4 June every year
但是，很可惜，在過去3年，我們都無法配合議會的時間和辯論的節奏，可以在6月4日前就平反六四進行辯論。
But unfortunately over the past three years we could not match the schedule of the Legislative Council and the pace of debates to conduct a debate motion on vindicating the 4 June incident before 4 June
在剛過去的六四晚上，我出席了在維多利亞公園舉行的燭光悼念晚會。
In the evening on 4 June which has just past I attended the candlelight vigil in Victoria Park
今年不單是六四事件28周年，也是李旺陽逝世5周年。
This year is not only the 28 anniversary of the 4 June incident; it also marks the fifth anniversary of LI Wangyangs death
在星期二晚上，我也出席了香港職工會聯盟在天星碼頭舉行關於悼念李旺陽被自殺5周年的燭光晚會。
On Tuesday night this week I also attended another candlelight vigil at the Star Ferry organized by the Hong Kong Confederation of Trade Unions to commemorate LI Wangyang who was being suicided five years ago
究竟李旺陽和我們今天所說的平反六四的議案有何關係？
In what way was LI Wangyang related to the motion on vindicating the 4 June incident today?
大家應該知道，李旺陽當時是湖南邵陽市的一名工人，在湖南的一名工人為何最後會被自殺？
Members would be aware that LI Wangyang was a worker in Shaoyang Hunan Province; and why was a Hunan worker being suicided eventually?
其實，這場1989年的愛國民主運動，是在1989年4月開始的。
In fact the patriotic democratic movement in 1989 started in April that year
當時北京高等院校學生因為胡耀邦逝世而在天安門廣場聚集，議論國事，談到國家的前途，改革開放後面對的處境等。
Back then students of tertiary institutions in Beijing gathered at Tiananmen Square to mourn the death of HU Yaobang . They discussed national issues the future of China and the situation after the opening up and reform and so on
這場運動的發展經歷共兩個月時間，由北京的一場運動，擴展至全國200多、300多個城市，包括香港。
Over a period of two months the movement developed from one localized in Beijing to one which extended to 200 or 300 cities across the country including Hong Kong
當時香港仍未回歸，很多人透過電視和各種信息，知道北京發生了這場浩瀚的民主運動，而發起運動的是北京的高校學生。
At that time Hong Kong was not reunified with China yet . Many people learned about the mass democratic movement in Beijing on television and from various sources . The initiators of the movement were students of tertiary institutions in Beijing
當年，香港也有很多人關注，曾有3次有超過100萬人上街，也有很多人在8號風球懸掛時冒着風雨走出來。
Back then many people in Hong Kong were concerned about the movement . On three occasions more than 1 million people took to the streets and some of them even braved the stormy weather when Typhoon Signal No . 8 was in force
最後，這場愛國民主運動受到暴力鎮壓，解放軍駕着坦克車進城，出動的並非北京原來的部隊，而是從其他城市調派過來。
Finally this patriotic democratic movement was violently suppressed . The Chinese Peoples Liberation Army entered the city in tanks . These were not troops of Beijing; they were deployed from other cities
不太知情的部隊，在一些元老級人士的指示下，以武力方式進入天安門廣場。
Members of the troops who did not know much about the situation were instructed by some veterans of the Communist Party of China CPC to enter Tiananmen Square violently
最後，我們知道有不少學生、工人和一般市民，因為要抵擋坦克車進入天安門廣場而犧牲。
Finally an unknown number of students workers and members of the public sacrificed their lives in an attempt to stop the tanks from entering Tiananmen Square
在湖南邵陽市的李旺陽與香港市民一樣，知道北京發生的事情，他了解事情後返回自己的家鄉邵陽市，聲援這場北京學運。
Like many Hong Kong people LI Wangyang in Shaoyang Hunan Province learnt what happened in Beijing . He returned to his hometown in Shaoyang to support the student movement in Beijing
但是，我們知道這場運動受到武力鎮壓，之後還進行全國肅清，搜捕支援民運的人士，逮捕他們入獄。
Nevertheless we knew that this movement was suppressed with violence to be followed by a clean - up operation across the country and those who had supported pro - democracy activists were arrested and imprisoned
當中有很多是工人，也有學生和平民百姓。
Many of these people were workers and others included students and members of the general public
經過28年，中央政府沒有進行全面調查，沒有向死難者家屬作出任 何賠償，也沒有說過一句公道說話。
After 28 years the Central Government has not conducted any comprehensive investigation has not paid any compensation to family members of the deceased and has not made any fair comments
中央政府不想再提及六四事件，很多參與民運的人士都被捕入獄。
The Central Government does not want to mention the 4 June incident and many who have participated in the pro - democracy movement have been arrested and imprisoned
李旺陽曾兩次坐牢，前後坐牢20年，出獄後他談到他在獄中受到不人道的對待。
LI Wangyang was imprisoned on two occasions for a total of 20 years . After he was released he told others that he was inhumanely treated in prison
一個人可以忍受20年牢獄，被困在好像飼養動物般細小的籠中，不見天日20年，以致雙目失明，雙耳失聰，牙齒脫落，其後獲釋。
He endured 20 years of imprisonment and was locked in a small pet cage . All these years he was not allowed to see daylight and he became blind . He lost his hearing his teeth fell off and then he was released
一個能夠堅持20年牢獄和折磨出來的人，會否在醫院被軟禁時自殺？
Would a man who could endure imprisonment and torture for 20 years commit suicide when he was detained in hospital?
這事至今也是不明不白。
What had actually happened is still unknown even today
當天和他同房的人失了蹤，在人間蒸發，不敢出來說話，但聽聞這人有錢建了大屋。
The man who stayed in the same room with LI Wangyang suddenly went missing and dared not come forward to say a word . However rumour has it that he had acquired money to build a big house
我們看到的是正義不獲伸張，我們看到的是愛國運動被抹黑成為動亂。
We see that justice has not been served and that the patriotic movement has been smeared as a disturbance
當1989年民主運動剛在中國發生時，中國政府初時透過黨報說這是一場反革命暴亂，又或以"動亂"來形容。
In 1989 when the democratic movement first started in China the Chinese Government initially described it as a counter - revolutionary riot or a disturbance
當六四事件鎮壓平亂後，中國政府又稱這是一場六四風波。
After the 4 June incident was suppressed the Chinese Government called it the 4 June turmoil
如果我們上網搜查或閱讀國內的文件或書籍，會得知當局以"1989年春夏之交的一場政治風波"來形容1989年在北京及全國發生的一場民主運動。
If we search on the Internet or read documents or books produced on the Mainland we would notice that the Chinese authorities have described the democratic movement which happened in Beijing and across the country in 1989 as a political turmoil between spring and summer of 1989
為何我們要重提毋忘六四及平反八九民運？
Why do we have to propose time and again that the 4 June incident be not forgotten and the 1989 pro - democracy movement be vindicated?
不過，很可惜，他們的愛國心、中國情、對民主的夢想受到很暴力的打遏。
But unfortunately their patriotism their love of the country and their dreams of democracy had been violently shattered
在這28年間，很多人失去了性命，包括李旺陽。
In these 28 years many people including LI Wangyang lost their lives