Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
我亦希望政府盡早推出以郵輪碼頭為起點的水上的士及旅遊觀光服務，盡快完成這些安排，進一步提高旅客及市民在該處的匯聚，提升啟德郵輪碼頭的發展及營運，真正搞活郵輪碼頭。
I also hope that the Government can speedily launch the water taxis and sightseeing services with KTCT as the starting point boost the number of tourists and Hong Kong people gathering there and enhance the development and operation of KTCT thus really invigorating KTCT
主席，我亦想藉此機會談談有關共享經濟的發展。
President I would also like to take this opportunity to talk about the development of sharing economy
為了迎接以創新科技為主導的新經濟時代，香港亦全力邁向高科技及多元經濟發展。
In order to usher in the new economic era led by innovation and technology Hong Kong is also fully geared up for the development of high technologies and diversified economy
若共享經濟委員會界定某行業為共享經濟新興行業，便要為該新興產業制訂新的規管措施。
If an industry is defined as a new industry in the operation mode of sharing economy new regulatory measures for the new industry shall be formulated
主席，與去年的施政報告一樣，2018年的施政報告將"與青年同行"放在第八項，內容亦大致與去年一樣。
President like the Policy Address last year the 2018 Policy Address puts Connecting with Young People in Chapter VIII and generally speaking the proposals are the same as those of last year
我接着的發言將會就政府"與青年同行"的方式發表我的看法。
In the ensuing speech I will express my views on the Governments approach to Connecting with Young People
青年在過去被視為處於兒童與成年人之間的一個階段，這個階段往往被視為"尚未成熟"，甚至是處於躁動不安的"暴風時期"。
In the past youth was regarded as a stage between childhood and adulthood and this stage is often regarded as not yet mature and even a tempestuous period full of agitation and restlessness
在這套青年論述下，政府不一定要以高壓的方法打壓青年過火的行為，有時也會用懷柔的方法，以協助青年為名，管束青年人的思想、行為和價值觀，把他們納入政府的既定軌跡之中，同時又將秩序以外的思想、行為和價值觀視為危險，必須加以控制。
Under such an analysis of young people the Government did not always have to use high - pressure tactics to suppress the over - the - board behaviour of young people sometimes it also adopted a conciliatory approach to control young peoples thinking behaviour and values in the name of assisting them so as to bring them into the ruts of the Government . At the same time the thinking behaviour and values foreign to the established order were regarded as dangerous and must be controlled
事實上，特區政府早已應用這種懷柔的做法，不斷設法推行國民教育和《基本法》教育。
In fact the SAR Government has long since adopted this kind of conciliatory approach and continually tried to find ways to introduce national education and education on the Basic Law
這套管治方式的問題在於政府從大家長的角度，一方面要青年人為社會未來作承擔，但另一方面又不給予青年人"話事權"，即使青年獲准參與，其參與程度往往也不是指向青年平權、公民權等。
The problem with such an approach of governance is that on the one hand the Government wants young people to assume responsibility for the future of society; but on the other it does not give young people any say . Even if young people are allowed to participate often the extent of participation does not point towards equal rights civil rights and so on for young people
不賦予青年人權力，只是要求他們負上責任，當遇上與政府不協調的想法時，便將責任推卸到青年人身上，說他們是"廢青"。
Young people are not given any power but are asked to assume responsibility . When their thinking is in discord with that of the Government the responsibility is shifted to young people and they are called waste youth
今屆政府先後成立青年發展委員會，以推動青年發展；注資青年發展基金，以協助青年創業，又推出青年委員自薦試行計劃，讓更多青年人加入政府的諮詢委員會，但凡此種種仍然是在一個威權如果不是極權的政治環境下實施。
This Government established the Youth Development Commission to promote youth development; injected funds into the Youth Development Fund to help young people start up businesses and introduced the Pilot Member Self - recommendation Scheme for Youth to let more young people join the Governments advisory bodies but all of these measures are implemented in an authoritarian if not totalitarian political atmosphere
在一黨專政、加強監管和維穩管治，國家力圖打壓民眾的不滿聲音；在一個財閥和政府勾結，不願也不能真正改善民眾生計的背景下推行，香港政府對青年採取如此懷柔的政策，其實是想增加其認受性，將社會上普遍的不滿淡化成世代之爭，再淡化成只是青年人對政權的不滿而已，藉此迴避政府無力真正解決資源和權力兩極化的問題。
Against a background of one - party dictatorship stepped - up surveillance and control and governance designed to maintain stability with the State endeavouring to suppress the voices of discontent of the public; implemented against a background of collusion between plutocrats and the Government who are unwilling and unable to truly improve public livelihood the Government in adopting such a conciliatory policy actually seeks to enhance its public acceptance play down the widespread discontent in society as a conflict between generations and further play it down as merely the discontent of young people with the regime so as to evade the problem of the Government not being able to truly resolve the polarization of resources and power
威權政府跟極權政府的最大分別是甚麼呢？
What is the greatest difference between an authoritarian government and a totalitarian one?
是前者仍然需要認受性，仍然試圖哄騙市民，開出各種各樣無法兌現的承諾。
The difference lies in the fact that the former still needs public acceptance and still attempts to coax the public by making all sorts of undeliverable promises
特首林鄭月娥用上"用好機遇"、"發展經濟"等字眼，但這些字眼從來沒有改善民生。
Chief Executive Carrie LAM used such phrases as make best use of opportunities and develop the economy but these phrases have never served to improve the peoples lot
香港自回歸以來，本地生產總值不斷上升，單是計算最近5年，本地生產總值累計上升22.5%，但整體貧窮人口沒有下跌，仍然維持在130萬人，即每5人便有一人貧窮。
Since the reunification the Gross Domestic Product GDP has been on the increase and even if we use the last five years alone as the basis for calculation the GDP has seen a cumulative increase of 22.5 % . However the total number of people living in poverty did not decrease but has remained at 1.3 million people that is one in every five people live in poverty
即使在採取政策措施介入後，貧窮人口仍然超過90萬人，當中包括30萬名長者及18萬名兒童活於貧窮之中。
Even after the intervention of policy initiatives the number of people living in poverty still exceeds 900 000 and it includes 300 000 elderly people and 180 000 children
在2016年，第一等分組別住戶的每月平均入息只有3,000元，較1997年減少1,100元；相反，第十等分組別住戶的每月平均入息為134,600元，較1997年增加55.6%。
In 2016 the monthly average household income in the first decile group was only 3,000 a decrease of 1,100 compared to 1997; in contrast the monthly average household income in the 10 decile group was 134,600 an increase of 55.6 % compared to 1997
第一等分組別和第十等分組別住戶的平均入息是相差多少倍呢？
How many times is the average income of households in the 10 decile group to those of first decile group?
是44.9倍，這是否驚人呢？
44.9 times . Is this not astonishing?
非常驚人。
Very much so
這20年來香港發展了甚麼呢？
What development was seen in Hong Kong in the past two decades?
我相信無須我數算出來，但可以肯定的是，"用好機遇"、"發展經濟"並無改善民生。
I believe I need not enumerate them but it is certain that making the best use of opportunities and developing the economy have not improved the peoples lot
今屆政府繼續發展"大白象"，繼續叫青年人相信粵港澳大灣區、"一帶一路"和"明日大嶼願景"計劃會讓他們安居樂業，如果這不是騙人，又是甚麼？
The current - term Government continues to develop white elephants and tell young people to believe that the Greater Bay Area the Belt and Road Initiative and the Lantau Tomorrow Vision will enable them to live in peace and work with contentment . If this is not deception what is it?
說穿了，威權政府借助各種假希望掩飾香港社會資源和權力的兩極分化，以致民不聊生的問題，而"學業、事業和置業"其實是刻劃出威權政府所期望的青年發展階梯，也是主導目前香港資本主義經濟發展的唯一一套發展階梯。
To be forthright an authoritarian government has to seek recourse to various types of false hopes to conceal the problem of the polarization of resources and power in Hong Kong society that leads to great hardship for the public and education career pursuit and home ownership actually outlines the development ladder for young people favoured by an authoritarian government and at present this is also the only development ladder defining the development of the capitalist economy in Hong Kong
青年人須繼續賺錢置業，之後花上30年，甚至更長的時間來不斷供樓，繼續維持"地產霸權"。
Young people have to continue to make money to buy a flat then spend 30 years or even longer to pay off the mortgage continuously and continue to support the real estate hegemony
在這套青年論述下，政府只是考慮如何令青年投入這個經濟發展的體制；學習是為了未來有一份好工作，發展事業；有穩定收入，便可以安穩地生活。
Under such an analysis of young people the Government is only concerned about how to make young people participate in this system of economic development . Learning is designed for finding a good job and developing ones career in the future . With a stable income one can lead a stable life
這套管治方式有甚麼問題呢？
What is the problem with such a way of governance?
便是政府將青年發展視為經濟發展的工具，視青年為經濟動物，根本沒有考慮過青年人對生活的期望。
The problem lies in the fact that the Government regards youth development as the tool for economic development regards young people as economic animals and has never considered the expectations of young people for their lives
青年人只是從屬於經濟發展，價格便是價值，市場價值便是他們一切的價值。
Young people are subordinate to economic development and their prices are their worth . Their market value is all the worth they have
主席，曾經有學者提出後物質主義的概念，這是相對於物質主義而提出的。
President an academic once put forward the concept of post - materialism which is relative to materialism
物質主義追求的是個人物質上的滿足，而後物質主義則更重視自主性、自我價值和非物質價值，例如人情味、環境、歷史、民主等價值。
Materialism is the pursuit of personal materialistic gratification whereas post - materialism values autonomy self - worth and such non - materialistic values as a human touch the environment history democracy and so on
如今政府所說的"三業"正是暴露出現今香港由既得利益者主導的思維與施政方式，將千差萬別的青年生活方式總結成"三業"這種狹隘的人生發展階梯，完全沒有回應時代的轉變和青年的呼喚。
The concerns about education career pursuit and home ownership mentioned by the Government precisely exposes the thinking and way of administration of the vested interests in Hong Kong presently . The myriad ways of life of young people are reduced to this kind of limited life development ladder called concerns about education career pursuit and home ownership which has totally failed to respond to the changes of the times and the aspirations of young people
政治上，政府雖然提出了鼓勵青年議政、論政及參政，但另一方面，在威權政府下卻不斷打壓甚至消滅所有政治上的反對行動。
Politically on the one hand the Government proposed encouraging young people to participate in politics as well as public policy discussion and debate; but on the other the authoritarian Government keeps suppressing and even eliminating all opposition activities in politics
在議政論政上，我們聽過"七不講"的教條：一，普世價值不要講；二，新聞自由不要講；三，公民社會不要講；四，公民權利不要講；五，中 國共產黨的歷史錯誤不要講；六，權貴資產階級不要講；七，司法獨立不要講。
On public policy discussion and debate we have heard the doctrine of seven things one cannot talk about one do not talk about universal values; two do not talk about the freedom of the press; three do not talk about civil society; four do not talk about civil rights; five do not talk about the historical errors of the Communist Party of China; six do not talk about crony capitalism and seven do not talk about judicial independence
不過可能你會認為這些只是適用於國內，不適用於香港，其實香港也有，就是"自決"不要講。
However you may think that these rules are applicable only to the Mainland but not Hong Kong . In fact there are also such rules in Hong Kong that is do not talk about self - determination
將來可能是"自主"不要講，甚至"自己"也不要講。
In the future maybe one cannot talk about autonomy and even talking about self will be forbidden
主席，今屆立法會有6位民選議員被法庭褫奪議員資格，如果以政府青年委員自薦試行計劃的年齡標準，即以18至35歲為標準，當中有3位是在該年齡組群當中，包括羅冠聰、游蕙禎和梁頌恆。
President in this term of the Legislative Council six Legislative Council Members were disqualified by the Court and if the age standard under the Governments Member Self - recommendation Scheme for Youth is adopted that is if 18 to 35 years of age is adopted as the standard three of them belong to this age group including Nathan LAW YAU Wai - ching and Sixtus LEUNG
早前有學者分析2016年立法會選舉的數據，分析青年人的投票取向，指出越年青的選民越會在選舉中投票給民主派，當中青年人尤其鍾情於本土派和自決派。
Earlier on an academic analysed the data of the 2016 Legislative Council Election and the voting preferences of young people . It was pointed out that the younger the voters the more likely they will vote for the pro - democracy camp in the election and young people in particular show a penchant for the localist and self - determination groups
相反，越年長的人卻越傾向投票給建制派。
In contrast older people are more inclined to vote for the pro - establishment camp
說明被取消議員資格的議員，除了本身是年青人外，該6名議員大部分也是由青年人選舉出來的。
It tells us that most of the six disqualified Members apart from being young people themselves were also elected by young people
"DQ"的判決猶如掌摑了政府一巴，政府在未增加青年參政、議政和論政的渠道之前，已經排斥了青年參政的機會，亦排斥了青年選擇自己的代表的機會。
The ruling of disqualification was like a slap on the face of the Government . Before increasing the channels for young people to participate in politics as well as public policy discussion and debate the opportunities for young people to participate in politics were eliminated and so were the opportunities for young people to choose their own representatives
在這種背景下說關心青年、討論青年參與，說穿了，其實只能夠是一種口號式、象徵式的青年參與，實際上卻是充滿"紅線"，令任何人也不敢越雷池半步的"青年三政"。
Against such a background any talk of concern for young people and youth participation is frankly only a kind of slogan and symbolic participation and in reality it is a kind of political participation discussion and public policy debate fraught with red lines that no one dares step beyond
青年人走上街頭，參與不同的社會運動，近年更有不少青年人因為參與社會運動而入獄，但政府並沒有深入研究青年不滿意政府的原因。
Young people have taken to the streets to take part in various social movements . In recent years quite a number of young people were sentenced to imprisonment for participation in social movements but the Government has not explored in depth the reasons for young peoples discontent with the Government
這是《一九六六年九龍騷動調查委員會報告書》的封面。
This is the cover of the Kowloon Disturbances 1966 Report of Commission of Inquiry the Report
政府面對青年騷動，只是不停地打壓，卻沒有了解原因，反而不斷用法律作為統治工具，將法治弱化為rule by law，動輒以法律威嚇年青人，近期甚至以法律之名取締香港民族黨。
In the face of the riots involving young people it just kept taking suppressive measures without gaining an understanding of the causes . Quite the contrary it keeps using the law as a tool for ruling and degrades the rule of law into rule by law using the law to intimidate young people at every turn and recently it even invoked the law to ban the Hong Kong National Party
在威權管治下，權貴已經壟斷了政治和經濟權力，掌握各種社會資源及論述權，並為香港制訂了一套很狹隘的青年發展方針、很狹隘的青年政策或法例。
Under authoritarian rule the powerful and privileged have already monopolized the political and economic powers seized control of various types of social resources and the power of discussion and analysis as well as formulating a very narrow direction of youth development and very restricted policies or legislation related to young people
主席，這是"任何人"任何一個香港的年青人他的雙眼只有錢、錢、錢，而身處的地方周圍也是"紅線"、"紅線"、"紅線"，每位都變成"紅線女"、"紅線仔"。
President this is Anyone―any young person in Hong Kong―and in their eyes there is only money money money and all around them there are red lines red lines and red lines so all of them have become men and women barred behind red lines
我們知道極權主義有3種具體的表現：一，文化生活和公共參與不斷被窄化為物質利益的附庸；二，法律越來越被改造成為統治者的 工具；三，謊言當道，社會撕裂，社會運動進一步碎片化，個人在希望稀缺的前景下，漸漸變得犬儒虛無，並從公共生活中退隱。
We know that there are three manifestations of totalitarianism One cultural life and public participation are increasingly curtailed and made subservient to material interests; two the law is increasingly transformed into a tool for rulers and three lies are prevalent society is riven and social movements become further fragmented . Individuals in the face of limited prospect gradually become cynical nihilistic and withdraw from public life
綜合上述3種表現，香港距離極權統治其實一點也不遠。
Having regard to the three aforementioned manifestations it can be said that Hong Kong is actually not far from totalitarian rule at all
主席，"青年興則國家興，青年強則國家強。
President A nation will prosper when its young people thrive
青年一代有理想、有本領、有擔當，國家就有前途，民族就有希望"，這句是國家主席習近平的說話。
A nation will be full of hope and have a bright future when its younger generation have ideals abilities and a sense of responsibility . These comments were made by President XI Jinping
然而，香港在威權管治下，青年虧則國家虧，青年弱則國家弱，雖然青年有理想、有本領、有擔當，但由於有更多更多的"紅線"和謊言，因此國家很難有前途，民族的希望也堪虞。
However under the authoritarian rule in Hong Kong if young people are deficient the country is deficient and if young people are weak the country is weak . Although young people have ideals abilities and a sense of responsibility due to more and more red lines and lies it is difficult for the country to have a future and the hope for its people is also at risk
在種種限制下，香港電影不單難以搭上內地影業飛速發展的便車，走出低潮，相反不少電影製作特別是大型製作傾向轉移至內地，放眼內地龐大的市場，而本地電影製作的規模和數量，在此消彼長的情況下日趨縮減，本地電影人才也選擇北漂謀求發展機會，衍生出青黃不接的問題。
Subjected to various restrictions it is difficult for Hong Kong films to turn the corner by riding on the rapid development of the Mainland film industry . On the contrary many film productions especially large - scale ones tend to shift to the Mainland and focus on the huge Mainland market . Upon comparison the scale and volume of local film productions are gradually shrinking
為本地電影界拆牆鬆綁，讓港產片不再只限於700萬人的市場，並提供更大的商機，才能吸引更多投資者入場投資香港的電影製作，這才是增加製作量的基本措施。
Hence many local film talents have chosen to seek opportunities northwards resulting in a succession problem . As a fundamental measure to boost production volume the Government should remove the barriers faced by the local film industry so as to expand the market of Hong Kong films to beyond 7 million people; and provide greater business opportunities to attract more investors to invest in Hong Kong film productions
因此，特首在施政報告中表示會與中央政府磋商，提出進一步放寬與內地合拍片及港產片進入內地市場的訴求，我樂見其成，也期望政府能盡快有好消息向業界公布。
The Chief Executive stated in the Policy Address that discussions would be made with relevant the Central Government in order to facilitate Mainland - Hong Kong co - productions and entry of Hong Kong productions into the Mainland market . I would be delighted to see progress on this front and look forward to hearing some good news for the industry
誠然，在今年的施政報告內，除提出推廣閱讀的措施與出版界或許有些微關係外，對出版界的支援可謂是零。
Actually apart from the measure to promote reading which may be marginally relevant to the publishing industry there is next to no support for the publishing industry in the Policy Address this year
特首在政綱中承諾會研究推行的授借權，在施政報告內也是隻字未提。
The Chief Executive undertook to study the introduction of Public Lending Right in her manifesto but there is no mention of it in the Policy Address
雖然據了解政府和業界曾經討論授借權，但進度極之緩慢，始終未見有實質的工作及安排。
It is understood that although discussions have been made between the Government and the industry on Public Lending Right the progress has been extremely slow and substantial work and arrangement are yet to be seen
我希望政府不要再拖延，並盡早回應本地作家和出版界的訴求，以落實這項鼓勵創作、支持本地出版業和推動本地創意產業發展的重要措施。
I hope the Government will respond to the demands of local authors and the publishing industry expeditiously without any delay by implementing this important measure to incentivize creativity support the local publishing industry and promote the local creative industries
主席，我發言支持就行政長官發表的施政報告提出致謝議案。
President I rise to speak in support of the Motion of Thanks on the Policy Address delivered by the Chief Executive
這是行政長官林鄭月娥任內第二份施政報告，整體而言，在增加土地和房屋供應、促進經濟持續發展、扶助中小型企業、推動民生福利，以及加強青年發展等方面，都提出了一系列新措施，延續林太大膽、務實、有為的新思維管治風格。
This is the second Policy Address of Chief Executive Carrie LAM . Overall the Policy Address carries on Mrs LAMs bold pragmatic and proactive new governance mindset in that it introduces a series of new measures to increase land and housing supply promote sustainable economic development assist small and medium enterprises enhance social welfare and strengthen youth development
主席，目前香港基本上是全民就業，失業率僅2.8%，處於20年來最低水平。
President Hong Kong has essentially achieved full employment at present with the unemployment rate standing at only 2.8 % a record low in 20 years
然而，全球保護主義抬頭，加上中美貿易戰的不明朗因素，對香港這個開放型經濟體實在帶來不少隱憂。
Nevertheless the emergence of global protectionism and the uncertainties arising from the United States - China trade war bring about a lot of latent concerns to Hong Kong as an open economy
今年月至月，香港出口到美國的商品貿易額達到2,640億港元，佔整體出口總額8.6%。
The export merchandise trade value from Hong Kong to the United States from January to September this year amounted to 264 billion accounting for 8.6 % of the total export value
施政報告指出，去年年底，特區政府與國家發展和改革委員會簽署了有關文件，通過26項合作措施，支持香港參與及助力"一帶一路"建設。
In the Policy Address it is pointed out that at the end of last year the SAR Government signed the relevant documents with the National Development and Reform Commission so as to support Hong Kongs full participation in and contribution to the Belt and Road Initiative through the 26 collaboration measures
此外，財政司司長陳茂波更在網誌提到，香港金融管理局應探討與部分"央企"合作，物色一些回報穩定及具吸引力的海外項目，考慮以股本投資人的角色作出投資，讓香港可以成為"一帶一路"基建項目的融資中心，為國家服務。
Moreover Financial Secretary Paul CHAN has mentioned in his blog article that the Hong Kong Monetary Authority HKMA should explore cooperation with some state - owned enterprises to jointly identify attractive overseas projects with stable returns and to consider investing in these projects as equity investors so that Hong Kong may become a financing centre for infrastructure projects under the Belt and Road Initiative and serve the country
不過，我們知道香港現正面對中美貿易戰。
Yet we know that Hong Kong is now facing the trade war between the United States and China
當美國加重中國貨物的關稅，其實是變相狙擊"一帶一路"，中國的經濟本身已危機四伏。
By imposing heavy tariffs on goods from China the United States is de facto sabotaging the Belt and Road Initiative which foreshadows potential crises on multiple fronts in the economy of China
可是，我們的政府竟然於此時嘗試由金管局與"央企"討論合作，實令香港人質疑，此舉是以金管局的儲備嘗試協助中國大陸處理本身的財困，從而投資"一帶一路"。
Nonetheless the Government abruptly ventures to have HKMA to explore cooperation with state - owned enterprises at this juncture . The move cannot but beg queries about it trying to use the reserve in HKMA to help Mainland China to resolve its financial crisis and invest in the Belt and Road Initiative
此外，我們清楚看到，近年差不多所有跨境基建項目也不符合經濟效益，當局並無從香港人的位置設想，花費近1,000億元的高鐵香港段已通車個多月，政務司司長曾說，每一年代的基建項目，有時也會被批評為"大白象"工程，浪費公帑，未見其利、先見其害，但今天回看，事實勝於雄辯。
Furthermore we can see clearly that nearly all cross - border infrastructure projects carried out in recent years are not cost - effective as the authorities have not considered the projects from the perspective of the people of Hong Kong . In the case of XRL which costs close to 100 billion it has commenced operation for a month or so . The Chief Secretary for Administration once commented that infrastructure projects of every era might have been criticized as white elephant projects a waste of public money and bringing more harm than benefits and he said that reality speaks louder than words
甚麼是事實呢？
What is the reality?
更大的落差來自乘客量，政府估計每天來港的99,000人中，大約有70,000名為香港居民，但通車數字顯示，在46,500名乘客中，只有約10,000名香港乘客，比預期少84%，這代表高鐵根本不是為香港人興建。
The more significant difference lies in patronage . According to the estimate of the Government among the 99 000 passengers arriving at Hong Kong every day 70 000 of them will be Hong Kong residents . Yet as the figures after commission indicate among the 46 500 passengers taking XRL only around 10 000 passengers are Hong Kong residents which is 84 % lower than the estimate
施政報告有關多元經濟的部分，還有其他內容，提到大灣區、交通基建、跨境基建，以及剛剛通車的港珠澳大橋。
The section on diversified economy in the Policy Address also covers other content including the Greater Bay Area transport infrastructure cross - border infrastructure and HZMB which has just commenced operation
在剛過去的星期日，相信大家也從媒體看到，在港珠澳大橋開通後，東涌居民在"旅客大軍"襲境下如何受影響。
In the past Sunday I believe Members must have seen from the media how residents in Tung Chung were affected by the flocks of visitors swamping in after the opening of HZMB
在日常生活方面，無論是購買日用品、或奶粉，還是在茶餐廳用膳也要排隊，集體運輸系統出現擠塞、淪陷。
In terms of daily life residents have to queue up for the purchase of daily necessities and powdered formula as well as meals at local restaurants . The mass transit system came to a halt due to congestion
最大的原因當然是有2萬名旅客來自來歷不明的旅行團，令大陸旅客的人數遠遠超過登記的數目。
Definitely this should mainly be attributed to the 20 000 tourists coming to Hong Kong on unknown tours making the number of Mainland tourists arriving far exceeding the registered number
其實，新民主同盟早前與特首會面提交施政報告的倡議時，已經指出"L簽"政策現時被大陸方面改變，致令持"L簽"的旅客可以在深圳口岸或大陸各個機場直接來香港，變相改變了自由行只限40多個省市的安排。
In fact some time ago when the Neo Democrats met with the Chief Executive to present proposals on the Policy Address we pointed out that the policy on L visa had already been altered by the Mainland . After the alteration L visa holders may enter Hong Kong directly through Shenzhen or various airports in the Mainland which has de facto changed the arrangement under the Individual Visit Scheme IVS where entry into Hong Kong is restricted to 40 - odd municipalities and cities
對於東涌出現的這個情況，政府有何行動呢？
In view of the situation in Tung Chung what will the Government do?
政府曾否與大陸政府交涉，不應改變"L簽"政策，以確保非自由行城市的居民必須跟團才可入境香港，以及禁止以"一人一團"的方式來香港旅遊呢？
Has the Government negotiated with the Mainland Government requiring that changes to the policy on L visa should be avoided to ensure that residents from cities not covered by IVS must enter Hong Kong by joining group tours and to prohibit the practice of one - visitor tour for visiting Hong Kong?