Proposition Summary

We understand that there is a religious mindset that dislikes same-sex marriage. At no point does the proposition tell you, however, that by permitting same-sex marriage we are not permitting people to believe that. We have contended that same-sex marriage has no social ill that spreads to the individual who wish to believe that same-sex marriage is wrong other than perhaps discomfort, and we have established that discomfort at a government policy is not basis enough to reject that government policy. In order for the opposition to make the arguments stand (specifically, their defense of public opinion and recognition of pluralism) as reasons to reject same-sex marriage, rather than just statements about how awesome diverse mindset and majority perceptions are, they would have had to demonstrate that the opinions of those who wish to be married to whichever gender they wish are less valid, in an absolute sense, than the opinions of the people who wish to stop them. Opposition has argued that there is no absolute way to determine how morally right same-sex marriage is. That also means there is no way to determine that it is wrong, either. So, since this debate isn’t about whether or not homosexuality is good or bad, and never has been, what has it truly been about? This debate, first and foremost, has been a “should” debate, not a “can” debate. We have recognized that even as we hold a principle to be universal, its application can be anything but. However, taking a principled stance that something ought to be the case is the first step toward accepting that maybe, when the stars align, when governments come to their senses, when younger segments of the population finally get voting rights, then just maybe things can and will be the case. But “should” as a consideration of a principle always needs to precede “can,” since our ability to do something is not useful to consider until we address if it’s a good idea at all. We have done significant work to establish why same-sex marriage should be legal. When the world finally agrees with us on that issue, then we’ll gladly come back and argue whether or not we can make it legal. Secondly, this debate has been about the identification of the groups impacted by the government’s insistence on keeping same-sex marriage illegal, and the groups who would be affected if that principle were to change. Not only are same-sex couples excluded in societies that choose to keep them outside of the institution of marriage by relegating them to domestic partnerships or civil unions, but the individuals themselves, absent their couple-hood, are impacted. A society that is not inclusive of all of the minority groups keeps them at a status of “less than” the groups which it has let take full advantage of their social and governmental practices. This translates to the reluctance of homosexual individuals to be freely open about who they are, since they live in a society that has implied there ought to be shame in such an abnormal lifestyle. The society tells them that if they were normal, then they would be getting married to someone of the opposite sex, not the unnatural same-sex partner with whom they might wish to make a life. This message from the top down (as opposition so likes to harp on) sends a message, reinforced by the extreme viewpoints who find solace in the fact that the people they look down upon aren’t fully-equal citizens, and ultimately devalues the individuals within society who already have existential crises when addressing the very large question of “what is my sexual orientation?” Next, the impact upon those individuals who made it to the level of being secure in their sexual orientation, found someone else who is also secure in it, and are truly in love and want to make a life with each other find that they cannot do so to the extent that the “normal” heterosexual partners can. We have already established the significant amount of government provisions that are denied to homosexual domestic partners or those who are in civil unions. The only example provided by the opposition of rights being equivalent when comparing civil unions and marriage is in South Africa, where couples have the free choice to select either option, even if they are homosexual. Sure, if both groups have equal access to both institutions, have both of them. But when one group gets access to both (civil unions and marriage), but another group only gets access to one (just the civil union, sorry), we have seen no evidence of legitimate justification for governments essentially segregating access to rights and full-incorporation of minority citizens. Lastly, the impact upon those individuals who oppose same-sex marriage, or homosexuality as a whole. Oh wait, there is no tangible effect legalizing same sex marriage has on them. The opposition seems to have forgotten how they wish to frame their arguments. In one breath, they tell us they have a defense of the status quo in their line of argumentation. In another, they attempt to escape each status quo harm identified by the proposition by suggesting they can establish civil unions to be the mechanism by which homosexuals receive the full rights of government. Tricky, tricky. It would be nice to operate from a world in which we could just make things be the case as well, rather than find a more effective, yet possibly more difficult area of analysis from which to challenge the truth of arguments. But side opposition decided to evade the most damning arguments we have against the status quo by suggesting we should establish civil unions which have the same rights as marriage, which is nearly a concession of the entire side proposition line. The only difference is to not call it “marriage” in itself, which they cannot fundamentally find a reason not to do, since the only problem with calling it “marriage” they can identify is that people who hold religious mindsets against homosexuality will get mad. As was stated, most extensively in the propositions refutation to the opposition’s “pluralism is super awesome and we can’t make laws that violate it, except when killing babies is at stake” argument, we have identified many instances when governments expand access to rights and treat all citizens as equals, even, and perhaps especially, when groups within a society wouldn’t like it very much. The opposition provides nothing but logical inconsistency and their case is rife with trivializations, both of the plight of homosexual individuals and of the right to marry. Their claims that proposition is deceptively making a human rights issue out of same sex marriage, and that homosexual individuals have no legitimate expectation to be allowed to marry is clearly misinformed. Equal rights in marriage is a acknowledged human right a per the U.N. deceleration, and as such homosexual individuals have a legitimate expectation and right in any signatory country towards this. The only tangible harm that has been identified by the opposition is backlash, and yet the only evidence they can provide of it states that “homophobic incidents” have not decreased (which never states they have increased), and that lobbying against homosexuals has increased. When these two potential results of same-sex marriage becoming legal are weighed against the harms that exist in the status quo, they do not translate into great importance. Backlash, while yes, important and worrisome, is less significant than how many rights are denied to homosexuals, how much of a social barrier to coming out homosexuals discern, and how much the government’s status quo position actually reinforces the hate groups which actively work against homosexuals. We have taken a stance, as side proposition, towards equality, towards inclusion, and towards social harmony by the inclusion of minority groups. Fundamentally, even though we are different as people, we are still equal in regards to the relationships we have with our government. This stance might not be put into action by all world governments immediately, but we hold firmly to the idea that if we advocate for equality, we may actually see it materialize, even in unlikely scenarios. It is for these reasons that we beg to propose.