Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
主席在星期五作出裁決我真的要說聲"主席英明"認為不應該因為修正案與法案詳題的特定建議不一致，便裁定不能夠提出，更指 如果修正案和詳題內容不一致便不能夠提出，便意味法案沒有任何修正的空間，所以主席批准議員提出修正案。
The President ruled―and I must say wisely―on Friday that the CSA should not be ruled inadmissible only because it did not coincide with the specific proposal referred to in the long title . The President further pointed out that if the CSA was ruled inadmissible because it was inconsistent with the long title it would mean that there would virtually be no room for any amendment to the Bill . Therefore the President ruled the CSA admissible
我十分支持主席的決定，認為有關決定可讓政府再次清楚知道，不可任意透過在詳題中列明具體數字而限制議員修訂法例的權力。
I strongly support the ruling of the President and consider that the ruling has made it clear to the Government once again that it cannot arbitrarily specify a number in the long title to restrict Members power of amending a bill
政府以這種橫蠻無理的態度處理獲民意支持的修正案，令我們十分憤怒。
We are furious that the Government has adopted such an unreasonable and barbarous approach to handle a CSA which has the support of the public
政府彷彿是要告訴立法會議員，只有政府提出的建議才是具體可行的法例和政策，其他政黨提出的建議，即使切實可行且有民意支持，亦不涉及國家主權的民生政策，但也絕對不能夠成為政策和法例。
The Government seems to be telling Members that only legislative and policy proposals put forward by the Government are specific and feasible whereas proposals put forward by political parties and groupings despite being practical and feasible and supported by the public can never become policies and legislation
我只可以用"欺人太甚" 4個字形容這種矮化議會及行政霸道的行為。
I can only say that this approach of belittling the legislature and asserting executive hegemony is really going too far
政府以撤回法案要脅議會的做法不是沒有先例的，以往亦曾經出現，只不過這次將小巴的座位上限由19個增至20個，我們認為只是很小的修正案，與最低工資或侍產假所牽涉的數字完全不同。
There are actually precedents that the Government had threatened the Legislative Council to withdraw a bill . However in the present case the CSA in question only seeks to increase the maximum seating capacity of light buses from 19 to 20 which in my view is a minor change . That is totally different from the figures involved in the bills concerning minimum wage level and paternity leave in the past
我希望議員，特別是建制派議員會看清楚這次政府的所作所為，並與我們同聲譴責，我們是不可以縱容政府這種蔑視立法會的態度的。
I hope that Members particularly the pro - establishment Members will see clearly how the Government has behaved this time around and join us in condemning the Government for we should not condone the Governments contemptuous attitude towards the Legislative Council
今天大家都一致支持的修正案，它也不容許我們提出甚至討論。
Today Members have unanimously supported the CSA but the Government does not even allow us to propose it for discussion
主席，3天後便是香港主權移交20周年，這對香港人，以至對香港和全中國的歷史來說，本應是一個重要且具有正面意義的日子。
President in three days it will be the 20 anniversary of the handover of Hong Kongs sovereignty . It is supposed to be an important day with positive meaning for Hong Kong people as well as for the history of Hong Kong and that of China as a whole
但是，很可惜，20年來，香港市民對中央政府和香港政府的信心越來越低。
But sadly over the past 20 years Hong Kong peoples confidence in the Central Government and the Hong Kong Government has been declining
香港大學民意研究計劃就香港人對"一國兩制"的信心指數，持續地進行了24年調查。
The Public Opinion Programme of the University of Hong Kong has been continually conducting surveys on Hong Kong peoples confidence in one country two systems for 24 years
在1997年7月，香港人對"一國兩制"有信心的比率為64%，沒有信心的比率只得18%，淨值是45%。
In July 1997 the percentage of Hong Kong people having confidence in one country two systems was 64 % whereas the percentage of those having no confidence in it was only 18 % with net confidence standing at 45 %
主席，這種情況實已嚴重至慘不忍睹的地步。
President this is indeed a serious situation which is terribly appalling
今年七一遊行的主題正正是要回應這一點今年的主題是："一國兩制 呃足廿年；民主自治 重奪香港"。
The theme of this years 1 July march is a direct response to this situation . This year the theme is One country two systems a lie of 20 years; Democratic self - government retake Hong Kong
我們在各大調查，以至在街頭巷尾與市民接觸時，都看到這種狀況。
This is evident from major surveys and our contact with people on the streets
當年中央曾向香港政府或香港市民承諾，根據《基本法》，香港會實行雙普選，而在2007年後，香港人可透過直選自行選出行政長官和立法會議員，全國人民代表大會的角色只是在形式上作出批准和確認，而非進行實質的介入和篩選。
The Central Authorities did promise the Hong Kong Government or Hong Kong people that under the Basic Law Hong Kong would have dual universal suffrage and that after 2007 Hong Kong people would be allowed to elect the Chief Executive and Legislative Council Members on their own through direct elections and the role of the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress NPCSC would be merely to give approval and recognition as a matter of form instead of carrying out any substantive intervention and screening . Regrettably what we saw later were the 1 July march in 2003 and an interpretation of the Basic Law by NPCSC . As a result of the interpretation of the Basic Law the pledge of democratization of our political system has been completely dishonoured
主席，我們看到中央政府對香港的承諾不斷變化。
President as we can see the promises made by the Central Government to Hong Kong have been changing
二十年前，中聯辦或其他中央駐港機構給我們的感覺是較少干預香港的內部事務。
Two decades ago the Liaison Office of the Central Peoples Government in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region LOCPG or other offices set up by the Central Government in Hong Kong gave us the impression that they did not interfere much in Hong Kongs internal affairs
今天，我們所有人都說"西環"插手香港事務，是香港第二支管治隊伍，甚至有人說香港政府才是第二支管治隊伍，中聯辦是第一支管治隊伍。
Today we all say that the Western District is meddling in Hong Kong affairs and is the second governing team in Hong Kong . Some even say that the Hong Kong Government is the second governing team while LOCPG is the first governing team
主席，這情何以堪？
President is this not pathetic?
中央事事干預，難怪市民覺得"一國兩制"、"港人治港"、"高度自治"的承諾化為烏有，對其沒有信心。
With the Central Authorities meddling in everything no wonder people have no confidence in the promises of one country two systems Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy which they think have already vanished into thin air
市民看在眼裏，怎可能對香港的管治有信心？
In view of this how could the public have confidence in the governance of Hong Kong?
國家主席習近平曾於2015年在瀛台會見梁振英，當時習近平說："我想強調的是，中央貫徹'一國兩制'方針堅持兩點。
In 2015 President XI Jinping met LEUNG Chun - ying at Yingtai
"主席，歷史真的諷刺。
President history is really ironic
百多年前，瀛台泣血，慈禧軟禁光緒；百多年後的今天，特區政府可以自由決定的範圍，可能也只有瀛台的丁方大小。
Over a century ago Yingtai witnessed the sorrowful episode of Emperor Guangxu being put under house arrest by Empress Dowager Cixi; today after the passage of more than a century the area over which the SAR Government is free to exercise jurisdiction is perhaps not any larger than the size of the tiny Yingtai
二十年來，"一國兩制"已經動搖，"港人治港"已經走樣，"高度自治"已經變形。
Over the past 20 years one country two systems has been shaken Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong has been distorted and a high degree of autonomy has been deformed
2003年的七一遊行有50萬人上街，那次是民意的覺醒，亦顯示了市民大眾對於民主、公義、法治、廉潔的堅持。
The 1 July march in 2003 during which 500 000 people took to the streets signified the awakening of public opinion and showed the publics determination to hold fast to democracy justice the rule of law and probity
今年，3天後便是第十五次的七一遊行。
This year sees the fifteenth 1 July march which will be held three days later
可惜的是，在2003年七一遊行後，北京政府對香港的管控日益收緊，甚至將有形之手伸至香港，影響香港的自治情況，進一步打擊香港人對"一國兩制"的信心。
Regrettably since the 1 July march in 2003 the Beijing Government has tightened its grip on Hong Kong and even extended its visible hand to Hong Kong thus affecting Hong Kongs autonomy and dealing a further blow to Hong Kong peoples confidence in one country two systems
國務院於2014年發表《"一國兩制"在香港特別行政區的實踐》白皮書，進一步壓抑、縮小香港與中央之間在制度上的區隔，並使"一國兩制"中的"兩制"進一步縮小。
In 2014 the State Council published the White Paper on The Practice of the One Country Two Systems Policy in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to further compress or reduce the systemic divide between Hong Kong and the Central Authorities and further belittle two systems in one country two systems
近日人大委員長張德江更表示，除了國防和外交外，其他的香港事務，中央政府也可以參一腳。
Recently ZHANG Dejiang Chairman of NPCSC has even indicated that in addition to defence and foreign affairs the Central Government could also involve itself in other Hong Kong affairs
香港人當然明白《基本法》的權力來自《中華人民共和國憲法》第三十一條，但與此同時，《基本法》第十一條載明，"根據中華人民共和國憲法第三十一條，香港特別行政區的制度和政策，包括社會、經濟制度，有關保障居民的基本權利和自由的制度，行政管理、立法和司法方面的制度，以及有關政策，均以本法的規定為依據"。
Hong Kong people certainly understand that the power of the Basic Law is derived from Article 31 of the Constitution of the Peoples Republic of China but at the same time Article 11 of the Basic Law states that [i]n accordance with Article 31 of the Constitution of the Peoples Republic of China the systems and policies practised in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region including the social and economic systems the system for safeguarding the fundamental rights and freedoms of its residents the executive legislative and judicial systems and the relevant policies shall be based on the provisions of this Law
《基本法》附件三明確規定，只有6項全國性法律適用於香港。
Annex III to the Basic Law specifically provides that only six national Laws are applicable to Hong Kong
《基本法》第十八條清楚訂明，"全國性法律除列於本法附件三者外，不在香港特別行政區實施"。
Article 18 of the Basic Law clearly stipulates that [n]ational laws shall not be applied in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region except for those listed in Annex III to this Law
顯然，《基本法》的立法原意是尊重及區隔兩地的政治和法律制度。
Clearly the legislative intent of the Basic Law is to respect and separate the political and legal systems of the two jurisdictions
毫無疑問，基於這個前提，今天北京政府的態度和京官的說法，是"走數彈票"。
In the light of this there is no doubt that the Beijing Governments attitude today and what the Beijing officials said recently are contrary to and inconsistent with their promises
以他們的用語來說，"一國兩制"已變形走樣。
One country two systems has been―to borrow their own words―deformed and distorted
"一國兩制"原本的方針和路線已被扭曲。
The original direction and course of one country two systems have been distorted
二十年前的香港人尚且對"高度自治"有少許憧憬，但隨着白皮書出台，已煙消雲散。
Two decades ago Hong Kong people still had some expectations for a high degree of autonomy but following the release of the White Paper all such expectations had gone up in smoke
觀乎近日在香港和國內發生的多宗打壓事件，中央政府的行徑可說是偷天換日，把以前在1980年代、1990年代對香港人的承諾拋諸腦後，付諸流水，"側側膊，唔多覺"便當作無事，以新的說法和定義來凌駕應有的路線。
In view of the recent spate of oppressive incidents both in Hong Kong and on the Mainland it can be said that the Central Government has perpetrated a gigantic fraud by casting aside its promises made to Hong Kong people back in the 1980s and 1990s shrugging them off as if they had never been made and using new interpretations and definitions to override the approach that should be adopted . One country two systems and Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong should have been able to command public confidence
"一國兩制"、"港人治港"本應可贏取市民信心，除了國土回歸外，人心回歸也很重要，但不幸地，這無法做到。
Apart from the return of territory it is also important to achieve the return of peoples hearts . But unfortunately this has not been achieved
這些都是北京當權者一手造成的。
The powers that be in Beijing are solely to blame for all these
代理主席，世道艱難，黎明前總是最黑暗的，但香港人不會放棄，只要我們持守着香港人的核心價值，即民主、法治、公義、廉潔的信念，前面總有曙光。
Deputy President times are hard but Hong Kong people will not give up for it is always darkest just before the dawn . As long as we uphold Hong Kong peoples core values namely our beliefs in democracy the rule of law justice and probity we will see the light at the end of the tunnel
正因如此，每年七一均有市民上街，借助這個日子來表達他們對中國在香港的管治，以至對香港政府在香港的實質管理工作的不滿和意見，爭取他們應有的權利及落實"一國兩制"。
It is exactly because of this that people take to the streets on 1 July every year to express their discontent with and their views on Chinas governance of Hong Kong as well as the Hong Kong Governments actual administration of Hong Kong fight for the rights to which they are entitled and strive for the implementation of one country two systems
我們必須明白，我們面對的是同一個政府，我們面對的是同一個中央政府。
We must understand that we are facing the same Government . We are facing the same Central Government
當我們看到中央政府依然堅持以一種脫離世界潮流的惡棍政治方法來管治國家；看到香港人每天面對的苦況；看到20年來香港的種種沉淪；以至看到內地官員的表現，我們怎會有信心？
When we see the Central Government insist on ruling the country by some sort of abominable political means divorced from global trends; when we see the hardships facing Hong Kong people every day; when we see the various aspects of the decay of Hong Kong over the past 20 years and when we see the performance of Mainland officials how can we have confidence?
代理主席，正如我剛才所說，今年七一遊行的口號是"一國兩制 呃足廿年；民主自治 重奪香港"。
Deputy President as I said just now the slogan of this years 1 July march is One country two systems a lie of 20 years; Democratic self - government retake Hong Kong
我希望北京當局聽到這個口號，真的是字字鏗鏘。
I hope the Beijing Authorities will hear this slogan which is indeed full of substance
如果中央真的很介意他們念茲在茲的所謂"港獨"問題，他們更應洗心革面，因為這問題其實是政治鏡子內的偽議題，是市民對"一國兩制"不兌現的情緒反彈。
If the Central Authorities are really bothered by the so - called Hong Kong independence issue which is always on their minds they should earnestly mend their ways . This issue is actually a pseudo - proposition in the political mirror . It is a backlash of public sentiment against the dishonouring of the promise of one country two systems
如果"一國兩制"、"港人治港"、"高度自治"得以落實，我相信市民大眾的反彈情感將會減少。
If one country two systems Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy can come to fruition I believe the backlash of public sentiment will be mitigated
代理主席，說到聆聽市民意見、正視七一遊行，當然不能不談香港特區政府，它責無旁貸。
Deputy President when it comes to listening to public views and facing up to the 1 July march I certainly must talk about the Hong Kong SAR Government which cannot shirk its responsibility
上星期，新一屆特區政府的管治班子出台，當中不少官員都是本屆政府的要員，很多政府官員均能順利過渡，包括新特首林鄭月娥。
Last week appointments to the governing team of the new SAR Government were announced . Many of the appointees are key officials of the current Government . Among the many government officials who have successfully transferred to the new Government is the incoming Chief Executive Carrie LAM
我想問，過去多年來，這群官員或主事人有否認真聆聽七一遊行市民的心聲？
May I ask whether these officials or decision makers have ever seriously listened to the voices of the people participating in the 1 July marches over the years?
虛心聆聽市民意見，對施政會有莫大幫助。
Listening to public views with an open mind is greatly conducive to governance
我希望政府真的可以認真對待。
I hope the Government can really take them seriously
還有數天，林鄭月娥的班子便會上場，我希望他們真的可以實現她的競選承諾，依法執政。
I hope they can really deliver on her election pledges and govern in accordance with the law
眾所周知，廉政公署在香港人心中的位置不斷滑落，部分原因是發生了UGL事件和李寶蘭"被辭職"事件，案中有案，令公眾信心盡失。
As everyone knows the position of the Independent Commission Against Corruption in the hearts of Hong Kong people has been slipping . This is partly attributable to the UGL incident and the perplexing incident of Rebecca LI being forced to resign which have resulted in a total loss of public confidence
我希望現屆和來屆政府的官員，尤其是林鄭月娥及她旗下的局長，均以此為鑒，秉行他們的公職和承諾，依法調查任何涉嫌貪腐的行為，秉公辦理。
I hope the officials of both the incumbent and incoming Governments particularly Carrie LAM and the Directors of Bureaux under her will learn a lesson from this fulfil their public duties and pledges probe into any suspected corrupt practices in accordance with the law and do their jobs impartially
代理主席，七一遊行當然還有很多其他訴求。
Deputy President people participating in the 1 July march certainly have many other aspirations
我會預留一些時間在稍後回應同事的發言。
I will reserve some time to respond to the speeches of Honourable colleagues later
我會依次請要動議修正案的黃定光議員及張華峰議員發言；但他們在現階段不可動議修正案。
I will call upon Members who move the amendments to speak in the following order Mr WONG Ting - kwong and Mr Christopher CHEUNG; but they may not move amendments at this stage
"一國兩制呃足廿年；民主自治重奪香港"是今年七一遊行主辦團體的訴求，亦代表很多香港市民的聲音，當中特別提到民主和自治是騙人的，我再強調，民主和自治是騙人的，欺騙香港人。
One country two systems a lie of 20 years; Democratic self - government retake Hong Kong is the aspiration of the organizer of this years 1 July march which is also the voice of many Hong Kong people . Democracy and autonomy mentioned therein are deceitful nonsense; let me stress again democracy and autonomy are deceitful nonsense to cheat Hong Kong people
讓我先從民主說起。
Let me start with democracy
《基本法》第四十五條訂明，我們的最終目標是要向民主普選邁進，最終達至普選。
Article 45 of the Basic Law stipulates that the ultimate goal is to move towards democracy and universal suffrage and to attain universal suffrage in the end
自1997年開始說要雙普選，當時的建制派說過些甚麼？
What did the pro - establishment camp say when people started to demand universal suffrage in 1997?
他們說我們沒有政治人才，政治氣氛亦未成熟，不能一步登天，必須循序漸進。
They said that there were no political talent and the political atmosphere was immature and that we could not reach the goal in one step and had to move in an orderly and gradual manner
2014年，又突然拋出人大常委會八三一決定，讓香港在2017年實行普選，但是經由代表北京和權貴的提名委員會挑選後才讓香港人普選。
In 2014 NPCSC suddenly came up with the 31 August Decision to implement universal suffrage in Hong Kong in 2017 but Hong Kong people could only elect by universal suffrage the candidates screened by the nomination committee represented by Beijing and the bigwigs
大家必須緊記，很多人仍然在喊"我要真普選"的口號，因為過往給予我們的普選承諾是假的，是騙人的。
We must bear in mind that many people are still chanting the slogan I want genuine universal suffrage as the previous undertaking of universal suffrage was nothing but a lie
選舉方面，在立法會選舉期間，有建制派議員公然承認中聯辦協助拉票，然後當選者在選舉翌日便到中聯辦謝票，難道這不是"西環"的干預嗎？
In respect of elections Members of the pro - establishment camp publicly admitted that the Liaison Office of the Central Peoples Government in HKSAR LOCPG had helped canvass votes during the Legislative Council election and the elected Members went to LOCPG the following day to express gratitude . Is this not an intervention by the Western District?
人大常委會釋法，多次粗暴介入香港的司法體系。
The interpretation of the Basic Law by NPCSC time and again had violently interfered in the judicial system of Hong Kong
香港人本來對司法體系很有信心，但現在卻信心盡失。
Hong Kong people used to have strong faith in the judicial system but they have totally lost faith in it now
人大常委會釋法甚至介入立法會事務，介入宣誓事件。
NPCSCs interpretation of the Basic Law has even interfered in the affairs of the Legislative Council that it the oath - taking incident
由多年前曹二寶說第二支管治隊伍，直至近期張曉明發表的特首超然論，這些是證據嗎，局長？
Judging from the remark made by CAO Erbao many years ago about a second governing team and the recent remark made by ZHANG Xiaoming that the Chief Executive held a transcendent status are these evidences Secretary?
這些都是香港人清晰的理據，"西環治港"確實存在。
All these are clear justifications to support the existence of Western District ruling Hong Kong
近日，中聯辦副主任譚鐵牛更帶領市區重建局和其他多個法定機構，例如香港房屋協會和古物諮詢委員會等的主席落區巡視。
Recently Deputy Director of LOCPG TAN Tieniu has gone further by leading a delegation comprising chairmen of the Urban Renewal Authority and of a number of other statutory bodies such as the Hong Kong Housing Society and the Antiquities Advisory Board to visit the districts
副主任對他們說："你們做得好，我充分肯定你們的工作。
The Deputy Director said to them You have all done well and I fully recognize your work
"這不是粗暴介入香港的事務嗎？
Is this not a violent intervention in Hong Kongs affairs?
梁議員，七一這個日子值得我們遊行還是慶祝？
Mr LEUNG should we take to the streets or hold celebrations on 1 July?
劉曉波和其妻子仍在內地受牢獄之苦和分離之苦，即使劉曉波患了末期癌症也不知道要往哪裏就醫。
LIU Xiaobo is still in the Mainland suffering from the pain of imprisonment and of separation from his wife . Though diagnosed with terminal cancer he has no idea where to receive medical treatment
劉曉波先生除了是諾貝爾和平獎得主外，也是中華人民共和國的人民，但中央政府有當他是人嗎？
Mr LIU Xiaobo is not only the Nobel Peace Prize laureate but also a citizen of the Peoples Republic of China . And yet has the Central Government treated him as a human being?
當這些事件仍在出現的時候，試問七一是值得慶祝抑或值得悲哀？
When incidents like these are still happening may I ask if 1 July is worth celebrating or mourning?
我想市民心裏有數。
I think members of the public will have their own judgment
你身為立法會主席，究竟向誰負責？
Being the President of the Legislative Council to whom should he be accountable?
你擔心有關的討論會令誰尷尬？
Is the President worried that the relevant discussion would embarrass certain people?
因此，"西環"有否治港及在立法會有否擔當任何角色，市民心中有數。
Therefore on the question of whether the Western District is ruling Hong Kong or playing any role in the Legislative Council members of the public should have an answer in their heart
難為民建聯的黃定光議員剛才還提到"優質"民主，"禮義廉"果真是"禮義廉"，是"陰質"罷了。
How dare Mr WONG Ting - kwong of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong talked about quality democracy earlier on . They are really a bunch of tacky folks with a sense of propriety righteousness and incorruptibility but no sense of shame
因此，我呼籲在7月1日，香港市民要爭氣，要走出來，由2003年的七一大遊行到2014年的雨傘運動，我們都是靠公民社會，靠市民爭氣。
I therefore call on Hong Kong people to brace up and take to the streets on 1 July . From the massive rally on 1 July 2003 to the Umbrella Movement in 2014 we have all along counted on the civil society hoping that members of the public would put up a good show
"希望在於人民，改變始於抗爭"，讓人民、讓公民社會、讓每一位香港市民成為改變社會和時代的顛覆者。
Hopes lie with the people; changes start from resistance . Let the people civil society and every Hong Kong citizen be the subverter of society and of this era
主席，我謹動議二讀《2017年打擊洗錢及恐怖分子資金籌集條例草案》。
President I move the Second Reading of the Anti - Money Laundering and Counter - Terrorist Financing Amendment Bill 2017 the Bill
特別組織在1989年成立，就打擊洗錢及防止恐怖分子資金籌集制訂國際標準。
FATF established in 1989 sets international standards on combating money laundering and preventing terrorist financing
作為特別組織的成員及國際金融中心，香港有責任與國際社會共同致力打擊洗錢及恐怖分子資金籌集活動。
As a member of FATF and an international financial centre Hong Kong is duty - bound to join hands with the international community to strive to combat money laundering and terrorist financing activities
雖然香港打擊洗錢及恐怖分子資金籌集的規管框架大致穩健有效，但隨着金融市場及安全環境不斷轉變，相關的國際標準也持續改進。
Although we have in place a generally strong and effective anti - money laundering and counter - terrorist financing framework international standards have evolved quickly because of the changing financial market and security landscapes
考慮到特別組織就客戶作盡職審查及備存紀錄規定的建議、指定非金融業人士所界定的範圍，以及該等行業人士在香港從事的業務性質，政府建議修訂《條例》，將涵蓋範圍由金融機構擴大至包括律師、會計師、地產代理，以及信託或公司服務提供者。
One of the deficiencies is the absence of statutory customer due diligence and record - keeping requirements for designated non - financial businesses and professions DNFBPs when they engage in specified transactions . Having regard to FATFs advice on customer due diligence and record - keeping requirements its defined scope of DNFBP coverage and the nature of business engaged by the corresponding professions in Hong Kong the Government proposes amending the Ordinance to extend its scope of coverage from financial institutions to cover solicitors accountants real estate agents and trust or company service providers
以上4個行業從事 指明交易時，須遵守《條例》下訂明的客戶作盡職審查及備存紀錄的規定。
The aforesaid four sectors shall abide by the customer due diligence and record - keeping requirements as stipulated under the Ordinance
由於律師、會計師和地產代理目前已經由各自的監管機構進行專業自我規管，我們建議借助根據《法律執業者條例》、《專業會計師條例》和《地產代理條例》分別適用於上述3個行業的現有規管制度，執行《條例》訂明就客戶作盡職審查及備存紀錄的法例規定。
As solicitors accountants and real estate agents are currently already subject to professional self - regulation by the respective regulatory bodies we propose to leverage on the existing regulatory regimes applicable to the three sectors under the Legal Practitioners Ordinance the Professional Accountants Ordinance and the Estate Agents Ordinance respectively to enforce the statutory customer due diligence and record - keeping requirements as stipulated under the Ordinance
香港律師會、香港會計師公會和地產代理監管局會獲賦予法定監察權力，確保相關專業遵守《條例》的規定。
The Law Society of Hong Kong the Hong Kong Institute of Certified Public Accountants and the Estate Agents Authority will be entrusted to assume statutory oversight for ensuring compliance of their respective professions with the requirements under the Ordinance
如有違規情況，上述監管機構會按照相關法例就專業失當行為所定的現行調查、紀律和處分機制處理。
Non - compliance with the requirements will be handled by the aforesaid regulatory bodies in accordance with the prevailing investigation and disciplinary mechanisms under the relevant laws governing professional misconduct
至於在信託或公司服務提供者的監管方面，目前香港並無具有法定權力的機構，負責規管或監督信託或公司服務提供者的業務。
As regards the regulation of trust or company service providers there is currently no body with statutory power in Hong Kong to regulate or monitor the business of trust or company service providers
我們建議於公司註冊處下成立發牌制度，以執行適用於信託或公司服務提供者就客戶作盡職審查及備存紀錄的法例規定。
We propose introducing a licensing regime under the Companies Registry to enforce the codified customer due diligence and record - keeping requirements applicable to trust or company service providers