Borrison/hk-legicost huggingface dataset:
墟市政策又被政府多番拖延，民間倡議一條龍的申辦流程，但政府卻遲遲未有跟進；想做運動員為港爭光，但傑志足球訓練場和灣仔運動場等場地面臨收地，政府正是主事者。
The formulation of a bazaar policy has been stalled by the Government and the proposal of having one - stop application process has not been duly followed up by the Government . For those who want to become athletes and bring honour to Hong Kong venues such as the Kitchee Centre for football training and the Wan Chai Sports Ground will soon be resumed by the Government
具創造力和創意的青年人，在踏出第一步之前便已經被現實打倒。
Creative and innovative young people are hit hard by reality before they make the first step forward
政府願意資助不同才能的學生升讀大學，當然是美事一樁，但政府在資源分配上往往厚此薄彼。
It is of course highly desirable that the Government is willing to subsidize students with different talents to pursue undergraduate studies but the Government often practices favouritism in the allocation of resources
由此可見，政府用於大陸交流的撥款遠多於國際交流，再加上大陸交流活動大多數是由紅色背景團體，例如民建聯和教聯會等舉辦，令人質疑政府有否利益輸送，以軟性手段灌輸愛國思想。
As provisions for Mainland exchanges far exceed that for international exchanges coupled with the fact that Mainland exchange activities are mostly organized by groups with communist background such as the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers the public will wonder whether the Government is transferring interests or instilling patriotism through soft approaches
類似做法亦見於政府的內地大學升學資助計劃，該計劃尚有8,600萬元核准承擔額，而香港與內地姊妹學校交流試辦計劃，更尚有1億5,000萬元的核准承擔額。
Similar approaches are also found in the Governments Mainland University Study Subsidy Scheme which still has an 86 million approved funding commitment and there is a further 150 million approved funding commitment for the Pilot Scheme on Promoting Interflows between Sister Schools in Hong Kong and the Mainland
從2012年的反國教運動，2014年的學界罷課及雨傘運動，以至2016年的立法會選舉，我們見證青年對於民主選舉、社會民生越來越關注，不再政治冷感，也不再做"經濟動物"。
From the anti - national education movement in 2012 the students boycott of classes and the Umbrella Movement in 2014 as well as the Legislative Council Election in 2016 we have witnessed young peoples increasing concern about democratic elections and peoples livelihood; they were no longer politically apathetic and they were no longer economic animals
以青年事務委員會的組成為例，在31名委員當中，只有4名年齡20歲至30歲人士，可說是連當政治花瓶也不如。
The composition of the Commission on Youth is a case in point . Only 4 of the 31 members are aged between 20 and 30 . It can be said that the Commission is not even a political vase
但是，陳司長上位後，整個人完全不同了，只懂給予大地產商、大陸承建商好處，可謂"屁股指揮腦袋"的經典例子。
But after Paul CHAN has taken up the office of the Financial Secretary he has changed completely and his prime concern is to give large property developers and Mainland contractors advantages . This is a classic example of the butt commanding the head
很多人都說議員"拉布"是在搞事，他們提出那麼多修正案只是浪費時間。
Many people have said that the filibustering Members are creating trouble and they are just wasting time in proposing so many amendments
在《條例草案》獲通過後，即使食物及衞生局可透過法例賦予的權力取締違 規骨灰安置所，但這亦不代表違規使用土地的情況真正會得到改善。
After the passage of the Bill even though the Food and Health Bureau is vested with statutory powers to eradicate unauthorized columbaria it does not mean that the situation of illegal occupation of Government land will actually be improved
長遠而言，不單非法經營的骨灰安置所應予以取締，所有違反規定或非法使用土地作商業用途的違規場所，也應該受到嚴厲的法律制裁，這樣才可以使本港的土地用得其所，令現時緊絀的土地資源分配予最有需要的人。
In the long run not only should all unauthorized columbaria be eradicated but all unauthorized premises which breach the relevant requirements or use the land illegally for commercial development should be severely penalized in accordance with the law so as to ensure the optimal use of land in Hong Kong as well as the allocation of scarce land resources to the people with the greatest need
因此，在消費者權益方面，在《條例》生效後，消費者將可以更容易及更有系統的方式，辨識可靠的骨灰安置所經營者，我對此表示十分歡迎。
Hence as far as the protection of consumer rights is concerned consumers will have an easier and more systematic way to identify reliable columbarium operators after the commencement of the Ordinance . Hence I greatly welcome the legislation
長遠而言，我希望政府可研究為骨灰龕位的銷售和骨灰安置所的經營手法作進一步規管，確保市民獲得的資訊公開、透明，並且沒有任何誤導成分。
In the long run I hope the Government can study whether the sale of niches as well as the business practices of private columbaria should be put under further regulation so as to ensure the dissemination of open and transparent information without any misleading element
根據發展局自2010年12月針對骨灰安置所的研究顯示，截至2017年3月31日，本港約有153個私營骨灰安置所，當中多達123個有違反規劃用途、地契條款，甚至非法佔用官地的情況，這數字較2010年第一份研究提述的52個大幅增加。
According to the survey conducted by the Development Bureau on private columbaria since December 2010 as at 31 March 2017 there were about 153 private columbaria in Hong Kong and of which as many as 123 are in breach of the relevant planning requirements or lease conditions or have even occupied Government land illegally . Compared with the findings of the first survey in 2010 the number of such columbaria has increased substantially by 52
然而，《條例草案》也是一個很好的契機，讓我們再次審視現時香港在家庭和婚姻平權方面的步伐，讓我們思考在處理先人的骨灰時，應否開放更多空間保障不同親密關係的人士，讓先人的同性、同居伴侶亦可申領先人的骨灰，繼續保護他們的愛人。
Nonetheless the Bill also presents an excellent opportunity for us to review the current state of family and marriage equality in Hong Kong . As we consider the procedures for handling the ashes of the deceased is it possible to better protect people in different kinds of close relationships so that same - sex domestic partners of deceased persons can also claim for the return of ashes and continue to protect their beloved ones?
我們必須繼續改善及檢視有關規管骨灰安置所或其他相關產業的法例。
We must continue to improve and review the laws concerning the regulation of private columbaria or other related industries
然而，局方只是把違規情況在每3個月提交一次的報告中不斷重複記錄，卻從不執法，情況就如有學生在考試中作弊，老師每次只會記下他們的名字，卻從不懲罰學生，直到他們畢業也沒有任何後果。
Nonetheless the Bureau simply records such violations in its reports to be updated once every three months without taking any enforcement actions . The situation is like a teacher who never punishes his students even though they have been cheating in examinations repeatedly . Every time the teacher would only write down the names of the cheating students without punishing them hence they need not bear any consequence up till graduation
有槍有炮不代表可以逃避社會監察，議員的天職是為民發聲，所以，接下來，但凡談論到警隊，我也會說這一句："不要說我仇警，也不要說我罵警察"，我只是實事求是地用最嚴謹的眼光來看這隊紀律部隊和其開支。
The possession of armoury is never a reason for saying no to monitoring by society . Members intrinsic duty to stand up for the people . Hence in the rest of my speech whenever I talk about the Police Force I repeat these words Do accuse me of hating and chiding the Police
當中的撥款用作購買行動裝備、保護裝備，以及執法和搜證裝備，包括槍械、彈藥、手銬、盾牌，甚至是胡椒彈等具傷害性的武器。
The provision is used to procure operational gear protection gear law - enforcing and evidence - gathering gear including firearms ammunition handcuffs shields and even lethal weapons such as PepperBall etc
但是，警方答覆多番質詢只以一句"資料均屬行動部署細節，不能公開"便當作解答了坊間疑問。
However the answer given by the Police has always replied The information is part of the operational deployment details of the Police . It is inappropriate to disclose such information . In this way it seeks to the answer the queries from the community
後來我在財務委員會以外，再以補充質詢問及那3種類別的整體開支為何，亦已經很讓步地說不涉及具體項目。
Apart from the questions raised in the Finance Committee I subsequently raised supplementary questions on the overall expenditure on those three categories . There was already a concession on my part as the questions did not involve specific items
到了這裏我便會想兩個問題，第一，究竟公開這些資訊是否代表公開行動細節呢？
Now I would like to ask two questions . First does the disclosure of the information mean disclosing operational details
原來是沒有問題的。
Actually there will not be any problems at all
我很認同何君堯議員所說，我們提出修正案要有理據。
I agree with Dr Junius HO that we must have justifications when we propose amendments
蘇格蘭亦在2014年推出《蘇格蘭警隊採購政策2014-2018》，檢討採購程序，減低警方不必要的開支，亦令資訊透明，減少市民的擔心。
In 2014 Scotland had also published the 2014 - 2018 Procurement Policy of the Police Force in Scotland with a view to reviewing procurement procedures minimizing unnecessary expenditure of the Police enhancing transparency of information and allaying public concern
此外，就着這些傷害性武器的使用守則，市民很擔心警方究竟有否足夠的指引，以及這些武器的守則或使用需知是否足夠。
Moreover with regard to the operational guidelines of these lethal weapons members of the public are worried if the Police have adequate guidelines and whether the users guidelines or operational notes of these weapons are adequate
在缺乏適當的資訊和支援下，這些新型武器其實會對公眾構成嚴重的傷害。
As a matter of fact under the circumstances of a lack of appropriate information and support these new weapons will cause serious harm to the public . Take the PepperBall launcher as an example
所以，我也得再三說出我的意見，便是我們根本得不到充足的時間，就着我們提出的修正案作出詳盡的闡釋。
Thus I have to repeat my view time and again that is we basically do not have ample time to give any detailed explanation of the amendments proposed by us
檢討報告亦發現，不單在前線的人員，甚至採購人員都不明白這個胡椒球發射器的特點、威力、保養及戰術部署等。
The review report had also revealed that not only frontline officers but also the procurement staff did not have a clear understanding of the characteristics power maintenance and tactical deployment of this PepperBall launcher
因為香港的水炮車及胡椒球，其實都是新添置的，警方亦未有提及訓練是否充足，所訂指引究竟是否足夠令到前線人員知道如何使用。
This is because water cannon vehicles and PepperBall are newly acquired equipment in Hong Kong . The Police have also not mentioned whether training is sufficient and whether the stipulated guidelines are adequate for frontline officers to master the equipment
而《警察通例》的有關條文亦沒有公開，亦不如英國有一套公開，而且清晰的守則，去規管這些武器的使用。
Moreover the relevant provisions in the Police General Orders have not been made public . Hong Kong is different from the United Kingdom where a set of open and clear code of practice is stipulated to regulate the operation of these weapons
大家亦可以看看去年我們反釋法遊行，警方是切切實實攜帶了胡椒球發射器，是隨時都可以開火的。
Let us take a look at last years demonstration to oppose the interpretation of the Basic Law . The Police had taken with them the PepperBall launcher and were ready to fire the shots in earnest
但是市民就連警方購買了甚麼裝備，有沒有守則去規範，令到波士頓的慘案不會再發生，連這些如此基本的資訊也沒有，我們如何相信警方是會用高的規格去限制自己的權力，避免慘劇再次發生，避免警方的警權膨脹呢？
However members of the public do not even know what equipment the Police have acquired and whether there is a stipulated code of practice to regulate such equipment to ensure the tragedy in Boston will not happen again . As such basic information is not even available how can we believe the Police will adopt a high standard to restrict their own power with a view to preventing recurrence of such tragedy and avoiding expansion of police power?
接下來我會就總目112未能夠提出這一項，不過亦是關於總目112的修正案削減大約相當於警務處網絡安全及科技罪案調查科有關238個職位全年薪酬開支。
I will now speak on head 112―I cannot propose this item . Anyway it is an amendment related to head 112―to deduct an amount approximately equivalent to the estimated expenditure on the annual emoluments for 238 posts of the Cyber Security and Technology Crime Bureau CSTCB of the Police Force
可能由於有些數據出入，導致主席不讓我提出。
Probably due to data discrepancies the amendment was ruled inadmissible by the Chairman
但是這一項我都是想討論的，因為一直以來我都很關注一些網絡罪行，以及警方在索取市民私隱方面，有沒有一個整全的規劃、規範，以及市民的私隱權是否得到保障。
However this is an item I would like to discuss . This is because I have all along been very concerned about some cybercrimes and whether the Police have holistic planning and regulation in obtaining personal data of members of the public and whether the publics right to privacy is protected
在給我的答案當中，警方其實沒有否認過有使用黑客軟件，只是表示披露有關詳情會削弱執法的能力，令到不法分子有機可乘，損害 公眾利益，故此不會披露有關的資料。
As a matter of fact the replies given to me by the Police have not denied that they have not used hacking software . They have only indicated that disclosing the relevant details will undermine their enforcement capability . As a result criminals will take advantage of such a situation which will be detrimental to public interests
事實上這方面確實是全球關注的，斯諾登披露了"棱鏡計劃"後，其實大家都很關注市民的私隱有沒有被一些官方機構以無限延伸的權力索取到。
Indeed this is an issue of global concern . Since the PRISM operation has been unveiled by Edward SNOWDEN people are concerned about the personal data of the public being accessed by some government departments with unlimited extension of power
而這一些行動，全部都不受《截取通訊及監察條例》所約束。
All these activities are not subject to the regulation of the Interception of Communications and Surveillance Ordinance
所以警方有可能在公眾不知情的情況下，使用這些黑客軟件。
Thus there is a possibility that the Police have used some hacking software when the public is unaware of the situation
這方面亦是我為何就總目112提出修正案，針對網罪科的薪酬，希望有一些修正。
That is why I have proposed an amendment to head 112 to target the emoluments of CSTCB with a view to bringing some adjustments
另外就着網上巡邏，其實警方表示有許多網上巡邏是恆常地進行，但是不少報道指出，這些網上巡邏是有針對性的。
With regard to cyber patrol the Police have indicated that many activities of cyber patrol are regularly conducted . Nevertheless a number of reports have pointed out that these cyber patrol activities are target - oriented
而警方就不斷向熱門討論區，例如高登索取資料，令人懷疑警方的網上巡邏其實是有針對性，是針對示威，或是限制市民，為預先知道政治示威而做的。
Instead the Police have made incessant attempts to obtain information from popular forums such as the Hong Kong Golden Forum giving rise to suspicions that cyber patrol activities carried out by the Police are target - oriented . They target at demonstrations or regulating the crowd . These acts are carried out with the aim of obtaining information about political demonstrations beforehand
當我審視這項目時，我的出發點純粹是"政治能否解決政治紛爭"，以及是否具成本效益。
When examining this expenditure item my consideration was purely based on the questions of whether politics could resolve political disputes and whether cost - effectiveness could be achieved
我就總目122提出了一項修正案，建議削減相當於2017-2018年度保安局局長、保安局副局長及保安局局長政治助理全年薪酬開支。
The CSA put forth by me to head 122 proposes to cut an amount roughly equivalent to the annual expenditure for the remuneration of the Secretary for Security the Under Secretary for Security and also the Political Assistant to Secretary for Security in 2017 - 2018
當時的港英政府想壓縮市民示威及遊行的權利，而由於六七暴動引發很多暴力事件，因此市民對該等由集會引發的暴力事件感到很憂慮。
At the time the British Hong Kong administration intended to suppress peoples right of protest and demonstration . And since the 1967 Riots triggered many violent incidents people were very concerned about such violent incidents triggered by assemblies
在討論這項修正案前，我想借一項我不獲准提出的修正案作為引子，當中建議削減相當於2017-2018年度香港警務處增加608個職位的全年薪酬開支。
Before discussing this CSA I wish to talk about a CSA as an introduction one which I was not allowed to move . That CSA proposes to cut an amount roughly equivalent to the annual expenditure for the remuneration of the 608 posts to be created in the Hong Kong Police Force HKPF in 2017 - 2018
那麼，其他國家的做法為何呢？
So what practices are adopted in other countries? . Australia practises a notification system
眾所周知，香港的警隊人數和民眾比例是全亞洲最高的，亦屬全球前5強之內，僅低於俄羅斯、土耳其、意大利和葡萄牙4個犯罪率較高的城市，每10萬人就有450名警察。
As everybody knows Hong Kongs police - to - population ratio is the highest in the whole of Asia . Hong Kong also ranks within the top five positions globally and is merely behind four countries with a relatively high crime rate namely Russia Turkey Italy and Portugal . There are 450 police officers in every 100 000 people
更重要的是，要解決爭議，並非透過增加警力來驅散驅趕示威市民，而要透過真正聆聽他們的訴求。
More importantly disputes can only be resolved by paying genuine heed to protesters demands instead of increasing police manpower to dispel protesters
多位議員剛才均指出，深層次矛盾不單在於政制方面，而本港的貧富懸殊亦越來越嚴重。
As pointed out by many Members just now deep - seated conflicts can be found not only in the political system . And the disparity between the rich and the poor is becoming increasingly serious in Hong Kong
凡此種種，皆是社會需要處理的問題。
Our society should deal with all such problems
要減少爭拗，必須令更多人認同本港的制度是健康的，能夠保障弱勢社群。
As a means of reducing disputes we must enable more people to recognize that the systems in Hong Kong are healthy and able to protect the underprivileged
我希望政府未來可以公開透明地提出有關的撥款申請，不論是警隊用於購買裝備或增加人手的撥款申請，讓市民清楚明白新增人手並非服務政治訴求或美其名一如多位建制派議員所說是為了市民的治安，但實際上是協助政權打壓反對聲音。
I hope that in the future the Government can put forth its appropriation requests with openness and transparency whether speaking of its appropriation requests for the Police to acquire equipment or increase its manpower so as to enable people to clearly understand that the additional manpower is not aimed to serve any political purposes or assist the political regime in suppressing opposition voices on the pretext of―as many pro - establishment Members have said―maintaining law and order for the people
我提出的另一項修正案涉及總目142，建議削減大約相當於禮賓處全年開支。
Another CSA put forth by me involves head 142 and it proposes to cut an amount roughly equivalent to the annual expenditure for the Protocol Division PD
如果禮賓處沒有足夠知識，只懂聽從特派員公署的指揮，那麼在對外事務上、在接待外國領事團時便很有可能會影響港人利益。
If PD lacks sufficient knowledge and only follows the command of the Office of the Commissioner its handling of external affairs and reception of the Consular Corps may possibly affect Hong Kong peoples interests
在"高度自治"的原則下，香港應該具備足夠能力和權力與在港的外國領事團、使節或代表作出有政治觸覺的交流。
Under the principle of a high degree of autonomy Hong Kong should have adequate ability and power to conduct exchanges with the Consular Corps and also foreign dignitaries and representatives in Hong Kong based on its political awareness
在2016年11月，日本首相安倍晉三的妻子安倍昭惠訪港，港府亦毫不知情，禮賓處亦沒有作出妥善安排。
In November 2016 the Hong Kong Government was not aware that Akie ABE the wife of Japans Prime Minister Shinzō ABE was visiting Hong Kong and PD failed to make any proper arrangements
2011年李克強訪港、2012年胡錦濤訪港，以至2015年張德江訪港，禮賓處作為有關活動的負責單位無法履行職責。
During the visits of LI Keqiang HU Jintao and ZHANG Dejiang to Hong Kong in 2011 2012 and 2015 respectively PD as the unit in charge of the relevant activities failed to discharge its duties properly
以上的事件足以證明，當香港發生涉及外交人員的事件，或要接待中國領導人或外交使節訪港等，但禮賓處卻沒有恰當的權力，動輒要諮詢外交部，便會面對很多困難及出現所謂的"公關危機"。
The above incidents are adequate proof that PD is ripped of any appropriate power to deal with cases involving diplomatic personnel in Hong Kong or provide hospitalities to Chinas state leaders or foreign dignitaries and must instead seek advice from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs anytime . So it has faced many difficulties and has been plunged into public relations crises as we call it
然而，在過去5年，袁國強司長的工作簡直是成事不足，敗事有餘。
Nevertheless during the past five years the work of Secretary for Justice Rimsky YUEN can simply be described as a failure
袁國強司長任內為人熟悉的劣績，當然可以由2014年的政改開始說起。
The poor performance of Secretary for Justice Rimsky YUEN during his tenure which is well known to us can certainly date back to the constitutional reform in 2014
當年袁司長貴為"政改三人組"其中一員，不單沒有指出八三一決定是全國人民代表大會常務委員會的一個決定，對香港沒有直接的法律效力，更無視參選權要普及而平等的原則，而是向香港人提出一個爛方案。
As a member of the constitutional reform trio back then he failed to point out that the 31 August Decision which was merely a decision made by the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress NPCSC had no direct legal effect on Hong Kong . What is more he turned a blind eye to the principle that the right to stand for election must be universal and equal . Instead he put forward a lame proposal for consideration by the people of Hong Kong
他提出一個偽普選的方案，假如方案獲得通過，北京便可以大條道理地直接操控選舉，更可以得到虛假的民意授權。
Should the bogus universal suffrage proposal put forward by him be endorsed Beijing would have every reason to manipulate the election direct . What is more Beijing would have been given a bogus popular mandate
稍有正常智力的人，也可以推測到他的說話，是在遭受極大壓力和威脅之下說出，極可能言不由衷。
Even a person with a normal level of intelligence could have deduced that his remarks were made under extreme pressure and threat and that he was not speaking from his heart
一位香港公民在香港的人身安全不受保障，律政司卻不是主動以其專業法律意見尋找事件真相、保障"一國兩制"，以及研究香港可以採取甚麼司法行動協助數位銅鑼灣書店受害者，反而幫助政權粉飾太平，這便是嚴重失職。
Even though the personal safety of a Hong Kong citizen was not protected in Hong Kong the Secretary for Justice did nothing to proactively tender legal advice to assist in digging out the truth of the incident upholding one country two systems and studying what judicial action Hong Kong can take to help the several victims of Causeway Bay Books . On the contrary it helped the regime paint a rosy picture . This is gross dereliction of duty
去年10月，人大常委會自行解釋《基本法》第一百零四條，目的是以法律之名，剷除一些不受北京政府歡迎的立法會議員。
In October last year NPCSC interpreted on its own Article 104 of the Basic Law with the purpose of in the name of the law eliminating some Legislative Council Members who are not welcomed by the Beijing Government
就着相關削減，陳志全議員和郭家麒議員其實亦有提出類似修正案。
In fact Mr CHAN Chi - chuen and Dr KWOK Ka - ki has proposed similar amendments for the relevant reduction
《基本法》是這樣寫的，"應由香港特別行政區終審法院請全國人民代表大會常務委員會對有關條款作出解釋"。
The Basic Law reads seek an interpretation of the relevant provisions from the Standing Committee of the National Peoples Congress through the Court of Final Appeal of the Region
明顯沒有，這是由北京政府、人大常委會自行演繹，以服務其政治目的的釋法。
The answer is obviously no . The Beijing Government and NPCSC have interpreted the provision on their own to serve their political purposes
今次削減現任律政司司長餘下3個月的薪酬開支的修正案，主要是針對他任內相當不堪的表現。
This amendment which seeks to reduce the payroll cost of the incumbent Secretary for Justice for his remaining three months of tenure targets mainly his deplorable performance during his term of office
當提出了"三腳櫈"的方案或訴求的時，鄧小平先生立即說不行，應該由北京及英國政府兩方面協商，原因是北京政府一直希望透過《基本法》哄騙大家，凍結香港的制度。
When the three - legged stool proposal or demand was put forward Mr DENG Xiaoping immediately raised objection saying consultation should be carried out by the Beijing and British Governments because the Beijing Government had been hoping to dupe Hong Kong people and put a freeze on Hong Kongs systems
他沒有維護香港的法治，令很多在香港被中國以不同方式侵害人權的人士無法獲得適當保障。
Owing to his failure to uphold the rule of law in Hong Kong many people in Hong Kong who have their human rights infringed by China by various means are unable to receive proper protection
梁議員，在這項辯論中，我總共提出了10項修正案。
Mr LEUNG in this debate I have proposed 10 amendments in total
在"兩制"下，政府應該要在北京政府"一國"不合理干預香港內部事務的時候挺身而出，捍衞香港的法制。
Under the two systems the Government should come forward and safeguard Hong Kongs legal system when the Beijing Government intervenes in Hong Kongs internal affairs in an unreasonable manner
我們要保障香港人的生活制度，起初《基本法》給予香港人信心，才能夠在當年說服某些人留下，沒有引發過大的信心危機。
The way of life of Hong Kong people must be protected . Thanks to the confidence of Hong Kong people in the Basic Law some people were persuaded at that time to stay in Hong Kong . As a result no major confidence crisis occurred
但是，我 們看到草擬《基本法》的時候，或甚至今天，就已開放了很多漏洞，不是一個健全的監察制度，而偏偏是穩健的監察制度，才可以令香港的制度受到保障。
However we can see that when the Basic Law was drafted or even today many loopholes were opened up thus rendering our monitoring system unsound . The systems in Hong Kong cannot be protected unless our monitoring system is healthy
事緣律政司推出了一個新的法例資料庫，名為"電子版香港法例"。
The launch of a new laws database called Hong Kong e - Legislation by Department of Justice DoJ is to blame
我曾比較兩個資料庫，使用舊版本的時候，我可以快速地把整項法例的所有條文以PDF形式下載及列印，是很簡單、清晰的。
I have made a comparison of the two databases . When I used the old version I could download and print all the provisions of an entire piece of legislation in PDF format speedily . The process was simple and clear
律政司司長作為整個政府體系的首席法律顧問，絕對有責任確保管治班子和所有公務員所作的決定合法、合憲。
As the top legal adviser of the whole government system the Secretary for Justice is absolutely duty - bound to ensure the decisions made by the governing team and all civil servants are lawful and constitutional
立法會議員或議員助理平時會有較多時間在網上尋找資料，但律師工作或同學做功課、溫習的時間十分緊迫，難以逐項條文列印。
Although Legislative Council Members or their assistants usually have more time to search for information on the Internet the time allowed for lawyers or students to do homework or revision is very tight . So they can hardly print the legislation provision by provision
我們看到本財政年度，在這方面的預算開支是1,579萬元，這是筆非常大的開支。
We can see that in this fiscal year the estimated expenditure on this is 15.79 million which is an enormous sum
此外，他更加需要捍衞香港的法治精神和司法獨立，保護香港沿用多年的普通法法制。
What is more he must uphold the spirit of rule of law and judicial independence in Hong Kong and protect the common law system that has been practised in Hong Kong over the years
在過去1星期，我前往布拉格出席一個座談會，討論全球的民主退潮，其中一個焦點是，全球的威權政體其實亦同時上升，越來越多人關注這些威權大國，包括中國和俄羅斯。
I visited Prague last week to attend a seminar on global retreat of democracy . One focus of discussion was the rise of authoritarianism worldwide as more and more people are directing their focus on powerful authoritarian states including China and Russia
這是一個很差的問題，因為我們其實可以有更多選擇，可能你想我稱呼你為"美女"，這樣我覺得會對你公平一點。
This is a really bad question as we could have had many choices . Probably you would like me to call you a pretty woman . I believe this would be relatively fair to you