Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
因此，王光亞主任提出新任特首要能獲得中央政府的信任，又要有管治能力、理念、班底，亦應獲得香港市民的擁戴和擁護。
Hence Director WANG Guangya has suggested that the new Chief Executive should be trusted by the Central Government should have administration ability vision and a good team as well as the admiration and support of the people of Hong Kong
這正正是香港社會要解開今天的政治困局最需要的基礎。
This is rightly the foundation most needed by the community of Hong Kong in breaking the deadlock today
有管治能力、港人擁護，這些條件正正針對現屆政府及梁振英的缺失。
The criteria of having administration ability and support of the people of Hong Kong are targeted at the inadequacies of the incumbent Government and LEUNG Chun - ying
因此，民主黨再次呼籲，所有特首候選人均應向市民表達清楚意願，就是願意"離西環最遠，向香港人靠近"；願意以嚴肅的態度總結和回顧梁振英管治失敗的經驗，修補社會裂痕；願意放棄政治分贓，以香港人的利益為先。
Hence the Democratic Party once again implores all candidates of the Chief Executive Election to clearly express their aspirations that is they are willing to distance from the Western District and draw close to the people of Hong Kong to conclude and review the failures in administration of LEUNG Chun - ying seriously and mend the rifts in society and to give up the practice of sharing political spoils and put the interests of the people of Hong Kong above all
根據《議事規則》，議員是可以就"致謝議案"提出修正案。
Under the Rules of Procedure Members can propose amendments to the Motion of Thanks
這些修正案是3位議員以個人名義提出，有關修正案並未經內務委員會討論，亦不代表議員之間的共識。
These amendments which are proposed by the three Members in their personal capacity have not been discussed by the House Committee and do not represent a consensus reached among Members
鑒於我現在是以內務委員會主席的身份發言，按照慣例我不應該、亦不會就3位議員的修正案表達任何意見，或呼籲各位支持或不支持3位議員的修正案。
Since I am now speaking in my capacity as Chairman of the House Committee in accordance with the established practice I should not and will not express any views on the amendments of the three Members or urge Members to support or not to support the amendments of the three Members
我現在請胡志偉議員就議案動議修正案。
I now call upon Mr WU Chi - wai to move his amendment to the motion
主席，聽過多位建制派同事剛才的發言，我不可以說我完全否定他們某些說法，但不幸的是我看不到他們的發言內容的統一性，也不見他們避免自相矛盾，我會慢慢解釋這點。
President having listened to the speeches made by a number of Honourable colleagues from the pro - establishment camp earlier I could not say that I disagree with all of their comments . But unfortunately I do not see any consistency in the content of their speeches nor do I see them avoiding to make contradictory comments . I will explain this later
我認為過去5年，就是梁振英上台後的5年，市民的感受可以用數行字來代表，就是：5年浩劫、用人唯親、撕裂社會、敵我矛盾、好鬥生事、官商鄉黑、傾斜財閥、民不聊生。
In my view the feelings of the public in the past five years the five years since LEUNG Chun - ying took office can be described with the following phrases five years of calamities prevailing cronyism dissensions in society persisting antagonism inclination to fight and create troubles government - business - rural - triad collusion tilting towards plutocrats and hardships for the people
我認為這些說話可以大致描寫香港大多數市民的心情。
I think these phrases are an overall description of the feelings of the majority Hongkongers . I will first talk about his default on the undertakings in his manifesto
當中的全民退保，最後只有一項"長生津2.0"的安排，這樣便當作"找數"。
One of the undertakings is on universal retirement protection yet it is eventually substituted by the Old Age Living Allowance 2.0 arrangement which he regards as a fulfilment of his promise
至於標準工時，標準工時委員會商討數年所得的決定，就是沒有標準工時，只以所謂的"合約工時"來取代，結果等於甚麼也沒做過。
Regarding his commitment in regard to standard working hours the Standard Working Hours Committee came to the conclusion after several years of discussion that there would not be standard working hours and the so - called contractual working hours was recommended as a substitute . As a result nothing has been achieved
另外，港人港地，"講"是有的，但實際呎價近18,000元，是香港大部分市民都未能負擔的，更不是政策原先針對的階層所能負擔。
Furthermore for the policy on Hong Kong Property for Hong Kong People it has been reduced to lip service . Since the actual price per square feet is pitched at nearly 18,000 neither the majority public nor the class the policy originally targeted at can afford it
局長可能比梁振英稍為坦白，最少這方面是值得讚賞的，因他肯"認數"。
The Secretary may be slightly more honest than LEUNG Chun - ying which I consider is a point that merits commendation for he is willing to admit the inadequacies
局長在去年年底已表示，預計尚欠44000個單位。
By the end of last year the Secretary stated that there would be a shortfall of 44 000 flats
大家也知香港最近有兩宗較重大的案件，剛才有些同事也有提及，一宗是"七警案"，另一宗是有關前任特首行為失當案件，稍後將有裁決，我也不評論太多，等待法院判決，大家自有公論。
As Members should know there are two significant cases in Hong Kong recently . One is The Seven Cops case and the other is about the misconduct of the former Chief Executive . Since the Judgment of the latter case will soon come out I will not comment too much on it and will wait for the Judgment of the Court and the public will pass their own judgment
的而且確，回歸20年以來，我們看到政府尤其是在上位的高官的情況，有高官因貪污而被定罪，亦有特首被控告。
It has been 20 years since the reunification and we can see the situation of the Government particularly senior government officials in the top echelon . There were senior government officials being convicted of corruption and the former Chief Executive was subject to prosecution
本港的廉潔指數年年下跌，這就是我們的現況。
Hong Kongs ranking in the probity index is dropping every year . This is the prevailing situation here
我們被"西環"干預，一隻"有形之手"直接操控香港，而所謂的"第二管治"團隊，其實是指香港政府，"西環"才是第一。
We are intervened by the Western District . A tangible hand is exercising direct control over Hong Kong . The so - called second governance team is in fact referring to the Hong Kong Government for the Western District is the first
我們看到政府除了與這些勢力連結外，亦向一些大財團甚至鄉郊勢力傾斜。
Apart from the tie with these forces we notice that the Government has also tilted towards certain large consortia and even rural forces
橫洲事件就是一個例子，當然，我們最終也未必能完全查出真相。
The Wang Chau incident is a case in point . Of course we may not be able to find out the truth in the end
試問市民如何對政府管治有信心，如何會感到滿意呢？
How will the public have confidence in the governance of this Government? . How will they feel satisfied?
過去數年，本港出現了很多衝突：佔中、港獨、分離主義，甚至一些抗爭行動的激進化，這些是香港人不想看到，民主黨也不想看到的。
In the past few years there were many conflicts in Hong Kong including Occupy Central Hong Kong independence secessionism and even the radicalization of certain protests . The people of Hong Kong do not wish to see these neither does the Democratic Party
歸根究底，在譴責這些現象時，管治者是否應探求源頭，然後設法解決呢？
After all apart from criticizing these phenomena should the governor not identify the causes and solutions for these problems?
然而，當局只將問題引申或產生的現象加以放大、批鬥，卻不思考形成現象的原因，這是從政者不負責任。
Regrettably the authorities have resorted to exaggerating and condemning the phenomena arisen or resulted from the problems rather than pondering upon the causes . This is being irresponsible on the part of politicians
"七警案"是一個不幸，我個人認為既然法院已作出判決，這7位警員已承擔其刑事責任。
The Seven Cops case is an unfortunate event . In my opinion since the Court has already handed down its Judgment the seven police officers have already borne the criminal liabilities
不過，我們要問：是誰製造這些衝突；是誰指示我們的前線警員；是誰讓佔中事件發展至如此極端化的對抗；是誰下令發射催淚彈？
Yet we have to ask Who caused these conflicts; who gave instructions to the frontline police officers; who allowed the Occupy Central action to develop to this extreme protest and who ordered the firing of tear gas canisters?
這些是我們要問的問題，不可單單"只見樹木，不見森林"。
These are the questions we have to ask . We cannot see the wood for the trees
"西環"治港已是現實，我們最近聽到特首梁振英有可能在稍後的兩會獲委任為全國政協副主席。
The ruling of Hong Kong by the Western District is the reality . Recently we learn that Chief Executive LEUNG Chun - ying may be appointed as the Vice - chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese Peoples Political Consultative Conference during the Two Sessions to be held shortly
這點是令我們憂慮的，我不希望他拿到"政治金鐘罩"便可免責。
This is worrying for I do not wish to see him enjoying immunity upon being granted this political all - round protective shield
代理主席，來到今次施政報告辯論的尾聲，我們談及管治的部分，我無意在此對今天其他建制派議員的言論逐一回應，我反而希望利用以下時間啟發思考，探討一下在過去5年，尤其是政府已到了任期的最後1年，究竟發生了甚麼事情？
Deputy President as this debate on the Policy Address is drawing to a close we are speaking on the part about governance . Here I do not intend to respond to the speeches delivered by the other Members of the pro - establishment camp today one by one . Instead I wish to use the following time to inspire Members to think about and examine what has actually happened over the past five years especially when the Government has reached the final year of its term of office
我們作為立法會議員，應該如何集體展望，為未來把脈？
Being Legislative Council Members how should we collectively look ahead and feel the pulse of the future?
今天適逢是7名警員判刑的日子，我們看到嚴重的兩極化，即使是本會其他同事的發言，也呈現了這種現象。
Today happens to be the date of sentence of the seven police officers . As we can see there is serious polarization . Such a phenomenon has appeared even in the speeches of the other Honourable colleagues in this Council
代理主席，一方面，我們看到有人為此大肆慶祝，大呼痛快；另一方面，我們看到有人認為判刑過重，甚至有人辱罵法官，這些是我們過去比較少看到的情況，而香港以往的一些大型案件，亦很少出現這種極端兩極化的情況。
On the other we have noted some peoples view that the sentences are too heavy . Some even verbally insulted the Judge . We have rarely seen such a situation before
當 然，這宗案件並非由石頭爆出來，並非無故發生，這個結果當然是來自過去兩三年來社會的嚴重撕裂和對立。
Of course this case did not suddenly emerge from nowhere . It did not happen without a cause . This is certainly the result of serious divisions and confrontations in society over the past few years
我會形容這是一種表徵，而實際上，我們要看的是3重關係。
I will describe this as a symptom . In fact what we need to look at is a tripartite relationship
第一，是香港人與香港人之間，人民內部的關係；第二，是人民與特區政府之間的關係；第三，是香港人與中央政府之間的關係。
The first part is the relationship among the people of Hong Kong an internal relationship among the people . The second part is the relationship between the people and the Special Administrative Region SAR Government . The third part is the relationship between the people of Hong Kong and the Central Government
這3重關係在過去5年已經被嚴重破壞。
This tripartite relationship has been severely ruined over the past five years
以下時間，我想慢慢闡述一下這3重關係。
I would like to use the following time to elaborate on this tripartite relationship
首先是我剛才提及香港人內部之間的關係。
The first part as I mentioned just now is the internal relationship among the people of Hong Kong
我在開場白提及的"七警案"已經是一項表徵。
The Seven Cops case mentioned in my opening remarks is a clear symptom
我覺得我們要從足夠的高度、以足夠的智慧來看，其實這是一個已經跨越20年的問題。
I think we need to look at the issue from a fairly high altitude with sufficient wisdom . As a matter of fact this problem has already spanned two decades
人民與人民之間的矛盾，並非由人民無故生起的，這必然是第二重關係，即香港人與特區政府之間的關係出現裂痕，才會衍生出來。
Conflicts among the people were not stirred up by the people without a cause . They were bound to develop from the splits in the second part of the relationship the relationship between the people of Hong Kong and the SAR Government
代理主席，特區政府與香港人之間的關係出現了甚麼問題呢？
Deputy President what problems have emerged in the relationship between the SAR Government and the people of Hong Kong?
回歸後，大家也會有合理的期望，由人民當家作主，理應得到善治良善的管治、友善的管治，這個"善"字可以代表不同的善，但過去5年，我們有否看到善治出現呢？
Since the reunification we have had reasonable expectations that the people will become the master of their own house and enjoy good governance―good in the sense of being virtuous and friendly . The word good can denote goodness in different aspects . However in the past five years did we see any good governance?
究竟這5年來，香港人生活得比較開心，還是比較失落呢？
In these five years did the people of Hong Kong actually feel happier or more disappointed in their lives?
正如陳克勤議員剛才回應鄭松泰議員的發言時提出移民論，究竟在過去5年，香港人移民的數目是增加了，還是減少了？
In light of the theory of emigration mentioned just now by Mr CHAN Hak - kan in response to Dr CHENG Chung - tais speech after all did the number of people emigrating from Hong Kong increase or decrease in the past five years?
我們手邊未必有確實數字，但我們撫心自問，身邊有沒有人因為在過去5年遇到不開心的情況而移民呢？
We may not have the exact figures in hand but frankly do we know anyone who emigrated because he had come across unhappy circumstances in the past five years?
移民代表對這片土地失去希望，對這片土地失去信心，更代表他們在香港找不到善治。
Emigration represents their loss of hope and confidence in this piece of land . It also means they could not find good governance in Hong Kong
善治很簡單，其實歸根究底，並無客觀的量度標準，但我們看到一個元素，便是信任。
Good governance is very simple . In a nutshell there is no objective yardstick but we can note an element which is trust
當然，永遠是掌權者對無權者的一份尊重，這份尊重可以是聆聽民意，而即使在聆聽民意的過程中，可能會聽到很多反對的聲音， 但掌權者若仍然能夠虛懷若谷，這才是我們期望獲得的尊重。
Of course it should always be those in power showing respect for the powerless . Such respect can be manifested by listening to public views . If those in power can remain modest and open - minded even though they may hear a lot of opposition voices in the course of listening to public views this is the kind of respect we expect to receive
然而，非常可惜，過去5年，我們看不到這種尊重，我們看到的是每況愈下。
Yet regrettably in the past five years we did not see this kind of respect . What we have seen is a deteriorating situation
我無意在今次的發言中特別針對某一事例，但我必須提出一宗具體事例，以協助我闡明論點。
I do not intend to target any particular case in this speech but I must cite a specific example to help illustrate my arguments
代理主席，以兩個月前發生的西九故宮館事件為例，在程序上，政府有否做足工夫，我相信大家心裏有數。
Deputy President take the incident of the Hong Kong Palace Museum in the West Kowloon Cultural District which happened two months ago as an example . As far as the procedure is concerned did the Government do its job fully? . I believe we already have an answer in our mind
其實，當香港要求或建議把故宮的文物引入香港開設分館，我覺得客觀而言，大部分香港人不會有強烈反感。
Actually objectively speaking I think most Hongkongers do not have any strong resentment to Hong Kongs request or proposal for setting up a branch museum in Hong Kong to exhibit the historical relics from the Beijing Palace Museum
但是，問題來自哪裏呢？
But where did the problem come from?
便是來自一個黑箱作業的決定，致令一件本來是中立甚至可能是好的事情，現在卻演變成人人都反感的一件事。
It came from a decision made in black box operation . Consequently something which was originally neutral or which might even be desirable has now turned out to be something disliked by everyone
這是否完全違反善治呢？
Does this not run counter to good governance?
很明顯，這是其中一個例子。
Obviously this is one of the examples
當人民感覺不到政府尊重他們，感覺不到政府願意聆聽民意的時候，最終政府怎會獲得信任呢？
When the people do not feel any respect from the Government and they do not feel its willingness to listen to public views either how will the Government gain their trust in the end?
當政府缺乏市民信任的時候，便不會獲得更多的尊重，這樣只會演變成一個惡性循環。
When the Government lacks trust from the people it will not get any more respect . This will only develop into a vicious cycle
若特區政府與人民之間失去基本信任，絕對會直接影響第三重關係，就是香港人與中央政府之間的關係。
The loss of the fundamental trust between the SAR Government and the people will absolutely have a direct impact on the third part of the relationship which is the relationship between the people of Hong Kong and the Central Government
無可否認，我們現時生活在"一國兩制"之下，我們現時與中央政府之間存有一種必然的憲制關係。
It is undeniable that we now live under one country two systems . Inevitably there exists a constitutional relationship between us and the Central Government
而實際上，代理主席，請在席每位同事撫心自問及觀察一下，過去數年，香港人對於中央政府的觀感、信任、態度是變好了還是變差了？
As a matter of fact Deputy President would the Honourable colleagues present please ask themselves honestly and make an observation . Have the impression trust and attitude of Hongkongers towards the Central Government improved or worsened over the past few years?
是否每件事都必然與中央政府有關呢？
Is every issue inevitably related to the Central Government?
有議員剛才提及過去一兩年發生的某些人在香港失蹤的事件，這當然直接打擊中央政府在香港的威信。
Just now some Members mentioned the incidents of certain persons disappearing from Hong Kong in the past couple of years . These certainly dealt a direct blow to the prestige of the Central Government in Hong Kong
中央政府未必在每件事上都需要干涉香港的事務，但特區政府及中聯辦在香港的所作所為、所做的每一件事、所有行政和決定、所有讓香港人看到的行為，都有可能直接遭香港人算到中央政府的頭上，而這會破壞第三重關係，就是特區人民或香港人與中央政府之間的關係。
The Central Government may not need to interfere with every Hong Kong affair but Hongkongers may directly hold the Central Government responsible for all the conduct of the SAR Government and the Liaison Office of the Central Peoples Government in Hong Kong everything they did all the administration and decisions and all such behaviour as observed by the people of Hong Kong . This will damage the third part of the relationship which is the relationship between the people in the SAR or Hongkongers and the Central Government
當然，我在此必須補充一句，去年年底發生的釋法事件亦大大削弱了第三重關係。
Of course here I must add that the interpretation of the Basic Law which took place at the end of last year has also substantially undermined the third part of the relationship
代理主席，這3重關係互相連結及影響，任何一重關係出現了裂痕，另外兩重關係都不會好。
Deputy President these three parts of the relationship connect with and affect one another . If a split appears in any part of the relationship the other two will not be fine
我想在此特別強調一點，就是第二重關係是這3重關係中最重要的一環，如果特區政府與香港人之間不能維持友善的關係，另外兩邊亦會失去平衡。
Here I would like to stress one point that is the second part of the relationship is the most important link among the three . If the SAR Government and the people of Hong Kong cannot maintain a friendly relationship the other two parts will also lose balance
特區政府與香港人之間的關係惡化的另一個表徵，就是利益。
Another symptom in the deteriorating relationship between the SAR Government and the people of Hong Kong is the question of interest
過去5年，我們聽到坊間說有大量的所謂"梁粉"進佔不同的政府高位。
Over the past five years we have heard comments in the community about a large number of the so - called LEUNGs fans having occupied different senior positions in the Government
正因為這個原因，香港人對整個利益管治集團失去了基本的信任，加深了對政府的不信任。
For this reason the people of Hong Kong have lost their fundamental trust in the entire governing clique with vested interests . Their mistrust in the Government has deepened
在這種情況下，政府的施政能否得到市民的正面回應呢？
In such a situation can the administration of the Government receive any positive response from members of the public?
代理主席，本屆政府已經來到最後的日子，我們多費唇舌可能已經不切實際，應該要做的可能是展望將來。
Deputy President the current - term Government is drawing to an end . It may not be sensible to waste any more breath on it . Maybe what we should do is to look to the future
現時有一點是我們必須面對的，就是在已經宣布參選的人之中，必然有一位於7月1日就任成為特區首長。
Now there is something we must face . Among those who have announced their aspiration one will definitely assume office as the Chief Executive of the SAR on 1 July
究竟這位準特首有沒有足夠的胸襟和智慧聆聽民意，細心思考過去數年社會發生的問題，找出問題之餘，更能夠對症下藥呢？
Will this would - be Chief Executive be magnanimous and wise enough to listen to public views think carefully about the problems which have arisen in society over the past few years and give the right prescription after identifying the ills?
當然，我們有一個很善良的期望，無論這位新任特首是男還是女，我們也希望他/她會有足夠的智慧及胸襟面對過去5年的矛盾，並一一化解。
We certainly have a benign expectation . We hope that the new Chief Executive male or female will be wise and magnanimous enough to address the conflicts of the past five years and resolve them one by one
代理主席，我完全理解及認同出任特首並非易事，我亦不會有不切實際的期望，要求由一位超人或聖人擔當這個位置，我只希望這位特首能夠真正細心地疏理一下過去數年的問題。
Deputy President I fully understand and agree that it is not an easy job to serve as the Chief Executive . I will not hold any unrealistic expectation and demand this office be assumed by a superman or a saint . I merely hope that this Chief Executive can really carefully attend to the problems which have arisen over the past few years
明年今天，我們希望能迎接一位有足夠能力為香港人帶來希望及曙光的特首，我們希望明年能夠在此就致謝議案投下贊成票。
We hope that same time next year we will greet a Chief Executive who has sufficient ability to bring hopes and light to the people of Hong Kong . We hope that we can vote in favour of the Motion of Thanks here next year
本會已完成致謝議案的5個辯論環節。
The five debate sessions on the Motion of Thanks end
代理主席，剛才陳克勤議員的發言實在很可笑，他說撕裂是雙方的責任，所以當管治者與人民之間出現撕裂，其實人民也需要負上責任。
Deputy President the remarks made by Mr CHAN Hak - kan earlier are simply ludicrous . He said that the responsibility for creating dissension lies with both parties and therefore when there is dissension between the ruler and the people the people should actually be held responsible too
這種說法完全缺乏現實觀和權力觀，他言下之意是，當統治者要強姦人民的意志時，如你不想出現撕裂，便要配合被強姦。
Such an argument is completely detached from the concept of reality and the concept of power . He was implying that when the ruler wants to desecrate the will of the people and if you do not want to create dissension you have to cooperate
在2015年，政改方案以8票贊成、28票反對遭否決後，梁振英一直沒有再在政制方面作任何改革和推動。
Ever since the constitutional reform package was vetoed in 2015 with eight votes in favour of and 28 against it LEUNG Chun - ying did not introduce any reform and initiative in regard to constitutional development
今年，當他表示不再參選行政長官選舉後，今年的施政報告更成為一份"跛腳鴨"報告，在政制方面完全交白卷。
This year after he had announced that he would not run in the next Chief Executive Election his Policy Address this year even became a lame - duck report which made no mention of any measures regarding constitutional development
他曾經表示，希望日後的教科書談到他時，會提及 普選是在他的任期內落實。
He once said he wished that when the textbooks refer to him in future it will be stated that universal suffrage was implemented during his term of office
如今回想，相信大家都會覺得相當諷刺。
In retrospect I believe we all find it rather ironic
但不要緊，即使今年的施政報告完全沒有提及政制方面的工作，由於特首選舉在即，民間與不同派別之間也有廣泛討論，就着民主化進程和抗爭策略掀起論爭。
It does not matter that this years Policy Address did not propose any measure concerning constitutional development because as the Chief Executive Election is approaching there are extensive discussions in the community and among different political parties which have sparked off debates about democratization and tactics for staging protests
我不會在這裏評論個別參選人或對任何人表達支持，我只希望透過審視民主制度和選舉制度，指出公民提名即雨傘運動的精神的重要性。
I will not make any comment on individual aspirants or express support to any of them here . I only wish to point out the importance of civil nomination―which is the spirit of the Umbrella Movement―through examining the democratic system and electoral system
談到特首選舉，社會上出現的種種討論，與其說是論戰，倒不如形容為好像宮廷劇的劇情分析：究竟皇上的想法是甚麼？
When it comes to the Chief Executive Election instead of describing the various discussions in society as debates I would rather refer to them as plot analysis of palace - based dramas What is actually on the mind of the King?
既然甲大臣得罪了皇上，不如我們推舉乙大臣出任吧？
Since Minister A has offended the King shall we nominate Minister B?
我相信，連一個君主立憲的國家也不會出現這種對白，卻偏偏出現在21世紀的香港。
I believe such kind of a dialogue will not appear in a constitutional monarchy . Unfortunately it is found in Hong Kong in the 21 century
其實，一場真正的選舉本應是候選人之間的政綱和管治能力的公開大比併。
In fact a genuine election is supposed to be an open contest among candidates in terms of their election manifestos and abilities to govern
但是，現時整個社會的討論焦點，是哪位參選人取得足夠提名票"入閘"？哪位參選人的公關團隊比較出色？
However the discussions in the entire society are now focused on which aspirant can obtain enough nominations to run in the election and which aspirant has a stronger publicity team
其實，這些討論真的很奇怪，尤其是提名期即將結束，那位所謂呼聲最高的女參選人，時至今日仍未提供一份完整的政綱，但她差不多已取得足夠的提名票"入閘"。
Actually these discussions are really peculiar especially when the nomination period will soon conclude but the female candidate who is considered to be the top dog has yet to present a complete election manifesto . Yet she has almost obtained enough nominations for candidacy in the election
這簡直是荒謬絕倫。
This is utterly absurd
歸根究底，問題是我們面對的根本是一場小圈子選舉，市民無法取得提名權，也沒有投票權，所以，這些參選人也懶得爭取市民的支持。
The root of the problem is that this election is actually a small - circle election in which the public do not have the right to make nomination or vote . Therefore these aspirants did not even bother to win popular support
我相信現時最飲恨的應該是某位建制派參選人，她曾在2015年表示反對公民提名，但現在提名期即將結束，她卻說希望這是一場公平的競爭，反對欽點。
I believe a certain aspirant from the pro - establishment camp is probably feeling the most dejected now . While she had opposed the idea of civil nomination in 2015 and with the nomination period concluding soon she said that she wishes it is a fair competition and opposes the handpicking of a winner
其實，如果她當初支持公民提名，或社會上真的有公民提名，相信作為港島區票后的她也能輕易"入閘"。
In fact if she had supported civil nomination back then or if civil nomination was actually adopted in society I believe it would also be easy for her who received the largest number of votes in the Hong Kong Island Constituency to be qualified for candidacy in the election
說到公民提名，其重要性在於讓香港人對香港的事務有真正的"話事權"。
Speaking of civil nomination its importance lies in allowing Hongkongers to genuinely have a say in the business of Hong Kong
說起來很諷刺，但這是事實，香港人對本地的社會事務一直沒有充分的"話事權"。
It sounds ironic to say this but it is the truth . The people of Hong Kong are deprived of the full right to have a say in the social affairs in Hong Kong all along