Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
很多生活上的事情都可能令我們以為曾經刻骨銘心，但兩年甚至一年後便會忘記。
There are many things in life that we may consider unforgettable but they will be out of our mind two years or even a year down the line
但是，對於六四，當年我們並沒有任何準備，而它發生了，自此之後，我們便每年每年的悼念，足足28年。
But the 4 June incident is different . Back then we were not in the least prepared for it and it happened and we have since commemorated it year after year for altogether 28 years now
這是發自內心的一種悼念，而這種發自內心的悼念是源於28年前刻骨銘心的強度，因而令它歷久不衰。
This is commemoration of a kind that springs from our hearts and this spontaneity bears vigour born of that unforgettable incident of 28 years ago and this is why our commemoration of it will persist into eternity
那種強度到了甚麼程度呢？
How vigorous were these strong feelings of ours?
我想很多沒 有經歷過六四的年青朋友是很難想象的。
I think it is unimaginable to many young people who did not experience the 4 June incident
我們當時舉行了一次又一次有多達100萬人參與的遊行。
Back then one after another rallies were held with as many as 1 million people taking part in them
一百萬人是甚麼概念呢？
By 1 million people how should we understand it?
香港當時有五六百萬的人口，扣除老弱和小朋友後，可以說差不多有能力走上街的成年人都上街了。
Back then Hong Kong had a population of 5 million to 6 million and after deducting the elderly the vulnerable and children it can be said that almost all adults with the ability to come out had taken to the streets
陳淑莊議員剛才發言時說她當時是預科學生，第一次參與的六四遊行是在風雨之中進行。
In her speech earlier Ms Tanya CHAN said that she was a matriculation student back then and it was during a rainstorm she took part in a 4 June rally for the first time
當時很多人都是第一次上街，尤其是香港大部分市民素來對政治興趣並不太強烈，但那次是第一次走出來，第一次為那些離我們那麼遠的人緊張、流淚。
At that time many people took to the streets for the first time especially as most people of Hong Kong usually did not have too strong an interest in politics . But that was the first time they came forth and that was the first time we felt agitated and shed tears for people who were so remote from us
當時我們作為老師的，都知道學校內的情況。
At that time we teachers knew the situation in schools
5月和6月是公開考試和校內考試的季節，很多學生沒有心機考試。
The months of May and June were the time for public and school examinations but many students lost motivation for taking them . In May before the 4 June incident broke out the situation in Beijing was broadcast on television
在5月，當時六四事件尚未發生，電視畫面上播放着北京的情況，軍隊圍城，市民為了保護學生，想說服軍隊，慰問他們，希望能夠軟化他們，這些場面我們至今仍然歷歷在目，而當時我們每個人的心裏都非常擔心，很擔心明天起床會變成怎樣。
We saw the army besiege the city and in order to protect the students the public in an attempt to persuade the army expressed their concern for the army in an effort to soften them up . These scenes still remain vivid in our mind even now . At that time every one of us was gravely worried
我們的這種關心，表示我們並非旁觀者，彷彿是北京當地的人。
Our concern showed that we were not onlookers but like the local citizens of Beijing
那時，北京和香港兩個城市緊緊連繫起來。
At that time the two cities of Beijing and Hong Kong were closely connected with each other
最近，林耀強先生道出28年前北京學生流着淚對他說的話。
Recently Mr LAM Yiu - keung has told of what tearful students in Beijing said to him 28 years ago . They said to this effect Go back
他們說："你回去吧，你們香港人已經做了很多，你一定要活着回去，將這一切告訴全世界知道。
You Hongkongers have already done a lot . You must go back alive and tell the world everything . We have not let them down
主席，梁振英任期只餘下數星期。
President there is only a few weeks left before LEUNG Chun - yings tenure ends
坦白說，無論是本議會還是香港社會，很多人都不想再談論這位人士。
Frankly speaking many people do not want to talk about this man any more be it in this Council or in the Hong Kong community
換句話說，整個政府的行事必須遵照一套標準和界限。
In other words the Government as a whole must follow a set of standards and limits
今天我們要問的問題是：梁振英有否做錯？
The question we must ask today is Has LEUNG Chun - ying committed any fault?
如我們今天容忍這種介入方式，未來還如何建立市民對立法會及行政長官的信任？
If we condone this kind of interference today how can the people trust the Legislative Council and the Chief Executive in the future?
有關的文件屬於立法會文件，以一位議員的名義提出。
The document in question is a paper of the Legislative Council submitted in the name of a Member
但是，原來這份文件背後真正的撰寫人是梁振英。
However it turns out that the document is actually drafted by LEUNG Chun - ying
在任期最後一兩個月，他為何還要這樣直接介入？
In the last couple of months of his term of office why did he still directly interfere with this matter?
我們暫且不談這些問題。
Let us leave these questions for the moment
我想問的是，究竟他可否以這種方式撰寫立法會文件？
I would like to ask whether he can draft a document of the Legislative Council in this way
所有議員都知道，剛才亦有議員提過，他是有其他選擇的。
As all Members are aware and as mentioned by a Member earlier LEUNG Chun - ying had other options
如果他對立法會這份文件有不同意見，行政機關一向都可以透過不同的方式表達。
If he had different views regarding the document of the Legislative Council those views could be expressed in many ways by the Executive Authorities in accordance with the established practice
正如很多議員剛才提過，如梁振英對調查範疇有意見，可以去信立法會，堂堂正正提出他的觀點。
As many Members have said earlier if LEUNG Chun - ying had views about the scope of inquiry he could have written to the Legislative Council and formally put forward his views
他在有其他選擇的情況下，卻棄用慣常的做法，反而採取一個非常奇特的方式，與其中一位議員商議，然後以該議員的名義撰寫文件。
Instead of taking these options he had deviated from the usual practice and adopted a very strange approach of discussing with a Member and drafting a document in the name of that Member
第一，有關文件屬於立法會文件，這一點大家一定同意。
First the document concerned is a paper of the Legislative Council and this point is agreed by everyone
第二，這份文件是以一名議員的 名義提出，這亦顯然是事實。
Second the document was submitted in the name of a Member and that is obviously a fact
第三，很明顯，文件的撰寫人不是該議員而是特首，這一點兩位涉案人士都已經分別承認。
Third the person who drafted the document is apparently not the Member but LEUNG Chun - ying . This point was respectively admitted by both the Member in question and LEUNG Chun - ying
第四，該議員在整個過程中，沒有主動披露事實，只是後來陰差陽錯，事情才被揭發。
Fourth in the entire process the Member had not taken the initiative to disclose the facts and subsequently the matter was somehow uncovered
正如石禮謙議員昨天指出，立法會議員不是特首的僕人，議員應表達出獨立性。
As Mr Abraham SHEK pointed out yesterday Members of the Legislative Council are not servants of the Chief Executive and they should show their independence
立法會其中一個很重要的角色就是監察政府，在三權之間必須保持一定距離。
A very important function of the Legislative Council is to monitor the work of the Government and so a distance must be kept among the three powers respectively
再想想，如果這種做法可以接受的話，如此推論，如果前特首曾蔭權同樣借某位議員的名義提交立法會文件，大家又會否接受？
If this approach is acceptable and adopting the same principle would members of the public find it acceptable for former Chief Executive Donald TSANG to similarly submit a Council document in the name of a Member?
或者不說以前，我們向前看。
Alternatively we can look forward instead of backward
這是一個非常嚴肅的問題。
This is a very serious issue
主動維護議員的尊嚴和角色，才是恰當的做法。
The proper approach is to take active steps to uphold the dignity and the role of Members of the Legislative Council
議員應該知道甚麼時候做甚麼事；特首更應該知道甚麼時候不應該做甚麼事。
Members should know what should be done at a certain time and the Chief Executive should know what should not be done at a certain time
今天討論的絕對不是濫用權力的問題，而是如何維護立法會的制度，使本會可以有尊嚴、完整地繼續運作。
Today we are definitely not discussing the question of abuse of power but how to uphold the system of the Legislative Council so that it can continue to operate in a dignified and proper manner
《基本法》清楚列明，議會須認真監督行政機關。
The Basic Law clearly provides that the Legislative Council shall seriously monitor the work of the Executive Authorities
大家都希望有關梁振英的事，可以自此從香港歷史中淡出，不要再困擾香港人。
Members hope that matters concerning LEUNG Chun - ying will fade out in the history of Hong Kong and will no longer plague Hong Kong people
我今天本來不想主動發言，但正如剛才陳克勤議員所說，有些事情我們迫不得已而為之，因此我們要提出這項彈劾議案。
Initially I did not want to speak today but as Mr CHAN Hak - kan said sometimes we had no alternative but to take certain actions . For this reason we have to propose this impeachment motion
儘管彈劾議案可能不獲通過，但我們必須留下一個歷史紀錄，在日後向市民表明，我們絕不接受這種做法。
Although this impeachment motion may not be passed we must leave a record in history to tell members of the public clearly that we definitely do not accept this kind of approach
我們希望這種干預方式，從此在立法會和行政機關之間消失。
I hope that this kind of interference will disappear in the Legislative Council and the Executive Authorities from now on
在1989年，中國神州大地開展了一場波瀾壯闊的民主運動，到了6月4日，以血腥鎮壓收場。
A magnificent pro - democracy movement took place across China in 1989 only to end on 4 June by a bloody crackdown
這一場民主運動揭露了中共政權最野蠻的一面。
This movement exposed the most barbaric front of the regime of the Communist Party of China CPC
我記得當天我在外國一邊看電視，一邊與同學討論整場民主運動的走向。
I remember I was abroad on that day watching television and discussing with my school - mates about the direction of the democratic movement
當時，我覺得中國有數百萬名解放軍，有整個大西北，我預期會出現大規模拘捕和白色恐怖，但真的沒有想過人民解放軍將槍和武器對準人民，射殺手無寸鐵的學生和老百姓。
At that time we thought that since there were millions of PLA soldiers deployed in the vast north - western region of China we anticipated that would be large - scale arrests and white terror would reign . It had never crossed our mind that PLA would point their weapons and guns at unarmed students and ordinary people
人民解放軍殺害人民，絕對是中共奪取政權70年來不能抹去的污點。
The fact that PLA killed people is definitely an unremovable blemish over the 70 years after CPC had seized power
過去20多年，中共不斷以各種思想、言論審查，阻止人民了解這場運動的真相，阻止人民明白當天政權犯下的血案，封鎖人民解放軍血洗天安門的資訊。
Over the past 20 - odd years CPC has used various means such as censorship of thoughts and speech to stop people from getting the true picture of this movement to stop people from learning about the murders committed by the regime and to block all information about PLAs bloody crackdown in Tiananmen Square
中共通過教學，令年青一輩逐漸淡忘六四血案。
Through education CPC has gradually obliterated the younger generations memory of the 4 June massacre
在這個背景之下，香港市民參與六四愛國民主運動紀念更為重要，因為我們要令民主運動面對的血腥鎮壓在香港仍得以展示、記錄、記憶。
Against such a background it is even more important for people of Hong Kong to attend activities to commemorate the 4 June patriotic pro - democracy movement because we have to exhibit record and help people remember the bloody crackdown of the movement . Over the past 28 years CPC has successfully obliterated from history the bloody crackdown of the 4 June movement
二十八年來，中共成功地將六四血案的歷史在神州大地淡化，今天很多調查研究顯示，國內人民都已不清楚當天發生了甚麼事。
Today many surveys today find that people in the Mainland have no idea about what had exactly happened on that day
中共政權用盡各種手段令人民忘記其滿手血腥的惡行，令民族忘記歷史，但偏偏這個國家今天正重蹈當天貪腐的覆轍，而且更加變本加厲。
The CPC regime employs every means to wipe away the peoples memory of its atrocities and the whole nation has forgotten the history . But history has repeated itself; and today corruption is even more rampant than the time of the 4 June movement
香港人堅持了28年追究屠城責任，本着良心和道德力量堅持為死難同胞討回公道。
For the past 28 years being conscience minded and armed with moral courage Hong Kong people have persisted in ascertaining responsibility for the massacre and seeking justice for the compatriots who were killed in the 4 June incident
我們的堅持，是要令中共要人民忘記中共專權滿手血腥滔天罪行的企圖，最終以失敗告終。
By persevering we want to prevent CPC from successfully making people forget the atrocities it had committed under the authoritarian rule
有人問我們堅持有何用？
Someone has asked me what the point of our perseverance
如果大家覺得我們追究屠城責任，對中國而言並不重要，且看看為何每年六四前後，中共政權要加強監管，要阻止天安門母親在天安門附近為其死難親人立碑悼念。
If people think that CPC is not concerned about our act of ascertaining responsibility for the massacre it would not step up control around 4 June each year and would not ban Tiananmen Mothers from erecting a monument in the vicinity of Tiananmen to commemorate their beloved ones
如果它視之如無物，為何不讓人民在網上看到與六四相關的資訊和資料，讓人民都可以看到中共政權當天所犯的罪行？
If the CPC regime does not care why does it not allow its people to access online information related to the 4 June incident so that they would not be aware of the atrocities committed by the CPC regime?
香港是一國之內唯一可以自由地記錄、記憶、悼念六四血案的地方，也基於這原因，令中共永遠都要明白，追究其當天滿手血腥屠城責任一事，定會有人前仆後繼堅持下去。
Hong Kong is the only place in the one country that can freely record commemorate and mourn for the 4 June massacre . On account of this reason we must make CPC understand that there will always be people ascertaining responsibility for the massacre and in the course when one falls another one will take up his place
香港在這28年來，在每年燃點起蠟燭，憑着這一點燭光，繼續為死難者追究屠城責任。
Over the past 28 years Hong Kong people have lighted up candles each year to continue ascertaining responsibility for the massacre . We must persist in this course
唯有我們堅持下去，才有可能令中共政權面對六四血案責任，承擔屠城責任，也唯有如此，國家的制度發展才能坦誠面向人民。
Only in so doing can we make the CPC regime bear responsibility for the massacre and only through this can the country face its people frankly and openly
人類文明的前進，必須以史為鑒。
Men must learn from history to progress forward
但是，在兩制之下的香港，我們有一個很大的責任。
As such Hong Kong people have a great responsibility under two systems
有人覺得這是一個枷鎖，但我們既然生活在"一國兩制"下的香港，便要以最大的道德、良知感召的力量，迫使中共以史為鑒，並且還死難同胞一個公道。
Some find it a burden but since we live in Hong Kong under one country two systems we must with the greatest moral courage and strength force CPC to face up to history and do justice to the compatriots who were killed in the incident
唯有如此，我們在一國之內的政治制度建設，兩制之下的香港的民主政制發展才有實現的一天。
Only in so doing can we contribute to the political development within the one country making it possible for the democratization of the political system in Hong Kong under two systems one day
因此，堅持平反八九民運，追究屠城責任，結束一黨專政。
Hence we must persist in vindicating the pro - democracy movement in 1989 ascertaining responsibility for the massacre and ending one party dictatorship
主席，一代人做一代事，我是六四的一代，一定會為六四事件做一點事。
President people of a particular generation are obliged to do certain things for their generation . I belong to the 4 June generation so I must do something for the 4 June incident
林卓廷議員剛才提到6月3日晚上，北京長安街的屠城開始了。
Mr LAM Cheuk - ting said just now the night of 3 June marked the beginning of the massacre on Chang An Avenue in Beijing
我在6月3日出生，自1989年至今的28年來，因為6月3日晚上屠城開始，我就沒有再慶祝生日，並且把"六四"這兩個數字鑲嵌在自己的生活之中，即是我的電話號碼。
I was born on 3 June . During the 28 years since 1989 I have refrained from celebrating my birthday because the night of 3 June was the time when the massacre began . And I have even embedded the two digits of six and four into my daily life and included them as part of my telephone number
數十年來，今天我終於有機會在立法會說出我的一些看法。
A few decades down the line I finally have the opportunity to express my views in the Legislative Council today
今年，有一些大學生覺得要與六四晚會分割，我因而真的有一種"要說未必有話"的感覺。
This year some university students feel that they should detach themselves from the 4 June vigil . This really gives me a feeling of speechlessness despite all my emotions
他們說要為悼念六四劃上句號，說香港市民支援愛國民主運動聯合會的六四集會無法啟蒙年青人，亦相信在未來一兩年之後，學生組織可能不會再以"悼念六四"為議題。
They have asserted that we need to put a stop to the commemoration of the 4 June incident saying that the 4 June assembly organized by the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China is unable to inspire young people . They also believe that after a couple of years student organizations will probably cease to regard the commemoration of the 4 June incident as an important issue
再直接一點的說，他們認為集會形式比較僵化，不想再參與這種行禮如儀的悼念集會。
To put it bluntly I will say that in their view the assembly is rather a rigid ritual and they no longer wish to participate in this routine commemorative assembly
作為六四的一代，我想說這種行禮如儀的集會其實塑造了我的生命。
As a person from the 4 June generation I wish to say that this routine assembly has actually shaped my life
1989年的六四事件不只是鄰近地區發生的事，不只是滾滾的歷史長河裏暴政殘殺人民的例子之一，亦不只是40歲以上的人的中國情意結。
The 4 June incident in 1989 was not merely an incident which took place in a neighbouring region or an instance involving a tyrannys brutal killing of its people in our long history . Neither is it a mere complex for China among people aged above 40
反之，一個人無法表達記憶，不是語言的問題，亦不是記性的問題，而是因為他"突然被連根拔起丟進一個完全陌生的環境"，令到他"與原本所屬社會的集體記憶的紐帶被切斷了"。
On the contrary an individuals failure to depict what is in his memory has nothing to do with his language or memory abilities . The reason is he is suddenly uprooted and thrown into a totally unfamiliar environment thus resulting in the severing of his link with his collective memory associated with the community to which he originally belonged
一個人在一生中會經歷很多事，多如繁星。
One will experience numerous events in ones life literally as numerous as the stars in the sky
我們記得甚麼，往往是因為身邊人經常提及甚麼，或是我們根本就活在那種記憶的結構裏，令這些片段成為了我們的記憶。
Our memory of certain events is very often constituted by the frequent allusion to those events by people around us or the very fact that we are actually living in sort of a memory framework which turns individual episodes into part of our memory
所以，所謂的個人記憶，其實與這個社會是互動的。
So personal memory as we call it is actually interactive with society
一些離群者或被割斷集體記憶紐帶的人的個人記憶能力就會較低。
In the case of outliers or those whose links with their collective memory have been severed their personal memory abilities will be lower
龍應台夫子自道，她感慨自己的記憶紐帶亦曾經被割斷，跌出了集體記憶之外。
LUNG Ying - tai said with a heave of sigh that she once dropped out of her collective memory due to the severing of her memory link
她說："我為甚麼對於外婆，一個在正常狀態中應該非常親密的人，一無所知呢？
She said to this effect Why am I unable to recall anything about my grandmother who should be a very intimate person in normal circumstances?
因為發生了戰爭，而戰爭帶來了斷裂。
Because of wars and the resultant disconnection
外婆，以及外婆所附着的集體記憶中國南方20世紀上半葉的生活整體，對於我是失去了。
I have lost my grandmother together with the collective memory associated with her―her overall life in Southern China during the first half of the 20 century
" 我們知道記憶是一種非常脆弱的東西，很容易失去，但要重新得到卻要付出很大的努力。
We know that our memory is very fragile and easy to lose . But we have to make tremendous efforts to recover it
有些人想方設法，希望在歌舞昇平的環境裏長大，之後慢慢地、不知不覺地失去了對六四事件的記憶；同時，有些人拼命要保存這種記憶。
Some have struggled to grow up in a prosperous and stable environment and they have gradually or unknowingly lost their memory of the 4 June incident subsequently . At the same time some are trying very hard to retain their memory of it
失去對六四事件的記憶是要付出代價的，不是今天斷裂了，明天有需要的時候就可以重新得到。
We will have to pay a price if we lose our memory of the 4 June incident . It is not true to say that even if the memory link is severed today we can recover it tomorrow if need be
如果想要重新得到的話，恐怕是一場災難。
I am afraid it will entail a disastrous event if we wish to recover our memory of it
主席，在今年六四晚會，我們為"天安門母親運動"籌款。
President during the 4 June vigil this year we held a fund - raising campaign for the Tiananmen Mothers Movement
她們28年來受盡逼迫，至今48人已經去世，但她們一息尚存的話，仍然會堅持下去。
They have been subjected to all sorts of persecution over the past 28 years and 48 of them have died so far . But they will remain steadfast as long as they still have one breath left
她們要求的是真相、賠償、問責，就僅僅這6個字。
They merely demand three things the truth compensation and accountability
因為這6個字，我支持今天的議案......
Because of these three demands I support the motion today The 4 June incident shall not be forgotten and the 1989 pro - democracy movement shall be vindicated
對於老業主和殷實的業主來說，他們真的無法負擔越來越高的維修費。
It is really impossible for old or honest property owners to bear the rising maintenance fees
民建聯今天亦有提出修正案，但由於時間關係，我只會談談部分建議的內容。
As time is running out I will only talk about the contents of some of the amendments proposed by the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong today
第一，盡快堵塞《建築物管理條例》的漏洞。
First to expeditiously plug the loopholes of the Building Management Ordinance BMO
我們也應對待政府公道一點，政府確實也有正視社區出現的變化。
We should also be fair to the Government for it has actually addressed squarely the changes in the community
簡單而言，現行《條例》要求法團給予7天的開會通知期，但如果法團不遵從這項要求，寫信到民政事務總署投訴，該署也只能發信勸諭，如果業主要求執法，便要到土地審裁處。
Simply put BMO requires OCs to give notices of meeting seven days in advance . However if OCs do not comply with this requirement and complaint letters are sent to the Home Affairs Department HAD the only action that can be taken is to issue warning letters . In fact owners can only make requests for law enforcement to the Lands Tribunal
我希望局方特別是新一屆政府正視《條例》無人執法的問題。
I hope the Bureau and particularly the new - term Government can address squarely the problem of there being no agency to enforce BMO
此外，我認為要處理這個問題，便要成立"樓宇事務審裁處"，以簡單的法庭形式處理相關的問題。
Furthermore in order to address this issue I believe a building affairs tribunal should be set up to deal with the relevant issues as a court in a summary manner
除了實質資助，還需要技術人員提供資助。
In addition to substantive subsides technical assistance is required too
"招標妥"現時只在核標方面提供協助，卻沒有在技術方面提供實質協助。
Currently the Smart Tender scheme merely provides assistance in tender assessment without offering substantive technical assistance
我希望局長可以打破思維，否則，我很擔心民怨只會越滾越大。
I hope the Secretary can adopt a different mindset otherwise public grievances will only continue to snowball
主席，我當然是發言支持此項議案，我亦是提出議案的其中一位議員。
President of course I will speak in support of this motion and I am also one of the Members who initiated this motion
首先，我想回應建制派議員的發言。
First of all I would like to respond to the remarks made by pro - establishment Members
黃定光議員昨天發言時說，民主派議員批評梁振英時"語言惡毒"，但他沒有指出哪句話是惡毒的，我很想知道。
Mr WONG Ting - kwong said yesterday that the democrats used vicious language to criticize LEUNG Chun - ying but he had not pointed out which expressions were vicious; I really want to know
我覺得大家發言時實在太客氣，亦不會用甚麼惡毒語言批評梁振英。
I think we have been too polite when we speak and we will not use vicious language to criticize LEUNG Chun - ying
我想告訴大家，有一句話說"不怕神一樣的對手，只怕豬一樣的隊友"。
As the saying goes fear not god - like opponents but fear pig - like teammates there are certainly quite a few pig - like teammates in this Council
因為專責委員會無權、"無牙"，但彈劾議案理論上有機會"攞命"，攞特首的命。
That is because the Select Committee lacks power and is toothless but the impeachment motion may theoretically be fatal it may take the Chief Executives life
對不起，"打壓異己"這個詞語不是這樣用的，這詞語用來形容一些極權的政權所做的事，人民不可以打壓異己，少數民主派議員沒有任何能力打壓異己，又說我們要令梁振英"人頭落地"，我們根本沒有這種能力。
Excuse me the expression oppressed dissidents should not be used this way; it is used to describe the deeds of totalitarian regimes the masses cannot oppress dissidents . The democrats being in the minority do not have the ability to oppress dissidents; she further said we want to send LEUNG Chun - ying to the guillotine; we simply do not have this power
我們只是爭取空間，還事件一個公道，讓市民看到事件更多面相，看到保皇黨在不同層次上"保梁"。
We are just fighting for room to do justice by enabling people to see the true picture of the incident . Members of the public can clearly see how the royalists pro - LEUNG at different levels
陳婉嫻這位"保梁局"主席現已不是立法會議員，現在李慧琼議員才是頭號"保梁局"主席。
CHAN Yuen - han a former chairman of the Pro - LEUNG Kuk is not a Legislative Council Member now . Ms Starry LEE is now the chairman of the Pro - LEUNG Kuk
我很想聽 蔣麗芸議員發言，不知道她是找不到理由替梁振英辯論，還是要留到最後才批評我們？
I really want to hear Dr CHIANG Lai - wan speak; I do not know if she cannot find reasons to defend LEUNG Chun - ying or she wants to wait until the last moment to criticize us
有關事件的細節，很多議員多次指出，梁振英在行政長官任期內收取UGL公司5,000萬港元，但沒有申報或報稅。
On the details of the incident Members have repeatedly pointed out that Chief Executive LEUNG Chun - ying received 50 million from UGL during his term of office but he had not made declaration or filed a tax return
立法會一再查問，但他不斷辯稱與UGL簽署的是離職協議，沒有利益衝突，他還說協議是在當選行政長官之前簽訂的，無須申報。
Though the Legislative Council has inquired about that time and again he kept saying that he only signed a resignation agreement with UGL and no conflict of interest was involved he also said that the agreement was signed before he was elected the Chief Executive so he did not need to declare
大家是否知道梁振英是一位語言"偽術家"？
Do we know that LEUNG Chun - ying is an expert in hypocritical rhetoric?
我還想指出一點，梁振英上任前曾經信誓旦旦說，他會積極考慮修改《防止賄賂條例》，把涵蓋範圍擴大至適用於行政長官，但他至今仍然只說會盡最大努力落實修例，很多規定是要經過通盤考慮的。
I would also like to point out that before assuming office LEUNG Chun - ying sincerely pledged that he would actively consider amending the Prevention of Bribery Ordinance to extend the scope of application to the Chief Executive . Up till now he is still saying that he would make all - out effort to amend the Ordinance but many provisions require consideration in a holistic manner
五年任期差不多完結，仍然沒有啟動正式的修法程序，他是否擔心修例成功會影響自己？
With his five - year tenure almost coming to an end the legislative amendment process has yet to be initiated; is he worried that he will be affected if the amendments are made?
梁振英作出44項修改，建議專責委員會的權限，包括加入調查簽約當天是否已經當選行政長官、調查被澳洲傳媒公開的協議文本真偽，以及研究《基本法》第四十七條的立法原意。
LEUNG Chun - ying made 44 amendments making recommendations on the authority of the Select Committee such as adding whether he was elected the Chief Executive on the date of signing the agreement looking into the authenticity of the copy of agreement disclosed by the Australian media and studying the legislative intent of Article 47 of the Basic Law