Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
第二，未必是關乎條文，但我在法案委員會會議上也經常提出，我們這次完善選舉制度，將加入一些新的人士可以擔任選委，他們可以選他人或提名他人；而當中有不少人其實未參與過這種選舉，特別是同鄉社團、基層社團。
Secondly while this may not necessarily concern the provisions I often mentioned at the meetings of the Bills Committee that our current improvement of the electoral system will entail adding some new people to the membership of the Election Committee EC who may elect or nominate others but a lot of them―particularly associations of Chinese fellow townsmen and grass - roots associations―have never participated in this kind of elections before
代理主席，你參選過那麼多屆選舉，你知香港的選舉法例是多麼嚴謹。
Deputy Chairman since you have stood for election for so many terms you know how stringent the electoral legislation is in Hong Kong . I have personal experience which I have also shared here
所以，在宣傳、教育和誠信管理方面，我很希望政府相關部門在《2021年完善選舉制度條例草案》通過後，對我們的選委加強相關的教育。
Therefore as regards publicity education and integrity management I very much hope that after the passage of the Improving Electoral System Bill 2021 relevant government departments will step up related education of our EC members
如此，我們的選舉才可做到公平、公開、公正和廉潔。
Only in this way can our elections be conducted in a fair open just and clean manner
代理主席，我謹此陳辭，支持政府的所有修正案。
With these remarks Deputy Chairman I support all the amendments of the Government
代理主席，在我發言之前，我首先要感謝《2021年完善選舉制度條例草案》委員會的同事、政府當局、律政司法律草擬專員對《2021年完善選舉制度條例草案》作出了多項修訂。
Deputy Chairman before I speak I would like to thank my Honourable colleagues of the Bills Committee on Improving Electoral System Bill 2021 the Administration and the Law Draftsman of the Department of Justice for making a number of amendments to the Improving Electoral System Bill 2021 the Bill
此項對香港政制發展有關鍵影響的條例草案在今天得以通過，令到香港的政制發展可以穩步向前。
This Bill which is critical to Hong Kongs constitutional development will be passed today enabling the steady progress of Hong Kongs constitutional development
其中我留意到政府當局採納了委員會提出的多項意見，繼而提出了大量修正案，優化了《條例草案》。
I note that the Administration has taken on board many of the comments made by the Bills Committee and has subsequently proposed a number of amendments to enhance the Bill
這種行政與立法能夠議事論事、和衷合作的做法，令到行政立法互相監督、合作。
This kind of harmonious cooperation between the executive and the legislature in the discussion of matters will enable mutual monitoring and cooperation between the two
這種良性局面實在是香港之福。
Such a favourable situation is indeed a blessing to Hong Kong
代理主席，我以簡單的發言，支持當局所提出的一連串修正案。
Deputy Chairman with these brief remarks I support the series of amendments proposed by the Administration
主席，我發言支持《2021年完善選舉制度條例草案》。
President I rise to speak in support of the Improving Electoral System Bill 2021
在這裏先跟大家分享34年前的一段說話，原文是普通話，但我以廣東話說出來："切不要以為香港的事情全由香港人來管，中央一點都不管，就萬事大吉了。
Before all else here I would like to share with Members a quote from 34 years ago originally in Putonghua but I will say it in Cantonese Dont ever think that everything would be all right if Hong Kongs affairs were administered solely by Hong Kong people while there is nothing that the Central Government needs to do
這是不行的，這種想法不實際。
That simply wouldnt work . Its not a realistic idea
中央確實是不干預特別行政區的具體事務的，也不需要干預。
The Central Government certainly will not intervene in the day - to - day affairs of the Special Administrative Region nor is that necessary
但是，特別行政區是不是也會發生危害國家根本利益的事情呢？
But could something happen in the region that might jeopardize the fundamental interests of the country?
難道就不會出現嗎？
Couldnt such a situation arise?
那個時候，北京過問不過問？
If that happened should Beijing intervene or not?
難道香港就不會出現損害香港根本利益的事情？
Isnt it possible that something could happen there that would jeopardize the fundamental interests of Hong Kong itself?
能夠設想香港就沒有干擾，沒有破壞力量嗎？
Can anyone imagine that there are in Hong Kong no forces that might engage in obstruction or sabotage?
我看沒有這種自我安慰的根據。
I see no grounds for taking comfort in that notion
如果中央把甚麼權力都放棄了，就可能會出現一些混亂，損害香港的利益。
If the Central Government were to abandon all its power there might be turmoil that would damage Hong Kongs interests
所以，保持中央的某些權力，對香港有利無害。
Therefore it is to Hong Kongs advantage not its disadvantage for the Central Government to retain some power there
"主席，不用我說，大家也知道這是前國家領導鄧小平先生在1987年會見香港特別行政區基本法起草委員會時所說的其中一小段話。
President I do not need to tell Members as they also know that this is an extract from the speech made by the former State leader Mr DENG Xiaoping when he met with the Drafting Committee for the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in 1987
很多人也說，鄧伯伯料事如神，30多年前已預計回歸後香港的複雜情況。
Many people say that Uncle DENG had miraculous foresight . Some 30 years ago he could already foretell the complex situation in Hong Kong after the handover of sovereignty
當然，也不能排除西方殖民的套路，那麼多年也沒有改變，臨走也要培植一些破壞力量。
Of course we cannot rule out the fact that the colonial practice of the West to cultivate destructive forces before its departure has remained unchanged for so many years
主席，回顧今天的中國，國家和中國共產黨是分不開的，在中國共產黨領導下的中國，的確只花了很短的時間，便可重回世界舞台的前列。
President looking back at China today we would see that the State and the Communist Party of China CPC are inseparable . Indeed under the leadership of CPC China has taken only a short time to return to the forefront of the world stage
"攬炒派"過去經常攻擊政府時，也會用一個理由，便是說回歸以來，特區政府施政欠缺效率，並非不知道問題，但反應很慢，他們形容這是樹懶式管治，所以造成民怨，因此他們不停反對。
In the past when the mutual destruction camp attacked the Government they often used one excuse saying that since the handover of sovereignty the SAR Government had been inefficient in its administration . Not that it was unaware of the problems but it was slow in response . They described this as slothful governance resulting in public grievances
但是，我想強調每個社會也有其不滿，但民怨歸民怨，為何香港不單有民怨，更造成社會撕裂？
So they kept raising objection . However I would like to stress that every society has its own grievances but public grievances remain public grievances . Why are there not only public grievances but also social rifts in Hong Kong?
民怨與社會撕裂是兩碼子的事。
Public grievances and social rifts are two different matters
當然，現在總結經驗，便是香港的選舉制度出現了問題和漏洞，比例代表制的安排不單不利於凝聚共識，反而令我們的議會極端化、政治化、碎片化。
Certainly the present conclusion from experience is that there are problems and loopholes in the electoral system of Hong Kong . The arrangement of proportional representation is not only unfavourable to forging consensus but has also polarized politicized and fragmented our legislature
很多人也說，議會應該是用作解決分歧，但香港的議會竟然倒過來挑起分歧，這樣香港怎會不混亂？
Many people say that the legislature should be used to resolve disagreements but the legislature in Hong Kong on the contrary stirred up disagreements . As such how would Hong Kong not be chaotic? . We can conclude from the past experience that under the limelight effect the opposition camp became more and more radical
大家可以總結過去的經驗，在鎂光燈的效應下，反對派越來越激烈，回歸前也有人表示自己是愛國民主派，但回歸後竟然立即變臉，不單成為反對派，在鎂光燈的效應下，更變成"拉布派"、"攬炒派"，再搞"港獨"，反中反華，讓"港獨"分子透過議會竊取香港的政權，同時花議會的公帑"養肥"一撮反中亂港的力量，縱容這群人吃裏扒外，勾結外國勢力，顛覆國家。
Before the handover of sovereignty some people claimed to be democratic patriots but after the handover they immediately did an about - face . Not only did they become the opposition camp . Under the limelight effect they even became the filibustering camp and mutual destruction camp
"攬炒"、"黑暴"的慘痛經歷，大家也不想再看見。
We do not want to live the painful experience of mutual destruction and black - clad violence again
所以，《香港國安法》和完善選舉制度這個"組合拳"，令香港進入一個新里程，從死胡同走出來。
Therefore the combination punches of the Hong Kong National Security Law and improvement of the electoral system have ushered in a new era for Hong Kong out of a dead end
翻看今次完善選舉制度的《條例草案》，很大疊、很厚，但簡單來說有數點。
This Bill on improving the electoral system consists of a thick pile of paper but it can be briefly summed up in a few points
第一，是拆除窒礙政制向前發展的一道牆，正如剛才我說，我們進入了死胡同，前面便是一幅牆，如果不跳出來，就只能繼續原地踏步；跳出來，反而還有生機。
Firstly it demolishes the wall hindering constitutional development . As I said just now we have entered a dead end with a wall in front . If we do not jump out of it we can only stand still; if we jump out there will still be the chance to turn things round
在今次的調整中，第一，是重構選舉委員會的職權和效能；第二，是透過全國人大常委會通過修訂《基本法》附件一和附件二，令香港政制可以繼續向前行。
In this adjustment first the powers and functions of the Election Committee EC are reconstituted; and second the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress has passed the amendments to Annexes I and II to the Basic Law such that the constitutional system of Hong Kong can continue to move forward . Secondly it safeguards national security and social stability from a preventive perspective
第二，是從預防性的角度，維護國家安全和社會穩定，只有"愛國者治港"、完善選舉制度，防止反中亂港的勢力利用議會拖垮特區的施政和香港的發展，這樣才能令香港的"一國兩制"行穩致遠，對維護國家安全和社會穩定產生極大作用。
It is only by implementing patriots administering Hong Kong and improving the electoral system to prevent anti - China disruptors from using the legislature to drag down the administration of SAR and the development of Hong Kong that one country two systems can be implemented steadfastly and successfully in Hong Kong . It is highly conducive to safeguarding national security and social stability . Thirdly it enhances broad representation and communication
第三，是提高廣泛的代表性和聯繫，選委會由1,200人增加至1,500人，增加一個界別，而立法會亦由原來的70席增加至90席，直選選區由5個增加至10個，希望未來議員能夠更接地氣，可以前往不同小區，與市民溝通和反映有關意見。
The number of EC members will be increased from 1 200 to 1 500 with one additional sector . The number of seats in the Legislative Council will be increased from the original 70 to 90 with the number of geographic constituencies for direct elections increased from 5 to 10 . It is hoped that in the future Members can get more in touch with the masses and go to different districts to communicate with the public and relay their views
第四，是理順立法會的工作和提高施政效能。
Fourthly it rationalizes the work of the Legislative Council and enhances the efficacy of governance
大家可以想象，沒有"攬炒派"的議會情況會怎樣，大家在這數個月也可以感受到，是清靜得多、理性得多，效率亦有所提升。
We can imagine what the Council would be like without the mutual destruction camp . In these few months we could all feel that it is much quieter and more rational with enhanced efficiency
最後，首先在此感謝所有有份參與支持完善選舉制度的義工，在街站收集了超過200萬個簽名，當然亦感謝市民大眾的支持，大家也希望香港不會再重蹈"攬炒"和"黑暴"的覆轍，同時也要向前行。
Over 2 million signatures have been collected from the street counters and I certainly wish to thank the public for their support . We all hope that Hong Kong will not experience mutual destruction and black - clad violence again . Meanwhile it has got to move forward
但是，我們現正面對一些問題，是甚麼問題呢？
However we are now facing some problems . What problems are they?
所有人也知道，要團結一致謀發展，才可以令香港繼續向前和發展我們的優勢，但從防疫抗疫的工作可以看到，由於有政治干預，令部分人拒絕做好防疫抗疫的工作，勸不動人注射疫苗，檢測也比別人慢數拍，當中最大的影響便是來自假資訊。
We all know that we have to be united in pursuit of development before Hong Kong can move forward and develop its strengths . However we can see from the prevention and fight against the epidemic that owing to political interference some people refuse to do the anti - epidemic work properly . People are not convinced of the need to take vaccinations
所以，本月初我在議會其中一項議員議案辯論的發言中提到，如果香港要改善施政，首要工作便是做好有關假資訊的專項立法。
Tests are conducted slower than others . Among such cases the greatest impact comes from false information . Therefore in my speech during one of the Members motion debates in the Council early this month I mentioned that to improve governance in Hong Kong the top priority task was to enact dedicated legislation on false information
因為如果政府每次推出新措施，都被一些假資訊抹黑，其實永遠只會事倍功半，這是不利香港的情況。
Because if every time the Government introduces a new measure it is smeared by false information then it will always only get half the result with twice the effort which is unfavourable to Hong Kong
所以，我希望政府盡快就假資訊的立法做好準備。
For this reason I hope the Government will expeditiously prepare for the introduction of legislation on false information
當然，我們也要提升居安思危、自我完善的能力，這樣才可以令香港繼續向前行。
Of course we must also enhance our vigilance in times of peace and self - improvement . Only then can Hong Kong continue to move forward
此外，很多市民都交託我在這裏說，我們已積累太多民生問題，希望特區政府和管治架構接下來能夠急起直追，追回以往錯失的時間，除了要做到良政善治外，也要急市民所急，解決民生問題，特別是土地房屋的工作。
Besides many people have asked me to say here that we have accumulated too many livelihood problems . It is hoped that the SAR Government with its governing structure will rouse itself to catch up and recover the time lost in the past . Apart from achieving good governance it should also share the urgent concern of the public and resolve the livelihood issues especially those of land and housing
主席，我發言支持政府當局在本條例草案第112、163及204條中建議，在第541D章加入一項新條文，賦權投票站主任為有需要的選民設特別隊伍，即俗稱的"關愛隊"，以及修訂第541章下的4項附屬法例，即第541D、541F、541I及541J章，以確立在立法會、區議會、選舉委員會界別分組及行政長官4項選舉中，使用電子選民登記冊的法理基礎。
Chairman I rise to speak in support of the Administrations proposal in clauses 112 163 and 204 of the Bill to add a new provision in Cap . 541D to empower Presiding Officers to set up a special queue for electors in need commonly known as caring queue and to amend four items of subsidiary legislation under Cap . 541 ie
主席，2019年區議會選舉發生的亂象，相信大家記憶猶新。
Chairman the chaos in the 2019 District Council Election I believe is still fresh in our memory
選舉當天，票站外大排長龍，部分長者及傷健人士要在烈日當空下長期輪候，才可以進入票站投票，而且更爆出網上有人呼籲重複排隊，藉此阻礙長者投票，以及選民領取選票後，票站職員沒有劃線劃名，令選民遭冒名投票等大堆醜聞投訴。
On the election day there were long queues outside the polling stations . Some elderly people and persons with disabilities had to wait for a long time under the scorching sun before they could enter the polling stations to vote . Moreover there were loads of scandalous complaints about among others netizens calling for people to queue up repeatedly in order to obstruct the elderly from voting and polling staff not crossing out the names of voters after the voters had collected their ballot paper resulting in voters being impersonated
加上"黑暴"肆虐，暴力事件更層出不窮，我們作為主要參與區議會選舉的政黨，很多候選人根本在過程中無法正常拉票，辦事處固然遭超過100次暴力破壞，甚至連建制派候選人在街上宣傳時也遇襲，何君堯議員更加遇刺。
Coupled with the rampant black - clad violence violent incidents broke out one after another . As our party extensively participated in the District Council Election many of our candidates actually could not canvass for votes as normal during the process . Their offices had been violently vandalized over 100 times
面對社會提出政府沒有盡量做好公平選舉的指摘，選舉管理委員會表示會就選舉活動指引作出檢討，並且進行公眾諮詢。
Dr Junius HO even got stabbed . Facing the criticism in the community that the Government had not done its utmost to hold a fair election the Electoral Affairs Commission EAC stated that it would review the guidelines on election - related activities and conduct public consultation
而針對上述的投票亂象，我們提出多項建議，當中包括兩點，其一是在選舉投票站設立"關愛隊"，讓有需要人士優先取票；其二是使用電子選民登記冊派票，以加快進度及減少出錯。
To address the said chaos in voting we put forward a number of proposals including two suggestions . One of them was to set up caring queues at polling stations to give priority to people in need in collecting ballot paper . The other one was to use electronic poll register to distribute ballot paper so as to expedite the process and minimize errors
大家都知道，公共交通工具均設有"關愛座"，而政府及我們社會亦經常宣傳敬老護老，所以在票站為長者以至有需要人士設立"關愛隊"，不但是配合政府、社會以至世界敬老護老的文化，是文明社會的體現，更是汲取經驗教訓，減少有心人蓄意重複排隊，以阻礙其他人投票，所以這是維護公平公正選舉的好建議。
Moreover the Government and our society often promote respect and care for the elderly . Therefore setting up caring queues at polling stations for the elderly and people in need is not only in line with the culture of respect and care for the elderly in the Government society and the world as well as manifestation of a civilized society . It is also what we have learnt from experience to prevent people from queuing repeatedly on purpose to obstruct others from voting
同一道理，眼見在票站內派票過程出現混亂以至爭拗，我們促請政府使用電子選民登記冊以取代人手派票，選民去到票站，只要出示身份證明文件，票站人員便可以使用電子儀器核對和發出選票，無須像以往般以人手操作，又或者已使用20多年的這個系統仍然不變，要靠人手在紙本上劃線和人手派票。
By the same token in view of the confusion and disputes during the distribution of ballot paper in the polling stations we urged the Government to replace manual distribution of ballot paper with electronic poll register . When voters arrive at the polling stations they only need to present their identity documents . Then the polling staff can use an electronic device for verification and issue the ballot paper
這個做法可以加快派票過程，亦可以釋除外界對票站工作人員不公的質疑，其實是相當合理的。
This approach can speed up the distribution of ballot paper and also dispel the doubts of the public about unfairness of polling staff . In fact it is rather reasonable
但是，很可惜，當時選管會接獲7萬多份意見書，當中多達5萬多份支持為長者及行動不便人士提供特別安排。
Yet regrettably although EAC received some 70 000 submissions at that time of which more than 50 000 supported the provision of special arrangements for the elderly and people with mobility difficulties and even the Secretary said that he considered it reasonable to set up caring queues the result was contrary to our wish
甚至局長也表示，他認為設立"關愛隊"是合理的，但結果事與願違，選管會居然以人手不足及場地狹窄為理由，拒絕設立"關愛隊"，更拒絕使用"電子派票"，一切照舊，不改變、不做。
EAC to our surprise refused to set up caring queues on the grounds of manpower shortage and venue constraints . It also refused distribution of ballot paper by electronic means . The old practice would be left intact
如果當時選舉如期進行，這些亂象隨時重演。
There would be no change . Nothing would be done . Had the election been held as scheduled such chaos could have been repeated at any time
所以，我發言支持當局今次撥亂反正，在本條例草案中提出一系列優化選舉的安排，特別是令到2019年區議會選舉的亂象，相信可以杜絕不會重現。
Hence I speak in support of the Administrations move to put things right by proposing in the Bill a series of measures to enhance the electoral arrangements which I believe can especially avert recurrence of the chaos in the 2019 District Council Election
主席，我謹此陳辭，支持修訂。
With these remarks Chairman I support the amendments
主席，就着政府提出的有關修訂，我是表示有商榷的，主要原因是，就修訂中有關終止選舉程序方面，我認為建制派議員在推動修訂的基礎未必一定合理，但在我闡述看法前，我認為有一個頗大的問題，而這問題是由何君堯議員剛才提出的。
Chairman regarding the amendments proposed by the Government I have reservations about them . It is mainly because in respect of the termination of election proceedings I think the basis on which the pro - establishment Members advocated amendments may not necessarily be reasonable . But before I will explain my views I think there is quite a big problem and this problem was brought up by Dr Junius HO earlier on
他引述香港紅十字會退出選舉委員會的事件，指出退出選委會究竟有何意義或是甚麼一回事。
He cited the incident of the withdrawal from the Election Committee EC by the Hong Kong Red Cross HKRC and pointed out the meaning of withdrawal from EC or what it is all about . Let me broadly quote his words
這個制度的修訂的本質，那管你是甚麼原居民或鄉士代表，當崗位變成可以為國家貢獻時，你便可以為國家出力。
By their nature these amendments to the system require that irrespective of whether you represent indigenous villagers or rural interests when a change in your position enables you to make contributions to the country then you can contribute to the country
我認為紅十字會今次退出，絕對可以突顯它是公平、中立、獨立的志願機構，出於人道的關懷。
I think HKRCs withdrawal this time definitely highlights the fact that it is a fair neutral and independent voluntary organization which cares for humanity
當有人走了或死了，他不是認為候選人資格審查委員會沒有辦法審查到該人有否"港獨"背景吧？
In case someone left or died he does not think that the Candidate Eligibility Review Committee CERC is unable to find out whether that person has a background relating to Hong Kong independence does he?
如果有人手持炸彈自爆，你會 不清楚他有否"港獨"背景？
If somebody has a bomb in his hand and sets it off will you not know if he has a background relating to Hong Kong independence?
這等於不信任資審會，這是否對資審會不信任呢？
This is tantamount to not putting trust in CERC . Does it mean not trusting CERC?
我可以這樣上綱上線嗎？
Can I escalate the issue to the political plane as such?
比較留意香港政情或社會運動的人士如回頭細想，白票運動的最大背景其實是2012年的特首選舉，但我不會在此花時間闡述當時情況。
For those who have been paying closer attention to Hong Kongs political situations or social movements if they recall in detail the blank vote movement was staged largely against a background of the 2012 Chief Executive Election . But I will not spend time now elaborating the situation back then
我在法案委員會表達的憂慮是，以現時的擬議修訂方向而言，我認為呼籲投白票或煽惑他人杯葛選舉或不投票的相關公開活動的涵蓋範圍太廣，很容易出現令人誤墮法網的情況。
The concern I expressed in the Bills Committee was that given the current direction of the proposed amendments I considered it a rather wide scope regarding the relevant public activity of calling for blank votes or inciting others to boycott an election or not to vote which could easily lead to inadvertent violations of the law
無論是觸犯《香港國安法》還是《防止賄賂條例》，兩者均屬犯法，但嚴重程度卻不一。
Whether it is a breach of the Hong Kong National Security Law or the Prevention of Bribery Ordinance both are offences but not of the same gravity
在選舉期間犯例，理論上應較為嚴重，但何以選舉期以外的行為會按《香港國安法》作出檢控，選舉期以內的則按《防止賄賂條例》處理？
Offences committed during the election period should theoretically be more serious but why should offences committed outside the election period be prosecuted under the Hong Kong National Security Law while those committed within the election period be dealt with under the Prevention of Bribery Ordinance?
我會這樣理解，呼籲別人投白票純粹是一種政治表態。
I would interpret it as follows . Calling on another person to cast a blank vote is purely expression of political stance
政治表態可否發展至顛覆政權，當中有一個程度上的差距，我相信大家明白。
Can expression of political stance be developed into subversion? . There is a certain degree of difference between the two . I believe we all understand it
2012年的時候，特首選委會由1,200人組成，而當時一些特首候選人各有醜聞，有泛民人士遂要求選委投白票，以示對這個政權及小圈子選舉的不滿，那是一種政治表態。
In 2012 the Election Committee EC for the selection of the Chief Executive was composed of 1 200 members . At that time the candidates for the office of Chief Executive each had their own scandals . Some pan - democrats then asked EC members to cast a blank vote to show their dissatisfaction with the regime and the small - circle election
今天立法會選舉用一項如此嚴峻的法例規管沒有實質顛覆政權效果的政治表態，我認為是不相稱的。
That was expression of political stance . I find it disproportionate to use such a harsh law in the Legislative Council election today to regulate expression of political stance which does not have any actual effect of subversion
我本身不太想重複一個歷史片段，其實2012年當年投白票的運動是關乎特首選舉的。
I myself do not desire repetition of history . In fact the movement of casting blank votes in 2012 was related to the Chief Executive election . As we all know it was anonymous
大家都知道是不記名的，也知道有1,200人，我不需要公開呼籲，只須發一個信息，你怎知道當中是泛民的選委，還是甚麼人的選委呢？
An open appeal was unnecessary . There was only the need to send out a message . How would anyone know whether the EC members involved were pan - democrats or other people?
當年存在一個很奇怪的狀況，甚至泛民中人也鼓勵泛民支持者投白票，舉辦了一個公眾投白票的活動。
Back then the situation was weird . Even the pan - democrats encouraged their supporters to cast a blank vote and organized an event for the public to do so
最終大家都知道，不同候選人提名與當選的票數是不同的。
In the end we came to know that the number of nominations obtained by various candidates was different from the number of votes secured . So we may have the following question . Blank votes will indeed affect the result
大家就會問，投白票真的會影響結果，就是在特首選舉，今天通過的法例卻規管全體香港 人的政治表態，而實質上謀求不受直接影響的是特首選舉那部分，那部分引用《香港國安法》便可解決了，何須引用這樣的法例？
But the legislation passed today will regulate the expression of political stance of all the people of Hong Kong . Actually it is the Chief Executive election which is to be saved from any direct impact . It can readily be resolved by invoking the Hong Kong National Security Law
當然不是說政治表態可以完全不受規限。
Of course I am not saying that expression of political stance can be completely free from restriction
關於"港獨"、顛覆國家政權，當然不可，但關於投白票的問題，不是這數年的事，而是2012年的事。
Hong Kong independence and subversion of state power are certainly out of the question but the issue of casting a blank vote is not something which happened only in these few years . Rather it happened in 2012
現時設計的這部分，若要我宣之於口的話，其實是緣於北京不信任本地選委，恐防他們到了具體特首選舉時會聯手用這種方式"偷雞"，是不是呢？
This current design to put it bluntly originates from Beijings lack of trust in the local EC members fearing that they will join hands in this way to secretly go against its wish in the actual Chief Executive election right?
然而，賠上的可能真的是一些無知市民只因share一張圖便被判3年監禁。
However it will implicate members of the public who may really be sentenced to three years imprisonment just for sharing a picture out of ignorance
當然，話說回來，修訂選舉制度之後，我覺得到了特首選舉就未必會再發生這種情況。
Of course having said that I think after the electoral system has been amended such a situation may not occur again
過去有人會借用這段歷史，甚至2014年有一句改革制度的綱領是"白票守尾門"，是甚麼意思呢？
In the past some people would draw reference from this piece of history . In 2014 there was even an advocacy for reforming the system which was blank - vote veto . What does it mean?
即是拿着白票在特首選舉中干預特首選舉的一些問題。
It means interfering with the Chief Executive election with blank votes
今天用此項法例彌補這個漏洞的話，我認為猶如用一門大炮打一隻蚊子，真是不相稱。
The use of this piece of legislation to plug this loophole in my view is just like shooting a mosquito with a cannon . It is really disproportionate
主席，我謹此陳辭。
I so submit