特朗普主義

特朗普主義（Trumpism）是指與第45任、47任（現任）美國總統唐納·川普及他所秉持基本盤密切相關的意識形態、政治風格2019、政治運動及獲取和保持權力的機制2016。其確切含義仍有爭議，儘管其複雜程度足以使任何單一的分析框架失效p=68，其仍被稱為美國極右派的政治變種2019，也被認為是2010年代末至2020年代初全球多個國家出現的民族民粹主義和新民族主義情緒的變種2017。一些學者及媒體甚至將其與法西斯主義相提並論2016。多數史學家認為將特朗普主義比作法西斯主義是對特朗普主義一詞的誤用，並指出儘管特朗普主義在總體上可能與法西斯主義有相似點，但彼此之間也有顯著的不同點2021。這個術語有時候也被其他西方民主政權的保守派民族主義者或民粹派民族主義者使用。

**民粹主義思想、策略及方法**
特朗普主義大致興起於川普於2016年競選美國總統。它代表了一套民粹主義的政治策略，同時更多的使用民族主義性的手段應對政治、經濟及社會問題。這些趨向具體的反映到具體的策略上便變成了移民限制主義、貿易保護主義、孤立主義及反對福利改革。但作為一種政治策略，民粹主義本身並不屬於任何一種意識形態p=6。前總統國家安全事務助理及特朗普的前親密顧問博爾頓承認這些分析確實適用於特朗普，但對於“特朗普主義”這個詞本身是否有哲學意義存在質疑，同時強調“那個男人（指特朗普）就沒有一種特定的哲學，如果人們試圖在他的決定的點點滴滴之間劃線並分析的話，他們最終會發現他們一無所獲2020”。
朱泰爾在《全球民粹主義手冊》寫道“唐納德·特朗普揭示的是美國右翼民粹主義的各種迭代，與程式化的社會保守主義或自由主義經濟無關，反而與人們的享樂感有關2019”。當提及特朗普的民粹主義時，社會學家基梅爾稱它“不是一種理論或意識形態，而是一種情感。而這種情感基於正義的憤慨——即政府在欺騙‘我們’”p=xi，基梅爾繼續指出“特朗普是一個有意思的人，因為他的發聲渠道、所有的感覺匯聚在一起不過是一種我稱之為‘委屈的權利’的感覺”p=243，基梅爾給委屈的權利這個詞的定義是“一種感覺：對那些你認為自己有權得到的好處，已經被看不見的更強大的力量奪走了的感覺。你覺得美國夢這個偉大承諾對於那些本應繼承它的人來說已經變成了一個不可能的幻想”p=18。傳播學學者帕帕查裡西解釋稱“當公眾的意見在情感的參與下茁壯成長時，他們就需要找到一個圍繞開放的符號建立起來的，能夠利用且能夠複用的情感鉤子。對，你當然知道，特朗普總統使用了MAGA作為這個情感鉤子，這是一個漂浮能指，它把所有人都拉進來，但這個符號又是開放的，因為它允許每個人對它賦予不同的意義。所以，MAGA的作用是連接不同的公眾——因為它足夠開放，允許人們對它賦予自己的意義”帕帕查裡西指出，左翼中與公眾進行情感上的接觸時也可以找到使用開放符號的例子。。
在《全球民粹主義手冊》一書中，多位合著者指出，民粹主義領導人會傾向於以實用主義和機會主義對待能引起追隨者強烈共鳴的主題、思想和信仰pp=6, 37, 50, 102, 206。票站調查數據顯示，特朗普的競選活動成功動員了“被剝奪權利的白人”pp=83–84、正經歷社會不平等並經常表示反對建制派的歐裔美國低階層及工人階層。從意識形態上來說，特朗普具有右翼民粹主義的特點2017。
《國會山報》華盛頓首席記者恩傑蒂報道稱，許多特朗普的支持者普遍認為特朗普主義本身並不具有意識形態的意義，“我常被許多完全在‘MAGA’（讓美國再次偉大）陣營的人告知特朗普主義意味著特朗普所做的一切事情，所以特朗普做任何事情都不會違背特朗普主義2021”。

**注重情感**
在解釋特朗普當選並能在相當一部分選民中維持穩定的支持率時，塔克在《特朗普與政治哲學》一書中認為，儘管美國曆史上所有的總統競選都與強烈的情感有關，但特朗普能夠認識到，然後獲得那些和他一樣對美國的變化持有特殊的強烈情感的人的信任和忠誠。 她指出：“社會心理學家韋斯滕認為民主黨人在衡量和回應情感政治——引起公民強烈情感狀態的問題上不太成功p=134”。來自多個領域的學者認為，特定的情感主題及其對社交媒體關聯追隨者的動態影響是特朗普及其支持者的特徵。

**惺惺相惜的愉悅感**
傳播學學者卡爾皮尼指出“特朗普主義是幾十年來發生的趨勢的頂點。我們所見證的不過是新聞、政治和民主之間關係的根本性轉變”，卡爾皮尼進一步指出在這些轉變中可以看到“先前（媒體）制度對新聞和娛樂的假定和強制區分的崩潰”pp=18-19。傳播學教授雅克梅在為專門研究特朗普對媒體的使用的《特朗普時代的語言》一書中寫道“這種方法，就像特朗普的意識形態和政策議程的其他大部分一樣，假設（似乎是正確的）他的受眾在媒體消費中更關心震驚和娛樂價值，而不是任何其他東西”p=187。
人類學家傑西卡·約翰遜在研究特朗普對社交媒體的使用時發現社交愉悅感在其中起到了核心作用，並進一步指出：“Facebook的用戶與其說是覺得準確的新聞有意義，不如說是覺得連接的情感愉悅會讓人上癮，這與他們分享的信息是否是事實無關，這就是交流資本主義在俘虜主體的同時也吸引了他們”2018。回顧社交媒體之前的世界後，傳播學研究者布萊恩·L·奧特寫道：

**右翼威權民粹主義**
一些學者對特朗普的專制主義提出了政治上的緊急警告，比如耶魯大學的社會學家戈爾斯基稱“唐納德·特朗普的當選也許構成了自日本偷襲珍珠港以來對美國民主的最大威脅。這是一種真實的、日益增長的危險，即代議制政府將在未來幾年被民粹主義形式的專制統治緩慢但有效地取代。媒體恐嚇、大規模政治宣傳、壓制選民、法庭包裝、甚至動用準軍事部隊——專制主義演變的許多必要和充分條件正在逐步到位”2018。其他學者認為這種專制主義的反彈是自由民主制度的一個特徵2018。
《紐約時報》的專欄作家戈德堡把“特朗普主義的精神”同法西斯主義的經典思想相提並論。戈德堡稱法西斯主義的“動員願景”是“民族共同體在經歷了一個侵蝕性，幾乎摧毀了它的頹廢時期後，如鳳凰般地崛起”，這“聽起來和MAGA（讓美國再次偉大）特別像”。同樣，戈德堡稱與特朗普運動類似，法西斯主義也稱自己“需要自然領袖（且總是男性）的權威，最終由一個國家領袖來體現群體的歷史命運”。而這些擁護者相信“領導者的直覺優於抽象和普遍理性”2020。
保守派的專欄作家威爾同樣認為特朗普主義與法西斯主義很像，稱：“特朗普主義使用了將自己偽裝成一種正式的主義的策略”。國家的團結基於共同的國內恐懼——對法西斯來說是猶太人，對特朗普在社交媒體上的發言（他把這些敵對者稱為“全民公敵”）來說是“精英”和“全球主義者”。而解決辦法也不是來自枯燥乏味的“漸進主義和和解策略”，而是不受程序約束的領導人（“只有我能解決這些問題”）。群眾的集會滿足他的政治基礎，但強人不可避免地對他所領導的人產生蔑視。兩者都是基於大男子主義，就特朗普主義而言，“吸引了那些受鄉村音樂男子氣概束縛的人：‘我們是開卡車、喝啤酒、大胸脯的美國人，我們非常熱愛自由，不會因為任何小病毒讓我們戴上口罩’”2020。
對於特朗普主義和英國脫歐支持率激增代表一種新現象的爭議觀點，政治學家斯滕納和社會心理學家海特提出的論點是：“看似‘憑空出現’的極右民粹主義浪潮事實上並非憑空出現。它不是一種突然的瘋狂、或病毒、或浪潮，甚至只不過是一種模仿現象——別人的選舉成功使偏執狂和暴君膽大妄為。而且，它是存在於任何人類社會表面之下的東西——即便是西方世界核心的先進自由民主國家中——並且可以被自由民主本身的核心要素激活”。在他們討論關於觸發這種浪潮的結論的統計基礎時，他們提出了這樣的觀點：“威權主義者，就其本質而言，希望相信當局和機構；他們希望感到自己是一個有凝聚力的社群的一部分。因此，他們似乎（如果有的話）適度地傾向於給當局和機構以懷疑的好處，並給予他們支持，直到這些機構似乎無法維持‘規範的秩序’為止”。作者指出，這種規範的秩序經常受到自由民主本身的威脅，因為後者容忍群體價值和信仰缺乏共識，容忍對群體權威的不尊重，容忍不遵守群體規範或被證明有問題的規範，而且總的來說，自由民主制促進多樣性和不受當局支配的自由。斯滕納和海特認為這種威權主義浪潮是自由民主制國家的一個特徵，並指出他們於2016年對特朗普和英國脫歐支持者的研究結果並不出人意料。“在二十年的實證研究中，我們想不出有什麼明顯的例外，那就是規範性的威脅往往要麼讓非威權主義者完全不為能催化威權主義者的事情所動，要麼推動他們成為（人們可能設想的）‘最好的自己’。在以前的調查中，我們看到在威權主義者走向越來越不寬容的條件下，非威權主義者在走向更多的寬容和尊重多樣性的立場”2018。

**基督教特朗普主義**
特朗普在聖約翰教堂前拍攝照片
根據2016年的大選出口民調，26%的選民自認是白人福音派基督徒，這些人也成為了特朗普支持者的重要組成部分2020。皮尤研究中心2017年的分析報告指出，超過四分之三的白人福音派人士認可特朗普的表現，其中大部分人非常認可2017。
神學家霍頓認為基督教特朗普主義一詞代表了三種趨勢的匯合，即基督教美國主義（美國例外論）、末世陰謀派及成功神學派。其中基督教美國主義是指上帝特別敬重美國，認為美國是一個非同尋常的國家的敘事；而末世陰謀則是指由於一些邪惡集團和全球主義勢力密謀威脅美國主權，進而試圖毀滅世界（這裡毀滅世界既可以是象徵性的，也可以是實在性的）。霍頓認為，他所說的“基督教特朗普主義異端”除了包含這三種成分外，還包含“大量的胡編亂造、自我宣傳和個人崇拜”2020。
福音派基督教徒兼史學家費亞認為“教會對追求政治權力的警告已經有很長很長的時間了”，但許多現代福音教徒，如特朗普顧問、電視傳道者寶拉·懷特卻無視這些告誡。電視傳道者巴克爾以懷特可以“隨時走進白宮”、“完全可以接觸到國王”表揚懷特。費亞稱，還有幾位“法庭福音派”人士奉獻自己的職業生涯為那些他們認為是恢復國家猶太-基督教根基的政治候選人和最高法院大法官的背書，而他們又被特朗普號召向追隨者解釋為什麼儘管特朗普有道德上的缺陷，但還是可以信任，這其中包括多布森、葛福臨、穆爾、裡德、鮑爾、蘭德、大教堂牧師伯恩斯及南方浸信會牧師，福克斯電視臺的政治評論家傑夫里斯。對於不支持特朗普的知名基督徒來說，其代價不是簡單地失去與總統交談的機會，同樣他們面臨著遭受批評的巨大風險。福音派旗艦雜誌《今日基督教》的總裁達爾林普爾和前總編輯加利就是這一趨勢的受害者，他們因共同撰寫了一封認為基督徒有義務支持彈劾特朗普的信而受到200多位福音派領導人的譴責2020。
史學家耶格回顧直至11世紀的歷史，並告誡人們不要成為宗教朝臣，他一併警告說，如果聖人對“國家事務的興趣過於濃厚”，就會受到詛咒，不得進入天堂p=54。他在著作中具體闡述關於12世紀的法國教士、神學家和廷臣，“知道宮廷生活是靈魂的死亡”的布盧瓦的彼得對宮廷神職人員的危險的描述p=58。儘管他們知道參與宮廷活動是“違背上帝和救贖”的，但教士們用大量的理由來粉飾它，如聖經中提到的摩西被上帝派往法老那裡p=84。教皇庇護二世反對神職人員出現在宮廷中，他認為一個基督徒朝臣很難“控制野心，抑制貪婪，馴服嫉妒、爭鬥、憤怒，並斷絕惡習，同時站在這些（非常）事物的中間”。費亞講述了關於權力對神聖領袖的黑暗腐蝕的警告及其古老的歷史，他直接將其與特朗普的宮廷福音派領袖的行為相提並論，警告說基督徒“將我們神聖的希望寄託在政治領袖身上，有把他們變成偶像的危險”pp=105–112, 148。
QAnon標記的牌子，牌子上畫有戴著MAGA帽子的耶穌2020a
傑夫里斯聲稱，儘管《今日基督教》的主編稱特朗普為“一個在道德上迷失和困惑的人的近乎完美的例子”，福音派領導人仍應在道義上支持特朗普2019。傑夫里斯認為，“這裡的敬虔原則是政府具有責任——即《羅馬書第十三章》中所說的要懲罰作惡者”loc=audio location 10:48。塞申斯也用聖經這一章節來宣稱將兒童與移民家庭分開的政策在聖經上具有合理性。史學家馬勒解釋道，這是自美國建國以來，一直在美國的政治辯論中對《羅馬書》第13章的兩類解釋之一，這類解釋站在“美國曆史的主線上，以法律和秩序的名義為壓迫和統治的一方辯護2018”。

**意識形態及思想**
特朗普主義與林肯的思想在許多方面有不同，具體包括自由貿易、移民、平等、聯邦政府的制衡以及政教分離2020。WZB柏林社會科學中心的卡岑施泰因認為特朗普主義的三個支柱分別是民族主義、宗教和種族2019。
認為，特朗普主義的關鍵點有五點：社會保守主義、新自由主義資本主義、經濟民族主義、本土主義及白人民族主義2020。
2021年的保守政治行動會議上，特朗普本人給出了他對特朗普主義的定義：Blockquote|“特朗普主義意味著很多東西……意味著美國－墨西哥－加拿大協議取代災難性的北美自由貿易協議……意味著低稅率和取消會減少就業的法規……意味著強大的邊境，保證進入我們國家的人們同樣偉大……意味著街道上沒有暴亂……意味著執法……意味著對第二修正案和持槍權的有力保護……意味著強大的軍隊及對退伍老兵的有力保障”。

**類似的運動、人物**

**美國的歷史背景**
1832年的政治卡通畫，把安德魯·傑克遜描繪成一位貴族國王，將國會踩在腳下
學者米德、卡岑施泰因2019及莫里斯p=20認為，特朗普主義的根源可以追溯到傑克遜民主時代。學者勞奇威認為：“特朗普主義—排外主義和白人優越主義—在美國曆史中根深蒂固。但特朗普本人為它們賦予了新的而且更壞的目的2021。”
安德魯·傑克遜的支持者認為傑克遜是他們中的一員，進而積極地支持他在19世紀蔑視政治正確的行為，甚至藐視美國憲法。傑克遜無視美國最高法院在伍斯特訴喬治亞州中作出的判決，強行逼遷切諾基人以將他們的土地劃分給白人，遷徙過程中更導致2000至6000名族人死亡。儘管傑克遜主義有這樣不人道的案例，但米德更多的認為，傑克遜主義為解釋特朗普的追隨者運動提供了歷史先例，它將基層對精英的蔑視、對海外糾葛的深深懷疑以及對美國權力和主權的痴迷融為一體，導致它常常是一場仇外的、“唯白人”的政治運動。米德認為這種“美國對傑克遜式人物的飢渴”促使追隨者向特朗普靠攏。但米德同時提醒稱，從歷史上看“特朗普不是傑克遜的第二次降臨”，米德進一步解釋經過觀察“特朗普的建議往往相當模糊，而且常常自相矛盾”，表現出新當選的民粹主義領導人的共同弱點。在特朗普於2016年當選後不久米德就評論道“特朗普的問題是‘如何施政2018？’”
莫里斯與米德看法相同，同樣指出特朗普主義的根源在於傑克遜、範布倫及波爾克幾人於1828至1848年的任期。莫里斯認為，特朗普主義與一戰後的美國進步主義也有相似點，同時它也迎合了保守派民粹主義對國際大都市的鬆散道德和美國不斷變化的種族膚色的反感p=20。在《改革時代》一書中，史學家霍夫施塔特將這類派系的出現歸結為“其進步-民粹主義傳統的很大一部分已經變質，變得不自由並且病態的情緒化2016。”
1927年的“美國優先”政治宣傳海報，其中含有擁護孤立主義及通過詆譭英國來在1927年芝加哥市長選舉中的候選人湯普森與愛爾蘭裔支持者中建立情感紐帶的內容
二戰前，就有類似特朗普主義的運動被多次發起，例如20世紀初的美國優先運動，二戰後這一潮流逐漸向共和黨中的老右派靠攏。1990年代這種思潮又被稱作舊保守主義。莫里斯認為特朗普將舊保守主義重塑成了特朗普主義p=21。1949年，洛文塔爾在《欺騙的先知》一書中總結了這些民粹主義邊緣地帶所表達的共同敘事，尤其是其中發揮重要作用的煽動者。史學家克拉韋認為這本書的煽動者觀點很好的概括了當今特朗普主義所代表的傳播媒體與破壞性政治風格相結合後的意識形態及其所帶來的政治運動2020。
《紐約客》的新聞工作者萊曼指出戰後的共和黨人的意識形態趨向於融合主義，即原本屬於民主黨的親商業的建制思想，包括排外主義、不干涉主義逐漸被轉變至共和黨一派，並與冷戰中及冷戰後基督教福音派“對世俗主義崛起的警戒”和“對共產主義傳播的仇視及同仇敵愾”相融合。《政客》上的一篇文章認為特朗普主義是麥卡錫主義之流2020。
由巴克利所倡導，並最終被裡根於1980年所實現後，融合主義隨著蘇聯解體逐漸消融，取而代之的是不平等及全球化，這在共和黨內外引起了中低收入白人的重大不滿。2012年美國總統選舉後，羅姆尼被奧巴馬擊敗後，共和黨建制派接受了一份名為增長與機遇項目的“解剖”報告，這份報告呼籲共和黨重申其親市場、懷疑政府、在種族和文化上包容的身份。特朗普在競選中無視報告的結論和黨內建制，他“受到本黨官員的反對……比美國近代史上任何一位總統候選人都多”，但與此同時，他在共和黨初選中贏得的選票卻比以往任何一位總統候選人都多。到了2016年，用政治分析家羅夫的話說，趨勢已經演變成了“人們希望有人把磚頭扔進一扇平板玻璃窗”2020。他在黨內的成功達到了這樣的程度：2020年10月的一項民意調查發現，58%的共和黨人和傾向於共和黨的獨立調查對象認為自己是特朗普的支持者，而不是共和黨的支持者2020。
中國政法大學的龐金友在《當代美國評論》中認為，美國種族結構變化引起的白人比例下降和伴隨製造業外流帶來中下層情況的惡化增加了政治極化也增強了特朗普在共和黨選民中的支持率2019。

**外交政策**
特朗普主張美國優先，外交上傾向於單邊主義而非多邊主義，在經濟條約和聯盟義務方面特別強調國家利益2017。特朗普對加拿大以及北約和歐盟表現出不屑一顧的態度2018。特朗普還有一個特點是認同獨裁統治者，尤其是俄羅斯總統普京，例如在其就任總統前2016和2018年美俄峰會期間2018，特朗普經常稱讚他。美國優先的外交政策包括特朗普承諾停止美國參與對外戰爭，尤其是中東戰爭（如阿富汗戰爭），同時還通過制裁伊朗等國家以發佈更嚴格的外交政策2019。

**經濟政策**
在經濟方面，特朗普承諾提供新的就業機會和更多國內投資2017。同時特朗普盡可能地減少美國出口的貿易逆差，這導致2018年美國對歐盟和中國徵收高額關稅，最後中美之間爆發中美貿易戰2018。特朗普極力強調民族主義，批評全球化的政策，確保其政治基本盤的支持2017。《身份危機：2016年總統競選和美國意義之戰》一書中認為特朗普的“激進經濟學”向他的白人工薪階層到中產階級選民群體通過宣傳“德不配位的少數族裔群體在進步，而他們的群體卻被拋在後面”這一觀念2020。

**影響**
特朗普主義不單獲得白人的支持，美國的黑人、拉丁裔和亞裔群體間都有支持者，美國國外亦出現了具規模的特朗普主義擁護者或團體，例如日本的網絡右翼和新興宗教幸福科學等。
自2017年唐納德·特朗普就任美國總統後，一些評論員將特朗普主義與「美國衰落」聯繫起來，也有人認為特朗普與「讓美國再次偉大」的崛起只是加速了美國領導力、穩定性和權力的衰落。

**註釋**

**外部鏈接**
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**引用**

**來源**

**書籍**
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**論文及新聞報道**
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** 該書在經過同行評審的期刊Boundary 2另有一版：cite journal|last1=Gordon|first1=Peter E.|date=2016-06-15|title=Authoritarianism: Three Inquiries in Critical Theory|journal=Boundary 2|url=https://www.boundary2.org/2016/06/peter-gordon-the-authoritarian-personality-revisited-reading-adorno-in-the-age-of-trump/|access-date=2021-02-12|archive-date=2020-12-08|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201208022740/http://www.boundary2.org/2016/06/peter-gordon-the-authoritarian-personality-revisited-reading-adorno-in-the-age-of-trump/|dead-url=no- archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220214054541/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/318794810_Why_evangelicals_voted_for_Trump_A_critical_cultural_sociology- dead-url=no - ref=harv- cite news|last1=Green|first1=Emma|date=2021-01-08|title=A Christian Insurrection|language=en|work=The Atlantic|url=https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2021/01/evangelicals-catholics-jericho-march-capitol/617591/|access-date=2021-01-23|archive-date=2021-01-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210125114621/https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2021/01/evangelicals-catholics-jericho-march-capitol/617591/|deadurl=no|ref=harv- cite journal |last=Greenberg |first=David |date=2016-12-11 |title=An Intellectual History of Trumpism |journal=Politico |url=https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/12/trumpism-intellectual-history-populism-paleoconservatives-214518 |access-date=2020-11-15 |archive-date=2020-11-15 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201115164822/https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/12/trumpism-intellectual-history-populism-paleoconservatives-214518 |deadurl=no |ref=harv- ref=harv- cite web |last=Guilford |first=Gwynn |title=Inside the Trump machine: The bizarre psychology of America's newest political movement |date=2016 |work=Quartz |url=http://qz.com/645345/insidethe-trump-machine-the-bizarre-psychology-ofamericas-newest-political-movement/ |access-date=November 17, 2020 |archive-date=February 15, 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210215222839/https://qz.com/645345/inside-the-trump-machine-the-bizarre-psychology-of-americas-newest-political-movement/ |deadurl=no - ref=harv- dead-url=no- deadurl=no- cite news |last1=Harwood |first1=John |date=2017-01-20 |title=Why Trumpism May Not Endure |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/20/opinion/why-trumpism-may-not-endure.html |work=The New York Times |access-date=2020-06-09 |archive-date=2020-11-16 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201116190840/https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/20/opinion/why-trumpism-may-not-endure.html |deadurl=no |ref=harv- deadurl=no- cite web|last1=Hedges|first1=Chris|date=2020-01-03|title=Onward, Christian fascists|work=salon|url=https://www.salon.com/2020/01/03/onward-Christian-fascists_partner/|access-date=2020-12-28|archive-date=2020-12-28|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201228071848/https://www.salon.com/2020/01/03/onward-christian-fascists_partner/|deadurl=no|ref=harv- deadurl=no - cite news |last1=Henninger |first1=Daniel |date=2021-03-03 |title=Trumpism According to Trump |url=https://www.wsj.com/articles/trumpism-according-to-trump-11614812815 |newspaper=The Wall Street Journal |access-date=2021-03-17 |ref=harv |archive-date=2021-03-14 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210314220326/https://www.wsj.com/articles/trumpism-according-to-trump-11614812815 |dead-url=no - author-link1=Michael Hogg- cite book |last1=Hopkin |first1=Jonathan |author1-link=Jonathan Hopkin |last2=Blyth |first2=Mark |author2-link=Mark Blyth |editor1-last=Vormann |editor1-first=Boris |editor2-last=Weinman |editor2-first=Michael D. |title=The Emergence of Illiberalism |date=2020 |publisher=Routledge |chapter=Global Trumpism: Understanding Anti-System Politics in Western Democracies |isbn=978-0367366247 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=C_3vDwAAQBAJ&q=global+trumpism&pg=PT107 |access-date=October 11, 2020 |archive-date=February 15, 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210215222839/https://books.google.com/books?id=C_3vDwAAQBAJ&q=global+trumpism&pg=PT107 |deadurl=no - cite web|last1=Horton|first1=Michael|date=2020-12-16|title=The Cult of Christian Trumpism|work=The Gospel Coalition|url=https://www.thegospelcoalition.org/article/cult-Christian-trumpism/|access-date=2020-12-28|author-link1=Michael Horton (theologian)|archive-date=2021-02-15|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210215222840/https://www.thegospelcoalition.org/article/cult-Christian-trumpism/|deadurl=no |ref=harv- dead-url=no - deadurl=no - dead-url=no- doi=10.1002/ejsp.2494 - ref=harv - ref=harv - dead-url=no - deadurl=no- ref=harv- cite news |last1=Johnston |first1=Rich |date=July 3, 2020 |title=Why Did Sean Hannity Lose His Punisher Skull Pin On Fox News? 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