Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
鑒於信保局採取審慎的經營方針，而且財政狀況穩健，我們預期政府最少在短至中期內無須為該局的負債提供資助。
In view of ECICs prudent approach to business and its healthy financial condition we do not expect that there would be a need for the Government to provide funding to ECIC to meet its liabilities in at least the short to medium term
信保局會繼續恪守審慎風險管理的原則經營業務，並會定期檢討其財政狀況。
ECIC will continue to conduct its business within the bounds of prudent risk management and review its financial situation regularly
主席，我謹此提出議案。
President I beg to move
現在的待議議題是：商務及經濟發展局局長動議的議案，予以通過。
I now propose the question to you That the motion moved by the Secretary for Commerce and Economic Development be passed
我們將於6月2日刊憲公告香港出口信用保險局所負的或有法律責任的新上限。
We will gazette the new cap on the contingent liability of the Hong Kong Export Credit Insurance Corporation ECIC on 2 June
回應黃議員剛才的發言，信保局會一如既往，繼續密切留意市場的變化和業界的需要，考慮推出適合支援中小企業的措施，包括在有需要時適時提升或有法律責任的上限。
In response to the speech made earlier by Mr WONG ECIC will as always keep paying close attention to market changes and the sectors needs and consider introducing appropriate support measures for small and medium enterprises including raising the cap on contingent liability in a timely manner if necessary
我亦很希望正如黃議員所言，因為看到貿易幾何式的增長而有需要調高或有法律責任上限。
I also wish to see a need to further raise the cap on contingent liability because of an exponential growth in trade as mentioned by Mr WONG
信保局會繼續恪守審慎風險管理的原則經營業務，繼續為香港出口商，尤其是中小型企業提供出口信用保險服務。
ECIC will continue to adhere to the principle of prudent risk management in operating its business and keep on providing export credit insurance service to exporters in Hong Kong especially small and medium enterprises
我現在向各位提出的待決議題是：商務及經濟發展局局長動議的議案，予以通過。
I now put the question to you and that is That the motion moved by the Secretary for Commerce and Economic Development be passed
當政府看到民主派提出引用《權力及特權條例》調查事件時，便習以為常，不用思考，"自動波"，慣常動作一定是先反對。
As soon as the democratic camp proposes to invoke the Ordinance to investigate this incident the Government automatically raises objection as a reflex action without doing any thinking
痛定思痛、如何跟進、作出改善，這些話是較少聽到的，亦是頗正面的，我也希望他真的會這樣做。
Such remarks are quite positive and rarely heard from the Government . I do hope that he will put his words into actions
可是，為何我們仍會支持鄭松泰議員提出引用《權力及特權條例》調查這事件呢？
So why do I still support Dr CHENG Chung - tais proposal to invoke the Ordinance to investigate this incident?
是向所有選民發信道歉，以及道出問題的嚴重性等。
It is the sending of letters to electors to make an apology and to explain the seriousness of the incident and so on
是政府的錯，但政府出錯，竟然用市民的錢向選民作交代。
It is the Government which is to be blamed for the mistake . How come the money of the Hong Kong people is being used to explain the faults of the Government to the electors who are also people of Hong Kong?
第三點我認為仍要調查的是，政府不斷對我們說，有關電腦的加密標準非常高，理論上，不易解破。
Third I think there is still a need to conduct an inquiry because at this moment the Government is still unable to make us feel confident that our privacy data will be well protected . This comes despite the Governments repeated assurance that the encryption algorithm meets very stringent standard and thus is difficult to be decrypted in theory
或許我是小人之心，我不知道是否正確，很奇怪，發生今次事件的亞洲國際博覽館非常接近機場，大家有沒有留意？
You may think that I am overly suspicious and I also do not know whether you suspicion is justified . I mean to say that very strangely the incident occurred in the AsiaWorld - Expo which is very close to the airport . Have you all noticed that?
這令我們覺得原來政府對選民資料看得如此輕，並沒有重視其嚴重性，只是慣常做法便算，而沒有考慮會產生怎樣的後遺症，並沒有考慮這些問題。
This gives us an impression that the Government simply does not treat the information of electors seriously . Officials only work according to the usual procedures without considering the possible consequences and all these problems
就今次的事件，我們覺得最重要是政府會否承擔責任。
For this incident we think the most important thing is whether the Government should bear any responsibility
一如莫乃光議員所說，我們用《權力及特權條例》去調查，不單是調查事件的真相，還會調查究竟有沒有人承擔責任。
As Mr Charles Peter MOK has pointed out when conducting an inquiry under the Ordinance we not only seek to find out the truth of the incident but we also wish to ascertain whether anyone have to bear the responsibility
這責任不是個別人士犯了例如刑事責任那麼簡單，還有部門或首長等會否對整件事情承擔責任，這是重要的。
Such responsibility does not simply refer to criminal liabilities committed by individuals . It is rather the bearing of responsibility by the department concerned or by its head for the entire incident . This is important
這是信心問題，真的是信心的問題。
This is a matter of confidence . This is really a matter of confidence
莫乃光議員和鄭松泰議員說得很好，由於這次失竊的是選舉資料，引申下去，其後還有很多的補選、大選等，選民會質疑可否信任這個政府？
Mr Charles Peter MOK and Dr CHENG Chung - tai have made a very good point . Since the incident involves the theft of election information it will have implications for subsequent by - elections and general elections . Electors will cast doubt on the trustworthiness of the Government
我們要做這工作，是希望追究責任，查出真相，挽回市民就選舉當時所提交資料的信心。
Therefore we have to conduct an inquiry in the hope that we can find out the truth and ascertain responsibility so as to restore the confidence of the public the confidence they once had in the Government when they submitted their information for the conduct of elections
我覺得這是要做的工作，所以我支持這項議案，希望其他同事也予以支持。
I think this is what we have to do . In this regard I support this motion and hope that other colleagues will also give their support
主席，當保皇黨有數個原則。
President there are a few principles that the royalists must adhere to
有同事催促我回來駁斥周浩鼎議員，我也覺得他所言甚為可笑，但亦不值得駁斥。
Some colleagues urged me to hasten back to refute Mr Holden CHOW and I also consider his speech ridiculous but again it is not worth refuting him
如果說他十分值得駁斥，即是說我真的擔心市民會被他誤導。
If I agree that what he said is very much worth refuting I will be really worried that members of the public would be misled
不過，周浩鼎議員自稱是律師，又曾擔任大企業的法律顧問，而且和我一樣，在超級區議會功能界別經數十萬選民選出，具有相當民意基礎，既然他說得這麼義正詞嚴，會否真的有市民相信他的話呢？
However as Mr Holden CHOW calls himself a lawyer has been the legal adviser of a big enterprise and is a Member who has a broad electorate base as he was returned with hundreds of thousands of votes in the District Council Second Functional Constituency like me would members of the public really believe in what he said when he was speaking so righteously and seriously?
在這個基礎之上，我認為也值得在紀錄上，讓電視機前的觀眾聽一聽沒有當過大企業法律顧問的涂謹申議員，談談他為何認為周議員的論據相當有問題。
On this basis I consider it worth putting into record what I have to say about this so that viewers in front of the television may also hear it from me who has never been a legal adviser of a big enterprise and understand why I consider Mr CHOWs arguments unjustified
主席，第一點是周議員似乎集中指出今次事件涉及刑事問題，有人觸犯偷電腦這嚴重罪行，立法會的調查會否比警方的更加有效？
President it seems that the first point which Mr CHOW raised is focused on the criminal issues of the incident the fact that a serious crime involving the stealing of computers has been committed and he has raised a question on whether an investigation conducted by the Legislative Council would be more effective than that carried out by the Police
但是，似乎在周議員心目中，電腦遺失只屬刑事問題，又或其刑事問題是最重要的一面。
However it occurs to me that Mr CHOW regards the loss of the computers concerned a merely criminal problem or the criminal issues of which the most important factor
主席，當中的刑事問題當然重要，因為有人偷取電腦，涉及數百萬人的資料。
President the criminal issues of the incident are of course important because the computers were stolen and the personal data of millions of electors are involved
但是，為何在制度上，政制及內地事務局的同事可以作出這樣的安排？
Nevertheless why is it possible under the present system for the staff in the Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau to make such an arrangement?
真相除了所涉及的刑事元素之外，最重要的是為何在制度上可以如此處置那台電腦？
Apart from the criminal issues involved the most important parts of the truth are Why can the computers be handled in this way under the present system?
可是，就今次這宗偷竊案，即使周議員窮盡其想象力，指出有此可能，那影響儘管有可能出現，但也實在太小，相對於公眾利益而言完全是不成比例。
Yet when it comes to the theft case under discussion no matter how far Mr CHOW stretches his imagination to point out that such a possibility does exist those impacts though possible are indeed so small that they are completely disproportionate to the public interests involved
其實，立法會正是要履行我們的職責，問題並不在於本會是否中立或獨立，而是從市民的角度而言，立法會由各黨各派議員組成，沒有任何一個派別佔多數，即使有也只是保皇黨。
As a matter of fact the Legislative Council is now trying to discharge its duties and whether this Council is impartial or independent is not the issue in question because from the perspective of the general public the Legislative Council is formed by Members from many different political parties and groups and not a single one of them is in the majority except the royalists
主席，這方面的經驗，相信你我都有不少。
President I think you and I do have much experience in this respect
第二，公民黨較早前向政府或財政司司長提交書面意見時提出希望在租金方面有寬免措施和寬減稅負，我認為這是有需要的，並會予以支持，因為就一般的年青人來說，即使他們的收入水平屬中等或較高，有能力負擔現時高昂樓價的只是鳳毛麟角。
Secondly the Civic Party submitted earlier written comments to the Government or the Financial Secretary putting forth its wish for the introduction of relief measures and concessions on tax burden in respect of rentals . I think this is necessary and will give it my support because for the young people in general even if their salaries are in the middle range or higher those who can afford the existing exorbitant property prices are rare
所以，我很希望將來對稅務作出檢討或在考慮稅務寬減時，應該順應現時這一代的需要。
Hence I really hope that the Administration would cope with the need of the current generation when reviewing the taxation arrangements or considering tax concessions in the future
這是很大的數目，因為隨便一個400至500平方呎的單位，現時的樓價約500萬元至600萬元，30%的首期即接近100萬元至200萬元。
This is a significant amount because the current property price for any flat in the range of 400 sq ft to 500 sq ft is about 5 million to 6 million an 30 % down payment will be almost 1 million to 2 million
除非年青人的家人很有錢，好像我們間中也看見一些很令人羨慕的父母，在樓盤開售時以一千數百萬元甚至數千萬元購買物業給子女，擔心子女沒有居所，但我相信這些個案是極少數的。
Exceptions are only in which the family members of the young people are very rich just like we will sometimes see that some admirable parents will pay 10 million or even tens of million dollars to buy a flat for their children when the property is offered for sale as they worry that their children will have no place to live . Nevertheless I believe these are extremely rare cases
大部分的基層年青人只可以選擇繼續與父母同住，繼續擠在100至300平方呎的小單位內，直至他們有機會搬離。
Most grass - roots youngsters can only choose to continue living with their parents and squeeze in the tiny flats of 100 sq ft to 300 sq ftuntil they have a chance to move out
第二，我想說的是關於個人進修開支的扣除額，雖然表面上增加了，但其實在法案委員會上，我也不止一次說，能夠申請寬免的範圍相當狹窄，特別是如果已經申請一次，便不可以再度申請。
Secondly I wish to talk about the deduction amount for self - education expenses . On the surface it is increased but actually I have mentioned in the Bills Committee on more than one occasion that the scope for claiming concessions is quite narrow particularly when an application has been made no further applications could be made
其實，政府有需要主動找出適合的課程，以協助不同的人士。
As a matter of fact the Government should identify of its own accord appropriate courses to help different people
不過，大家看看，現時坊間有多少課程能夠對應他們的需要呢？
However let us see how many courses in the open market can meet their needs?
換言之，政府應主動找一些課程，甚至透過與非政府組織的合作，提供一些誘因或擴闊有關的範圍，這是有需要的。
In other words the Government should initiate a search for some courses or even provide some incentives or expand the relevant scope through cooperation with non - governmental organizations . This is necessary
大家可能也知道，很多殘疾人士或照顧者如果沒有辦法處理他們的問題，責任便一定重新落在政府身上。
Members may already be aware that if many people with disabilities or their carers are unable to handle their problems the responsibility will definitely fall back onto the Government
舉例說，如果他們能夠照顧殘疾家人的日常生活，他們可能未必需要申請護理安老院，或政府資助的院舍或沒有政府資助的私人院舍。
For example if they can take care of the daily lives of their disabled family members they may not need to apply for places in care and attention homes publicly - funded institutions or private homes without any government subsidy
所以，就這方面來說，我看見現時的課程中絕少由政府主動為這些有不同需要的人士，特別是社會上的弱勢社群或為照顧弱勢社群而開辦的課程。
Therefore regarding this area I find that the existing courses are rarely run by the Government on its own initiative to cater for the needs particularly for the underprivileged in the community or to take care of them
對於家中有殘疾人士的家庭來說，這75,000元聊勝於無。
To families with disabled members this 75,000 is better than none
局長，也許你不清楚，但你可以問問勞工及福利局局長或現為政務司司長的張建宗。
Secretary you may not be well versed in this but you can ask the Secretary for Labour and Welfare or Mr Matthew CHEUNG who is the Chief Secretary for Administration now
所以，政府增加這項免稅額，我覺得以"贖罪"這詞語來形容較為恰當，因為既然幫不了他們，要把責任扔回給他們，便採用這不用花費政府金錢的做法，只是寫個數字便可，但寬免的金額與政府"派糖"的300億元比較，實在是九牛一毛。
Therefore I think that using the phrase atoning its sin to describe this increase in allowance by the Government is more appropriate . As the Government cannot help them and wants to pass the buck back to them so it adopts a method which costs the Government nothing other than simply writing a number . However the concession amount is far beyond comparison with the 30 billion candies given away by the Government
所以，這些我稱之為"雞肋"的稅務寬減，我們很難不接受，但可否幫助他們呢？
Hence we can hardly reject these tax concessions which are of little value but can they help them?
殘疾人士在香港的定義相當狹窄，其實現時有很多不同程度或情況的殘疾，或我們稱之為"看不見的殘疾"或看不見的有需要人士，而根據現時狹窄的定義，他們或他們的家人完全得不到任何資助和照顧，甚至現在討論的稅務寬免也不能令他們受惠。
Actually there are different degrees or circumstances of disability . Or we call some of them invisible disability or invisible needy . However according to the narrow definition now they or their family members can get no assistance and care at all even the tax concessions that we are discussing now cannot benefit them
除非政府將殘疾人士的定義根據現代的觀點作出調整，否則，很多看不見的殘疾，包括不同的情緒、精神上的病患，或是我們看不見的在機能上的殘疾，也不能得到照顧。
Unless the Government adjusts the definition of people with disabilities in terms of modern viewpoints otherwise many of the invisible disabilities including various forms of emotional or mental diseases or those functional disabilities that are invisible to us will not be taken care of
所以，只增加寬免額絕對幫不了他們。
So a mere increase in the concession amount will absolutely not help them
對於很多在大企業工作的人士來說，2萬元這數目實在是微不足道；但政府卻一視同仁，對所有人提供2萬元的寬免額。
To many of those who work in large enterprises 20,000 is indeed negligible . However the Government makes no exception providing the 20,000 deduction to all
我覺得這是不必要的。
I think this is unnecessary
當政府一方面說要檢討稅基和稅制，希望能增加經常收入時，另一方面卻在"倒米"，我 相信絕非香港人之福。
While the Government stated that it wanted to review the tax base and tax system in the hope of increasing its recurrent revenues on the other hand it is a spendthrift . I believe it will absolutely not be contributing to the well - being of Hong Kong people
無論如何，雖然這項《條例草案》千瘡百孔，但正如我開始時所說，有總比沒有好。
In any event though this Bill is so faulty just as I said at the beginning having it is still better than none
因此，公民黨會接受這些修訂。
Therefore the Civic Party accept these amendments
同時，當中可能出現人為失誤及行政失當，以致全港選民的資料一次過失竊。
Besides there might have been human errors and mismanagement in the process thus resulting in the theft of the particulars of all electors in Hong Kong in one go
當然，這當中有一些歷史原因。
Of course there are some historical reasons for this
因此，我在立法會大會及過去的內務委員會都提出引用《立法會條例》徹查這事件。
This explains the proposal I put forward at various Council meetings and House Committee meetings in the past to invoke the Legislative Council Ordinance for conducting a thorough inquiry into this incident
當然，我提出這項議案時，有不少議員同事都提出一些質疑，認為這很可能只是一宗很普通的失竊案，為何要就一宗失去了兩部電腦的普通失竊案，運用尚方寶劍來徹查？
Many Members have understandably challenged my motion saying that this is probably just a very common case of theft . They all question why we must invoke this powerful ordinance to inquire into such a common case of theft involving merely two computers
選民登記制度可體現我們香港人的身份。
The voter registration system can manifest our status as Hong Kong people
其實，大家也經歷了很多次。
Indeed we have all experienced this regret many times before
在多次特首選舉期間，大家都因為沒有這一票，無法選出心儀的行政長官，每次都感到遺憾。
During the several Chief Executive Elections in the past we all felt this regret because we did not have a vote and could not select a Chief Executive we wanted
選民登記制度具有政治含義，在過去二三十年的香港，這制度建構和塑造了我們香港人的公民身份。
The voter registration system carries a political significance in the sense that over the past two or three decades in Hong Kong it has established and shaped our identity as Hong Kong citizens
在香港成為殖民地的初期，港英政府透過理民府管治香港。
In the early days of Hong Kong as a colony the British Hong Kong administration ruled Hong Kong through various District Offices
其後，港英政府為了增加所謂管治的認受性，於是便委任了一 些非官守議員，開始時只有兩位。
Subsequently in order to enhance the legitimacy of its governance it started the appointment of Unofficial Members with only two appointees at the very beginning
選民資格也非常有限制，有兩項條件，第一，你要繳交地租和差餉，即是有錢人；第二，在陪審團的名冊上要有你的姓名，換言之，你要懂英語。
The suffrage was severely restricted with two qualifications . First you must be paying Government rent and rates meaning that you must be rich . Second your name must be on the list of jurors meaning that you must know English
可能有些議員的先輩是其中一分子。
Perhaps the forefathers of some Members belonged to this group
這個選民登記制度明顯是一個不公平、不開放、不平等的，所進行的也是特權階級的選舉，是富殖民地特色的選舉。
This voter registration system was obviously unfair restrictive and unequal; elections were exclusive to the privileged classes and very colonial in color
到了1979年，中國大陸改革開放，港英政府嘗試透過人口政策和地方選民登記制度，加強規劃香港的政治發展方向，於是在1979年開始進行討論。
By 1979 Mainland China was on the road of reform and opening and the British Hong Kong administration also attempted to step up planning on the direction of Hong Kongs political development through its population policies and the local councils voter registration system . Hence discussions were initiated in 1979
踏入1980年代，由於香港的前途問題，大家討論到究竟香港人的身份是香港的過客、難民、居民還是永久居民，亦即是我們口中的公民？
Then in the 1980s the problem of Hong Kongs future induced people to discuss the identity of Hong Kong people―whether they were mere sojourners refugees residents or permanent residents or citizens
有否某些特定專業人士的資格？如有的話，便能登記成為選民。
The holding of such qualifications would qualify one for voter registration
換言之，在1980年代，中英談判討論香港前途期間，選民登記制度就是我們所說的"港人治港"整個思想的萌芽，亦即是說，登記成選民其實與"港人治港"的香港自治權有關。
In other words the budding of the whole concept of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong actually owed itself to the reform of the voter registration system undertaken in the 1980s at the time of the Sino - British negotiations on the future of Hong Kong . This means that voter registration is actually related to the concept of Hong Kong autonomy implicit in Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong
政府現在遺失了選民登記的資料，亦即是說根本沒有重視過香港人本來應有的自治權。
The Government has lost the information of all registered electors and this shows that it has never attached any importance to Hong Kong peoples legitimate right of autonomy
"港人治港"是如何開始？
What was the origin of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong?
在1980年代中英談判期間有很多爭議，我剛才所說的只帶出其中的一個問題，就是何謂選票？
There were many disputes during the Sino - British negotiations in the 1980s and what I have just said serves to bring out one of the questions only what is a vote or a voter?
在1980年代初期當然不用討論這些問題，因為當時香港是殖民地；但到了1980年代中英談判期間便要討論，亦即是說，選民那一票的份額開始有所演變。
There was of course no need to discuss these issues in the early 1980s because Hong Kong was then a colony . However when the Sino - British negotiations started later in the decade they must be discussed and this signified the start of changes to the weights of peoples votes
香港最大的特色，是在九七前的短短7至8年間，我們經歷了全世界整個現代民主體制下所有選舉制度的模式，包括多議席單票制、單議席單票制及比例代表制，即我們今天正在使用的選舉制度。
The most striking feature of Hong Kongs electoral system is that in the short period of seven or eight years before 1997 it experienced practically all the electoral models found in modern democracies all over world including the multi - seat single vote system; the single - seat single vote system; and the proportional representation system that is the very electoral system we use today
在1980年代討論選民這一票的份額時，就是我們香港主權和中國這個地方之間的關係，逐漸拉鋸、角力出來的結果。
In the 1980s the discussions on the weights of peoples votes were in fact the manifestation of the tug - of - war concerning how the sovereignty over Hong Kong should be related to the place called China
這當中可能有很多歷史片段，我簡單地說。
There were many historical episodes in the process so let me cut the long story short
在1980年代後期，當時香港仍然沿用多議席單票制。
In the late 1980s Hong Kong was still using the multi - seat single vote system
但是，彭定康來到香港時，在1992年曾提出不如把香港的制度改成單議席單票制。
However after Chris PATTEN arrived at Hong Kong in 1992 he said that it might be good to change Hong Kongs system to the single - seat single vote system
這個說法一提出後，在北京口中便成為"三違反"，被指違反當時中英談判的承諾。
However as soon as this idea was put forward it was dismissed by Beijing as three violations something that breached the undertakings made in the Sino - British negotiations of the time
至於香港的既得利益團體，包括在座的大黨的反應是，當年的民主黨支持彭定康單議席單票制的說法；民建聯認為不應是這樣，不如轉為比例代表制或多議席單票制。
The groups with vested interests in Hong Kong including the major political parties in this Council now responded differently to this idea . The Democratic Party supported PATTENs advocacy of the single - seat single vote system . But the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong thought the otherwise saying that the proportional representation system or the multi - seat single vote system should be adopted instead
因為單議席單票制的一個缺點就是可能對大黨有利，但比例代表制可能令較小的政黨在選舉期間容易贏取當中的席位。
Because the single - seat single vote system may have the drawback of being advantageous to large political parties . On the other hand the proportional representation system may enable smaller political parties to win seats in an election more easily
九七之前與今天的形勢相比，今天的倡議完全不同，今天建制派有同事曾提出過不如廢除比例代表制。
The circumstances before 1997 and the situation now are very different and people have started to advocated the opposite these days―some colleagues from the pro - establishment camp have proposed the abolition of the proportional representation system
主席，這一段歷史告知大家，選民登記制度並不是車輛的登記註冊，選民登記制度是國家、政府和人民之間的契約，而香港社會卻如此荒謬。
President this episode in history tells us that the voter registration system is not like the vehicle registration system . The voter registration system constitutes a contract between the state and the government on the one hand and the people on the other . But the society of Hong Kong is so absurd
在《基本法》下，作為香港人最具體能體現、保障和實踐的權利，就是在每4或5年投下的一票。
Of all the rights enshrined in the Basic Law the one which is given the greatest protection and which Hong Kong people can most concretely exercise and put into practice is supposed to be the right to vote once every four or five years
過去幾年，我們經常提出本土主義、港中矛盾等，其實所說的是香港人發現在過去數十年，無法透過選民登記這個制度來證明本身是當地公民、居民，以揀選自己的政府。
Over the past few years we have been talking about localism and Hong Kong - China conflicts etc . The point of all such talks is entirely about Hong Kong peoples observation that over the past few decades the voter registration system has never enabled them to prove their status as citizens or residents and to choose their own government . That you cannot choose your own government is not yet the end of the story
大家可能不明白我們香港整套政治制度，香港的信任是這樣建立起來的。
It is possible that not everyone understands the whole political system in Hong Kong and the trust that is built in this way
所以，我剛才這種說法只是回應一開始的問題：為何要使用 《條例》調查一件普通失竊事件？
Therefore what I have said just now is only a response to the question in the beginning Why invoke the Legislative Council Ordinance to inquire into a common case of theft?
希望大家能從中學習，互相交流，請大家支持我提出的議案。
I hope we can learn from this case and exchange ideas . Please support the motion I have proposed
主席，我謹以小組委員會主席的身份，動議以我名義提出的議案，議案內容已載列於議程內。
President in my capacity as Chairman of the Subcommittee I move that the motion under my name as printed on the Agenda be passed
在2017年4月28日的內務委員會會議上，議員成立了小組委員會研究在2017年4月26日提交立法會省覽的《2017年吸煙令》。
At the House Committee meeting on 28 April 2017 Members formed a subcommittee to study the Smoking Notices Amendment Order 2017 the Order laid on the table of the Legislative Council on 26 April 2017
為了讓小組委員會有足夠時間審議該項附屬法例，委員同意由我動議一項議案，把此項附屬法例的審議期延展至2017年6月14日的立法會會議。
To allow sufficient time for the Subcommittee to scrutinize this subsidiary legislation Members have agreed that I should move a motion to extend the scrutiny period for this subsidiary legislation to the Legislative Council Meeting on 14 June 2017
然而，由於這項議案涉及煙草業界的利益，亦涉及眾多與吸煙 或相關健康問題不同持份者的看法，因此我相信有需要把這項《修訂令》的審議期延長。
This motion not only involves the interest of the tobacco industry but it also concerns a lot of smokers and other stakeholders having relevant health problems who would like to express their viewpoints . Hence I think there is a need to extend the scrutiny period for the Order