Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
如此一來，很多香港市民便會感到在這過程中，"一國兩制"、"港人治港"、"高度自治"定必面對走樣、變形的問題，這亦與習近平主席一直主張，香港要真正落實《基本法》的規定，不走樣和不變形的說法有所衝突及矛盾。
In this case Hong Kong people will only have the feeling that in the process one country two systems Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy have certainly been distorted and deformed . This is also contradictory to what President XI Jinping has been advocating that is the provisions of the Basic Law should be genuinely implemented in Hong Kong without any distortion and deformation
當然，我們不知道甚麼葫蘆賣甚麼藥，但到了最後，這仍牽涉到香港社會能否有一套合理的政治制度，確保《基本法》中有關"港人治港"、"高度自治"的承諾能夠得到有效保障，令香港與國內不同省市能有所區分。
Of course we have no idea about what the trick up their sleeve is but in the end it still concerns whether a reasonable political system can be established in Hong Kong to ensure effective protection of the promises of Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy under the Basic Law so that there will be differences between Hong Kong and other provinces and municipalities in the Mainland
如果香港與內地社會沒有兩樣，此地便不再是特別行政區，亦不再能夠與國際接軌，擔當對外出口及平台的角色，香港的價值亦會隨之下降。
If there is no difference between Hong Kong and the Mainland this city is no longer a Special Administrative Region and Hong Kong can no longer align itself with international standards and serve as a window and platform for China to go global . The value of Hong Kong will then diminish
因此，重啟政改是重要的一步。
Hence the reactivation of constitutional reform is an important step
在這個過程裏，主流的泛民主派其實並沒有把公民提名視為唯一的標準，而只是提出在這個政治制度下，應否尋求一種無不合理篩選的機制，令每個香港人在希望參選時可循合理機制參與其中，而不是好像現時這般，早已設定篩選機制，限制了哪些人可以或不可以參選......
In this process it is in fact not the intention of the mainstream pan - democrats to take civil nomination as the sole criterion . We only consider it worth exploring whether a mechanism without any form of unreasonable screening can be put in place under our political system so that everyone in Hong Kong who wish to participate in the election may do so in accordance with a reasonable mechanism
今天的議題有關水資源問題。
Todays topic is about water resources
我相信沒有人會反對要做好水資源管理，這點很清楚。
I believe that no one will oppose the idea that we should do a good job in managing water resources and this point is clear
但是，整個議題源於東江水統包收費問題的延伸，特別是過去一段很長時間，在統包制下，似乎我們付出的費用跟我們實際的用水量並不相符。
However the whole issue originates from the ramification of package deal for purchasing Dongjian water . In particular for a very long time in the past the fees we paid under the package deal system did not seem to match the actual quantities of water we used
但是，我發覺很多同事的討論似乎集中在統包與否、按量付費，或統包的比較。
However I noticed that many Members focus their discussions on whether we should use the package deal system the merits of payment on actual supply quantity and comparison between package deal models
第三點我想說的是，本港整體水資源運作存在很大問題，就是每一年度的漏水率。
The third point I want to mention is that Hong Kongs overall operation of water resources suffers from a big problem which is the annual water main leakage rate
過去大家經常聽聞各個社區出現爆水管事件，但政府表示已做了很多工夫，令政府所管理的公共水管有大規模改善，由過往多於20%的漏水率，減至今天的15%。
We have often heard about water main burst incidents in various districts in the past . The Government says it has done a lot of work such as making large - scale improvement of the public mains under its management and reducing the leakage rate of over 20 % in the past to 15 % today
但是，根據剛才議員提到的思匯政策研究所的報告書，本港整體漏水量沒有減少，反見增加。
However according to the report from Civic Exchange mentioned by a Member just now the overall leakage volume in Hong Kong has not decreased but increased instead simply because the Government can only tackle leakage from public mains
當然，我知道政府已曾表示會在公共水管加上檢測裝置，我歡迎這項措施，因為這樣能令政府及早了解水管的狀態，避免出現爆水管的問題。
As far as I know the Government has indicated that it will install monitoring and sensing devices to water mains . I welcome this measure because this will enable the Government to understand the condition of water mains as soon as possible and thereby avoiding the problem of water main bursts
漏水率是另一個課題，我希望政府和水務署能加強這方面的工作以改善漏水的情況。
Water leakage rate is another subject and I hope that the Government and the Water Supplies Department can step up efforts to reduce leakage
客觀上而言，改善漏水情況亦是善用水資源的一個重要過程，因為若能減少浪費的話，就等於節省水資源。
Objectively the reduction in water leakage is also an important process in making good use of water resources . If we can reduce wastage of water we can save more of it
剛才說過，即使政府公共水管的漏水率是15%，但亦是一個相當 龐大的數字，即每年起碼約1億立方米的水。
As I have just mentioned even if the leakage rate of public water mains is 15 % it is still a large figure which is equivalent to at least 100 million cu m of water per year
我希望政府能夠加強這方面的工作。
I hope the Government can strengthen its efforts in this area
代理主席，在討論郭家麒議員提出的議案前，我想先引述一段文字，以協助大家討論。
Deputy President before discussing the motion proposed by Dr KWOK Ka - ki let me first quote a paragraph to facilitate our discussions
這段文字來自1989年2月頒布的《基本法》第二稿，當中提到以下這段話，"在第三任行政長官任內，立法會擬定具體辦法，通過香港特別行政區全體選民投票，以決定是否由一個有廣泛代表性的提名委員會按民主程序提名後，普選產生行政長官......
This paragraph that I am going to read out is taken from Version 2 of the draft Basic Law published in February 1989 and it goes as follows During the term of office of the third Chief Executive the Legislative Council shall formulate a specific method to decide through a referendum in the Region whether the Chief Executive shall be selected by general election after nominations are made by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures
如上述投票決定行政長官由普選產生，從第四任起實施"。
If it is decided by the above mentioned referendum that the Chief Executive shall be selected by general election general election shall be held from the fourth term onwards
代理主席，這裏提到的第三任行政長官，是2007年至2012年的那一屆。
Deputy President the third Chief Executive mentioned here actually refers to the term from 2007 to 2012
而今天的辯論題目更可能已不再重要，因為我們可能已擁有普選。
If this is really the case the subject under debate today might not be that important any more since universal suffrage might have already been implemented here in Hong Kong
誠然，這是一個非常大的"如果"，歷史也必然沒有如果。
This is undoubtedly a very bold hypothesis and there is absolutely no if in history
但是，我們必須檢視歷史，也必須檢視一些我們曾經聽過的承諾及誓言。
However we need to look back at history and have a review of some promises and undertakings made in the past
當然，剛才所說的是《基本法》第二稿，最終並沒有變成事實。
Of course the stipulations of Version 2 of the draft Basic Law which I read out just now have not turned into reality in the end
當然，這早已變成很大的"如果"，也變成了一個謊言。
According to Version 3 of the draft Basic Law it would be possible to implement universal suffrage 10 years after the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region HKSAR that is in 2007 but this has of course turned into an uncertainty long time ago and a lie too
最後，我們本來以為2017年能擁有普選，我們的同事已清楚說明種種原因，包括人大常委會八三一決定令我們失去了這個機會。
Finally although we once thought that universal suffrage could be implemented in 2017 the chance was lost again due to many reasons which our fellow colleagues have already explained clearly including the 31 August Decision of the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress NPCSC
剛才，劉國勳議員說得非常慷慨激昂，他說這是再次錯失機會，令選民不能在2017年普選行政長官，由"一人一票"選出自己想選的人。
Mr LAU Kwok - fan has spoken very eloquently just now and said that we have let the chance slip away once again thus depriving electors of the opportunity to elect the Chief Executive by universal suffrage in 2017 and vote for the candidate they prefer on a one person one vote basis
如果當天沒有推翻、沒有否決政府提出的選舉辦法，便可能有機會帶笑投票。
In his opinion has the method proposed by the Government for the selection of the Chief Executive not been overthrown and negatived back then it would be possible for us to vote with a smile today
誠然，這又是一個謊言，因為，根據人大常委會八三一框架產生出的候選人，香港人根本難以選擇，也難以帶笑投票。
This is undoubtedly just another lie because with candidates nominated under the 31 August framework laid down by NPCSC Hong Kong people would not be given any real choices and would never be able to vote with a smile
代理主席，今天我們面對的是一次又一次的承諾破滅，我們只希望透過這次議案辯論，透過我們的誠懇請求，能令新任行政長官林鄭月娥女士在7月1日上任後，不要只把精力和時間全部用在民生議題上。
Deputy President what we are facing today is the breaking of one promise after another and we only hope that through the debate on this motion and our earnest requests the new Chief Executive Mrs Carrie LAM would not spend all her efforts and time on livelihood issues only after she has taken office on 1 July
我們毫無保留地相信，香港有很多民生事項需要我們處理，這是必然的事。
We believe without reservation that inevitably there are numerous livelihood issues for us to tackle in Hong Kong
我們也會肩負責任，就新一屆政府所提建議，對於正確的事情，我們必然會支持。當然，一些違反原則的事，我們沒法繼續支持下去。
We would bear our responsibility and grant our support for proposals put forward by the next - term Government on matters we consider worth supporting while it would only be normal for us to withdraw our support for proposals that run contrary to our principles
但是，我想特別提醒一句，也特別奉勸建制派同事，如果只把所有時間和精力花在政策上，只不過是將前總理溫家寶提及香港的深層次矛盾掃到地毯下。
However I would like to specifically remind and advise colleagues of the pro - establishment camp that if we devote all our efforts and time to handling policy issues only we are just sweeping what WEN Jiabao the former Premier has described as the deep - rooted conflicts in Hong Kong under the carpet
一個社會不能掩耳盜鈴，一個社會不論有多少民生事項做得好，最終民生都是政治。
We should not bury our head in the sand and no matter how many livelihood issues have been resolved in a society peoples livelihood is after all closely related to politics
說到底，民生是資源分配，是討論社會應花多少時間和精力到不同部位，而如何達到大家都能服氣的解決辦法，必然要通過普選。
In the final analysis we are talking about resource allocation when it comes to peoples livelihood and discussions have to be held on how much time and efforts should be spent on different areas . In order to obtain a solution which is convincing to all universal suffrage has to be implemented
代理主席，我看不見香港在未來日子......
Deputy President I fail to see how the HKSAR Government can solve the social problems of Hong Kong in the days to come if it does not have the problem concerning universal suffrage resolved
若不解決普選問題，我們的特區政府，不論是由超人或神奇女俠，究竟由姓林鄭的人還是姓曾的人來領導，到了最後，香港的社會問題都不能得到解決，因為深層次的矛盾依然存在，這就是普選的問題，亦是纏繞香港多年的問題。
Ultimately no matter who would become the leader of Hong Kong the Superman or Wonder Woman a lady surnamed LAM and CHENG or a gentleman surnamed TSANG all our social problems will continue to exist because our deep - rooted conflicts have never been settled . These conflicts actually lie in the problem concerning universal suffrage a problem which has been perplexing Hong Kong for so many years
當然，這是自欺欺人。
This is of course just a self - deceiving way to deal with the matter
所以，我要再次呼籲建制派同事，應該與我們站在同一陣線，因為香港有深層次問題，最終損害的不只是民主派，也損害了建制派及其支持者的利益。
Hence I call upon colleagues of the pro - establishment camp once again to stand on the same front with us because the deep - rooted problems of Hong Kong will not only do harm to the democratic camp but will also prejudice the interests of the pro - establishment camp and its supporters in the end
所以，我希望建制派能鼓起勇氣，除了支持郭家麒議員的議案外，更應利用你們與北京、特區政府比較接近的關係，鼓起勇氣，說出實話：香港需要制度上的變革，香港需要透過制度將民意、民情表達出來，這才是我們應該要做的事情。
Therefore I hope Members of the pro - establishment camp would pluck up courage to not only support Dr KWOK Ka - kis motion but also take advantage of their relatively closer relationship with Beijing and the HKSAR Government to tell the truth Hong Kong is in need of a reform of its system and what we should do is to let public opinions and views be heard under this system of Hong Kong
因此，我看不見有任何原因，今天有任何一位立法會議員應該反對郭家麒議員的原議案，因為，透過政改，才能解決問題。
I thus fail to see any reason for any Member in this Council to object to the original motion moved by Dr KWOK Ka - ki today because our problems can only be resolved through a constitutional reform
在剩餘的少許時間內，我特別想說，八三一框架並非金科玉律，因為人大常委會的決定絕對可以由人大常委會繼續處理。
With the little time left I would like to specifically point out that the 31 August framework is no golden rule because a decision made by NPCSC can definitely be taken up by NPCSC itself on an ongoing basis
而我也相信，如果北京政府完全有足夠的胸襟和智慧聆聽香港人的聲音，他必然有方法處理八三一決定；我也相信，未來5年，如果在座的立法會議員，包括主席，願意為香港人承擔，以破釜沉舟的精神，解決這些深層次矛盾，我相信八三一決定絕對不是問題。
It is my belief that if the Beijing Government is liberal - minded and wise enough to listen to the views of Hong Kong people it can surely identify the ways to deal with the 31 August Decision . I also believe that in the coming five years if all Members present including the President are willing to commit themselves to serving the people of Hong Kong and resolutely settle these deep - rooted conflicts the 31 August Decision will never be a problem
主席，毛孟靜議員今天提出的"推動'港人港水'，守護本地資源"這議題相當不錯。
President the motion Promoting Hong Kong people using Hong Kong water and protecting local resources moved by Ms Claudia MO today is a good topic for discussion
不過，毛孟靜議員不失為過去一直挑動本港和內地關係的大旗手，她在發言時也批評說，有人問你喝的是甚麼水，當然是東江水，不過他說要用錢買的。
However Ms Claudia MO has always been a key person in provoking tension in the relationship between Hong Kong and the Mainland . She complained in her speech that someone challenged her and asked her what kind of water she was drinking . Surely it was Dongjiang water but she said she had to pay for it
當然，這是要成本的，沒有理由可以免費喝水。
Our water surely involves some costs . There is no free lunch
記得我們到東江參觀東江水時，我看到一段1960年代的歷史，就是香港在1962年大旱災時，港英政府被迫要求內地伸出援手。
I recall that during our duty visit to Dongjiang River I watched some video footage of the old days in 1960s . In 1962 Hong Kong came across a serious drought and the British Hong Kong Government was compelled to ask for help from the Mainland
當時，英國人和內地關係欠佳，因此透過中華總商會的代表前往內地，向中央政府提出要求廣東省東江水支援。
At that time the British Government was not in good terms with the Mainland Government and therefore it had to resort to the mediation of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce to ask the Central Government to obtain Dongjiang water from the Guangdong Province
香港能否盡自己能力節約和提升我們的水資源？
It is because we have to ask whether Hong Kong has the ability to conserve and enhance our water resources
兩年前，我們曾到新加坡參觀海水化淡廠，我們看過後覺得這是值得興建的，這也是國家提出的戰略部署建議，認為香港應該興建海水化淡廠，才能在水資源不足的情況下可以自給自足。
Two years ago we went to Singapore to visit a seawater desalination plant . After the visit we think desalination is worth carrying out in Hong Kong . This is in line with the national strategic plan according to which a desalination plant should be built in Hong Kong for it to attain self - reliance in case of water shortage
當然，這並非最好辦法，不過，我認為政府已確立了一些方向，例如將於2020年落成可提供5,000萬立方米的食水廠，日後將由5%提升至10%，大約是1億立方米的水供應。
Of course it is not the best solution but the Government has already set a direction . For instance a desalination plant with a water production capacity of 50 million cu m will be built by 2020 . The production capacity will meet 5 % of local water demand and it will be increased to about 100 million cu m in the future which is 10 % of local water demand
然而，似乎政府現在提倡和運用比較少的另一個再用水的問題，就是如何把山上流下來的水，透過低窪地方儲存起來，經過淨化後可以再使用？
However it seems that the Government has not actively promoted or adopt the technology of water reclamation . Specifically how can we collect water that come from the hills at low - lying areas and then have the water treated for further consumption?
政府在此方面的資源似乎用得很少，而且未能告訴我們，可以增量到多少，可否做到類以海水化淡廠般提升至我們用水量的5%或10%般？
It seems the Government has put very little resources in this regard and failed to tell us how much more production capacity can be attained by using such technology . Is it possible to increase the capacity to meet 5 % or 10 % of local demand similar to that of the desalination plant?
如果這是可行的，其實也可以減輕東江水供港的壓力。
If it is possible the pressure from our reliance on the Dongjiang water can also be alleviated
我們可以看到，內地政府將東江水以"統包總額"模式出售是非常優惠香港的。
We can see that the package deal lump sum approach adopted by the Mainland authorities in selling Dongjiang water is very favourable to Hong Kong
這足以看到"統包總額"式提供水資源對香港來說是水的保證。
It is sufficient to show that the package deal lump sum approach does guarantee reliable water supply to Hong Kong
固然，雨量較多的年份是真的浪費了，因為供水多了也不可以關水掣，即使要關水掣也要提早通知才行，所以對香港來說是浪費水資源的。
It is true that there has been wastage during years with high rainfall due to excess water supply . But the supply quantities cannot be reduced at will because quantity adjustment has to be negotiated in advance
我們的政府究竟有否在這方面加以充分利用，在適當的地方處理剩餘的水源，令香港日後儲備更多食水可供使用？
In this case wastage of water resources is resulted . Has the Government considered how to utilize such excess water by storing them properly so that Hong Kong can store more water for future use?
今次討論的焦點，其一是內地賣水的模式是否很好？
One of the foci of this discussion is whether the approach adopted by the Mainland authorities in selling water is appropriate
有人說按量購買對香港是最好的，但我們在這一次參觀的過程中，除了聆聽內地政府解釋外，我們也聆聽了香港政府水務署的官員解釋。
Someone says that a quantity - based charging approach will be the most favourable to Hong Kong . However during our duty visit we listened not only to the explanations of the Mainland authorities but also to those made by the officials of the Water Supplies Department of the Hong Kong Government
在"統包總額"和按量購買之間，政府花了很大努力跟內地政府討論和爭取，結 果還是使用"統包總額"模式，就是為了保證香港大部分市民長期得到適量的水資源使用。
The Government has put a lot of efforts to discuss and bargain with the Mainland authorities . Between the package deal lump sum approach and the quantity - based charging approach the former has been adopted in the end because it ensures that the majority of Hong Kong people can have access to sufficient water resources in the long run
主席，今年3月香港市民本來可以經由"一人一票"，選出自己心儀的行政長官。
President Hong Kong people should have had the chance to elect the Chief Executive of their choice by one person one vote in March this year
可惜，前年因為泛民議員的反對，立法會未能通過政改方案，令市民失去了投票的權利。
Regrettably owning to the rejection by pan - democratic Members the year before the Legislative Council was unable to pass the constitutional reform proposal depriving the people of their rights to vote
今天的原議案由郭家麒議員提出，他應該明白，在短短不到兩年間，香港的政治氣候未見任何突破性的變化，要重啟政改根本未有條件。
The original motion today was proposed by Dr KWOK Ka - ki yet he should know that without any breakthrough in Hong Kongs political environment within this short period of less than two years we simply do not have the conditions for reactivating constitutional reform
我認為，要在不影響特區政府施政及不會引起社會分化的前提下，行政長官才可作出考慮重啟政改方案，否則只會費時失事。
I believe the Chief Executive can only consider reactivating constitutional reform on the basis of not affecting the SAR Governments policy implementation and arousing social conflicts . Otherwise this will just be a waste of time and effort
《基本法》是香港最高的憲制文件，是香港最高的法律，任何政治改革方案都不能超越《基本法》的框架。
The Basic Law is the supreme constitutional document in Hong Kong and is the highest set of law in Hong Kong therefore no political reform proposal can surpass the framework set by the Basic Law
《基本法》第四十五條明確規定："行政長官的產生辦法根據香港特別行政區的實際情況和循序漸進的原則而規定，最終達至由一個有廣泛代表性的提名委員會按民主程序提名後普選產生的目標。
It is explicitly stipulated in Article 45 of the Basic Law that The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in the light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress . The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures
"《基本法》中就普選行政長官有兩個明確的原則，一是根據實際情況，二是循序漸進。
The Basic Law stipulates two explicit principles concerning the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage namely in the light of the actual situation and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress
回歸後，香港的政治改革進程一直是根據社會政治環境，以循序漸進的原則，朝着雙普選的方向邁進。
After Hong Kongs return to China political reforms in Hong Kong have always been conducted in the light of socio - political environment and edged towards dual universal suffrage in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress
2007年立法會通過的政改方案，當中確定香港可於2017年普選行政長官，行政長官選舉委員會亦由最初的800人擴大至1,200人，立法會議席由60席擴大至70席，5個超級區議會議席亦由全港300萬選民以"一人一票"選出。
The constitutional reform package passed in the Legislative Council in 2007 confirmed that Hong Kong might implement universal suffrage for the Chief Executive in 2017 while the number of members of the Election Committee would increase from the original 800 to 1 200 and the number of seats in the Legislative Council would increase from 60 to 70 in which 5 super District Council seats would be elected by 3 million voters in the territory on a one person one vote basis
根據《基本法》條文和2004年人大釋法的規定，香港政治改革需要經過"五步曲"。
According to the provisions of the Basic Law and the Interpretation by the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress of the Basic Law in 2004 political reforms in Hong Kong must adhere to the Five - step Process
八三一決定是政改的第二步曲，是按照《基本法》框架下的合法步驟和程序之一，目標是想讓香港市民"一人一票"選出特首。
The 31 August Decision is the second step of the constitutional reform a legitimate step and procedure within the framework of the Basic Law with a purpose to allow Hong Kong people to elect the Chief Executive by one person one vote
由於《基本法》已經規定，普選需要由具廣泛代表性的提名委員會按民主程序提名，泛民議員反對八三一決定，提出用公民提名方 式提名特首候選人，繞過提名委員會，已經違反了《基本法》的要求。
As it has already been stipulated in the Basic Law that universal suffrage must be implemented upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures . By rejecting the 31 August Decision and proposing civil nomination as a means of nominating candidates the pan - democrats have attempted to circumvent the nominating committee thereby violating the requirements of the Basic Law
八三一決定符合《基本法》的要求，並沒有撤銷的理由。
There is no reason to rescind the 31 August Decision which complies with the Basic Laws requirements
主席，任何民主選舉制度都有可取之處，當然亦有改善空間。
President every democratic electoral system has its merit . Of course there is room for improvement too
以美國為例，總統候選人由政黨推薦，再由各州的選舉人選出，而選舉人由普選產生，總統不是從直選得票。
Take the United States of America as an example . Presidential candidates are nominated by their respective political parties and the President is in fact elected by electors from different states while the electors themselves are returned by universal suffrage . The President is not elected directly
所以，在全國得票最多的總統候選人不一定當選，今年希拉莉高票落選便是其中一個例子。
Therefore the presidential candidate securing the highest number of popular votes does not necessarily get elected such as Hillary CLINTON who lost the election despite winning more votes from the people
這個選舉方式已經沿用200多年。
This electoral system has been in place for over 200 years
耶魯大學法學院教授希瑟․格肯認為，開國先賢擔心，除少數上層人士外，普通人一般不太了解總統候選人的背景。
According to Prof Heather GERKEN Professor of Law Yale University the founding fathers of America were concerned that except for a minor portion of people from the upper class there was a lack of general understanding about the background of the presidential candidates at that time
憲法制定者亦擔心，如果沒有中間組織從中調和，選民可能會選出不恰當的總統人選。
The writers of the Constitution also worried that without an institution as a buffer the people might elect an inappropriate candidate as the President
因此，他們建立了一個體制，讓選舉團成員作為中間人，先由選民選出選舉團成員，然後再由這些成員選出總統。
Therefore they set up a system in which the Electoral College acts as middlemen who are first elected by the people before these electors further elect the President
由此可見，一個選舉制度的設計，必須與其歷史、文化和政制發展現狀符合。
This demonstrates that the design of an electoral system must conforms with the history culture and development of the political system of a place
即使美國號稱為民主大國，其選舉制度亦有不少為人詬病的地方。
Even if we look at the case of the United States of America which is a leading democratic country the electoral system there is widely criticized
所以，泛民議員堅持撤銷八三一決定，一步到位採用公民提名，我認為即使再次啟動政改方案，也將會徒勞無功。
So as the pan - democrats are still insisting on rescinding the 31 August Decision and skipping all the steps to implement civil nomination I believe we will achieve nothing even if constitutional reform is really reactivated
主席，重啟政改方案的關鍵在於建立中央與香港，尤其是與泛民主派的互信。
President the key to reactivating constitutional reform is the establishment of mutual trust between the Central Authorities and Hong Kong especially the pan - democratic camp
回歸後，中央不少政策傾斜香港，目的是想香港繼續繁榮穩定，但情況並不理想。
After Hong Kongs return to China the Central Authorities have formulated many policies inclined towards Hong Kong in the hope of maintaining Hong Kongs prosperity and stability yet the situation today is less than favourable
在目前的政治氣氛下，中央難免有所顧慮。
Against the current political backdrop it is no surprise that the Central Authorities are cautious
試想，如果選出一個與中央對着幹的特首，肯定會令香港陷入無止境的爭拗中。這是極不理想的狀況。
Imagine should Hong Kong elects a Chief Executive who confronts the Central Authorities the city will certainly lapse into endless conflicts which is highly undesirable