Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
假設香港是一間公司，讓我們看看這間公司的業績如何：政府儲備由1997年的4,500億元上升至今天的9,300億元，翻了一番。
Let us assume that Hong Kong is a company and let us take a look at its performance government reserves have increased from 450 billion in 1997 to 930 billion today which have doubled
政府每年的開支由2,300億元上升至5,000億元，同樣翻了一番。
The Governments annual expenditure has increased from 230 billion to 500 billion; which has also doubled
在這20年間，工資中位數上升70%，但通脹只上升25%，換言之，儲備和開支數字實際增加不少，但市民的生活負擔沒有增加，業績尚算不錯。
Over the past 20 years the median wage has increased by 70 % while inflation has only increased by 25 % ; in other words the amounts of reserve and expenditure have actually increased substantially but peoples livelihood burden has not increased so the performance is pretty good
失業率亦由2011年起長期維持在3%，接近全民就業。
The unemployment rate has remained at 3 % for a long time since 2011 close to full employment
我們的教育、醫療、交通在全世界都很有名。
In respect of education health care and transportation Hong Kongs accomplishments are world - renowned
在教育方面，幼稚園最近也被納入免費體系；在醫療方面，即使急症室收費增加，但收費仍然在極低水平。
On the education front kindergarten has recently been included in the free system . On the health care front even though fees in accident and emergency departments have increased they are still at very low levels
不過，我知道不能只着重一間公司的業績，如果公司賺到錢，員工生活也有改善，但員工竟然覺得不開心，便毫無意義。
However I know that I cannot focus on the performance of a company alone . If the company makes money and the livelihood of the employees has improved but the employees are very unhappy it will be meaningless
今天，我看到一項調查，實在覺得不開心，調查主要問市民是否同意，過去10年香港是一個公平公正的社會。
Today I am really unhappy about the result of a survey . In the survey people were asked if they thought Hong Kong has been a fair and impartial society in the past 10 years
我理解有人擔心"一國兩制"未能成功落實，畢竟不愉快的事情曾經發生。
I understand peoples worry that one country two systems may not be successfully implemented due to the occurrence of some unpleasant incidents
我希望這個教訓是一記當頭棒喝，也希望相關人士理解我們的感受。
I hope this lesson is a wake - up call and the relevant persons would understand our feelings
我相信問題根本是源於普通法和大陸法的磨合。
In my view the root of the problem is the convergence of the common law and the civil law
不少學者和法律界人士都曾分析，這是"一國兩制"最根本的挑戰，沒有人知道應如何將兩種法制融合，所以我們只能見步行步、見招拆招。
According to the analysis made by a number of scholars and members of the legal profession that is the most fundamental challenge to one country two systems and nobody knows how these two legal systems can be integrated . Therefore we can only plan one step ahead and deal with the problem arisen
雖然很多人完全無法接受釋法，但既然《基本法》白紙黑字印有這項條文，我們便要理解它的必要性和合理性。
Although many people totally reject the interpretation of the Basic Law since this provision is expressly stated in the Basic Law we have to understand that it is necessary and reasonable to interpret the Basic Law
兩任終審法院首席法官都曾確認，全國人民代表大會常務委員會有權解釋《基本法》，在這個問題上，首任大法官李國能的意見很值得參考。
Two former Chief Justice of the Court of Final Appeal CFA confirmed that the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress NPCSC had the power to interpret the Basic Law . On this issue the opinions of the first Chief Justice Andrew LI is worthy of reference
他表示，香港社會需要接受人大常委會享有全面解釋《基本法》的權力，在"一國兩制"下這是法律的一部分，人大常委會的解釋是有效及有約束力的。
He stated that the community had to accept NPCSCs power to fully interpret the Basic Law . This was part of the law under one country two systems and the NPCSCs interpretation was effective and binding
他亦提到，1999年人大常委會就居港權事件釋法，推翻了終審法院的判決，事件極具爭議，這事也在新憲制秩序實行初期提供了寶貴的經驗。
He also mentioned that the NPCSCs interpretation of the Basic Law in 1999 in relation to the right of abode issue overturned the judgment of CFA . This incident was highly controversial and provided a valuable experience for all parties under the new constitutional order
北京政府與香港政府已達成共識，除終審法院就豁免條款提請人大常委會解釋，人大常委會應該在非常例外的情況下行使解釋權。
A consensus was reached between the Beijing Government and the Hong Kong Government that apart from CFA seeking NPCSC for an interpretation of the exemption provisions NPCSC should only exercise the right of interpretation under very exceptional circumstances
這種釋法推翻法庭判決，尤其是終審法院的判決，會對香港司法造成負面影響。
If the interpretation of the Basic Law overturns a court judgment especially one of CFA the administration of justice in Hong Kong would be adversely affected
去年，人大常委會就《基本法》第一百零四條釋法，當時高等法院正審理這宗案件，但尚未判決。
Last year NPCSC made an interpretation of Article 104 of the Basic Law when the High Court was still hearing the case and a judgment was not yet given
李官指，他理解人大常委會當時認為情況非常例外，所以有需要釋法，因為涉及主權問題。
According to Andrew LI he understood that NPCSC regarded the circumstances very exceptional and interpretation of the Basic Law was necessary as issues of sovereignty were involved
但是，在審訊過程中釋法，為公眾對司法獨立的觀感帶來負面影響。
However interpretation of the Basic Law in the middle of local court proceedings inevitably created a negative impact on public impressions on judicial independence
大家留意，他對判後釋法和判前釋法的評語有很微妙的分別。
We should note the subtle difference of Andrew LIs comments on interpretation of the Basic Law after a judgment is made and interpretation ahead of a judgment
但無論如何，這把"尚方寶劍"一定要用得非常謹慎，而且可免則免。
But in any case this imperial sword must be used very cautiously and should not be used as far as possible
我詳細說明李官的看法，因為我覺得他的話很中肯，我希望北京政府及香港人都能夠參考他的觀點，他的總結也令我有共鳴。
I have described Andrew LIs comments in detail because I think his remarks are fair . I hope the Beijing Government and Hong Kong people would consider his viewpoints and I share his conclusion
我想重複他的總結：我希望北京政府和香港人明白對方的看法，並希望北京政府明白，持有這種觀點的香港人絕對接受"一國兩制"，是全心全意、努力令"一國兩制"運作得更好，並非想與中央作對或為中央製造麻煩。
Let me repeat his conclusion I hope that the Beijing Government and Hong Kong people will understand the views of each other . I also hope that the Beijing Government will understand that Hong Kong people with such views definitely accept one country two systems and they are fully committed to and making efforts to improving the implementation of one country two systems; and they do not want to do anything against the Central Authorities or create troubles for the Central Authorities
主席，剛才數位建制派同事針對民主派呼籲七一遊行，說我們別有用心，攪亂香港。
President just now a few pro - establishment Members criticized the democratic camp for having ulterior motives and disrupting Hong Kong as it appealed to members of the public to join the 1 July march
但是，事實上，物必先腐而後蟲生，如果社會的運作沒有出現核心問題，根本不容易號召市民上街，浪費1天假期來表達意見。
In fact only rotten things will breed worms . If no essential problems have arisen in the operation of a society it is simply not easy to call on people to take to the streets and waste a day of holiday to express their opinions
所以，有那麼多市民冒着風吹雨打、"好天曬、下雨淋"也願意參與七一遊行，正是給予特區政府一個最大的警號，就是管治出現問題。
Thus the fact that many members of the public are willing to brave the wind and rain or the scorching sun to join the 1 July march sends out a serious warning to the SAR Government that there are problems in its administration
我們不可以扮鴕鳥，更不可以倒果為因，以為問題不提便等於不存在。
We cannot act like ostriches much less distort cause and effect and consider that the problems will disappear if we do not raise them
我們所追求的政治制度，是在《基本法》中許下的莊嚴承諾，包括第四十五條及第六十八條所訂的民主政制訴求。
The political system that we are pursuing is a democratic political system solemnly promised by the Basic Law which complies with the provisions of Article 45 and Article 68 among other things
民主政制必須成為解決香港社會矛盾的平台，所以我們追求真正的民主普選，即真普選。
A democratic political system must become a platform for resolving social disputes in Hong Kong . Thus we are seeking universal suffrage which is genuinely democratic ie . genuine universal suffrage
這真普選的意義在於市民大眾擁有真正的選擇，在沒有不合理篩選的情況下，選擇我們的候選代表，然後自由地投下一票。
The purpose of implementing genuine universal suffrage is to give the people real choices so that we can select and freely vote for candidates in an election without any unreasonable screening
事實上，《基本法》訂定的不單是民主政制，第二條及第十二條還提到香港實行"高度自治"；第十八條指出除國防和外交外，全國性法律基本上不會在香港實施和執行；第二十二條則訂明"中央人民政府所屬各部門、各省、自治區、直轄市均不得干預香港特別行政區根據本法自行管理的事務"。
In fact the Basic Law not only provides for a democratic political system . Article 2 and Article 12 provide that there will be a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong; Article 18 provides that with the exceptions of defence and foreign affairs national laws basically shall not apply in Hong Kong; Article 22 provides that [n]o department of the Central Peoples Government and no province autonomous region or municipality directly under the Central Government may interfere in the affairs which the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region administers on its own in accordance with this law
因此，《基本法》除正面承諾香港享有"高度自治"及最終實現真正民主普選的政治制度外，亦從另一角度限制內地的不同機構和部門不應插手香港事務。
Thus the Basic Law has on the one hand positively promised that Hong Kong enjoys a high degree of autonomy and shall eventually implement a political system which is established through genuine democratic universal suffrage and on the other hand it has restricted Mainland organizations and departments to interfere in the affairs of Hong Kong
最近，全國人民代表大會常務委員會委員長張德江更提出要制訂和細化對香港的管治權，當中包括《基本法》的解釋權和修改權。
Recently ZHANG Dejiang Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress NPCSC even proposed that the power of governance over Hong Kong should be clearly stated and specified including the power of interpretation and amendment of the Basic Law
張德江的有關言論徹頭徹尾地把《基本法》倒轉演繹，因為根據張德江的說法，要制訂和細化中央對香港的管治權，中央只會越管越多，越管越細微，這等於把《基本法》判死刑。
ZHANG Dejiangs remarks have completely changed the interpretation of the Basic Law for according to him the Central Authorities governance over Hong Kong will become more extensive and microscopic . This is tantamount to imposing a death sentence on the Basic Law
當我們指中央意圖加強干預時，很多人都以為是危言聳聽。
When we pointed out the arbitrary interference of the Central Authorities many people said that we were making alarmist remarks
但是，最近"一地兩檢"問題又被"擺上檯"，基本法委員會主任兼人大常委會副秘書長李飛日前表示，高鐵的"一地兩檢"安排一定要按照西部通道，即深圳灣口岸的方式，否則便不是"一地兩檢"。
Nevertheless the arrangement for co - location of boundary control has recently become a point at issue . LI Fei Chairman of the Committee for the Basic Law and Deputy Secretary General of NPCSC said that the co - location arrangement at the Express Rail Link had to comply with that at the Hong Kong - Shenzhen Western Corridor ; otherwise it would not be regarded as the co - location arrangement . Let us consider about the matter
大家試想想，過去數年，政府從來沒有提過有甚麼方案可以處理有關問題，讓社會討論，甚至明知最後很有可能引起司法覆核仍強行推動。
In the past few years the Government has not proposed any option in this regard for discussion by society and knowing full well that a judicial review may probably be filed it still insisted on introducing the arrangement
政府這樣做無非是想最終會因時間緊迫，而令"一地兩檢"安排得以匆匆通過，然後便如運輸及房屋局局長所說，引起司法覆核，甚至可能因釋法而為引入全國性法律大開中門，打開缺口。
The Government has adopted this approach in the hope that the co - location arrangement will eventually be pushed through due to the pressing time frame . Then as pointed out by the Secretary for Transport and Housing if a judicial review is filed and even leads to the interpretation of the Basic Law the door may be opened for national laws to be applicable to Hong Kong
此例一開，將對"一國兩制"的實施造成不可彌補的傷害。
Once such a precedent is set irremediable harm will be caused to the implementation of one country two systems
這正是我們非常擔心在管治過程中，中央對香港管治的介入越來越大，導致"一國兩制"的實施走樣和變形。
That is why we are very worried that the Central Authorities will have greater interference in the governance of Hong Kong and the implementation of one country two systems will thus be distorted and deformed
民主黨將於星期五出席回歸晚會，屆時會向國家主席習近平遞交請願信，表明"一國兩制"的實施必須回到初心，要維護"港人治港"、"高度自治"，亦不可及不應肆意通過各種手段矮化香港市民一直期望應有的"高度自治"。
The Democratic Party will attend the reunification show on Friday evening . We will take this opportunity to submit a petition to President XI Jinping stating that one country two systems should be implemented in the way it was originally intended; that the principles of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy must be upheld and that the importance of a high degree of autonomy which has all along been the aspiration of Hong Kong people must not be belittled arbitrarily
香港社會的深層次矛盾源於我們的政治制度，所以民主黨要求特區政府和中央政府要嚴肅正視香港市民於七一遊行的訴求，就是要重啟政改，這是不可忘記亦不能迴避的內容。
As deep - rooted conflicts of Hong Kong society stem from our political system the Democratic Party requests the SAR Government and the Central Government to seriously face up to the aspirations of the people participating in the 1 July march and reactivate constitutional reform which is an issue that should not be forgotten and evaded
重啟政改和建立民主普選制度，才是解決香港目前困局的真正出路。
Reactivating constitutional reform and establishing a democratic system through universal suffrage are means to get Hong Kong out of the current predicament
我在此呼籲香港市民，雖然明知困難，但仍要走出我們的民主道路，參與七一遊行，讓國家主席習近平及全世界知道香港人爭取民主普選的決心。
Let me appeal to people of Hong Kong . Despite the difficulties we have to take to the streets for democracy and participate in the 1 July march so as to tell President XI Jinping and the whole world that Hong Kong people are determined to fight for democratic universal suffrage
更重要的是，我們亦關心"一國兩制"的實施，特別是要貪腐的梁振英負上法律責任及接受制裁。
More importantly we are concerned about the implementation of one country two systems . In particular we demand that LEUNG Chun - ying should be held responsible for his corruption offences and be sanctioned by law
我們深信，"一國兩制"的實施和香港的核心價值在於法治精神，是不容許任何特權逃避法律責任的。
We firmly believe that the implementation of one country two systems is premised on the rule of law which a core value of Hong Kong . We do not allow anyone to have the privilege to be above the law
《基本法》第二十五條寫得很清楚，在法律面前人人平等，不可以因為梁振英擁有特權便讓他的貪腐行為逃過法律責任。
Since Article 25 of the Basic Law clearly provides that all Hong Kong residents shall be equal before the law we cannot allow LEUNG Chun - ying to have the privilege of avoiding legal responsibilities for his corruption offences
最後，劉曉波事件傷盡香港人的心，我覺得中央政府應該盡快釋放劉曉波和劉霞，讓劉曉波能夠接受合適的醫療......
Finally the incident of LIU Xiaobo has totally broken the hearts of Hong Kong people . I think the Central Government should release LIU Xiaobo and LIU Xia as soon as possible and allow LIU Xiaobo to receive appropriate medical treatment
主席，聽到黃定光議員和張華峰議員的言論，我認為他們是想告訴我們，今天這項"正視七一遊行市民的訴求"的議案根本不合時宜，甚至是不知所謂。
President having listened to the speeches of Mr WONG Ting - kwong and Mr Christopher CHEUNG I think their message for us was that the motion today on Facing up to the aspirations of the people participating in the 1 July march is basically inopportune and even preposterous
回歸20周年這麼好的日子，仍然談論七一遊行和市民訴求，根本是不合時宜，現時最懂得處事的"世界仔"應該掛橫額，不斷地熱烈慶祝，高呼"萬歲、萬歲、萬萬歲"。
The 20 anniversary of the reunification should be joyful and it is thus inopportune to keep talking about the 1 July march and peoples aspirations . On these days the worldly - wise guys should put up banners celebrate happily and chant slogans to glorify the reunification
我今天要感謝尹兆堅議員提出"正視七一遊行市民的訴求"的議案，也要感謝七一遊行和"一國兩制"。
Today I would like to thank Mr Andrew WAN for moving the motion on Facing up to the aspirations of the people participating in the 1 July march . I would also like to express my gratitude to the 1 July march and one country two systems
基於愛之深、責之切的關係，我們對於"一國兩制"的出現、延續、實踐相當重視，因此我們今天才會有這項議案辯論。
As the saying goes love well whip well we attach great importance to the emergence continuation and development of one country two systems and that is why we have this motion debate
今年七一遊行的口號是"一國兩制呃足廿年"，這句話對某些人而言可能是問號，對某些人而言可能是感嘆號，對某些人而言可能是句號，但每個符號均牽涉很多心路歷程，百感交集。
As regards the slogan for the 1 July march this year one country two systems a lie for 20 years it ends with a question mark an exclamation mark or a full stop for different persons . That said each punctuation mark invariably involves a great deal of mixed emotional experience
即使今天很多議員批評"一國兩制"變色、走樣、變形，但我相信當中有不少議員同事心感難過、欷歔和忐忑。
Many Members today criticize that one country two systems has been deviated distorted and deformed but I believe quite a number of colleagues are actually saddened agonized and perturbed
主席，關於七一遊行，我要申報，2003年、2004年和2005年我都是七一遊行的"大台咪手"。
President as regards the 1 July march I must declare that I acted as a main presenter for the 1 July march in 2003 2004 and 2005
其中2003年50萬人的七一遊行，我仍記憶猶新。
I still vividly recollect the 500 000 - strong 1 July march in 2003
今年七一遊行，我們會繼續出席、表態、明志，繼續告訴大家，即使我們不能改變制度，但制度也改變不了我們。
We will continue to participate in the 1 July march this year to declare our stand and express our lofty ideals . We will continue to tell members of the public that even if we cannot change the system the system cannot change us either
主席，七一遊行對我來說，其實有"去化石化"的作用。
President the 1 July march actually produces the effect of defossilization on me
何謂"去化石化"？
What is meant by defossilization?
我們在生活中，很容易產生慣性，對很多事物的觀察都好像化石般麻木，毫無感受，而七一遊行讓我們改變生活習慣，讓我們換一種生活方式，換一種心情來看我們的世界，看我們自己，看我們的香港。
As we easily succumb to inertia in our daily lives we become apathetic and insensitive about many things the 1 July march enables us to change our living habits adopt another lifestyle and see our world ourselves and our Hong Kong in a different mood
七一遊行與我們的日常生活好像不合時宜，但正是這種不合時宜，讓我們可以有多些感受，多些忐忑，多些掙扎，多點人的味道。
The 1 July march may be inopportune as far as our daily lives are concerned but exactly due to such inopportuneness we will have more feelings more anxieties and a stronger sense of human touch
劉霞選擇了苦難，這段時間她吃了不少苦頭。
LIU Xia has made a choice and she has suffered greatly these days
前陣子劉曉波被判11年的消息傳出，舉世動容、震驚，但劉霞反而很冷靜。
At the time when LIU Xiaobo was sentenced to 11 years of imprisonment people across the world were aroused and shocked but LIU Xia was very composed instead
訪問她的 記者都哭得崩潰，但劉霞卻很冷靜，因為她知道她所愛的是甚麼人，她知道她的丈夫在做甚麼事。
While the journalist who interviewed her was in tears LIU Xia remained very calm for she knew what kind of person her lover was and she knew what her husband was doing
我們今天談"一國兩制"，我很破格地談涉及"一國"的事宜，談及劉曉波。
When we talk about one country two systems today I have made an exception by referring to an issue related to one country in mentioning LIU Xiaobo
七一遊行上街，要求釋放劉曉波。
Let us take to the streets on 1 July and demand the release of LIU Xiaobo
主席，增加公共小型巴士座位數目、改善公共交通情況、改善小巴大排長龍的情況、改善空氣質素、改善道路擠塞等，其實均是社會的共識。
President there is actually a consensus in the community to increase the seating capacity of public light buses PLBs improve the conditions of public transportation address the problems of long queues for PLBs improve air quality improve traffic congestion etc
當然，我亦知道業界的意見。
Of course I am also aware of the view of the trade
這點我們完全明白。
I fully understand this point
既然有這個多贏方案，為何政府不肯考慮？
Why wouldnt the Government consider this all - win option?
實話實說，大家也知道，政府口中最受影響、最反對該建議的唯有專營巴士公司而已，對嗎？
Honestly as we all know only the franchised bus companies which the Government has referred to as the most affected stakeholder are most opposed to the proposal arent they?
根據2016年9月的數據，受惠於機場巴士 服務的乘客量增加即是它經營有道新創建集團的盈利增加了56%，即接近2億元。
According to the statistics of September 2016 benefited from an increase in the number of passengers of airport bus routes the well - run NWS Holdings Limited has increased its profit by 56 % or nearly 200 million
主席，從這個數字來看，我認為在這問題上，不應只考慮專營巴士的主觀意願。
President based on this figure I am of the view that we should not only consider the subjective wish of franchised bus companies on this issue
但是，無論如何，我覺得大家評論這件事應矛頭一致，指向政府的處理方法。
In any case however I think we should direct our discussion on this issue at the Governments handling of the issue
如果面對失去理性的政府，我仍堅持提出修正案，即是把我的修正案掛上《條例草案》，《條例草案》一旦被撤回，我的修正案也沒有了，我希望爭取增加4個座位的願望亦變成零。
Had I insisted on proposing my CSAs in the face of the irrational government I would have tied my CSAs to the Bill . If the Bill is withdrawn my CSAs will also be void meaning that none of the four additional seats which I have been striving for will materialize
如果我被迫在這種情況下讓步，最終我希望爭取增加的4個座位會變回3個，這是很簡單的數學。
If I am forced to yield to pressure under this situation at least three of the four seats which I have been striving for will be added . The calculation is very simple here
無論如何，基於我剛才所述的考慮，我願意撤回我的修正案，但我亦希望政府信守最後一道承諾：政府自己曾在法案委員會上提出，將在兩年內進行檢討。
In any case I am willing to withdraw my CSAs based on the considerations I have just mentioned . However I also hope that the Government will honour its only remaining pledge The Government has proposed at the Bills Committee to conduct a review in two years
代理主席，多謝梁繼昌議員嘗試說服我們支持《2017年稅務條例草案》。
Deputy President I thank Mr Kenneth LEUNG for his attempt to lobby us to support the Inland Revenue Amendment No . 2 Bill 2017 the Bill
因此，我發言反對三讀這項《條例草案》，原因是經過了全體委員會審議階段，政府仍然未能說服我支持這項《條例草案》。
Therefore I speak to oppose the Third Reading of this Bill because after going through the Committee stage the Government is still unable to convince me to support the Bill
當局不斷指出，在提出這項《條例草案》前，並沒有相關的飛機租賃公司在香港擁有實際業務，故《條例草案》如落實推行，會吸引更多公司在香港經營，以及增加稅收。
The authorities have pointed out time and again that before the introduction of this Bill no relevant aircraft leasing companies had operated any substantive business in Hong Kong . Thus the implementation of the Bill may attract more companies to operate in Hong Kong and thereby increase the tax revenue
當局又指出，本地公司並沒有 就寬減利得稅表達反對意見，而且過往亦曾為再保險等業務提供稅務優惠，所以這次並非首次寬減利得稅。
The authorities also pointed out that local companies have not expressed opposition to giving profits tax concessions and tax concessions had been provided to reinsurance business in the past thus the present proposal to give profits tax concessions is not unprecedented
當局早前已向特定行業提供稅務寬免，這更證實我認為政府會向更多行業提供稅務寬免優惠的想法。
Given that the authorities had already provided tax concessions for specified industries earlier on this reinforces my belief that the Government would provide tax concessions to many more other industries
大家試想想，現時可享稅務寬減的公司都是每年收入數以億元計的大企業，所以本地企業日後亦會想，既然那些收入數以億元計的大企業都可以享有稅務寬免優惠，那麼政府是否應該考慮進一步調低本地企業的利得稅？
Let us think about this Given that companies currently enjoying tax concessions are large enterprises earning hundreds of millions of dollars every year local enterprises would be prompted to think that if large enterprises earning hundreds of millions of dollars can enjoy tax concessions should the Government consider further lowering the profits tax rates for local enterprises in the future?
這樣利得稅再分配財富的功能便會因而削弱，所以我希望大家三思。
In that case the function of utilizing profits tax to redistribute wealth will thus be undermined . I therefore hope that Members will think twice
我反對三讀的另一個原因，是政府在整個全委會審議階段再沒有就為飛機租賃商提供稅務寬減的經濟效益推算，提供更詳盡的評估方法及支持評估的數據。
Another reason why I oppose the Third Reading of the Bill is that throughout the Committee stage the Government has not provided more detailed assessment method or data supporting the projected economic benefits brought by the provision of tax concessions to aircraft lessors . As pointed out by me during the Second Reading there were serious contradictions in the estimation of economic benefits
我在二讀時指出，有關經濟效益的推算存在嚴重矛盾，政府一方面表示即使有大量飛機租賃商在香港設立總部，飛機也不會停放香港，但另一方面又指飛機租賃商在香港設立總部，會間接製造1萬多個職位，而這些都是我在二讀發言時說過的。
On the one hand the Government advised that even if a large number of aircraft lessors set up their headquarters in Hong Kong none of them would park their aircrafts here . On the other hand it claimed that if aircraft lessors set up their headquarters in Hong Kong more than 10 000 jobs might be created indirectly . All these points had been mentioned in my speech during the Second Reading
我明白政府是在運用簡單的乘數效應來計算，但最能帶來乘數效應的往往是一些勞動力密集的行業。
I understand that the Government is using a simple multiplier effect for computation but industries that have the greatest multiplier effect are the labour - intensive ones
此外，政府繼續高舉所謂專業判斷，不肯就《條例草案》的內容作較詳細的解釋，而在全委會審議階段時亦沒有再回應我們的提問，在在都令我要反對三讀這項《條例草案》。
Furthermore the Government has continued to highlight the so - called professional judgment and refused to give a detailed explanation of the Bill . Nor had it responded to our questions again during the Committee stage . All these have led to my objection to the Third Reading of the Bill
很多委員也不明白，為何飛機租賃商除可享有8.25%的利得稅優惠外，還要指明應課稅額相當於純利的20%？
Many members do not understand why the Government has to specify that aircraft lessors are subject to a taxable amount of 20 % of the tax base in addition to the profits tax concessions of 8.25 % given to them
因此，不少議員要求政府提供較詳盡的理據分析，但政府指這是根據稅務局的研究所得的數字，並要求我們相信。
In this connection many Members have requested the Government to provide a more detailed analysis . However in response the Government said that the data was obtained from the findings of the Inland Revenue Department IRD and thus asked us to render trust
政府只提出劃一應課稅款額相當於純利的20%以代替折舊免稅額，但卻沒有解釋箇中原因。
It merely pointed out that a standardized taxable amount of 20 % of the tax base would be used to replace the tax depreciation but no explanation has been given