Voter I.D. laws are constitutional and needed

Allow me to make as clear as possible the fundamental content of my argument. Throughout the past three rounds, I have been employing an a fortiori argument against the use of Voter ID laws by criticizing the very foundation upon which their legitimacy rests: the system of nation-states. In other words, by opposing "countries" as such, we can infer that legal subsystems which perpetuate political differentiation and the parsing out of exclusive identities (e.g., the citizen and the immigrant)--that is, systems created under the direction of the nation-state superstructure--are similarly defeated. On this account, then, my objection can perhaps be understood more clearly. I am not merely talking about "identity war" in the sense of Republicans and Democrats, Christians and Muslims, Whites and Blacks. As I indicated in Round 2, these are merely potential predicates which are attached to the natural life situated at the very center of the political order (in the form of declarations of rights or, more accurately, as the immediate bearer of sovereignty in the form of the birth-citizen identity, in terms of what is included in that political order).Otherwise stated: if I'm criticizing the notion of "country", of "citizen", and the related exclusive mechanisms upon which they rely, then you can't use "this is what successful countries do" as a starting point, since that's precisely the sort of political organization that I'm criticizing. You have to step down a level and look at the systemic critique of the nation-state and its inclusion/exclusion operations that I have been advancing for the past three rounds. You have left this project unaddressed in every case, which is why I suspect you have failed to grasp the chain of reasoning I employ to arrive finally at my opposition to Voter ID legislation. I hope in the final treatment of my opposition that you will engage more intimately with my systemic objections; however, I suspect that this is totes not gonna happen. You're clearly very intelligent, though, so I have some optimism that you will find useful my further clarifications.On the empirical case, though: it doesn't seem like you've really answered my methodological objections.1. To the extent to which we suppose that sample of 55,000 individuals to be representative of all illegal immigrants, my math still holds--we still have to remove half of the crimes for being non-violent (since counting illegal immigration as a crime makes it useless to use criminality as a metric for illegal immigrants). You still end up with about 2.25 crimes per illegal when you extrapolate (unless you want to argue that your sample isn't representative, in which case we throw it out anyway), at which point you return to my argument about averages not measuring individual variance in the form of concentration of violent crimes in a minority of individuals.2. Your study isn't really a study. It's a secondhand source with weak citations and a possible agenda, which means you probably default to my plurality of sources which suggest that immigrants aren't generally criminal dead weights bringing down the American Powerhouse. As I pointed out in Round 3, mass undercounting of immigrants means that, if you actually represented the entire population as part of the institutionalization function, you get a substantially larger disparity between natives and immigrants (in favor of the immigrants, no less).Moving back to "TOOK OUR JOBS" (see R3 video), you can't just assume as a fact that what you're arguing is the case, since that's the point in the first place of engaging in discourse--particularly when the numerous sources I provided indicate that A) thinking of them as "our" jobs (i.e., perpetuating the inclusion/exclusion mentality) is to commit a fundamental error; B) undocumented workers actually contribute to growth, creating new demand and new employment through their consumption; C) workers actually do take jobs that Americans tend not to want, primarily in fields that are low-skill and require excruciating physical labor (e.g. strenuous field and farm labor). That less than five individuals signed up for the "Take Our Jobs" initiative advanced by the UFW is testimony enough for that. Even controlling for "bad advertising", you have to admit... That's three people. In a labor market with millions of low-skill unemployed. Like I said, a great way of articulating my streams of analysis can be found here [http://www.beacon.org...]. Also, on top of that, you can't really blame undocumented workers for being willing to work for lower wages--if anything, you would want to blame A) minimum wage laws, for forbidding American workers from competing fairly with immigrants not bound by those laws, and B) American workers who, if given the chance, would feel some bizarre sense of entitlement to a "proper wage", which could certainly cause them to lose out to people willing to work not only harder, but more cheaply (and in such a way that it's still preferable to living conditions back home).So, no, it's not that I "never refuted" that other countries don't allow immigrant voters; I explicitly stated, in multiple rounds, that you can't refer to what "other countries do" as a model of behavior when it's the notion of countries as such to which I am objecting. Nation-states and their identity mechanisms, their partitioning, their exclusion operations, are a no go. So, that which strengthens and cements that kind of organization, if you flow down, is equally a no go.Also, you completely missed when I took down your "they should just immigrate legally" argument in Round 3, so I think we both know that's out.Hence why the case of the refugee is so useful in examining the plight of the illegal immigrant (and perhaps the "citizen" as well). In the grey area between inclusion and exclusion is the territory of the refugee, the representative par excellence of those who can neither be expelled through repatriation or deportation, but who are nevertheless either unable or unwilling to be assimilated through naturalization. This is the territory also of the illegal immigrant, as we have seen. In the zone between deportation and assimilation, the only option remaining for Pro is to consign immigrants to immediate criminality. Being non-citizens, but desiring nevertheless to coexist, these individuals--like the mass movements of refugees produced by some or other political crisis--threaten the trinity of birth-territory-state upon which the nation-state founds itself. Representing this immigrant class as a threat which cannot be dismissed through the usual channels, criminalization is the only route which remains. While I would suggest that the citizen also take this zone as its place of residence (shedding in the process the inclusive/exclusive title of "citizen"), this is an altogether different discussion. For the purposes of this topic, it is sufficient to conclude that Voter ID laws, in line with the other products of the inclusion/exclusion operations of the nation-state, are in no sense necessary in light of my critique, which extricates itself from those political categories from which Pro appears unable to escape.I am anxious to see whether Pro engages my fundamental thesis more closely in Round 5. Running short on characters, I'll stop here and, waiting with bated breath, hand control back to my colleague.