Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
十八區民政處由2016年4月起陸續開展工作，合共推展39個項目，當中34個項目涉及處理地區問題，包括環境衞生、蚊患、店鋪違例擴展和單車違例停泊等﹔另外5個項目以掌握地區機遇為目標，針對當區的獨特情況和需要，提出項目改善居民的生活質素，優化社區設施。
Since April 2016 18 District Offices have been implementing a total of 39 projects including 34 projects relating to management of local issues such as improving environmental hygiene conditions enhancing anti - mosquito work curbing shop front extension and clearing illegally parked bicycles; besides there are five projects which aim to capitalize on local opportunities for enhancing the living quality of residents and community facilities in response to the unique circumstances and needs of respective districts
區議會充分參與這個計劃下各項目的訂定，並就工作的優先提出建議，令相關工作能更貼緊地區需要和改善社區環境。
DCs have fully participated in the formulation of various projects under this Scheme and advised on the work priority so that the relevant work can better meet local needs and improve the environment of the community
特區政府將會繼續加強與區議會的合作，促進區議會與政府的溝通，確保政策措施符合區情和貼近市民的脈搏，爭取市民的支持和認同。
The SAR Government will continue to enhance the cooperation with DCs and facilitate the communication between DCs and the Government to ensure that the policies and measures meet local circumstances and can keep tabs on the pulse of the people thereby gaining support and recognition from the public
就大廈管理而言，民政事務總署將在今年4月推出廣受地區歡迎的大廈管理專業顧問服務計劃的第三期，委聘專業物業管理公司，為舊樓的業主提供一系列專業支援，包括協助"三無大廈"業主成立業主立案法團及妥善管理大廈。
In respect of building management the Home Affairs Department will launch phase three of the Building Management Professional Advisory Service Scheme which is well received by local districts in April this year to commission professional property management companies to provide owners of old buildings with a range of professional support including assisting owners of three nil buildings in forming owners corporations and managing buildings properly
代理主席，在這辯論環節中，我想特別談談有關香港在檔案法和公開資料法方面落後的情況，而從這方面可見，今次這份施政報告雖然是現屆政府，即梁振英政府最後一份的施政報告，但實際上他並沒有兌現競選時所作的承諾。
Deputy President in this debate session I wish to particularly talk about Hong Kongs lag in respect of archives law and legislation on access to information and from this we can see that while this Policy Address is the last of the current - term Government or LEUNG Chun - yings administration he actually has not honoured the promises he made when he was running in the election
代理主席，大部分的國家和地區均已制定檔案法，目的除了保護政府的公文外這裏所說的"公文"並不是人民，說的是文書檔案亦可以保障民眾的知情權。
Deputy President most countries and territories have enacted an archives law the objective of which is to protect not only the Governments official documents 公文―公文 here refers not to the people but documents and records―but also the publics right to know
梁振英當年競選時表示會積極研究訂立檔案法，但至今仍沒有進行絲毫的立法工作。
When he ran in the election years back LEUNG Chun - ying said that he would actively study the enactment of an archives law but he has not done the slightest bit of work for legislating to this effect
舉例來說，我最近向土木工程拓展署索取有關落馬洲河套區已完成的顧問研究的技術報告資料，至今政府仍未提供。
For example recently I made a request to the Civil Engineering and Development Department for information on the report on the technical studies completed by the consultant on the Lok Ma Chau Loop but the Government has yet to provide it to me
他們最初表示資料過時，雖然那些只不過是兩三年前的資料，但政府也說過時。
Initially they said that the information was obsolete and even though the information was released only two or three years ago the Government still considered it obsolete
去年11月，我在立法會會議上就檔案法的立法質詢當時的政務司司長，她的答覆當然是香港法律改革委員會已研究3年，現時仍在研究中。
In November last year I put a question to the then Chief Secretary for Administration on the enactment of an archives law at a meeting of the Legislative Council . In her reply she said that this issue which had been studied by the Law Reform Commission LRC for three years was still under study
大量的檔案在這段時間被銷毀，但當時的政務司司長卻推說這些檔案並非重要文件，當中很大部分都只是表格，又說現時的制度行之有效。
A large volume of records was destroyed during this period of time but the then Chief Secretary for Administration argued that those records were of little value and that a majority of them was forms only adding that the existing system is proven
所以，這完全是一個轉移視線的答覆，直到現在，事情仍未解決。
Therefore the reply was entirely meant to divert attention and this matter remains not resolved so far
主席，歷史要靠我們用檔案來寫的。
President history is made up of records
今天我們看到香港面對的管治問題，不論是鉛水、剛才說的河套區發展、西九香港故宮文化博物館的爭議等，又或所有政府的相關決策，究竟有沒有檔案可以追尋呢？
Regarding the problem of governance that Hong Kong faces nowadays whether in the incident of excessive lead in drinking water the development of the Loop I mentioned just now or the controversies surrounding the Hong Kong Palace Museum in the West Kowloon Cultural District or the relevant polices of the Government are there records for us to trace?
在橫洲事件上，究竟"摸底"是怎樣進行的呢？
In the Wang Chau incident how was soft lobbying done?
香港在沒有檔案法的情況下，政府真的隨時可以在喜歡時便建立檔案，不喜歡的話便不予保存，而一些現有的檔案亦可以隨時銷毀，市民根本無法追查，政府亦無須向任何人負責，亦不受任何法例規管。
Without an archives law in Hong Kong the Government can really keep or refuse to keep records as it likes which means that some of the existing records can be destroyed anytime making it impossible for the public to trace them whereas the Government does not need to be accountable to anybody; nor is it subject to any regulation in law
在現今的電腦時代，電子的通訊紀錄更加容易銷毀，只需要按一個掣便可以刪除，而相關的規管守則可能比規管實體文件檔案的守則更加重要。
In this computer age nowadays it is far easier to destroy for electronic records of communication for they can be deleted simply at the press of a button . Rules for regulating these records may be more important than those governing physical documents and records
但是，香港至今只有剛才說的《公開資料守則》，而該守則並沒有法律約束力。
In Hong Kong however all we have is still the Code on Access to Information which is not legally binding
過去不是沒有人向申訴專員投訴，申訴專員也表示這做法並不足夠。
It is not the case that no complaint has been lodged to The Ombudsman before and The Ombudsman also questioned the adequacy of the current practice
民主的制度是要有效監察政府，而首要條件是公眾要有知情權。
A democratic system stresses effective monitoring of the Government and the first prerequisite is to uphold the publics right to know
如果社會不能取閱政府的文件，市民的知情權將受到剝奪，政府可以銷毀重要但可能對官方不利的一些檔案而無須承擔任何法律責任。
If the community is denied access to government documents the public will be deprived of the right to know and the Government can destroy important records which may be unfavourable to it without having to shoulder any legal responsibility
這便是政府官員的態度。在近期很多事件上，包括民航處的空管系統等問題上，政府均以同樣的態度處理。
This is the attitude of government officials and the Government also has adopted the same attitude in handling many issues recently including the air traffic control system of the Civil Aviation Department and so on
有鑒於此，主席，目前我和一些關注檔案法和公開資料法的團體和傳媒機構正在籌備有關檔案法的私人法案，希望香港在保障公民知情權方面，不會再被評為落後全球90多個國家。
In view of this President I together with some organizations and media corporations concerned about an archives law and legislation on access to information are preparing a Members bill on archives law in the hope that Hong Kong will no longer be ranked as lagging behind some 90 countries worldwide in the protection of the publics right to know . Under these circumstances I urge the Government to do its job properly
在這情況下，請政府自己把這事情做好，政府是有責任作出處理的，不可以只說等待法改會的報告，政府有責任早日作出處理，一天一天拖下去，我們便看着這些檔案要不是不獲備存，便是被銷毀，這會令我們整個社會負上很沉重的代價。
The Government is duty - bound to deal with this issue rather than just telling us to wait for the report of LRC . The Government is duty - bound to address this issue early . If it keeps dragging its feet day after day we will be seeing these records either not being preserved or they being destroyed and for this our whole society will have to pay a heavy price
所以，主席，我謹此陳辭，希望政府盡快處理檔案法和公開資料法。
Therefore President with these remarks I hope that the Government will expeditiously deal with the making of an archives law and legislation on access to information
主席，梁振英用今年施政報告重新數列自己的成績，我也想簡單回顧一下，其實這5年是怎樣的呢？
President LEUNG Chun - ying used the Policy Address to enumerate his achievements anew . I also wish to give a brief review of what has happened in these five years
施政報告的辯論內容由新發展區，逐漸被他誘導至中部水域人工島，慢慢到了今天，連郊野公園是否需要發展也要辯論。
From the new development areas the debate on the Policy Address has been gradually steered by him to the artificial island in the central waters; and then slowly today the question whether country parks should be developed is a subject of debate
這種"盲搶地"的發展主義語言，可能令很多公眾、很多市民也心怯，懷疑是否真的要不斷發展，才能興建足夠公屋？
Such developmentalist language of blind scramble for land may frighten many members of the public and citizens to question if unending development is the requisite for building enough public housing
事實上，CY在5年前剛上任便說土地問題是重中之重。
As a matter of fact CY said five years ago when he was fresh in office said that the land issue was the top priority work of the Government
其實他這樣說是回應2010年的反高鐵運動。
He said that in response to the anti - Express Rail Link campaign in 2010
他擔心，反高鐵運動這種嘗試提出城鄉平衡、民主規劃的社會運動，會擾亂他的"分餅仔"大計，所以不斷用房屋問題來恐嚇香港人。
He was worried that the anti - Express Rail Link campaign a social movement which attempted to propose a balance between rural and urban areas and democratic planning may disrupt his ambitious plan of sharing the pie so he continued to threaten Hong Kong people with the housing problem
如是者，CY演繹出來的大戰略便是用盡一切方法，由行政到論述，反反覆覆，不斷創造這種"房屋發展與保育"的假對立。
In this way CY has deduced a grand tactic to exhaust all means from executive to discourse to repeatedly construct a phony opposition of housing development versus conservation
事實上，所謂房屋，所謂發展，根本是地產項目和中港融合的任務。
In fact the so - called housing and the so - called development are nothing but property projects and a mission of Mainland - Hong Kong integration
五年來，樓價、租金繼續上升，市區的房屋越來越難負擔得起，蟻民被迫輪候公屋或遷往新界。
Over the last five years property prices and rents have continued to rise making properties in the urban areas growingly difficult to afford and thus forcing the petty masses to wait for public rental housing PRH or move to the New Territories
至於新界東北發展計劃，CY剛上場，便將傳統新市鎮模式，改為史上最大規模的公私合營模式，替數個大地產商套現，造就數百億元的"肥豬肉"。
As regards the North East New Territories NENT Development Plan as soon as he took office CY immediately transformed the traditional new town model to the largest public - private partnership in history cashing out for several major real estate developers and creating a piece of fat pork worth tens of billion dollars
全香港各個發展區加起來，相信新增的商業樓面超過1,000億呎。
Combining the newly built commercial floor space in all development areas in Hong Kong I think it is over 100 billion sq ft
發展東大嶼都會，將要填海1,000公頃，興建海中死水孤城，造就數千億元的跨境大橋，連帶港珠澳大橋香港口岸和港島心臟，便是為了所謂的創造容量，即是讓根本不存在的幽靈人口居住。
The Development of the East Lantau Metropolis requires reclamation of 1 000 hectares to build an isolated city in dead waters for the construction of a cross - boundary bridge worth hundreds of billion dollars for connection with the Hong Kong Boundary Crossing Facilities of the Hong Kong - Zhuhai - Macao Bridge HZMB and the heart of Hong Kong Island . It is for the purpose of creating the so - called capacity where non - existent ghost population can reside
"長毛"說得對："一錯再錯"。
Long Hair was right in saying repeated mistakes
大家其實也心知肚明，又是要被開刀搞發展。
We all know that they will be targeted for development
我們仍未計算高鐵及港珠澳大橋工程繼續超支，繼續"cap水"，繼續未完工，而2,000億元的"三跑"工程又要正式起動了。
We have not yet taken into account the continual cost overrun of HZMB the continual siphoning off of money and the continual unfinished projects . And the third runway project which costs 200 billion is about to commence
只餘下那些會所用地，即富豪打高爾夫球的會所，政府說會檢討是否用作發展，討論過後又沒有跟進，富豪可以繼續"打波"談生意。
As for the remaining land of clubs where rich people play golf the Government said it will review if it will be used for development . But there is no follow - up after discussion so the rich people can keep making business deals during games of golf
至於我們很想優先發展的棕地，就如橫洲項目一樣，政府又說要先討論兩年，那些鄉紳也說要多討論，因為他們仍未賺夠租金。
As regards brownfield sites the development of which we wish to give priority just like the Wang Chau project the Government said it needs to be discussed for two years as a start and the gentry also said they need more discussions because they have not earned enough rents . In the last 20 years the Mainland has experienced rapid urbanization
中國大陸近20年極速城市化，瘋狂開發土地，導致鬼城處處，北京與天津一體化，廣州、東莞及深圳3個城市的地鐵很快便會全面連接。
Crazy land development has led to the emergence of ghost cities all over the country . In tandem with the integration of Beijing and Tianjin the metro networks of three cities Guangzhou Dongguan and Shenzhen will be fully connected soon
大家看看大陸的情況後想一想，便知道CY的腦袋想些甚麼，便是盡快替地產商圈劃全部土地，把大量土地極速資本化、證券化來"搵快錢"。
We just need to look at what is happening on the Mainland to find out what CY has in mind that is to enclose all the land as soon as possible for real estate developers with a view to rapidly capitalizing and securitizing a large amount of land for quick cash
至於真正的房屋問題，他當然無法解決。
And for the real housing problem of course he is unable to solve it
有錢買樓的人，也要做一世"樓奴"，供款不單要20年，動輒要30年，到了2047年還可能要補地價。
People who have money to purchase properties will become lifelong property slaves . They have to service their mortgages for not just 20 years but easily 30 years and they may need to pay land premium in 2047
如果出現全球經濟大風浪，銀行更動輒要求提早還款，真的是所謂"有樓有高潮"。
Should a turmoil arise in the global economy the banks may even readily request early repayment . It truly means property ownership gives people orgasms
可是，大家要留意的是，即使現在大興土木，公屋的建屋進度與"前朝"分別不大，因為CY為要開發新界，仍然堅持要採用大型新市鎮的方式來興建公屋，此舉當然又會引起很多爭議。
However it is noteworthy that even though there are massive construction projects the current progress of PRH construction is not much different from the previous term of Government because CY insists on building PRH in adherence to the big new town model for the sake of developing the New Territories . Of course such a move will arouse a lot of controversy
事實上，這樣發展不單不能解決問題，更會製造新的問題。
In fact such kind of development will not only fail to solve the problems but create new ones instead
現在每年800億元的基建開支，其實是極度倚賴賣地作滋養。
The current infrastructure expenditure of 80 billion per annum indeed relies heavily on land sale
更重要的是，如果我們把這些土地拍賣，便會產生機會成本，因為那些土地如果不賣給發展商來興建一些香港人負擔不來的私樓，其實可以用作興建大量公屋、居屋，或姚松炎議員經常向大家介紹的合作社房屋。
More importantly an opportunity cost will arise if those lots are auctioned because if not sold to developers to build private properties that Hong Kong people cannot afford they could have been used for the construction of a large number of PRH or HOS flats or cooperative housing often suggested by Dr YIU Chung - yim
再者，新界如以這樣的方式發展，便明顯需要更多交通基建。
Moreover the New Territories if developed in such a manner will obviously necessitate more transport infrastructure
例如上水和粉嶺，人口現在只有26萬，新界東北的人口會新增17萬，現在新界北即《香港2030+》提出要發展的地區又會新增25萬至35萬人，試問東鐵如何撐得住呢？
For example Sheung Shui and Fanling have a population of 260 000 and there will be an addition of 170 000 to the population of NENT . Right now North New Territories―areas Hong Kong 2030 proposes to develop―will welcome 250 000 to 350 000 more people . How can the East Rail handle such loading?
那便要興建一條北環線，把那些被貴租及被市區重建迫遷往新界的小市民疏導至西鐵線，因為東鐵線已爆滿。
Then there will be the need for the Northern Link to divert common people who have been forced to move to the New Territories by high rents and urban development to the West Rail Line because the East Rail Line is overloaded already
但其實西鐵沿線地區也有很多居民，既有洪水橋新發展區，又會在元朗南及錦田南進行發展等，還有很多小型項目，如橫洲項目及新慶路項目，其實西鐵線很快又被迫爆。
Yet there are a lot of residents in areas along the West Rail Line such as the Hung Shui Kiu New Development Area development in South Yuen Long and South Kam Tin as well as many small projects such as the ones in Wang Chau and on San Hing Road . The West Rail Line will be overloaded very soon
政府又可以有藉口了，人多擠迫的話，又可以推出多些基建，正如田北辰議員所說，興建一條全新的鐵路，由新界西經東大嶼往西環和中環，是數千億元的基建。
The Government will then be given the excuse of over - crowdedness to launch more infrastructure projects . Precisely as Mr Michael TIEN has suggested a new railway running from New Territories West to Western District and Central via East Lantau Island can be constructed which is an infrastructure project valued at hundreds of billion dollars
所以，大家看到這個"旋轉門"在地產、土地開發至基建之間旋轉任何新的交通基建，又會帶動新的地產發展，而且還要花很多錢，即又要賣大量土地予地產商維持開支。
Hence we can all see this revolving door revolving around properties land development and infrastructure―any new transport infrastructure will drive new property development which will cost a fortune meaning land will be sold on a large scale to real estate developers to foot the bill
於是到了最後，整個新界都發展了，特別是新界北，洪水橋、河套地區、古洞北、粉嶺北、坪輋，每個接壤深圳的地方都被開發。
As such in the end the entire New Territories will have been developed especially New Territories North Hung Shui Kiu Lok Ma Chau Loop North Kwu Tung North Fanling and Ping Che―every place bordering Shenzhen will have been developed
這就是梁振英給予香港人的未來，所有"前朝"做不到、沒有錢但很想做的發展，梁振英都幾乎超額完成。
This is the future LEUNG Chun - ying has given to Hong Kong people . All the development tasks that his predecessor failed but really wanted to carry out because of the lack of money LEUNG Chun - ying has accomplished all and even more
這個把珠三角變成全都市區域、為地產商用公帑做好基建、把土地全面金融化的"搶地運動"，耗盡本港的財政儲備，把香港人封死在數條做"樓奴"的死路之中，就是我看到CY禍港5年的結果。
Such a land scramble campaign―one that has turned the Pearl River Delta into a completely urbanized region completed infrastructure for real estate developers using public funds and achieved the total financialization of land―has fully depleted the fiscal reserves of Hong Kong and trapped Hong Kong people in a few dead ends of living as property slaves . These are the disastrous results I saw of Hong Kong after being molested by CY for five years
現時所有房屋和土地的發展膠着，就是因為城市規劃及土地行政完全缺乏市民的參與。
The current stalemate of housing and land development is a result of the total lack of public participation in urban planning and land administration
這就是我們所說的，香港的民主運動不只是"一人一票"選特首及立法會議員如此簡單的要求，而是我們最珍惜的土地、共同擁有的公共資產，即公帑，都要用民主的方法互相分享，我們的生活才可以得到改善。
It comes to what we have been saying that the democratic movement in Hong Kong is not just the simple request of electing the Chief Executive and Legislative Council Members by one person one vote but the sharing of our most cherished land and commonly - owned public resources ie . public funds by democratic means is that our living can be improved
在剛過去的立法會選舉，我主張"民主自決"，得到選民的授權，進入議會。
In the last Legislative Council Election I advocated democratic self - determination and won the authorization of voters to enter the Council
過去半年，我目睹香港的政治變化及北京對本港的操控，從以確認書"DQ"參選立法會的資格，到第五次人大釋法，繼而取消梁、游兩位議員的資格，到3月1日又有4位議員面對司法覆核的聆訊，我更確信要堅持"民主自決"作為香港民主運動及民主派未來的方向。
In the last six months I have witnessed the political changes in Hong Kong and the control imposed by Beijing on Hong Kong―from the disqualification of candidacy of the Legislative Council Election by means of the Confirmation Form the fifth interpretation of the Basic Law by the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress NPCSC the subsequent disqualification of two Legislative Council Members Sixtus LEUNG and YAU Wai - ching to the judicial review hearing involving four Members on 1 March . All of these have further consolidated my conviction that we have to persist with democratic self - determination as the future direction for the democratic movement and the pro - democracy camp in Hong Kong
人大常委會於2014年作出八三一決定後，香港人應該明白到一個事實，就是《基本法》已經成為北京控制香港最有力的工具。
Since the 31 August Decision by NPCSC in 2014 Hong Kong people should have realized the fact that the Basic Law has become the most powerful tool for Beijing to control Hong Kong
只要《基本法》第一百五十八條仍然存在，只要人大釋法，香港將難以實現真正的民主普選及法治社會。
As long as Article 158 of the Basic Law is in place and as long as NPCSC can make interpretations of the Basic Law it will be difficult for Hong Kong to implement genuine democratic popular elections and rule of law in society
《基本法》一方面看似保障我們的基本人權，但其實亦是"大開中門"，永遠留下一條讓北京可以干預香港政治的尾巴。
On the one hand the Basic Law seems to protect our basic human rights yet it has left an option wide open for Beijing to be forever able to interfere with the politics in Hong Kong
因此，我們一定要以超越《基本法》作為民主運動的方向，這就是"民主自決"的主張。
Therefore we must make transcending the Basic Law as the direction for the democratic movement and it is the advocacy of democratic self - determination
香港人應該勇於打破政治禁忌，不可以安於每4年一次的立法會和區議會選舉，以及每5年一次的特首選舉"跑馬仔"的假民主、半法治的狀態。
Hong Kong people should dare break political taboos and not take comfort in the Legislative Council Election and District Council Elections held once every four years as well as the status of pseudo - democracy and quasi - rule of law created by the horse race Chief Executive Election once every five years
今天討論的主題，令我回想起在數個月之前，青年新政兩位立法會議員面對司法覆核時，無論民主派或普羅市民都打着捍衞法治的旗 幟，反對人大釋法。
The themes of todays discussion remind me of how the pro - democracy camp or general public opposed NPCSCs interpretation of the Basic Law in defence of the rule of law when the two Legislative Council Members from Young spiration were facing the judicial review a few months ago
然而，想深一層，香港人說捍衞法治，其實我們可以捍衞的法治現時的狀況究竟是怎樣呢？
Nonetheless in a deeper sense Hong Kong people say they have to defend the rule of law but indeed what is the current status of the rule of law which we can defend?
看清楚一點，香港所謂的法治，從殖民地開始以來，就只是一種模仿英式法治的次貨，充其量只是有規有矩地保障經濟運行的邏輯，但卻沒有真正保障我們的政治權力。
Taking a closer look the so - called rule of law in Hong Kong has only been a second - rate imitation of the British version since the inception of the colony which could at most be the logic underpinning the orderly protection of economic operations without the real political powers that afford us protection
簡單來說，如果沒有真正的民主，其實香港所謂的法治只是建築在浮沙之上，隨時可以被威權統治、干預，甚至推翻。
Simply put without genuine democracy the so - called rule of law in Hong Kong is built on quicksand subject to authoritarian rule interference and even eradication at any moment
如果到了今天，我們眼見北京以第五次人大釋法限制政治主張，甚至以《基本法》作為向議員開刀的武器，但仍然相信香港真是一個"港人治港"、"高度自治"的法治社會，我們只是一直安慰自己，不敢面對香港的體制其實一直屈從於北京威權的政治現實。
If today seeing how Beijing restricts political advocacies by using the fifth interpretation of the Basic Law and even using the Basic Law as a weapon to target Members we still believe Hong Kong is a society under the rule of law where Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong with a high degree of autonomy we will be just comforting ourselves daring not to confront the political reality that the institutions in Hong Kong have succumbed to the authority of Beijing
未來的香港會有更大的民主和法治空間嗎？
Will there be bigger room for democracy and rule of law in the future?
可能沒有，因為北京正準備剝奪我們僅有的虛假法治，連幻想空間以為我們有真正的民主，真的是"港人治港"都不留給香港人。
Probably not as Beijing is prepared to deprive us of our remaining bogus rule of law not even leaving us any room of imagination―imagine that we have genuine democracy and truly Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong
這次特首選舉，候選人為了爭取北京的信任，每一位都明言人大常委會八三一決定是不能撼動的，而就《基本法》第二十三條立法更是事在必行。
In this Chief Executive Election to win Beijings trust the candidates have all made it clear that the 31 August Decision by NPCSC is unshakeable and it is imperative to legislate for Article 23 of the Basic Law Article 23
香港人應該很熟悉就第二十三條立法，2003年50萬人上街遊行反對立法，我們要求的不是立法過程是否公正及依照程序進行，而是我們從根本反對政府以任何形式剝奪我們的政治表達權利。
Hong Kong people should be very familiar with the legislation for Article 23 . In 2003 500 000 people took to the streets in opposition of the legislation . What we demanded was not about whether the legislative process was fair and by the book but we held fundamental opposition to the deprivation of our rights of political expression by the Government by any means
希望香港市民千萬不要忘記第二十三條的存在是因為1989年六四事件後，北京為防止香港人反對其專政而新增的。
I hope Hong Kong people will not forget that Article 23 was added because Beijing wanted to prevent Hong Kong people from resisting its authoritarian rule after the 4 June Incident in 1989
立法的目標很清楚，便是要限制香港民主運動的發展空間，以法律控制政治，是活生生的"以法治國"。
The purpose of legislation is very clear that is to limit the room of development of the democratic movement in Hong Kong by using laws to control politics . It is truly a live practice of rule by law
當年，民主派與香港人的態度十分明確，毫不猶豫地反對立法。
Back than the pro - democracy camp and Hong Kong people held their definite attitude and defied the legislation with no hesitation
然而，來到2017年，發生甚麼事呢？
However in 2017 what has happened?
今屆特首小圈子選舉，民主派不派人參選，以為有300多個"自己人"做選舉委員會委員就能反操控。
In the small - circle election of the Chief Executive the pro - democracy camp not having any candidate to stand in the election thought they could resist the control as there are 300 of their own people in the Election Committee