BeIR/webis-touche2020 huggingface dataset:
It ought to be accepted that the NATO alliance is already diluted.

It should not be perceived as a standing military force, but a holding company whose individual members can draw upon a collective infrastructure and military support in the event of intervention in and around Europe. The expansion of NATO should be the opportunity to re-examine the current force deployment and strategic capability of the alliance. For example, the US maintains significant permanent deployment of infantry, aircraft and armour in Germany that could possibly be transferred to a more active role in protecting the borders of the newly independent republics. Similarly, the NATO ‘After-Action’ report into ‘Operation Allied Force’ in Kosovo highlighted the dependence of the offensive on the US capacity for strategic airlift. The acquisition of the requisite air transport by the Western European States would allow more credible guarantees of security throughout Europe. Forward deployment of NATO troops into the new republics is not a prerequisite for expansion. The core of the alliance is the pledge to protect which is undiminished by the addition of new members.
The increasing trend towards Russian nationalism can be attributed to the weakness of the economy and the continued conflict in Chechnya, rather than the possibility of NATO expansion.

The Russian people are concerned about hardship and hazard within their own borders rather than without. Moreover, now that the promise of NATO enlargement exists, a failure to offer the promised protection would raise grave doubts regarding the steadfastness of the NATO States. Moreover, the nationalism and belligerency of the Russian parliament would be implicitly rewarded. NATO should not be teaching Russia the lesson that hostility in Eastern Europe gets results that lessen the security of all.
The prospect of NATO membership encourages democratic reforms

. The criteria for NATO membership include stable democracy ; civilian control of the armed forces ; a sufficient military capacity to make a meaningful contribution to collective security ; and the absence of active disputes on or within the borders of the State. This incentivisation is critical given the indication from the European Union at the Cologne conference that the majority of these countries will not be permitted to accede to EU membership within the coming decade. NATO membership will help these fledging States to help themselves.
NATO would benefit substantially by Egypt's manpower

Thomas Friedman. "Expanding Club NATO". The New York Times. October 26, 2003 - "And that brings us to why NATO should invite in Egypt: manpower. As Lord Robertson, the NATO secretary general, explained to me, all of the NATO European members, plus Canada, have a combined total of 1.4 million soldiers on active duty -- but only 55,000 are actually usable for missions abroad. The others are either deskbound, untrained for anything other than sitting in one static position in Europe to deter the Soviet Union or lacking in logistical, engineering and command and control support for long-range missions. Also, many Euro-armies are unionized and don't care to work weekends! Since all 55,000 of NATO's usable Euro-Canadian troops are now deployed on peacekeeping missions, absent military restructuring, NATO is pretty well maxed out -- and so are we."
NATO expansion can only lead to the overstretching of the organisation and thus the undermining of stability for the entirety of Europe.

The credibility of the commitment of article V of the NATO Charter in which every member pledges to come to the defence of another has already been undermined by the inclusion of Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic. NATO runs the grave risk of becoming so large and diverse it resembles a political organisation rather than a military alliance. The military contribution of the new members would be by definition limited. Were these republics already capable of providing sufficient security to their borders, there would be no necessity for NATO membership. At the point where the NATO commitments become more declaratory than real, the security of every State including the new members is called into question. Thus NATO expansion might in fact assist any State eager for its own expansionism in Eastern Europe.
NATO expansion is no threat to West-Russian relations

Ariel Cohen, Ph.D. "NATO Enlargement is No Threat to US-Russian Relations". Heritage Foundation. February 26, 1998 - "Russia needs Western investment, technology, and cooperation to integrate into the global economy. In addition, the Western media overemphasize anti-NATO sentiment among Russians. Polls show that Russians worry more about payments of chronically delayed wages, low living standards, crime, and corruption. Russia's real security concerns, moreover, are with its Islamic neighbors and the People's Republic of China, not with the democratic West. Finally, even the Yeltsin administration, which vehemently opposes NATO enlargement, admits that the major threats to Russia are domestic, and that no foreign country currently endangers Russia's security."
Georgia is too unstable to be a member of NATO

"Hard Choices for the NATO: Expansion vs Commitments". Young Atlantic. 29 Mar. 2008 - Suspending all the imprecise and misleading talk of color revolutions for a moment, Ukraine and Georgia are too politically unstable --the former divided in their Western and Russian leanings and the later with parts of the country on the brink of declaring Kosovor-style independence -- to be of much use to the alliance in the near term. And such a move would provoke real Russian anger far more than the phantom punches over the missile shield.
Reform will continue well after joining NATO

Daniel Fried, Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs. "NATO: Enlargement and Effectiveness". State Department, Testimony Before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. 11 Mar. 2008 - "Are the aspirants perfect? No. Have they done significant work and put themselves on a trajectory for success? Yes. The United States and our Allies need to consider whether it is better for the security of the Alliance and the stability of the Balkans to have these countries in or to keep them out. We know from experience that countries who join NATO continue to address remaining reforms, and build security in their region and the world. An invitation for membership is not a finish line and these countries know that."
Despite difficulties, Afghanistan is a success for NATO

Steven Lee Myers and Thom Shanker. "NATO Expansion, and a Bush Legacy, Are in Doubt". The New York Times. 12 Mar. 2008 - "Ten years ago, the idea that NATO would be running a major military operation half way around the world would have seemed preposterous. Even five years ago, just after the U.S.-led ouster of the Taliban, I can still remember officials in many allied countries questioning whether the Alliance should take on such a challenging task so far beyond its original mission. Today that theoretical debate about missions is over – every one of NATO’s 26 members not only supports but has forces in Afghanistan. NATO has 42,000 troops in country, 28,000 of which are from countries other than the United States. NATO’s mission began in 2003 with the provision of a single headquarters in Kabul alone, when no single country was willing to take on that task and it has gradually expanded to the north, west, south and east so that it now covers all of Afghanistan. Despite the perception that European allies are losing faith in the mission – indeed a serious concern – it is none the less the case that there are 5,000 more non-U.S. troops in Afghanistan this year than there were last year, and there are decent prospects that more European (likely French and British) troops will be pledged at the Bucharest summit and deployed later this spring."
NATO expansion does not impair US-Russian relations

Ariel Cohen, Ph.D. "NATO Enlargement is No Threat to US-Russian Relations". Heritage Foundation. 26 Feb. 1998 - "Eventually bringing Russia into the Western orbit will benefit both Russia and the United States. Post-communist Russia needs to be engaged--not isolated--on the global scene, including on issues of European security. Russian objections to the current round of NATO enlargement are not widespread popular sentiments but rather a facet of Moscow's political games. The United States should mount a comprehensive program, using the USIA and other avenues of public diplomacy, to explain the truth about NATO enlargement to Russia's media and general public. Once the facts are known, Russians will understand that the ascendancy of the new members into the alliance in no way prevents the United States from continuing to work with Russia to enhance bilateral and multilateral security cooperation."
NATO membership does not help democratize countries

Dan Reiter. "Why NATO Enlargement Does Not Spread Democracy". International Security. 2001 - "Proponents of NATO enlargement argue that it will help spread democracy in Eastern Europe. The experience of the Cold War and post-Cold War periods demonstrates, however, that NATO enlargement has not and will not have a significant impact on the survival of democracy. During the Cold War, some states flipped between democracy and autocracy with no effect on their status within NATO. Since the end of the Cold War, former communist states have successfully pursued democracy, demonstrating a willingness to democratize regardless of whether NATO membership is in the offing. This does not mean that the West is powerless in advancing the laudable goal of promoting democracy in Eastern Europe. The EU is likely to be equally if not more effective than NATO at democratizing Eastern Europe, without the costs or the geopolitical risks incurred by enlarging the alliance. More broadly, NATO's inability to spread democracy exemplifies limits in the democratizing potential of international institutions, providing an important caveat to the liberal optimism of the synergy between democracy and international organization.
NATO expansion threatens and antagonizes Russia

The realisation of this policy shall only serve to manufacture the expansionist demon that NATO fears. The election of the ultranationalist Duma in 1996, the choice of the hardliner Yvegeny Primakov as foreign minister, and the failure of the reformist party ‘Russia’s Choice’ under Yegor Gaidar even to clear the 5% hurdle for Duma membership can be attributed, in whole or in part, to the Russian sense of isolation from Western Europe. This sense is dramatically emboldened by such provocative actions as threatening to station NATO troops on its borders. The Russian people are unlikely to consider that the forward deployment is not directed against them, but instead is only designed to maintain internal stability in the neighbouring republics. By inflaming Russian nationalism, NATO expansion is obstructs democratic development for Russia and undermines the security of its neighbouring republics.
Stability in new democracies would be best achieved through "Partnership for Peace"

. The policy that received strong support under the Clinton administration involves regular consultations, exercises and opportunities for education that seek to professionalize the civilian and military institutions of the republics of the former Soviet Union. This policy of genuine aid is preferable to the wish-list of democratic ideals that compose the criteria for NATO membership. Paradoxically, were one of the republics actually able to achieve all the criteria delineated, the necessity for their NATO protection would be marginal. Conversely, were the republics predictably unable to realize these goals, the protection of NATO through expansion or PFP would be genuine. Yet, it is in these situations of tenuous stability that States will be denied proper civilian and military aid from NATO.
The expense of NATO expansion is marginal when compared to the defence budgets of the major NATO States.

The US defence expenditure alone for the fiscal year 2002 is $344 billion. Further, the correct equation is not between the expense of stationing troops in these new States and the current saving from non-deployment. The balance is between the expense of forward deployment or other military investment and the prohibitive cost in dollars and lives from a conflict between NATO and Russia, or a conflagration in any of the Eastern republics. NATO expansion is nothing more than a cost-effective insurance policy against a very real risk.
Expanding NATO jeopardizes other initiatives with Russia

"Hard Choices for the NATO: Expansion vs Commitments". Young Atlantic. 29 Mar. 2008 - "The Economist and the Eurasia Monitor both point out that Russia might likely move to open land and air supply routes to Afghanistan through Russia for NATO operations, a significant move both for tactical and symbolic reasons. And recent discussions with Russia on the missile shield in Eastern Europe have finally begun to show signs of progress. Foreclosing on these two potential strategic gains for a couple of ambivalent NATO members who bring few military assets to the table seems like a poor trade."
Lesbian and gay parents are every bit as fit and capable as heterosexual parents and their children are as psychologically healthy and well-adjusted as children reared by heterosexual parents

"Case No. S147999 in the Supreme Court of the State of California, In re Marriage Cases Judicial Council Coordination Proceeding No. 4365, Application for leave to file brief amici curiae in support of the parties challenging the marriage exclusion, and brief amici curiae of the American Psychological Association, California Psychological Association, American Psychiatric Association, National Association of Social Workers, and National Association of Social Workers, California Chapter in support of the parties challenging the marriage exclusion": "The scientific research that has directly compared outcomes for children with gay and lesbian parents with outcomes for children with heterosexual parents has been remarkably consistent in showing that lesbian and gay parents are every bit as fit and capable as heterosexual parents, and their children are as psychologically healthy and well-adjusted as children reared by heterosexual parents. Amici emphasize that the abilities of gay and lesbian persons as parents and the positive outcomes for their children are not areas where credible scientific researchers disagree. Statements by the leading associations of experts in this area reflect professional consensus that children raised by lesbian or gay parents do not differ in any important respects from those raised by heterosexual parents. No credible empirical research suggests otherwise."
The sexuality of parents has no effects on a child's future life

. American Psychological Association (Resolution on Sexual Orientation, Parents, and Children) "There is no scientific evidence that parenting effectiveness is related to parental sexual orientation: lesbian and gay parents are as likely as heterosexual parents to provide supportive and healthy environments for their children"; and "research has shown that the adjustment, development, and psychological well-being of children is unrelated to parental sexual orientation and that the children of lesbian and gay parents are as likely as those of heterosexual parents to flourish."
The American Academy of Pediatrics and all of the major professional organizations with expertise in child welfare have issued reports and resolutions in support of gay and lesbian parental rights.

"Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Parented Families - A Literature Review prepared for The Australian Psychological Society": Judith Stacey, of New York University: "Rarely is there as much consensus in any area of social science as in the case of gay parenting, which is why the American Academy of Pediatrics and all of the major professional organizations with expertise in child welfare have issued reports and resolutions in support of gay and lesbian parental rights."
The quality of child-rearing in social groups is not a criteria for adoption.

Saletan. "Adopting Premises. The sneaky debate over legalizing adoptions by gay couples." Slate.com. Feb. 7, 2002 - "Suppose, for example, there's more suicide, depression, promiscuity, and domestic violence among blacks than among whites. Would such findings justify a ban on adoptions by blacks? If not, why would they justify a ban on adoptions by gays?"
Children and adolescents raised by gay and lesbian parents are not more teased than children and adolescents of heterosexual parents.

"Perry v. Schwarzenegger Trial-Day 05" Michael Lamb, Ph.D.: "The studies that have explored this in more detail show that while children with gay or lesbian parents are more likely to be teased about their family configuration, they aren't more likely to be teased in general. Children tease one another for a variety of reasons. Children get teased because their ethnic group is different, because they have curly hair, because they are fat, because they have a funny accent. Children can be very cruel to one another. And when it's possible to tease somebody about the sexual orientation of their parents, they may be teased for that but that doesn't mean that they are more likely to be teased overall."
Traditional/nontraditional families equally capable of child-rearing

"Affidavit - United States District Court for the District of Massachusetts" Michael Lamb, Ph.D. 2009: "Nontraditional families constitute the vast majority of families in the United States today. Society’s early assumptions about the superiority of the traditional family form have been challenged by the results of empirical research. Since the end of the 1980’s, as a result, it has been well established that children and adolescents can adjust just as well in nontraditional settings as in traditional settings."
There is no scientific basis for concluding that gay and lesbian parents are any less fit or capable than heterosexual parents, or that their children are any less psychologically healthy and well adjusted.

"Case No. S147999 in the Supreme Court of the State of California, In re Marriage Cases Judicial Council Coordination Proceeding No. 4365, Application for leave to file brief amici curiae in support of the parties challenging the marriage exclusion, and brief amici curiae of the American Psychological Association, California Psychological Association, American Psychiatric Association, National Association of Social Workers, and National Association of Social Workers, California Chapter in support of the parties challenging the marriage exclusion": "Although it is sometimes asserted in policy debates that heterosexual couples are inherently better parents than same-sex couples, or that the children of lesbian or gay parents fare worse than children raised by heterosexual parents, those assertions find no support in the scientific research literature."
Universal Jurisdiction was never a legal principle

Henry Kissinger. "The Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction: Risking Judicial Tryanny". Foreign Affairs. Aug. 2001 - "The doctrine of universal jurisdiction asserts that some crimes are so heinous that their perpetrators should not escape justice by invoking doctrines of sovereign immunity or the sacrosanct nature of national frontiers [...] The very concept of universal jurisdiction is of recent vintage. [...] It is unlikely that any of the signatories of either the U.N. conventions or the Helsinki Final Act thought it possible that national judges would use them as a basis for extradition requests regarding alleged crimes committed outside their jurisdictions. The drafters almost certainly believed that they were stating general principles, not laws that would be enforced by national courts."
Crimes under ICC are already prohibited by international law

"U.S. Policy Regarding the International Criminal Court". Congressional Research Service. 29 Aug. 2006 - "Some ICC supporters have asserted that the crimes covered by the Rome Statute are already prohibited under international law either by treaty or under the concept of “universal jurisdiction” or both; therefore, all nations may assert jurisdiction to try persons for these crimes. The ICC, they argue, would merely be exercising the collective jurisdiction of its members, any of which could independently assert jurisdiction over the accused persons under a theory of 'universal jurisdiction'"
ICC courts uphold individual rights and due process

Wes Rist. "The Conservative Case for the International Criminal Court Six Years In". Jurist. 10 Dec. 2008 - "Finally, there are some valid due process concerns relating to the operation of the Rome Statute. While the process provisions of the Rome Statute (Article 67, among others) are not exact copies of US constitutional protections, they hardly create the possibility of an unfair or impartial trial. In fact, the rights spelled out for defendants throughout the entirety of the Rome Statute are some of the strongest criminal defendant protections put in place for any international tribunal and they certainly rise to the level of meeting the judicial guarantees provided for by the Geneva Conventions and international human rights laws such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights."
ICC wrongly allows prosecution of legitimate leaders

John R. Bolton. "The United States and the International Criminal Court". Remarks to the Federalist Society. 14 Nov. 2002 - "We are considering, in the Prosecutor, a powerful and necessary element of executive power, the power of law-enforcement. Never before has the United States been asked to place any of that power outside the complete control of our national government without our consent. Our concern goes beyond the possibility that the Prosecutor will target for indictment the isolated U.S. soldier who violates our own laws and values by allegedly committing a war crime. Our principal concern is for our country’s top civilian and military leaders, those responsible for our defense and foreign policy. They are the ones potentially at risk at the hands of the ICC’s politically unaccountable Prosecutor, as part of an agenda to restrain American discretion, even when our actions are legitimated by the operation of our own constitutional system."
ICC has advanced provision for reparations and non-repetition

Amnesty International. The International Criminal Court, Fact Sheet - "the Statute [of the ICC] contains advanced provisions for the protection of victims from retraumatization, and the Court may order a convicted person to provide reparation, in the form of compensation, restitution, rehabilitation, satisfaction, guarantees of non-repetition and any other type of reparation the Court deems appropriate."
ICC acts only if nat. courts can't; preserves const. rights

Wes Rist. "The Conservative Case for the International Criminal Court Six Years In". Jurist. 10 Dec. 2008 - "Ultimately, should the US government or conservatives in general have any specific concerns about the due process or Constitutional protections (or lack thereof) afforded by the Rome Statute, the solution is simple: conduct an investigation or trial domestically so that there is no reason for the ICC to become involved. In fact, as mentioned previously, a proactive investigation by the US creates a statutory bar to involvement by the ICC Office of the Prosecutor."
ICC needed for new global problems

Benjamin B. Ferencz, J.D. Harvard 1943 and a Former Nuremberg War Crimes Prosecutor. "Response to Henry Kissinger's essay 'The Pitfalls of Universal Jurisdiction'." 2 July 2001 - "Opponents of the ICC refuse to recognize that in today's interdependent world all major problems are global and require global solutions. Binding international rules have become necessary and are accepted universally to protect the common interest. The prevention of massive crimes against humanity deserves equal protection of universal law."