BeIR/webis-touche2020 huggingface dataset:
The situation in these countries is improving, no need for a new policy.

Such an extreme measure as granting asylum to all women from these countries is not required as the situation in countries that discriminate against women is improving. Moreover, such an approach might be seen as an attack and make Middle Eastern and African countries react badly. Most of these countries are moving towards a more liberal approach and starting to promote the rights of women and reduce legislated discrimination. They already have an interest in aligning with western conditions in order to increase their international reputation. More than that, people in these societies are becoming more liberal demanding more and more rights as we see in the Arab Spring. In Kuwait, female suffrage has been allowed since 2005, whereas Saudi Arabia permitted women to vote and participate in municipal election from 2011. The right for national election will follow in 2015, with King Abdullah changing his country’s ultraconservative approach. The wind of change has left Europe and is heading toward the Middle East and Africa, promoting social reform and equality between men and women. If practices like female genitalia mutilation were widely used ten years ago, now they are enforced only in tribal parts of Africa, affecting less and less women. In conclusion, there is no need to worry about female that have residence in these countries because they are becoming more liberal and along with that, the whole country is changing. Diplomacy is working, there is no need for a new asylum policy. Ajami, Fouad, ‘The Arab Spring at One’, Foreign Affairs, March/April 2012, http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/137053/fouad-ajami/the-arab-spring-at-one BBC News, ‘Kuwaiti women win right to vote’, BBC News, 17 May 2005, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/4552749.stm BBC News, ‘Women in Saudi Arabia to vote and run in elections’, 25 September 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-us-canada-15052030 Stewart, Catrina, ‘Saudi women gain vote for the first time’, The Independent, 26 September 2011, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/saudi-women-gain-vote-for-the-first-time-2360883.html
Offering asylum for women will be seen as a case of cultural imperialism

Offering asylum to women who live under Sharia Law or other forms of discriminatory systems will be seen as a cultural attack made by the West against Islamic and Africa values. The European Union’s actions will be seen as neo-colonialism meant to influence foreign states population. Ultraconservative Islamic countries are already suspicious of the west of social and cultural issues; this will simply show that they are correct in their concerns. Let’s take the example of South Park, an American comedy TV-Show that portrayed Muhammad as a bear during one of its episodes. A website known for supporting jihad against the West published a warning against the creator, threatening to kill them if they don’t remove the episode. Despite being a cartoon for a western audience it was seen as an attack on Islam. A policy which would appear to be in large part directed at Islamic states would be needlessly inflammatory. The European Union would be showing that they do not care for the cultural values of others. Instead it would be promoting an imperial notion that western values are superior to those of other cultures. This is then legitimizing any notion that there is some kind of clash of cultures as it draws a line between the European Union and these states, a notion that would then be used by extremists on both sides as a propaganda tool and justification for violence. Leo, Alex, ‘South Park’s Depiction of Muhammad Censored AGAIN’, Huffington Post, 22 April 2010, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/04/22/south-park-mohammed-censo_n_547484.html
The EU needs to help those suffering from human rights abuses

The EU is responsible for its own citizens and not for those that live in other countries or regions. Its burden is to protect human rights for European citizens and not for the entire world. At the moment, because of the economic crisis and austerity measures imposed, all the EU attention should be focused on delivering basic human rights (in terms of basic necessities such as food, shelter and employment) for people in Greece, Spain, Italy and other countries in distress. The burden lies here because the government of a country serves the people of that country and as a union each country accepts some of the burden for others in that union. Others that are outwith that union are not giving any direct benefits for the European Union and therefore should they not be our focus. Any more egregious violations of human rights in these countries would already be sufficient cause for granting asylum without a further offer presented to women who are discriminated against. Douglas-Scott, Sionaidh, ‘The European union and Human Rights after the Treaty of Lisbon’, Human Rights Law Review, Vol.11, No.4, 2011, http://hrlr.oxfordjournals.org/content/11/4/645.abstract
The status quo involves sending women back to the threat of persecution

With regards to a life threatening situation under which women might face severe consequences upon their return, it should be noted that the European Union will not send someone back if it is believed their life is at risk if they are sent back. They will not be forced to leave the country even if asylum is not granted as they will be granted humanitarian protection or discretionary leave to remain which will allow them to remain until the threat is lifted. If the country in question wishes to return the asylum seeker then it will take steps to negotiate with the asylum seeker's country of origin in order to obtain guarantees that the asylum seeker will not be harmed upon their return. UNHCR, ‘The Facts: Asylum in the UK’, unhcr.org.uk, June 2013, http://www.unhcr.org.uk/about-us/the-uk-and-asylum.html
We would allow discriminated women to reach their full potential

Rather than being selfish and wanting for these women only to be able to achieve their full potential in the European Union, we should consider doing something in order to change the way they are treated at home. Most women are not able to run away from home, or travel hundreds of miles in order to get into Europe to apply for asylum and have this opportunity for development. Even if they were the EU could not take every woman in. The European Union needs to look at the bigger picture and encourage those countries that discriminate against women to become much more liberal in their attitudes to women. This can be done by aid, sanctions, and diplomacy. The EU simply needs to persuade these countries of the massive loss they are sustaining by not allowing half of their population to realize their potential.
Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.

Promoting a free labour market across Africa will exacerbate difficulties for planning. The geography of migration is uneven; and spatial disparities in the proportion of migrants presents challenges for urban and rural planning, which needs to be considered. First, where will migrants be housed? The housing crisis, and prevalence of slums, across Africa show an influx of new workers will overburden a scarce resource. In addition, the complex, and insecure, nature of land tenure across Africa raises further questions for housing and productivity - will new migrants be able to buy into land markets to enhance their capabilities? Second, are road infrastructures safe enough to promote the frequent movement of labour? Will implementing a free labour market ensure the safety of those migrants? We need to ensure planners and policy can establish fundamental rights to a home, land, and personal safety, before promoting free movement.
The freedom to move is a human right.

The reality of achieving free labour movement is not as simple as it may seem in practice. Contradictions have emerged in the laws implemented by national governments, such as Uganda, and the desired EAC regional laws. In addition, the recent eviction and detainee of refugees from Rwanda and Burundi, from Tanzania, indicate political tensions are at the heart of ensuring 'free' movement. Labour and migrant workers rights cannot be guaranteed until the duty, and responsibility, is taken on at multiple scales - from local, national, and regional authorities. Finally, in order for mobility to be seen as a right, labourers and migrants need to be granted the right to organise. Currently, labour unions operate at a national scale - for mobility to be accepted as a right and migrant rights to be recognised labour unions are required across COMESA, EAC, and ECOWAS.
Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.

A free labour market provides a space for sharing (knowledge, ideas, and socio-cultural traditions), competing, and sustaining efficiency in development. As neoliberal theory advocates a laissez-faire approach is fundamental for growth. A free labour market will enhance economic productivity. Free labour movement enables access to new employment opportunities and markets. Within the East African Community the Common Market Protocol (CMP) (2010) has removed barriers towards the movement of people, services, capital, and goods. Free regional movement is granted to citizens of any member state in order to aid economic growth. Free movement is providing solutions to regional poverty by expanding the employment opportunities available, enabling faster and efficient movement for labour, and reducing the risk of migration for labour. Similar to initial justifications of Europe’s labour market, a central idea is to promote labour productivity within the region[1]. [1] Much criticism has been raised with regards to the flexible labour market in Europe - with high unemployment across national member states such as Spain, Ireland, and Greece; the prevalent Euro-crisis, and backlash over social welfare with rising migration. Disparities remain in jobs, growth, and productivity across the EU.
Migration is 'developmental'.

Recent reports by the HDR (2009) and WDR (2009) have shown migration is a means of development – free movement has the power to alleviate poverty, enable markets, and connectivity. Taking recent evidence concerning worldwide remittance flows, the developmental nature of free movement is shown. In 2013, it is estimated, through international migration, $414bn were remitted back to developing countries[1]. Remittance flows into Africa (from within and internationally) accounted for $40bn in 2010, accounting for an increasing percentage of GDP (AfDB, 2013; IFAD, 2013). Northern Africa articulated the largest total of remittances received. Remittances remain beneficial for supporting livelihoods. The influx of remittances to households provides security, an additional income for support, enables household consumption, and investment in alternative assets, such as education and land, of which present crucial benefits in reducing poverty. Although the geography of remittances remains uneven, and currently barriers remain to sending and receiving money, the developmental potential of remittances from African diasporas (both outside and within Africa) is now recognised[2]. [1] See further readings: World Bank, 2013. [2] For additional information on the debate of migration, remittances and social development see further readings: De Haas, 2010.
Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.

National borders are a result of Africa’s colonial history. The boundaries constructed do not reflect meaning or unite ethnic groups across the continent. The border between Togo and Ghana alone divides the Dagomba, Akposso, Konkomba and Ewe peoples.[1] Therefore encouraging freedom of movement across  Africa will erase a vital component of Africa’s colonial history. The erasing of boundaries, for labour markets, will have significant impacts for rebuilding a sense of unity, and reducing xenophobic fears, of which have been politically constructed. A sense of unity will motivate citizens to reduce disparities and inequalities of poverty. [1] Cogneau, 2012, pp.5-6
Implementing a free labour market will enable effective management of migration.

Even without the implementation of a free labour market, migration will continue informally; therefore policies introducing free movement and providing appropriate travel documents provides a method to manage migration. In the case of Southern Africa, the lack of a regional framework enabling migration is articulated through the informal nature of movement and strategic bilateral ties between nation-states. Several benefits arise from managing migration. First, speeding up the emigration process will provide health benefits. Evidence shows slow, and inefficient, border controls have led to a rise in HIV/AIDs; as truck drivers wait in delays sex is offered[1]. Second, a free labour market can provide national governments with data and information. The provision of travel documentation provides migrants with an identity, and as movement is monitored, the big picture of migration can be provided. Information, evidence, and data, will enable effective policies to be constructed for places of origin and destination, and to enable trade efficiency. Lastly, today, undocumented migrants are unable to claim their right to health care. In Africa, availability does not equate to accessibility for new migrants. In South Africa, migrants fear deportation and harassment, meaning formal health treatment and advice is not sought (Human Rights Watch, 2009). Therefore documentation and formal approval of movement ensures health is recognised as an equal right. [1] See further readings: Lucas, 2012.
The freedom to move is a human right.

Mobility is a human right - which needs to be enabled across national spaces and Africa. Obstacles need to be removed. Mobility enables access to interconnected rights - such as ensuring women their right to move enables empowerment in the political, social and economic spheres. Taking the case of migration of young people, the process reflects a right of passage, a means of exploring opportunities and identity.For example the Mourides of Senegal have established a dense network sustaining informal trading across multiple scales based on a foundation of ‘Brotherhood’ youths leaving rural areas become integrated into dynamic social networks and educated within the Mouride culture. As research in Tanzania shows although migration is not a priority for all youths, many identify the opportunity as a time to prove yourself and establish your transition into adulthood. The process empowers human identity and rights.
Migration reasonings and exploitation.

A free labour market perceives migration in a predominantly neoclassical light - people migrate due to pull factors, to balance the imbalance of jobs, people move due to economic laws. However, such a perspective fails to include the complex factors enticing migration and lack of choice in the decision. Promoting a labour market, whereby movement is free and trade enabled, makes it easier to move but does not take into account the fact migration is not only purely economical. By focusing on a free labour market as being economically valuable, we neglect a bigger picture of what the reasons for migration are. Without effective management a free labour market raises the potential of forced migration and trafficking. Within the COMESA region trafficking has been identified as a growing issue with the 40,000 identified cases in 2012 being the tip of the iceberg (Musinguzi, 2013). A free labour market may mean victims of trafficking will remain undetected. Moving for ‘work’, how can distinctions be made to identify trafficked migrants; and clandestine migration be managed? A free labour market, across Africa, justifies cheap and flexible labour to build emerging economies - however, remains unjust. Promoting free labour movement needs to be matched with a question on ‘what kind of labour movement’?
Urbanisation without industrialisation, the dangerous livelihoods of migrants.

Across Africa a reality of ‘urbanisation without industrialisation’ is found (Potts, 2012). Economic growth, and activity, have not matched the urban phenomena across Sub-Saharan Africa. The sombre picture of urban economics questions - what do new migrants do as opportunities are not found? More than 50% of Youth in Africa are unemployed or idle.[1] With migrants entering urban environments presented with a lack of safe and secure jobs unhealthy sexual politics are found, and precarious methods are used to make a living. The scarcity of formal jobs, means a majority of migrants are forced to work in informal employment. Informal employment will continue to rise creating its own problems such as being barrier to imposing minimum wages and employment security. [1] Zuehlke, 2009
Free movement will provide benefits for productivity.

The benefits of a free labour market are merely based on an idealistic reality. The CMP has only existed for three years so it is impossible to draw any conclusions. When looking at whether migration enhances productivity questions need to be raised. First, what jobs are provided in the new destination? Are the jobs safe and secure, or within informal employment? Second, where is productivity actually encouraged? Is the distribution occurring across an even geography; and assisting the poor? As yet there are no answers.
Migration is 'developmental'.

Migration results from poverty; poverty will not be solved through migration. Migration is a survival strategy - therefore development initiatives are required first for poverty to be reduced. Three points need to be raised. First, patterns of migration showcase the prevalence of a 'brain drain'[1] across Africa, and inputting a free labour market will continue to attract skilled migrants to desired locations. Research by Docquier and Marfouk (2004) indicates Eastern and Western Africa accounted for some of the highest rates of brain drain; with rates increasing over the past decade . Rather than promoting free movement African nations need to invest in infrastructure, health and education, to keep hold of skilled professionals. Second, the extent to which remittances are ‘developmental’ are debatable. Questions emerge when we consider who can access the money transferred (gender relations are key) and therefore decide how it is used; the cost, and security, of transfer. Lastly, migration is not simply ‘developmental’ when we consider social complexities. Research has identified how increased mobility presents risks for health, particularly with regards to the HIV/AIDS epidemic[2]. Therefore migrating for jobs may put the migrant, or their partner, at risk of HIV/AIDS. Migration cannot resolve poverty disparities across Africa. Poverty disparities, both spatial and social, reflect the unequal, growing, gap between the rich and the poor. Neither economic growth, or migration, will reduce poverty in the face of inequality. [1] ‘Brain drain’ is defined as the loss of high-skilled, and trained, professionals in the process of migration. [2] See further readings: Deane et al, 2012.
Policies towards a free labour market will create unity.

A unified labour market will not be achieve if root issues remain unresolved. Within East Africa, the construction of an East African Community has been met with political tensions. The recent evictions of nearly 7,000 Rwandan refugees from Tanzania indicate the idea of free movement does not provide a sufficient basis for unity[1]. Despite regional agreements for free movement, political tensions, the construction of ethnicity and illegality meant forced deportation was carried out by Tanzanian officials. Political hostilities amongst heads of government is continuing to divide the nations within East Africa. Further, cases of xenophobia remain prevalent across Southern Africa. Frequently reported cases of xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals - including nationals from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Malawi[2] - indicate the inherent tensions of migration when jobs remain scarce and poverty high. Dangers occur in advocating a free labour market when the perception of migration is misunderstood, and/or politically altered. [1] See further readings: BBC News, 2013. [2] See further readings: IRINa.
The youth already have a lot of spending focused on them

It is difficult to see why there should be large amounts of public spending on ‘youth’ directed through the education system that then simply stops as soon as education is left behind. When young people are finished university or particularly school when they are not going on to university they are suddenly left on their own with no clear path to transition into work.[1] Those not in the education system get very little spending on them and this is clearly where the problem lies. There needs to be much more spent on ensuring that young people get a first job both in ensuring that they have the right skills and ensuring a good standard of living until they get a job. [1] ACEVO Commission on Youth Unemployment, ‘Youth unemployment: the crisis we cannot afford’, ACEVO, 2012, http://www.bristol.ac.uk/cmpo/publications/other/youthunemployment.pdf, p.46
The government must do what is in the long term interest of the county

Typically businesses, and most people, think about the short term; how they are going to live or produce a profit over the next few years. This leaves the role of thinking across broader horizons to the government. Governments need to plan to ensure the prosperity of the nation in twenty or even fifty years’ time because many of their current citizens will still be alive. This planning is also necessary because of the length of time that large scale construction projects or social changes take. For example “In the energy sector, investments are made for a period between 20 and 60 years.”[1] Decisions on what kind of power to support, coal, gas, nuclear, or renewables, will still be making an impact in half a century. Clearly when thinking longer term it simply makes sense to focus on younger people as they are going to have an impact for longer. Just the same as in energy policy if a nation makes mistakes with its treatment of its youth it will be feeling the consequences for half a century. It is clearly in the long term interest of the state to invest in its youth. [1] ‘The Commission's Energy Roadmap 2050’, Europa, 15 December 2011, MEMO/11/914, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-11-914_en.htm
Spending on youth is best for the economy

Spending on young people is an investment. While there may be other objectives too, such as taking young people off the street to prevent trouble, when there is spending on young people this is almost always to ensure they have either a broader, or more focused skill base. This is done through education, training, and apprenticeships.  Having a better skilled workforce has a beneficial effect on economic growth. This means that there are several economic benefits to spending on youth; there is the initial fiscal benefit from the spending on youth followed over years and decades by a return on the investment from having higher skilled workers. This higher skilled workforce will then over time pay back the initial investment through paying more tax as a result of being more productive (so earning more). There is then a change from the unemployed youth being a burden on the state and the economy to a contributor. A study in the US suggests that a 25 year old with little education past 16 and no job will cost the taxpayer $258,000 over their lifetime.[1] If trained and given a job this can clearly be turned into a gain for the taxpayer and society. This is similar to why it is more beneficial to the economy to spend on infrastructure than simply handing cash out. Both will give a fiscal boost from the money being spent but handing money out won’t bring a return decades later. [1] Belfield, Clive R., ‘The Economic Value of Opportunity Youth’, Kellogg Foundation, January 2012, http://www.serve.gov/new-images/council/pdf/econ_value_opportunity_youth.pdf, p.2