Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
那麼，他們是否要告訴選民，當年是真心誠意要逃避投這一票？
In this case are they trying to tell their voters that they were whole - heartedly and sincerely trying to avoid participating in voting back then?
所以，我認為大家千萬不要錯過這次機會。
I therefore consider that we should in no way miss this chance today
況且大家要看清楚事實，當天八三一框架既得不到市民支持，今天正好重啟政改，重新上路，確保香港能建立民主，不要再誤入歧途。
Moreover we have to face up squarely to the reality . As we have failed to gain any public support with the 31 August framework back then we should hit the road again by reactivating constitutional reform today so as to ensure that a democratic system can be established in Hong Kong and we will not go down a wrong path again
代理主席，在3月26日，這位"犯眾憎"、民意支持度不足三成的林鄭月娥，在777名選委的支持下當選。
Deputy President on 26 March the unwelcomed Carrie LAM who only had a popularity rating of less than 30 % was elected by 777 Election Committee members
反而支持度長期在50%以上的曾俊華，卻只得300多人投票支持而落選。
On the contrary John TSANG who had been constantly having a popularity rating of above 50 % was defeated in the election with the votes of only 300 - odd Election Committee members
香港正式進入曾俊華及其支持者所說的"撕裂2.0時代"。
Hong Kong has formally entered the era of cleavage 2.0 as described by John TSANG
不過，直至今日，很多人都忘記自己說過這句話，亦不想有人記得他們說過這句話。
Nevertheless to this day many people have forgotten they have said such thing and they do not want other people to remember that they have said such thing
這項議案對於以"777"為首的"三低政府"正如今天很多議員所說的四字成語可說是緣木求魚。
To the three - low Government led by 777 one may say that this motion is―just as the proverbial expression that many Members have used today―as futile as milking the bull
在競選期間，"777"表示她不急於重啟政改；在選舉論壇上，她多次提及少談政治，多談民生。
During the election campaign 777 expressed that she saw no urgency in reactivating the constitutional reform . She had repeatedly mentioned in the election forums that one should talk more about the peoples livelihood and less about politics
不少人都認為曾俊華當時也這樣想，便覺得"777"是因為2014年政改事件失敗，所以"崩口人忌崩口碗"，寧願多談民生，不重啟政改。
Many people considered John TSANG was thinking the same therefore they thought that 777 would rather talk about peoples livelihood more and politics less simply because of her failure in the 2014 constitutional reform just like a person with a cleft lip would avoid a cracked bowl
但是，我認為"777"不急於重啟政改，當然是有其背後的盤算。
However I consider that 777 saw no urgency in reactivating constitutional reform simply because she has her own calculations behind the scene
我相信無論是中共政府，還是特區政府，"777"都是推崇普京式的威權管治剛才羅冠聰議員也提到，有一項威權管治的研究一方面可以有"一人一票"的選舉，另一方面，又要確保是威權政府屬意的候選人，在"一人一票"的選舉中獲勝。
I believe that no matter the Chinese Communist Government or the HKSAR Government 777 thinks highly of the PUTIN style authoritative governance―just now Mr Nathan LAW has also mentioned that there is a study about authoritative governance―on the one hand we may have the one person one vote election but on the other they need to ensure that the candidate preferred by the authoritative government would win in the one person one vote election
大家都看到，就是嚴格限制"入閘"條件，即是我們所謂的"篩選機制"，這樣便能夠確保威權政府屬意的候選人，甚至他是民望極低的人，都可以在"一人一票"的選舉下高票當選。
Everyone can see that they have set up a very stringent nomination condition which is what we call a screening mechanism . The mechanism can ensure that the candidate preferred by the authoritative government or even a person with very low popularity rating will win with high votes in the one person one vote election
就是找一些比他更差的人出來陪跑。
That is to find some also - rans who are even worse than him or her
"777"林鄭月娥以操控狂見稱，所以我認為她絕對很想在八三一框架下完成政改。
777 Carrie LAM is famous for being a control freak . Therefore I think she absolutely wants to accomplish the constitutional reform under the 31 August framework
其實，今次的特首選舉，大家都看得很清楚，建制派也看得很清楚。
In fact it is clear for everyone and the pro - establishment camp to see the nature of this Chief Executive Election
為何一群支持真普選的人寧願公民抗命，都要爭取"一人一票"的真普選，就是因為看到......
Why a group of genuine universal suffrage supporters would resort to civil disobedience in order to fight for a one person one vote genuine universal suffrage?
"我回應："你發夢吧！
I replied go dreaming you!
"如果假普選方案通過了，不止曾俊華"入不到閘"，葉劉淑儀議員也"入不到閘"。
If the fake universal suffrage proposal were passed not only John TSANG could not be nominated even Mrs Regina IP could not get the nomination
如果中共是要讓林鄭月娥勝出，安全系數便要推得很高，萬一"葉太""入閘"會影響她的勝算或票數，也不准"葉太""入閘"。
If the Chinese Communist Government wants Carrie LAM to win the safety coefficient should be pushed to a very high point because in case Mrs Regina IP gets nominated her nomination will affect Carrie LAMs chance of winning or the votes she will get therefore Mrs Regina IP will not be allowed to get the nomination
代理主席，即使你們的前主席曾鈺成都"入不到閘"，這是很清楚的，而大家也看得到。
Deputy President in that case even your former President Mr Jasper TSANG could not get nominated . This is very clear and this is something everyone can see
其實，與現屆政府商討下屆重啟政改，都是對牛彈琴。
In fact it is just like playing a lute to a cow if we discuss the question of reactivating constitutional reform in the next term with the current term Government
所以，其實我本來想與譚志源局長討論平權，不過他離開了會議廳，只有副局長在席。
Therefore in fact I originally want to discuss with Secretary Raymond TAM about equal rights but he has just left the Chamber and only the Under Secretary is in the Chamber
上星期三，台灣法院公布了就釋憲的判決結果，指民法不保障同性婚姻是違憲，要有關當局在兩年內立法保障同性婚姻。
Last Wednesday the constitutional court in Taiwan announced its ruling on the interpretation of the constitution . It pointed out that it was unconstitutional for same - sex marriage not being protected under the Civil Code and it ordered the authorities to enact laws to protect same - sex marriage in two years
我想說蔡英文總統在結果公布後所說的一番話，她說釋憲結果不是勝負輸贏，而是台灣有成熟的民主機制來化解歧見。
I wish to quote what President TSAI Ing - wen said after the announcement of the ruling . She said that the ruling on the interpretation of the constitution was not a matter of winning or losing but a test of the maturity of the Taiwanese democracy to address dissenting views
其實，"重啟政改，落實真普選"，不是說民主派贏，建制派輸，而是現時這種狀態，大家都輸。
In fact reactivating constitutional reform and implementing universal suffrage does not mean that the pro - democracy camp wins and the pro - establishment camp loses under the current situation both sides are losers
香港沒有普選，香港便不能管治——不論是誰做行政長官。
Hong Kong is ungovernable if Hong Kong has no universal suffrage―regardless of who is the Chief Executive
但是，在現時這個扭曲的制度下，你卻未必"入到閘"。
However under the distorted system at the present time you will not necessary get the nomination
這便是市民民意不能得到公平的反映的選擇。
This is a choice which cannot reflect public opinions in a fair and just manner
所以，要香港繼續走下去，不是說誰勝誰負，民主派勝、"黃絲"、"藍絲"勝，而是真的要有真普選，才可以解決這個問題。
As a result if Hong Kong keeps on moving it does not matter who is the winner no matter the pro - democracy camp wins the yellow ribbon wins the blue ribbon wins . What matters is that we should have genuine universal suffrage if we are to solve this problem
我們上次討論政改方案的時候，毛孟靜議員說她要一個"長毛"都可以"入閘"參選特首的方案，"長毛"聽到後當然很高興，令他"心思思"。
When the constitutional reform proposals were last discussed here Ms Claudia MO said that she would like to have a proposal under which even Long Hair could secure enough nominations and run in the Chief Executive Election . Long Hair was of course delighted to hear about this and he then came up with many fancy ideas
這些是你們的民主。
This is merely their democracy
主席，我今次很感謝郭家麒議員提出"促請下任行政長官重啟政改"的議案。
President I thank Dr KWOK Ka - ki for moving this motion on Urging the next Chief Executive to reactivate constitutional reform today
郭議員應該還記得，當時他聯同一群反對派議員否決特首普選的政改方案，剝奪了香港"一人一票"選特首的機會，令到很多香港市民失望。
Dr KWOK should remember that he together with a group of Members of the opposition camp has voted against the constitutional reform proposals for electing the Chief Executive by universal suffrage back then thus depriving Hong Kong of the opportunity to elect the Chief Executive on a one person one vote basis and bringing disappointment to many people in Hong Kong
既然郭議員今天還好意思重提政改，我自然歡迎，因為我可以替香港市民與他翻舊帳。
If Dr KWOK does not feel ashamed to bring up the issue of constitutional reform again today I of course welcome the attempt since it gives me the chance to rake over the mistakes of the past with him on behalf of the people of Hong Kong
主席，郭家麒議員曾經說不支持政改方案及八三一方案，原因是，假如將來的特首不再是取得600多票，而是取得60多萬票甚至過百萬票出選的話，他們就無地位了。
President Dr KWOK Ka - ki once said that he would not support the constitutional reform proposals and the 31 August proposals because they would lose their position if the future Chief Executive is not elected by over 600 people but by over 600 000 or even over 1 million people
他的黨友梁家傑還公開說，以後689票變成了1,609 000票的話，特首不是很有代表性？反對派不是很"大鑊"？
Alan LEONG his fellow party member has even said openly that if 689 votes turn into 1 609 000 votes in the future the Chief Executive thus elected would be highly representative and would this be disastrous for the opposition camp?
作為市民代表，他們對得起選民嗎？
As elected representatives how can they face their voters?
主席，有朋友對我說，中央很希望看到香港有普選，但希望是循序漸進的。
President some friends of mine have told me that it is the Central Authorities earnest hope to implement universal suffrage in Hong Kong but we must proceed in a gradual manner
在上次投票之前，我曾多次與他們商討，說支持吧，同意吧，是正確的，是好的，但他們最後都堅持要捆綁在一起，不支持。
I have repeatedly discussed with them the proposals put forward last time before they were put to vote and urged them to support such good proposals which would lead us to the right direction but they insisted on bundling up their votes together and objecting to the proposals
主席，一個怎麼樣的政改方案最適合香港呢？
President what should be the most suitable constitutional reform package for Hong Kong?
每個人說的話都不同，要求都不一樣，我相信任何人位居掌握政治權利的位置，就會經常搞鬥爭。
People will have different views and demands and I believe persons who enjoy certain political rights will tend to engage themselves in frequent political struggles
代理主席，在我發言前，我先回應劉國勳議員的批評。
Deputy President before I start I wish to respond to Mr LAU Kwok - fans criticism
劉國勳議員說：反對八三一決定是你，支持八三一決定下的特首候選人也是你，"神又是你，鬼又是你，總之你玩哂啦"。
Mr LAU Kwok - fan says that we are the ones who objected the 31 August Decision and we are also the ones who supported the candidates standing for the Chief Executive Election conducted in accordance with the 31 August Decision . He says that we are sitting on the fence
我不知道我是否他所說的民主鬥士，我只記得在3年前的今天，我們不斷鼓勵市民參與六二二公投，我和我的團隊到上水聯和墟、九龍灣港鐵站、長洲和屯門的教會門前，到不同的地方宣傳我們要進行六二二公投。
I do not know if I am one of those democracy fighters by his definition but I do remember on this day three years ago we lobbied for public support in the 22 June referendum . I remember my team and I went to Luen Wo Hui in Sheung Shui the Kowloon Bay MTR Station and churches in Cheung Chau and Tuen Mun to tell people about the 22 June referendum . We wanted genuine universal suffrage
我們希望爭取真普選，我們希望如果推行政改，便推行名正言順的政改，我要真普選，不要篩選。
We hoped that if the Government would kick start a constitutional reform we wanted it to be a proper one . We wanted genuine universal suffrage not one with screening . At that time we advocated that we would rather stay put than making a wrong step and we would rather say no to the constitutional reform package
我們當時說的話、做的事，對我來說都仍歷歷在目，我記得有很多街坊走來簽署，很多街坊向我們索取單張，詢問如何投票和download apps。
I still vividly remember the things that we have said and done at that time . I remember many members of the public came to us and signed up to show support . They took our leaflets and asked us how to vote or download the apps
這段時間是我參與民主運動的重要時期，我認為我在這段時間是僕人而非鬥士。
That is the golden period of my participation in democratic movement . I regarded myself a servant rather than a fighter at that time
如果是鬥士的話，為甚麼建制派的同事不做民主鬥士？
If I were considered a fighter at that time why cant pro - establishment Members be democracy fighters?
其實他們也可以做鬥士，為甚麼他們不支持重啟政改？
Actually they can also be democracy fighters . Why dont they support reactivating constitutional reform?
後來，我發現原來有一位"芝麻綠豆"官說了一番話，他說未來5年並非重啟政改的合適時間，香港社會需要深思未來5年該如何發展，如果重啟政改，其他工作便無法推動。
Later I learnt about a comment made by a trivial official . He says the next five years is not a good time to reactivate constitutional reform and that Hong Kong needs to think deeply about its way forward and if a constitutional reform is reactivated it will be difficult to take forward other aspects of work
這位"芝麻綠豆"官便是中聯辦法律部部長王振民。
This trivial official is WANG Zhenmin the legal chief of the Liaison Office of the Central Peoples Government in the HKSAR
他說，如果不解決普選問題，其他關於管治的問題均無法解決。
But in response to Mr WANG Mr Jasper TSANG a veteran member of the pro - establishment camp and our former Legislative Council President says that not reactivating constitutional reform does not mean that peace can be restored and that other governance - related issues cannot be solved if the subject of universal suffrage is not tackled
他不相信把政改問題掃進地氈下便會無事。
He does not believe that things will be fine by sweeping the constitutional reform issue under the carpet . Yes . Social dissensions are serious
對的，社會撕裂是很嚴重的問題，大家均感覺到，大家也很勞累，為了社會的撕裂，大家勞心、勞力和勞神地設法修補，但修補方法不 是逃避，修補方法應是面對。
We all feel the heat and we are all tired . Social dissensions have taxed on our mind and body . We have tried our best to mend the gap and the way to do it is not to avoid the problem but to face it squarely
談到復和，我舉一個較為誇張的例子，南非種族歧視政策算得上很嚴重，在南非種族歧視政策下，如何令社會重新寬恕、重新復和呢？
Talking about restoring peace let me cite an extreme example . Apartheid was an extreme policy in South Africa . How did its government deal with the aftermath of this policy and forge reconciliation and re - establish peace in society?
我認為若要重啟政改，我們便要重新面對撕裂之時，大家的不同意見，尤其在反對"袋住先"方案時，大家有很多不同的意見，那些意見是需要寫進歷史、寫進報告書的。
In my opinion if we are to reactivate constitutional reform we have to face squarely the different views voiced out during the social conflict especially the views against the proposal the Governments asked us to pocket it first . Those views should be put on record and documented
我不再重複"28：8"、"等埋發叔"等鬧劇，這些可能只是一場意外，每次談起，可能言者無心，但聽者有意，可能會感到尷尬，我不會重複"28：8"等問題，我想說的是，大家應如何透過重啟政改來面對社會上的不同意見，特別是對真普選的不同意見，有些人可能真的是"深黃"、有些人是"淺黃"、有些人是"深藍"、有些人是"淺藍"，甚至是不同的顏色，香港真的可能有不同顏色的政治取向，我們不須恐懼重啟政改。
What I want to say is how to face these different views through reactivating constitutional reform especially those on genuine universal suffrage . Peoples views may belong to the deep yellow camp the light yellow camp the deep blue camp the light blue camp or other colours camps . People in Hong Kong can be of different political orientation and there is no need to be afraid of reactivating constitutional reform
談到恐懼，我想說1968年捷克共產黨大整肅，事件令人很恐懼，很多人因此被打壓、被逼迫，沒有飯吃，不能讀書。
Talking about fear I wish to talk about the massive purge by the Czechoslovak Communist Party in 1968 . The purge left many people living in fear . Many people were suppressed and deprived of food and education
但是，當時反對黨領袖哈維爾在1975年發表《致捷克頭目胡薩克的一封公開信》，信中提出如何紓緩恐懼，如何獲得免於恐懼的自由，他說："我們的社會是一個團結的社會嗎？
But Václav HAVEL the opposition leader at that time wrote an open letter to Gustáv HUSÁK the head of Czechoslovakia . In the letter HAVEL writes about how to relieve fear among the people and how to be free from fear . He writes Is our society united?
讓我坦率以告，它的答案是否定的。
Let me be honest the answer is no
因為，在我們的社會裏有太多的危險。
There are too many risks in our society
人民默默的各自工作，並不是團結，而是被恐懼所驅使而不得不如此。
People work quietly on their own . They dont stand united but they are driven to it by fear
" 我認為我們可能也是這樣，我們是否很團結的社會？
Translation I think we are in the same situation . Is our society united? . Certainly not
主席，我今天發言支持郭家麒議員的議案。
President I rise to speak in support of the motion moved by Dr KWOK Ka - ki today
正如多位議員剛才也提到，民主制度就是一個公平的制度，而在這個公平的制度下，市民或人民享有公平的投票權，透過"一人一票"選出行政長官及立法會議員。
As have been mentioned by numerous Members just now a democratic system refers to a fair system under which the citizens are entitled to fair voting right in electing the Chief Executive and Legislative Council Members on a one person one vote basis
一個不民主的制度，便會產生很多問題，而問題卻無法妥善獲得解決，即使在政府作出決定後，亦會遭受各種各樣的挑戰。
An undemocratic system is associated with a lot of problems which cannot be properly resolved . Still it will be subjected to various challenges even after the Government has made its decisions
這便是過去10多年來，甚至更長時間，我們的制度所出現的問題。
This is exactly the case of our system over the past decade or even a longer period
我們未能享有一個公平的制度，雖然立法會的每一位議員在進行表決時能享有"一人一票"的權利，但一些議員本身背後有一個很大的群體支持，而有些議員背後的選民只不過是一個很小的群體，為何不同的人會有不同的選舉權？
We are denied a fair system . Irrespective of the fact that every Legislative Council Member is entitled to the right of one person one vote in voting some Members are backed up by huge groups of people while some are supported by very small groups of voters . Why that different people have different voting rights?
為何不同的人選舉的分量會出現這麼大的差異，最終造成我們的決策可能向某些利益團體傾斜呢？
Why that there are such big discrepancies among the weights carried by different people in elections that eventually lead to tilted decision - making in favour of certain interest groups?
由此可見，當我們的制度不公平並經常受到挑戰的話，便會出現議員剛才所提及的不能管治的情況，我們的制度便會繼續受到動搖。
This informs us that when our system is frequently challenged due to its unfairness the governance problems mentioned by some Members just now will arise and upset our system
為何一個成熟的國家或政體也會自然而然地邁向一個民主政體呢？
Why that a mature nation or political regime will naturally transform into a democratic political regime?
正因為民主政體最能正中要害，解決上述問題。
Just because a democratic political regime is the key to resolving the above problem
這不是說民主制度沒有缺憾，我們現在仍未有一個完美制度，但至今而言，最能解決問題的仍是民主制度。
This does not mean a democratic system is flawless and in fact an impeccable system has yet to come but a democratic system is still the best in shooting problems so far
然而，香港是否真的能做到"一國兩制"及"高度自治"呢？
Yet are both one country two systems and high degree of autonomy genuinely given full play in Hong Kong?
可能很多人仍然會提出各種各樣的問題，所以我們須重啟政改，亦同時留意它與"一國兩制"相互的關係。
People may still have all sorts of queries regarding this and so we have to reactivate constitutional reform while taking note of how it relates to one country two systems
今早我在本議會提出有關香港教育局及國家教育部之間的會商機制的問題，這其實涉及"一國兩制"能否真真正正嚴格地按照《基本法》落實以實現香港"高度自治"的問題，這點我們必須要認真及嚴肅對待。
This morning I raised at this Council the issue on the consultation mechanism for the Education Bureau of Hong Kong and the Ministry of Education of the State . This has something to do with whether a high degree of autonomy will genuinely be implemented in Hong Kong in strict accordance with the Basic Law under one country two systems . We must treat this issue seriously and solemnly
如果我們仍不能在"一國兩制"下互相尊重，民主發展的道路亦一定會崎嶇不平。
If mutual respect is still absent even under one country two systems it will mean a bumpy road ahead towards democratic development
因此，我希望林鄭月娥上任後能夠確保香港這"一制"，即我們一直以來所重視的香港既有生活方式和核心價值能夠維持，並同時繼續發展香港的民主制度。
Hence I hope that Carrie LAM will be able to maintain the one system in operation here in Hong Kong after she assumes office by that I mean we can go on leading our own way of life as before and keep upholding our core values both of which are highly treasured by us all along . In the meantime we hope that she will continue to seek democratic development for Hong Kong
"我要強調，這句話並非趙紫陽個人的看法，而是他以總理身份撰寫的一封信，信中指的是一個民主制度及民主治港。
I have to emphasize that these words did not come as Mr ZHAOs personal remarks but as part of the letter written by him in his capacity as Chinese Premier who talked about the issues on democratic political system and running Hong Kong democratically
我相信，在這麼多年以前已承諾的事情，今天應該要兌現。
I think that this promise made years ago should be honoured today
事實上，民主制度在香港持續發展，正如梁繼昌議員剛才說，這其實對整體香港人的身份認同一定有幫助。
In fact the continuous development of a democratic system in Hong Kong is as Mr Kenneth LEUNG has mentioned just now conducive to establishing the identity of Hong Kong people
大家試想，如果我們回歸後在"一國兩制"下，各方面的制度均不斷向前發展，我們又怎會不以"一國兩制"為榮呢？
Consider this Shall we not take pride in one country two systems if systems in different domains keep developing under one country two systems after the handover?
但若在進入"兩制"後，很多制度均停滯不前甚至"打倒褪"的話，便無法令大家對"一國兩制"產生自豪感了。
But if a lot of the systems are stagnant or even move backwards when two systems are in operation it will be impossible for one country two systems to give us a sense of pride
八三一框架不能令我們感受到這種光榮，它是一種壓抑，並不能可讓大家找到一個好的新起點。
The 31 August framework just cannot bring us this kind of glory . It is a kind of suppression which will only prevent us from finding a good new starting point
我希望林鄭月娥政府能在這個問題上找到出路，重啟政改，讓香港人對未來充滿信心。
I hope the Carrie LAM Administration will be able to find the way out in this regard and reactivate constitutional reform so that we will have much more confidence in the future of Hong Kong
主席，林鄭月娥在4月9日上京接受任命，當時李克強總理及習近平主席給她的任務，就是要團結香港社會各界，讓香港社會各個方面都有進一步的發展，冀能營造社會和諧向前邁進的局面，長遠地發展下去。
President when Carrie LAM accepted her appointment in Beijing on 9 April Premier LI Keqiang and President XI Jinping have made it her mission to unite all people in Hong Kong so that further development can be seen in various aspects of the Hong Kong society and a harmonious atmosphere will be created for our society to move forward and develop on a long term basis
試想一下，今次特首選舉的主要競爭對手是曾俊華和林鄭月娥，前者在過去接近10年的時間內被任命為財政司司長，大家自然認為第一，這份工作屬建制的一部分；第二，他應該是獲得中央信任的主要官員。
Just imagine the major contestants in the Chief Executive Election held this year were John TSANG and Carrie LAM and the former has previously been appointed as the Financial Secretary for almost 10 years . It would only be natural for all of us to consider that first of all his appointment has rendered him a member of the establishment; and secondly he should be a principal official who has the trust of the Central Authorities
但是，在整個選戰過程中，他雖然獲得多數市民的支持，民望高於林鄭月娥，但那1,200人的最後選擇卻與民意完全背道而馳。
Yet during the whole election process although he has won the support of the majority of Hong Kong people and had a higher popularity rating than Carrie LAM the final choice made by those 1 200 electors has run contrary to public opinions
這亦反映出連中央政府過往經常感到沾沾自喜，認為即使是小圈子選舉，按制度本身選出來的特首也能符合香港社會意願這一點，在今次選舉也被打破了。
The Central Government is always complacent about the fact that though a small circle election former Chief Executives elected under the established system can still be regarded as socially acceptable but the tradition has been broken in the Election held this year
這亦反映出八三一框架下的選舉制度，其實就是要讓中央政府決定誰能參選，從而得以控制最終的選舉結果。
It can thus be seen that the election system under the 31 August framework actually seeks to let the Central Government decide who can run in the election thereby controlling the final election results
即使多麼想在民生問題上作出推動，可能有少數事情能找到共識，但當大部分民生問題都涉及政治權利、財政權力、社會資源的分配，而這些分配不能透過一個有效的制度進行時，便會產生政治矛盾。
No matter how we wish to achieve progress in addressing livelihood issues and even though it is possible to reach a consensus on certain matters there will still be political contradictions since most livelihood issues involve political rights financial authority and allocation of social resources but the allocation cannot be made through an effective system
正如重中之重的房屋問題，回頭再看，歸根結底仍是政治問題。
With hindsight it would be fair to say that even the housing problem which tops the Governments agenda is after all a political issue
為何香港社會如此重視、着緊民主政制的產生，從而在制度上可保障香港社會享有《基本法》所訂的核心權益和價值呢？
Why do Hong Kong people attach such a great deal of importance to ensuring that we would be able to enjoy the core rights interests and values provided under the Basic Law through the establishment of a democratic political system in Hong Kong?
原因是《基本法》確實書寫了很多中央政府的隱含權力，例如第一百五十八條所訂的釋法權。
It is because the Basic Law has actually given the Central Government a lot of implied powers such as the power of interpretation of the Basic Law provided under Article 158
張德江最近甚至在一個《基本法》研討會上指出，對於"圍繞對特別行政區法律備案審查權、行政長官和主要官員任命權、《基本法》解釋權和修改權、特別行政區政制發展問題決定權、中央政府向行政 長官發出指令權，以及聽取行政長官述職和報告權等，要制定和細化有關規定"。
ZHANG Dejiang has even pointed out recently in a seminar on the Basic Law that with regard to the power to record and scrutinize legislation of the Special Administrative Region the power to appoint the Chief Executive and principal officials the power to interpret and amend the Basic Law the power to make policy decisions on the constitutional development of the Special Administrative Region the Central Governments power to issue instructions and orders to the Chief Executive and receive work reports from the Chief Executive further details have to be worked out on the relevant rules and regulations
換言之，關於過往在《基本法》所訂的比較概念性的事情，通過細化和制訂有關規定後，將可把隱含權力變成實質權力，直接對香港指指點點。
In other words with respect to some conceptual issues covered in the Basic Law further details may be worked out and relevant rules and regulations may be formulated to turn the Central Governments implied powers into substantive powers thereby enabling it to lay hands directly on the matters of Hong Kong