BeIR/webis-touche2020 huggingface dataset:
Reversing de-facto sovereignty would be an affront to those who suffered from ethnic cleansing

The NATO action in Kosovo was justified as a humanitarian intervention to prevent the oppression and murder of Kosovo-Albanians. It makes a mockery of that action and the liberal-internationalist, humanitarian rhetoric that underpinned it, to then deny these over a million people the right to determine their own future free from outside interference. Tony Blair for example stated “We cannot let the evil of ethnic cleansing stand. We must not rest until it is reversed.”[1] If they should then choose to seek EU membership, then that is their right and a clear opportunity for them to gain greater prosperity outside Serbia. Kosovar Albanians have suffered much over the last decade at the hands of Serbia. It is offensive to suggest that they must submit to any arrangement that preserves Serbian sovereignty over Kosovo. Serbia/Yugoslavia forfeited whatever right it had to govern Kosovo when it systematically discriminated against Kosovo-Albanians. It is also in Serbia’s own interests to put its own bloody past behind it and make a clean break in the interests of improving its economic and diplomatic relationships with its neighbours, and in seeking foreign aid and perhaps one day EU membership. [1] Blair, Tony, ‘Prime Minister’s speech: Doctrine of the International community at the Economic Club, Chicago’, 24 April 1999, http://keeptonyblairforpm.wordpress.com/blair-speech-transcripts-from-19...
The popular sovereignty of the Kosovan people must take precedence over other considerations

The present fact of a distinct, Kosovo-Albanian people living in Kosovo must take precedence over any traditional, religious or historical claim to Serbian sovereignty over that land. It is certainly true that Kosovo is historically and culturally important to Serbia. It has a particular significance for the Orthodox faith. However, consider the following analogy. Great Britain is, officially, a Christian country. This fact gives the British no valid territorial claim to sovereignty over Bethlehem (the literal birth-place of Christianity), particularly when there are people already living in the area. Historico-religious, traditional associations with a place can never override the rights of an indigenous population to remain in possession of its land and sovereignty. There are clear, historical precedents for granting Kosovo independence. These precedents can be seen regionally in the post-communist independence of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia, as well as of the Baltic Republics. Globally, one can see precedents in the struggle of African countries for independence from European colonial rule. The relative proximity of Serbia to Kosovo in no way makes the situation dissimilar to the struggles of India against British rule - the British would not be content to be ruled by France just because the two countries are neighbours.
An independent Kosovo is not a viable state

An independent Kosovo would be too small for it to be a viable state. It is one of the poorest regions in Yugoslavia, with a per capita GDP of only $2750,[1] and needs to be a part of a larger state for it to benefit from the development subsidies, economies of scale and labour movement rights that are offered by membership of a larger state. The creation of an independent sovereign state would entail the introduction of destructive tariffs and other bureaucratic obstacles to the regeneration of the region, which must be the first priority. The avid desire of Slovenia and other former communist countries to join the political and economic project of the European Union is a clear indication of the way that Balkan people should be directed. [1] Background Note: Kosovo, http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/100931.htm
Now is not the appropriate time

There are still widely reported incidents between Kosovo-Albanians and Serbs.[1] Mafia-style gangs dominate the area,[2] many associated with the KLA paramilitaries who struggled against Serbia, and are involved in international crimes such as drug and people trafficking. Moreover, there was an effective Serb boycott of recent elections in Kosovo. The region has clearly not yet healed its wounds and to put even more strain on the already tense relations between the two communities is simply not advisable. In Serb-dominated North Kosovo, schools utilities and municipalities are integrated into Serbia’s system, not Kosovo’s.  [1] Potok, Zubin, ‘NATO soldiers wounded by gunfire in Kosovo clash’, Reuters, 28 November 2011, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/11/28/us-kosovo-violence-idUSTRE7AR2... [2] Lewis, Paul, ‘Kosovo PM is head of human organ and arms ring, Council of Europe reports’, guardian.co.uk, 14 December 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/dec/14/kosovo-prime-minister-llike-...
The UN charter is against it.

Article 2 of the UN charter requires all member states to ‘refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state’.  Security Council Resolution 1244 (1999), which authorised the deployment of an international force to Kosovo to manage security and governance, explicitly affirmed the commitment of all Member States to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (the name for the Union of Serbia and Montenegro which ended in 2006) and the other States to that region.[1] Recognition of an independent Kosovo is a violation of the territorial integrity of Serbia and thus a violation of the rights of the Serbian state. [1]UN Security Council Resolution 1244  http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N99/172/89/PDF/N9917289.pdf?OpenElement
It will be bad for regional stability

Not only will a move toward independence be bad news for the Serb minority population and for regional relations in general. Some areas of northern Kosovo are ethnically Serb, while parts of southern Serbia have an Albanian population, so the border is likely to be in dispute. It will also increase tensions in neighbouring Macedonia. There is a large, Albanian minority in the north of Macedonia. In the aftermath of NATO intervention in Kosovo separatists attempted to put the cause of independence from Macedonia on the map. The Macedonian government is not willing to cede any of its territory and any resurgence in separatist terrorism - which would be the inevitable consequence of independence for Kosovo - would lead to bloody conflict in that region.[1] Not only Serbia but also Macedonia and Greece fear a struggle for a Greater Albania. Thus, in the interests of preserving peace and preventing loss of life, we should postpone the settlement of the question of sovereignty until tensions between the different communities subside. [1] Karon, Tony, ‘Why Macedonia Has NATO Worried’, TimeWorld, 12 March 2001, http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,102146,00.html
The people of Kosovo are distinct from their neighbours

An ethnic or religious difference from the rulers of one’s country is not a sufficient condition to necessitate independence. It is perfectly possible for example to be a Muslim in a predominantly Christian country, or someone of Irish heritage living in England, without calling for a separate "state within a state". Not just any minority group deserves to have its call for sovereign independence recognised. There have to be additional and better reasons, other than a simple difference in ethnicity or cultural heritage if a people are to ground a valid claim for sovereign independence.
Self-determination is a human right

Under international law there are only two instances where secession is possible; in the case of foreign occupation and as a result of decolonisation.  The third category espoused by the proposition is disputed and naturally leads to absurd consequences: how small a group of people on how small a plot of land can unilaterally declare independence? Moreover, the Kosovan claim for independence is not clear-cut. The population ratio of Kosovo-Albanian to Serb inhabitants of Kosovo is constantly in flux. In addition, the current ratio has far fewer Serbs because of enforced or fear-driven flight from the region after NATO intervention gave Kosovo-Albanians the upper hand in the region. In 1971 Serbs were 18.4% of the population.[1] The Kosovo-Albanians have suffered undeniably over the last decade. However, that should not lead us to ignore the very genuine historical significance of Kosovo to Serbia, particularly to the Orthodox faith. There is a historical tradition of both Serbs and Kosovo-Albanians inhabiting Kosovo. To effect a change in the sovereignty over a region on the basis of a temporary population ratio is to ignore the complexity of the issues that surround this territory. [1] Howe, Marvine, ‘Exodus of Serbians stirs province in Yugoslavia’, The New York Times, 12 July 1982, http://www.srpska-mreza.com/kosovo/serbian-exudos-nyt-7-82.html
The popular sovereignty of the Kosovan people must take precedence over other considerations

Britain does though claim sovereignty over far away locations such as the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar.  The controversy of those claims is not mitigated that they are populated by ethnic Britons who immigrated on assumption of British control. Ethnic nationalism has a very bad history, both around the world and in the Balkans in particular. Out of the nineteenth century explosion in popularity of nationalistic ideologies grew the bitter tensions and wars of the twentieth century. The last thing that we should be doing is promoting a continuation and an extension of this divisive and destructive way of perceiving the world. Ultimately, an independent state would be created just because it was believed that there is too much bad blood between the Serbs and Kosovo-Albanians for them to live in harmony. To create an ethnically exclusive state because of animosity with another ethnic group is not a solution; it is a recipe for disaster.
An independent Kosovo is not a viable state

In the last decade Kosovo has leveraged remittances and direct investment from the Kosovar diaspora to achieve robust growth.  It has also made significant progress in developing key social and economic institutions necessary for a viable state.  In adopting the Euro as legal tender it has gained a strong financial anchor. Kosovo also benefits from low public debt and a strategic cash reserve.[1] It is also wrong to argue that Kosovo would be unviable because of its size as Kosovo has a population considerably larger than many independent states in Europe today (eg Iceland, Malta, Cyprus, Estonia). [1] IMF ‘Republic of Kosovo: Concluding Statement of the 2011 Article IV Consultation Mission’. May 30 2011. http://www.imf.org/external/np/ms/2011/060111.htm
The UN charter is against it.

This argument depends upon how one defines the ‘territorial integrity’ of a state in Article 2.  Certainly it would not be legitimate for a state to simply declare based on an old treaty or historic claim that its territory encompassed that of a neighbour and to invade, therefore the requirement to respect territorial integrity must only refer to de facto integrity.  Given that Serbia has no actual control over the territory of Kosovo it is not a violation of the rights of the Serbian state to recognise it as an independent nation.
It will be bad for regional stability

Whilst the ideal of Serb and Kosovar living in harmony is an honourable one, the international community should not waste energy trying to engineer such a society when both sides appear committed to exclusive, nation-state models which involve the political and social hegemony of one group over the other. Multicultural toleration is a fine liberal, democratic ideal but it does not fit every empirical reality. The tensions are too great to make such a system work.
Convictions by the ICC show international justice in action

There has been some justice for past crimes. The former warlord Thomas Lubanga[1] and warlord and politician Jean-Pierre Bemba[2] have both been put on trial in the Hague for war crimes. Lubanga was found guilty of using child soldiers and given a 14 year sentence.[3] Additionally rebel General Laurent Nkunda has also been arrested in neighbouring Rwanda although there have as yet been no charges against him[4] the government of the DRC wishes to extradite him. showing that accountability is being introduced and providing a warning for current militia leaders. [1] ‘Trial Reports: Lubanga Trial’, http://internationaljustice.idebate.org/osf-trial-reports/lubanga-trial [2] ‘Trial Reports: Bemba Trial’, http://internationaljustice.idebate.org/osf-trial-reports/bemba-trial [3] Wakabi, Wairagala, ‘Lubanga Given 14-Year Jail Sentence’, the Lubanga Trial, 10 July 2012, http://www.lubangatrial.org/2012/07/10/lubanga-given-14-year-jail-sentence/ [4] Nienaber, Georgianne, ‘What Happened to Congolese General Laurent Nkunda?’, Huffington Post, 20 January 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/georgianne-nienaber/what-happened-to-congoles_b_1214372.html
Peace may finally be at hand

With the Ceasefire Agreement of Lusaka in July 1999 the so-called "Africa's World War" ended. Foreign occupiers (Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Zimbabwe…) officially removed their troops from the territory under the sovereignty of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). MONUSCO has been involved in the process of peace-building ever since the Lusaka Agreement. The agreement ended the international element of the fighting leaving just conflicts with rebel militias. This too is now close to being finished. In November a peace deal was signed between the government and M23 in Kenya as a result of aggressive UN action.[1] With a deal struck with the biggest remaining rebel group DRC is close to permanent peace. [1] ‘DR Congo government 'signs deal with M23 in Kenya'’, BBC News, 12 December 2013, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-25357821
An ongoing humanitarian crisis

Although gradually improving the humanitarian situation in the DRC remains critical. Congo is lacking hospitals, access to safe water and adequate sanitary facilities. Life expectancy remains low at the age of 50.6 for women and 47.3 for men, and child mortality is 109.5 per 1000 births[1]. The country is constantly facing different epidemics; measles and even plague,[2] with HIV/AIDS a major threat. The humanitarian situation is unlikely to improve quickly when the DRC is not fully at peace. Even when this does occur DRC will still be one of the poorest countries in the world with little infrastructure. [1] United Nations Statistics Division, ‘Democratic Republic of the Congo’, World Statistics Pocketbook, http://data.un.org/CountryProfile.aspx?crName=Democratic%20Republic%20of%20the%20Congo accessed 5 January 2014 [2] Piarroux, R. et al., ‘Plague Epidemics and Lice, Democratic Republic of the Congo’, letter Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol.19 No.3, March 2013, http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/eid/article/19/3/12-1542_article.htm
Resources still flow out of the country

There is considerable evidence of a continuation of criminality linked to exploitation, including fraud, smuggling, counterfeit money, extortion, and tax evasion. Many natural riches are flown directly out of the country without being taxed – or worse being taxed by rebel groups. FRPI for example collects a tax of 3-5g per week from mines within their control. It is estimated by the UN that $383-409million worth of gold was smuggled out of the country in 2013.[1] Reports indicate that criminal networks with political links transport and sell ‘unofficial’ quantities of minerals and other forms of wealth – such as ivory as a result of poaching, in return for arms. Child and slave labour is still being used – it has been estimated that in small mines up to 40% of the miners are children.[2] [1] Alusala, Nelson et al., ‘Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo’, United Nations Security Council, S/2014/42, 23 January 2014, http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/2014/42, pp.36, 37, 42, 46 [2] ‘Child Miners Speak’, WorldVision, May 2013, http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Child%20Miners%20Speak%20_English%20report.pdf, p.10
The government is not in control

The government is a place of constant ethnic frictions that impede the performance of its duties.[1] Corruption is rife; the world bank gives DRC a control of corruption rate of only 5%.[2] But the biggest problem is that the government can’t exercise control over the country. The vastness of Congo, and its lack of any roads or rail links between population centers, ensures this is the case. People have no trust in the democratic structures and display no national feeling. Instead loyalties are to the more than 200 ethnic groups. Some of which are shared with neighbouring countries – which are geographically closer so loyalties lie more with those countries than the DRC government. This is also a problem with other resources such as tin.[3] The UN has been able to do little to prevent government corruption, or to encourage greater national feeling. [1] ‘Annan disquieted by rising factionalism in DR of Congo Government’, UN News Centre, 30 March 2004, http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=10263&Cr=democratic&Cr1=congo [2] Worldwide Governance Indicators, ‘Country Data Report for Congo, Dem. Rep., 1996-2012’, The World Bank, http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi/index.aspx#countryReports [3] Herbst, Jeffrey, and Mills, Greg, ‘DRC: The only way to help Congo is to stop pretending it exists’, Congo DRC News, 26 July 2013, http://congodrcnews.com/?p=2876
Allegations of misconduct by peacekeepers

UN troops have sometimes perpetrated violence themselves. 63 soldiers were expelled in 2005 from the mission due to being involved in abuses. In 2008 100 Indian blue helmets were accused of paying for sex with underage girls. The allegations have continued with a reported attack and gang rape of a 15 year old in February 2011.[1] Moreover the effort to professionalise the Congolese army has also had little impact; the 391st Commando Battalion trained by US special forces has been accused of taking part in the rape of 97 women and 33 girls in November 2012.[2] If even those meant to keep the peace are perpetrating violence the mission has to be considered a failure. [1] Caplan, Gerald, ‘Peacekeepers gone wild: How much more abuse will the UN ignore in Congo?’, The Globe and Mail, 3 August 2012, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/second-reading/peacekeepers-gone-wild-how-much-more-abuse-will-the-un-ignore-in-congo/article4462151/ [2] Whitlock, Craig, ‘U.S.-trained Congolese troops committed rapes and other atrocities, U.N. says’, Washington Post, 14 May 2013, http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/us-trained-congolese-troops-committed-rapes-and-other-atrocities-un-says/2013/05/13/9781dd88-bbfe-11e2-a31d-a41b2414d001_story.html
Elections have been a success

Elections do not show the UN is moving Congo towards becoming a functioning democracy. In 2011 President Kabila has changed the election system to strengthen his own chances of re-election. The elections were hardly free and fair; the AU election monitors have every incentive to praise the elections but even they noted violence occurring. The US state department said “we believe that the management and technical execution of these elections were seriously flawed, lacked transparency and did not measure up to the democratic gains we have seen in recent African elections.”[1] The Carter Center found “multiple locations… reported impossibly high rates of 99 to 100 percent voter turnout with all, or nearly all, votes going to incumbent President Joseph Kabila.”[2] Worse the elections were marred by violence with at least 18 people killed in the run up to the vote.[3] [1] Nuland, Victoria, ‘State Department on Results of Presidential Election in DRC’, US State Department, 14 December 2011, http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/texttrans/2011/12/20111214164808su0.76815.html [2] ‘Carter Center: DRC Presidential Election Results Lack Credibility’, The Carter Center, 10 December 2011, http://www.cartercenter.org/news/pr/drc-121011.html [3] Callimachi, Rukmini, ‘Congo Elections 2011: Violence Kills At Least 18 People’, Huffington Post, 2 December 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/12/02/congo-elections-2011-violence_n_1125142.html
There has been disarmament and demobilisation

Not all rebels have disarmed; the FDLR group has said it will disarm but has not done so.[1] The disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme faces coordination and financial problems. There is a security threat from volatile border regions that might reverse the whole DDR effort as militias and military units struggle for control over resources and terrorise the local population. MONUSCO can't protect the repatriated civilians, which may mean any demobilisation is only temporary. If violence flares then so will guns be taken up once more. [1] Mvano, Chrispin, ‘U.N. Congo peacekeepers question Rwandan rebel disarmament claim’, Reuters, 4 February 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/04/us-congo-democratic-rwanda-idUSBREA130UR20140204
Peace may finally be at hand

As recently as January 2014 the United Nations Security Council noted in a resolution “that the situation in the DRC continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security”.[1] In the border regions of Ituri and Kivu armed fighting still goes on despite the supposed defeat pf M23. In December 2013 the bodies of 21 slaughtered civilians were found with the finger of blame pointing at the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU) and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) showing that the fight is not yet fully won; there are still groups fighting.[2] [1] ‘Resolution 2136 (2014)’, United Nations Security Council, 30 January 2014, http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2136.pdf [2] UN News Service, ‘Congo-Kinshasa: UN Boosts Attack Force in East After Gruesome Massacre of Civilians’, allAfrica, 16 December 2013, http://allafrica.com/stories/201312170071.html
An ongoing humanitarian crisis

MONUSCO is working on improving the humanitarian situation in the DRC. They deliver humanitarian help and medical equipment. For example the peacekeepers regularly build health clinics.[1] Quick impact programmes are specially meant to address humanitarian issues and work with the population affected. Without the work of the UN, the desperate situation of the Congolese people would be even worse. [1] ‘MONUSCO Builds and Equips a Medical Clinic in Mahagi, Ituri District, Oriental Province’, MONUSCO, 12 September 2013, http://monusco.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?ctl=Details&tabid=10662&mid=14594&ItemID=20152
Resources still flow out of the country

The recorded economy of the DRC and its real GDP are showing signs of growth. The UN Panel of Experts has finally provided detailed information about the involvement of a range of African, European and North American businesses in illegal or illicit exploitation of natural resources in the DRC. Sanctions have been implemented to help stop these practices.[1] With the support of the UN, measures have been implemented intended to increase the control of the ministry of finance over state expenditure, and new statutes have strengthened the independence of the Central Bank. [1] ‘Resolution 2136 (2014)’, United Nations Security Council, 30 January 2014, http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_res_2136.pdf