BeIR/webis-touche2020 huggingface dataset:
Children should have the freedom not to be misled

It is unquestioningly taking the ‘consensus’ view on issues like evolution and climate change that is misleading children. Teaching only the one viewpoint misleads children into thinking that the issue is fact and settled so denying the ongoing controversies in each of these areas.[1] [1] Zabarenko, Deborah, ‘Tennessee teacher law could boost creationism, climate denial’, Reuters, 13 April 2012, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/04/13/us-usa-education-tennessee-idUSBRE83C0JR20120413
Tennessee is not seeking to protect freedom of speech

First the ‘don’t say gay’ bill has not been passed as it was dropped by its republican sponsor Joey Hensley.[1] That this bill is directed at only a few subjects does not mean that it is not about academic freedom and freedom of speech. The bill is simply targeting and highlighting areas where the assembly believes free speech is lacking and alternative views need to be presented. [1] ‘Tennessee ‘Don’t Say Gay’ Bill To Get Axed’, Huffington Post, 1 May 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/05/01/tennessee-dont-say-gay-bill_n_1...
The only just method

Prosecuting offenders is the only way to get a just outcome when there have been horrific crimes committed. At a most principled level, those who commit a crime ought to be held accountable for their actions even if they are powerful or it damages the chances of peace because the powerful must be shown not to be above the law. Even where the law did not exist, or the leaders were in control of the law, international norms provide a standard for what actions merit prosecution, and judiciaries have been very good at convicting those who committed atrocities[1]. Having those who committed crimes convicted by law courts helps prevent those affected by atrocities holding grudges and put the past behind them so aiding the healing process [2]. [1] Moore, John J Jr ‘Problems With Forgiveness’ 43 Stanford Law Review 733, February 1991 [2] abc news, ‘Dallas Holocaust survivors welcome prosecution of former Nazi guard’, wfaa.com, 20 August 2010, http://www.wfaa.com/news/local/Dallas--101185974.html
International prosecution encourages domestic justice

By introducing internationally based prosecution, the laws are able to effectively filter down into the domestic system. The international system takes care of powerful offenders who might otherwise not receive a fair trial or be brought to justice. This then allows domestic courts to prosecute those involved in the crimes at a lower level. This has worked in Ivory coast where the former leader was brought to face charges committed at home and also helped stabilize the situation in the country [1]. [1] Smith, David, ‘Laurent Gbagbo appears before international criminal court’, thegurdian.com, 5 December 2011, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/dec/05/laurent-gbagbo-international-criminal-court1
Deters future offences

By prosecuting those who commit crimes against humanity and war crimes future leaders are dissuaded from committing such acts [1]. When criminals are held accountable, the belief in the reliability of the legal system is enhanced, society is strengthened by the experience that the legal system is able to defend itself and the sense of justice is upheld or rectified [2]. Since the Office of the Prosecutor announced its interest in Colombia in 2006, the government has taken a number of measures particularly the Peace and Justice Law to ensure domestic prosecution of those who could potentially be tried by the ICC. The threat of ICC prosecution appears to have concerned former President Pastrana. Vincente Castrano (AUC) a paramilitary leader was fearful of the possibility of ICC prosecution, a fear that reportedly directly contributed to his group’s demobilisation[3]. [1] Safferlin, Christoph J.M., ‘Can Criminal prosecution be the answer to massive Human Rights Violations?’, issafrica.org, http://www.issafrica.org/anicj/uploads/Safferling_Human_Rights_Violations.pdf [2] Grono, Nick, ‘The Deterrent Effect of the ICC on the Commission of International Crimes by Government Leaders’, globalpolicy.org, 5 October 2012, http://www.globalpolicy.org/international-justice/the-international-criminal-court/general-documents-analysis-and-articles-on-the-icc/51978-the-deterrent-effect-of-the-icc-on-the-commission-of-international-crimes-by-government-leaders.html?itemid=id
Peace more important than Justice

In practice, prosecutions often come at the expense of other forms of reconciliation. For instance before Truth and Reconciliation Commissions can work amnesties have to be given for people to be willing to tell their stories. In order for people to put down weapons, or agree to tell stories, prosecutions must be given up. This is evident with the conflict is South Sudan; the opposition which had signed the ceasefire agreement to restore stability in the region, breached it and started fighting again when many of its members were indicted for the crimes they had committed [1]. In such case the most important thing is to prevent future atrocities as healing can only start when there is no conflict or atrocities going on. [1] Deustche Welle, ‘South Sudan: Rebels Strike Oil Centre, Breaching Ceasefire’, allafrica.com, 18 February 2014, http://allafrica.com/stories/201402190297.html
Prosecutions don't get to the real truth

Truth is the most important factor that supports the healing process. Individuals when being prosecuted have incentives to hide crimes and lie about the true motivations for offences occurring as they don’t want to go to prison for telling the truth. This means that the whole truth of matters never really come to light. TRC’s, such as that in South Africa, do a very good job of ensuring that the full record of human rights abuses come to light [1].The Rwandan Gacaca courts which encompasses three important features of relevance to broader experiments of reconciliatory justice serve as a lesson. Those who confess their crimes are rewarded with the halving of prison sentences and as a result, 60,238 prisoners have confessed to participating in the genocide [2]. Second, gacaca law highlights apologies welcomed by many as an important ingredient to promote reconciliation. [1] Linfield, Susie, ‘Trading Truth for Justice? Reflections on South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, bostonreview,net, 01 June 2000, http://www.bostonreview.net/world/linfield-south-africa-mandela-truth-reconciliation [2] Graybill, Lyn, and Lanegran, Kimberly, ‘Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Africa:  Issues and Cases’, ufl.edu, Fall 2004, http://asq.africa.ufl.edu/v8/v8i1a1.htm
Fear of prosecutions cause leaders to do more damage

Instead of giving up fighting, leaders continue to fight, disrupting the ability of a country to move on, for fear of prosecution. Pol Pot, for example, rebuilt armies and continued to fight long after his regime was overthrown, killing thousands more people. Had an amnesty been offered, he might well have given up and allowed the country to heal with far less death. Joseph Kony also continues to plague Uganda from within bush land even though he has offered to surrender for amnesty, because the ICC refuses to grant him any indemnity for his crimes [1].  [1] BBC news Africa, ‘LRA leader Joseph Kony 'in surrender talks' with CAR’, bbc.co.uk, 20 November 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25027616
Prosecutions are needed for victims

Victims are often no better off by seeking prosecutions, especially because prosecutions are often hard to make stick in the first place. But moreover, the process often involves victims having to relive their story while being cross examined, which further harms the victim. The continued trauma among genocide survivors in Rwanda is largely due to having to give testimonies in such cases [1]. [1] Redress and African rights, ‘Survivors and post genocide in Rwanda’, redress.org, November 2008, http://www.redress.org/downloads/publications/Rwanda%20Survivors%2031%20Oct%2008.pdf
The only just method

Most often, prosecutions that occur are not just with only the losing side being prosecuted for their crimes. The Nuremburg trials prosecuted Nazi’s for offences they committed, but none of the Allied forces were ever brought for trial; Curtis LeMay who commanded the US Air Force in fire bombings that killed hundreds of thousands of Japanese himself said “I suppose if I had lost the war, I would have been tried as a war criminal.”[1] Prosecutions also focus on a small number of scapegoats, to the exclusion of the majority who showed sympathy for that regime, civilians that marched with the regime, or political supporters. An example of this is the prosecution of the military junta in Argentina in 1984-5 while Peronist supporters (the new government was peronist) were given amnesties under the ‘full stop’ program. It took another 20 years before more – 267 members of the military and police – were convicted.[2] The third reason why these trials may be unjust is that the laws that get created – in order to ensure that no one slips through the cracks – are usually so broad and generalist that they are virtually indefensible and fail to take context of the crimes into account. As such, the laws themselves are often manifestly unjust.[3] [1] ‘General Curtis E. LeMay, (1906-1990)’, PBS, accessed 24/2/2014, http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/bomb/peopleevents/pandeAMEX61.html [2] Layús, Rosario Figari, ‘Better Late than Never: Human Rights Trials in Argentina’, RightsNews, Vol.30, no.3, May 2012, http://www.hrcolumbia.org/rightsnews/may2012/trials_in_argentina [3] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147 http://www.princeton.edu/~bsimpson/Human%20Rights/articles/Osial,%20Why%20Prosecute%20-%20Critics%20of%20Punishment%20for%20Mass%20Atrocity.htm
International prosecution encourages domestic justice

By using international courts, countries do not actually gain skills or dependence within their own systems, but may instead become reliant on that system. However, such an international institution cannot handle all the cases and delays the process of justice; The ICTR have completely finished 47 cases in 20 years [1], a slow operation compared to the Rwandan local courts. The domestic Gacaca system has done much more trying nearly 2million suspects.[2] But this system has been reconciliatory in nature without forensic evidence and cross examination. [1] Will, Ross, ‘Rwanda genocide: Did Bizimungu trial take too long?’, bbc.co.uk, 17 May 2011, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13434232 ‘Status of cases’, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, accessed 24/2/2014, http://www.unictr.org/Cases/tabid/204/Default.aspx [2] Kimenyi, Felly, and Asiimwe, Bosco, ‘Legal experts hail Gacaca’, newtimes.co.rw, 18 June 2012, http://www.newtimes.co.rw/news/index.php?i=15027&a=54925
Deters future offences

Deterrence doesn’t work as people who commit these atrocities usually don’t believe they will be caught, or don’t care. Further, prosecutions can actually cause more offenses in the future, as supporters of those prosecuted seek revenge for the prosecution occurring. We have seen this in Sudan where President Bashir’s indictment by the ICC has done little to halt attacks on civilians in both Darfur and, more recently, South Kordofan [1]. [1] Jennifer, Christian and James, Bair, ‘Why does the world allow Sudan’s Bashir to target civilians?’, globalpost.com, 30 July 2012, http://www.globalpost.com/dispatches/news/regions/africa/sudan-bashir-target-civilians
Peace more important than Justice

This often leads to a scenario where leaders grant themselves immunity, or continue to commit atrocities, in the comfort of knowing that immunity is coming. Those in the CIA who committed what many consider to have been torture were granted immunity by the justice department claiming that it would be unfair to prosecute men and women working to protect America [1]. Such an immunity or amnesty can then be used to close discussions to find the truth and effectively shut of the healing process. [1] Greenwald, Glenn, ‘Obama's justice department grants final immunity to Bush's CIA torturers’, thegurdian.com, 31 August 2012, http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2012/aug/31/obama-justice-department-immunity-bush-cia-torturer
Prosecutions don't get to the real truth

Prosecutions allow an equal chance for both prosecution and defense to show the truth as they believe it with the result that far more facts are brought to life than a process that is reliant only on the individual being ‘truthful’. Moreover an amnesty may not be forever as it is against the norms of international justice so it is unlikely that they will tell the whole truth.[1] Argentina for example has seen the prosecution of those who were given amnesties two decades earlier [2]. [1] Ahmed, Anees and Quayle, Merryn, ‘Can genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes be pardoned or amnestied?’,  sas.ac.uk,  28 January 2008, http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/2563/1/Amicus79_Ahmed%26Quayle.pdf [2] Layús, Rosario Figari, ‘Better Late than Never: Human Rights Trials in Argentina’, RightsNews, Vol.30, no.3, May 2012, http://www.hrcolumbia.org/rightsnews/may2012/trials_in_argentina
Prosecutions are needed for victims

Prosecutions are the only way for victims to see those who caused pain against them brought to justice. The alternative of some kind of reconciliation often leaves those who perpetrated crimes able to retain power as has happened in countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Guatemala[1]. When this happens there is clearly a concern both that these individuals are not being held to account and that they could act in a similar way again if given the opportunity. Under the United Nations Genocide Convention of 1948, victims have a right to see offenders prosecuted[2]. And it is only prosecution that will ensure that such acts cannot occur again so giving peace of mind to victims. [1] Osiel, Mark J. ‘Why Prosecute? Critics of Punishment for Mass Atrocity’ 118 Human Rights Quarterly 147 http://www.princeton.edu/~bsimpson/Human%20Rights/articles/Osial,%20Why%20Prosecute%20-%20Critics%20of%20Punishment%20for%20Mass%20Atrocity.htm [2] Akhavan, Payam, ‘Beyond Impunity: Can International Criminal Justice Prevent Future Atrocities' American Journal of International Law, 95(1), 2001, pp.7-31
Tackling hazardous environments

History and tradition is reflected in the building styles adopted across Africa. Upgrading schemes changing the design of housing styles, are both replacing traditional knowledge and practices, but also potentially eco-friendly designs. Investment in housing by private and public actors is failing to incorporate traditional practices, meaning cities are being built through modernist planning ideals. Slum dwellers need the right to build. Dwellers need to be provided with an enabling environment to use their own capacities to meet their own housing needs[1]. [1] See further readings: Turner, 1978.
Ensuring supply = demand

Slums are not simply an articulation of inadequate supply of, and a hyper-demand for, housing. Alternatively, slums emerge through deterioration, crime, globalisation, and poverty. Therefore provision of housing does not provide the means for all solutions and may themselves again deteriorate into slums. Slums are heterogeneous; therefore their emergence is far from a universal causality. Secondly, it remains debatable as to whether the needs of informal settlement dwellers are met through housing schemes, such as PAHF. In previous cases, such as in South Africa’s NUSP[1], inhabitants have been forced to relocate, causing disruptions to livelihoods. Finally, emphasis needs to be placed on building ‘homes’, not ‘houses’. [1] See further readings: NUSP, 2013.
There are schemes to finance homebuilding

Finance markets being promoted are introducing risk when insurance, and safety-nets, remain minimal. Investments in housing finance schemes needs to raise questions. Firstly, who organises micro-finance schemes? The idea of positive social capital within the community needs reflection; participation in microfinance is not democratic or available to all (see Jones and Dallimore, 2009). Second, the provision of loans, and finance, raises concern over future repayment and whether the housing bubble proposed will remain stable. Employment within the informal sector means income is volatile and unpredictable - can housing payments be adapted to irregular income realities when profits are desired? Incorporating slum dwellers into a financial-market will not remove slums and may simply get the dwellers into debt.
Alternative: Replacing slums by providing opportunities

Slum dwellers in Nairobi are shown to pay high rents for low-quality housing - a reality identified by Gulyani and Talukdar (2009). Estimations show around $31mn USD was paid in the form of rents, by poor slum dwellers in Nairobi in 2004. Nevertheless the high-prices did not lead to the materialisation of improved housing. If a landlord can charge high rents in poor housing stock why should he invest in new buildings? Moreover if not done systematically the slum as a whole will never be brought out of poverty rather the poorest areas will simply move around to where those who have not had opportunities are staying.
Cost-effective planning for ‘Slum Cities’

We live in a planet of slums (Davis, 2006), and slums remain a key, and growing, characteristic of contemporary African cities. Slums articulate the infrastructural deficit across African cities - investments are needed. Slums are a key urban challenge; and need to be tackled, removed, and replaced. “Slums represent the worst of urban poverty and inequality” (Annan, 2003:v). Slums represent an increasing concern. They are often in unstable environments so are at high risk of being affected by climate change which will further increase costs unless effective strategies are implemented today. Providing safe and secure housing provides a means to tackle articulated problems. Planning will organise the structure of housing communities, follow laws to provide adequate toilets for the population, and enable space for service provision - whether hospitals, police, or schools. Investing in housing will help alleviate chaos; and implement ordered planning for ‘Cities Without Slums’[1]. [1] The ‘Cities Without Slums’ Campaign was developed in 1999 by the Cities Alliance; and subsequently included in the MDG.
Upgrading housing: tackling the disease burden

Slum upgrading involves in-situ investment to improve informal settlements; and integrate slums into the city. Two forms of slum upgrading may be classified: the provision of basic services (i.e. housing and sanitation) and the provision of secure land tenure.  The burden of disease is higher in slums due to inadequate sanitation, overcrowding, and a lack of ventilation. Diseases and infections - including diarrhoea, cholera, malaria, TB, and tropical diseases, remain prevalent throughout due to stagnant water and a lack of services. Research indicates higher rates of child and elderly mortality in Nairobi’s slums, in comparison to the rest of the population (Kyobutungi et al, 2008). Improving housing does not just mean building but also ensuring planning standards are followed to create sufficient living space and facilities to reduce the ill-health disadvantage.
Gender empowerment

Slum dwellers, particularly women, are affected by violence and crime. COHRE (2008) indicates women living in slums are at risk of violence and illnesses, such as HIV/AIDS, due to insecurities experienced on a daily basis in personal and private spaces. Figures show that in Nairobi slums 1 latrine is shared amongst 500 people (Cities Alliance, 2013). Fearing to go to the toilet at night due to risk of rape, women’s geographical experience of the city is constrained[1]. Therefore investing in houses, including building indoor toilets, provides empowerment, safety, and prevents gender based violence. [1] See further readings: SDI, 2013.
Tackling hazardous environments

Reports are frequently raised on fire outbreaks and hazards in slums. For example, a fire in Khayelitsha township[1], Cape Town, resulted in five deaths and significant damage. The use of highly flammable materials, in a desire for fast construction, places slum-dwellers prone to risk. National investment in housing, by providing materials, such as bricks, or training on how to build stable house designs, will ensure safety. Haphazard building can be controlled by investing in housing designs and inspections. [1] See further readings: Lobel, 2013.
Ensuring supply = demand

A key issue ensuring the growth of slums is the demand for housing is failing to be met. Investment is required to supply housing. Taking the case of Social Housing programs provided by PAHF (Pan-African Housing Fund) demand is being met by providing affordable houses. 41.5mn US$ has been confirmed by PAHF, of which will be dedicated to fulfil the need for houses. Investments are focusing on urban areas across Sub-Saharan Africa, and are operating through partnerships[1]. If slums are ever to be halted there need to be many more such projects ensuring the supply of houses outstrips demand. [1] See further readings: PHATISA, 2013.
There are schemes to finance homebuilding

Affordability is a key challenge for slum-dwellers to enter the housing sector - challenges range from being able to access capital required to buy property, to the volatile prices in Africa’s property market. Improving housing in slums enables dwellers a choice to exit and move up the property ladder. Different approaches have emerged of how provide a means to access finance and generate property markets. First, housing micro-finance schemes are presenting a flexible means to access credit[1]. Second, cooperative loans, such as Nigeria’s FMBN (Federal Mortgage Bank of Nigeria) are acting to increase homeownership by providing a secondary mortgage market for low-income families and make finance available. The aim is to ensure repayments are equal to rent costs paid. [1] See further readings: Riecke, 2013.
Alternative: Replacing slums by providing opportunities

Slum dwellers need to be granted rights to occupy and security of tenure. Slum-dwellers need to be provided with opportunities to progress - recognised as right-holders, or obtain a greater income. A useful method may involve regulating the informal economy - where a large proportion of slum dwellers work - to provide minimal wages and employment conditions. Such a proposal will enable dwellers to enhance financial capital and reduce vulnerability through labour security. They will then have the money to upgrade their home. Alternatively, establishing a rental market provides an opportunity for replacing slums. A key myth within discussions on the housing problem suggests dwellers want to be homeowners and the rental market remains negative. However, renting enables flexibility to inhabitants and provides an income to landlords. Such funds can be invested within microfinance, community, schemes and individual developments to replace ‘slums’.
Cost-effective planning for ‘Slum Cities’

Are slums really a key challenge? Estimations on the problem of slums may vary depending on which definition is used. Second, the language of the ‘slum’ matters when analysing and applying solutions (Gilbert, 2007; Jones, 2011). The emotions and stigmatic connotations attached to ‘slum’ enables dangerous aesthetic intervention. Working towards a ‘city without slums’ neglects how and why slums have occurred and suggests governments can apply quick solutions to rid the problem. National aims to remove ‘slums’ has forced governments to focus on the physical problem - infrastructure and housing deficits - rather than understanding who lives in slums and solutions are needed for the dwellers. There remains a need to understand slums as a space of African urbanism. Slums will be cyclically reinforced unless aspects of power, poverty, and politics, are considered.