[en] In 2008 Mary Beard published: "Pompeii: the life of a Roman town". The book begins by narrating the escape during the eruption of Vesuvius of a group of fifteen fugitives who ventured to leave through one of the gates to the east of the city, namely Porta Nola. Beard gives a detailed account of the desperate flight, the objects that accompanied the unfortunate Pompeians and how they finally perished in the funerary area just outside the city. Beard also lucidly describes the funerary monument of Aeschilia Pola and the tomb of Marcus Obellius Firmus, its inscription and the amusing graffiti scrawled on its walls. For us, reading those first five pages was a revelatory event and the beginning of the research that we present in this volume. Our scientific and sentimental relationship with Pompeii began in 2004, with our participation in the excavation project at Casa de Ariadna, coordinated by the Municipal Research Service of Valencia and the University of Innsbruck. This allowed us to become aware of the immense source of knowledge that Pompeii represented. However, it was during our participation from 2006 to 2008 in the excavations of the necropolis of Porta Nocera, organised by the École Françoise de Rome3, that we discovered the potential of the funerary areas of Pompeii to create new knowledge on the Roman archaeology of death, funerary and mortuary archaeology. That was also the moment where we acquired an important methodological basis to be able to satisfactorily document and interpret the Pompeian funerary contexts. For this reason, when the Porta Nocera necropolis project came to a halt in 2009, we considered it a great loss for Pompeii as an ideal centre for archaeological research. Therefore, it was necessary to continue investigating the funerary areas of the city, following the path opened by the Porta Nocera project. At that time, after reading those first pages of Beard's book, and then going into the study of Porta Nola, we were already convinced that it was an optimal funerary area for the study and interpretation of the archaeological testimonies that reveal how the inhabitants of Pompeii died, lived and faced their transcendental and dramatic moment of death. Indeed, Pompeii was one of many Roman cities situated in a strategic coastal location. What makes Pompeii special and unique is its extraordinary state of preservation, caused by a natural disaster, the tragic and shocking eruption of the volcano Vesuvius. Such event preserved the place and its daily life frozen in time, captured on the 24th October 79 c.e. Pompeii has evoked intense emotions since its discovery in 1748 and it has always been a reference for artists, writers and intellectuals until today, when it continues to be a place of maximum interest for millions of people. This exceptional state of preservation makes Pompeii an inexhaustible source of knowledge and an ideal place for research for archaeologists, scientists and scholars of classical culture and other disciplines, such as volcanology or bioanthropology. If we specialists in funerary archaeology and the archaeology of death often consider ourselves fortunate, since tombs are usually closed contexts, where all the elements are intentionally found in their original place, Pompeii is, to a large extent, a large closed complex of 66 hectares. Pompeii undoubtedly offers a privileged field of study, where we find monuments, inscriptions, structures, enclosures, funerary areas and very well preserved material and biological remains. All of this puts us in the best possible position to unravel funerary gestures and rituals, liturgies and ideologies in the face of the transcendental event of death and its survival in the memory of the living. Furthermore, in Roman culture in particular, death is an identity phenomenon and a social condition that also allows us to unveil the world of the living, their daily lives, their beliefs, aspirations and misfortunes. However, all that glitters is not gold. Our work and most of the research being carried out in Pompeii today consists of re-excavating, re-studying and re-interpreting ancient archaeological interventions carried out between the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. These interventions used means and methods, had objectives and obtained results that are very different from those that characterize archaeology today, just as today's interventions will be very different from those of the future. Some of these ancient excavations had the sole aim of unearthing monumental structures and recovering sumptuous materials. Some of them were published with sketches, drawings and detailed descriptions. However, they concentrate on the noble elements, architecture, sculpture, paintings and funerary inscriptions, but the lack of comprehensive stratigraphic and spatial documentation is remarkable. Even more so is an overall analysis of each and every one of the related pieces within the archaeological context. It is therefore no easy task to reconstruct the scenario, to restore the elements in their context and to connect them with the new elements that come to light by applying an interdisciplinary method that allows us to reach the most objective interpretation possible of each of the actions that took place, in our case, in the areas of Porta Nola and Porta Sarno. Suffice it to mention the arduous task of deciphering and transcribing the excavation diaries from 1895 to 1959 in order to be able to retrieve some notes. Approximately two hundred tombs and funerary monuments have been excavated at Pompeii over the last two hundred and fifty years. The vast majority of the unearthed tombs are considered monumental and belonged to the most influent members of the Pompeian community and, by extension of Roman society. However, it is essential to investigate the tombs of all members of society, even the poorest, as they all face the fateful event of death and must go through it by means of funerals, burials, mourning and commemoration of the deceased with the means at their disposal. These gestures and rituals make them members of a hierarchical society in which status was of fateful in the conditions of life and death of individuals. However, the ways and means of the lower classes are usually less evident and therefore often make them invisible in the archaeological record. At first glance, the necropolis of Porta Nola seems to be a small and isolated burial area, especially if we compare it with the necropolises of Porta Ercolano or Porta Nocera. However, unlike the previous ones, this burial area offers an extraordinary possibility of investigating, through funerary practices and bioanthropological analysis, the identities belonging to very different social classes, from prominent figures such as Marcus Obellius Firmus, to Praetorian soldiers who died in the line of duty, and even members of the lower classes of the community buried next to the wall. In addition, the bodies of 15 Pompeian men and women who perished trying to flee the city during the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 e.c. were found next to the tomb of Obellius Firmus. These individuals were preserved in plaster casts using the technique devised by Giuseppe Fiorelli. His study allowed us to learn from anthropological and archaeological data what their last moments were like and how these and other victims of Pompeii died, which will be dealt with in chapter ten. Therefore, the necropolis of Porta Nola is an ideal place to find out what the population of Pompeii was like and, consequently, the people who lived in the Roman Imperial period. Through interdisciplinary research, the funerary area of Porta Nola offers the incomparable possibility to obtain a better knowledge of the Pompeian population, their physical and social characteristics, habits and customs. Also, we can learn, how they lived and died and how they faced the transcendental moment of death, both in their daily lives and in the catastrophic moment of the eruption of Vesuvius. For our research to encompass a complete documentation that would allow an objective understanding and interpretation of the data obtained, it is essential to follow a multidisciplinary approach. Thus, it is necessary to observe an exhaustive and precise recording the sequence of the original stratigraphic-temporal disposition of each of the elements, sediments, structures, materials and objects. Equally important is the consideration of the actions related to them, constructions, visits, transfers, abandonments and destruction. Especially in Roman culture, the archaeology of death implies recognizing a precise and intentional (intentional does not necessarily mean ritual) organisation of everything that surrounds death. Management of death is also an element of social definition and identity, a faithful reflection of the status of the living, since both the biological and cultural dimensions continue beyond death. The remains and traces left by death allow us to analyze not only the attitudes and feelings towards the afterlife, but also the culture, social system and ideology of the population. For this reason, the archaeology of death is currently one of the most relevant fields of study in research. There is only one inexorable certainty common to all civilisations and cultures, the certainty of death. The death of our loved ones and our own death. To endure the emotional suffering involved in death, human beings have developed different strategies to help them cope with the irreversible loss of those around us and the transition to the unknown at the end of our lives. These practices are aimed at enabling those who survive the deceased to get over the pain of final separation. The goal is to overcome what seems unbearable to us, such as the idea that the bodies of our loved ones are destined to decompose and disappear forever. Death is therefore a dramatic moment that not only implies the end of an individual's biological life and the grief of the community of the living for the loss, but also defines the rules of socialization between the people who form part of a group and establishes systems of social organization for the whole community. The archaeology of death aims to reconstruct the events experienced by past populations in the face of death, focusing on human remains, and analyzing the treatment and taphonomy of the corpse. The deceased is the raison d'être of a tomb and is therefore the central element for which, and in function of which the gestures that funerary archaeology aims to reconstruct are carried out. The methodological choice of field anthropology, and of the archaeology of death, is simply to place the deceased in their rightful place as the protagonist of the burial. This does not mean underestimating the importance of the other elements related to the deceased, such as the architecture of the tomb or the funerary deposit, the social dimension of which is directly linked to funerary ideology and symbolism and which also usually provide fundamental information about the deceased and the grave. To understand a burial is to take into account, first of all, that the deceased was a corpse before being a skeleton. Taphonomy studies everything related to the treatment of the corpse and its transformation, transport, conservation, etc. Taphonomy is, in short, the history and moments through which human remains have passed until they end in our hands. Activities related to death are divided into funerary activities and mortuary activities. The former are related to the treatment of the body after death, involving cremation, burial, shrouding, embalming and mummification. Funerary actions are also linked to the rites and gestures of separation and the fulfilment of the responsibilities of the living to ensure the transit of souls to the world of the dead and the re-establishment of normality in the world of the living. In contrast, mortuary actions are associated with respect and commemoration of the deceased, with mourning, and immortality in memory. To develop these activities, funerary areas and tombs are created. These are places to honour and remember the deceased and to maintain a bond over an extended period of time. Both actions are expressed through symbolic, religious and ideological gestures and rituals in both the private and public sphere. With regard to the moment of the funeral, the analysis of the human remains, the treatment of the corpse, the cremation, the selection and collection on the pyre and its deposition in the cinerary urn in the definitive place of the grave are crucial. All this takes place on the day of burial. The nature of the remains and traces left by death, animal remains as offerings or consumed at feasts, ointments for perfumed oils, containers for liquids such as wine or milk, skylights, coins, human bones or charred plant remains are often testimonies of momentary actions. Therefore, their recording and identification must be precise in order to identify whether they are part of the funeral or part of the subsequent commemorations. The complete graphic and topographic representation of each of the elements found in the funerary area and the systematic recording in situ is essential for recognising, reconstructing and interpreting the funerary and commemorative actions. Likewise, the extensive collection of all the elements and materials for their subsequent analytical study was also imperative, thus all the excavated sediments were sieved. The excellent preservation of the remains of Pompeii allows for a comprehensive analysis of death based on the data available on the history of the necropolis and its occupants as well as on the remains of the corpse and the objects used during the ceremonies. The aim is to identify all the practices and rituals (funus) performed by the living in order to finally place the remains of the deceased in a grave (funerary archaeology). Also, the aim is to determine the rituals and gestures performed by the living for themselves, for their physical and symbolic separation from the dead, to fulfil their responsibilities and duties as members of the family (pietas) and to preserve the memory of the deceased (mortuary archaeology). For a long time, our knowledge of the funeral rite has been based mainly on literary and iconographic sources that evoke the moment of funerals in Roman culture. In recent years, funerary archaeology has become the subject of extensive multidisciplinary research that allows us to enrich and diversify the interpretation of the different practices and gestures performed around the deceased. In fact, archaeology in itself only gives us a partial picture of the rituals of the past and their interpretation is only possible through knowledge of the various stages of the funerary and mortuary process. Graves are the main places where the funeral and the commemoration materialize, both being part of a set of rites during which the living are in contact with death. From the analysis of burial sites we can learn about religious, economic, social or artistic matters, but the analysis of burial sites always involves the analysis of symbolic actions. Archaeology helps to shed light on the material remains resulting from the practices of separation from the world of the living, cremation and commemorative feasts. The expression of the different funerary practices revealed by our archaeological excavations shows a diversity of gestures, although they all stem from a common tradition. It must be borne in mind that over time, all the rites may have undergone variations, and cannot be generalised to the whole Roman Empire. However, one overriding aspect remains: burying the dead according to public rules to get rid of the symbolic contamination associated with death8. One of the main objectives of the research in the funerary area of Porta Nola is to analyse the cremated human remains in order to obtain biological information about the population. However, these analyses are part of a complete study of the necropolis, including an in-depth study of the human and non-human remains in the necropolis and of materials such as symbolic objects, as well as traces of ritual activities. The detailed study and analysis of the human remains allows us to gather previously unknown information on the life, death and rituals of the Pompeian population. The death of an individual initiated a period called família funesta, which excluded the family from specific activities, such as business and marriage, as well as official matters. Death had created a physical and spiritual contamination around the deceased, the living and the household. All subsequent rituals (funus) attempted to remove the contamination through symbolic gestures and the burial of the deceased. This process generally lasted a total of nine days, including the funeral vigil (prothesis), the procession to the grave and the cremation in a burial bed (lectus funebris), which included, offerings such as coins, ointments, food and animal sacrifices. Some subsequent events also took place, such as the first funeral feast (silicernium) and the successive commemorative feasts involving the return of the living to the grave and the supper with the deceased in their tomb (Parentalia, Rosalia, etc.). Research at the necropolis of Porta Nola places particular emphasis on the actions undertaken before, during and after cremation. We are able to reconstruct these facts thanks to the existing remains. The funerary and commemorative practices in the cremation ritual can be divided into three stages: pre- cremation, peri-cremation and post-cremation. The gestures and rites prior to cremation are probably the most difficult to detect and record. Lamentations, the preparation of the body, the washing and purification of the deceased, the funeral bed, the procession and pomp, the eulogies and prayers, all these events rarely leave a trace in the archaeological record. We are fortunate if we find objects that form part of these acts, such as a combing needle (acus crinalis). In addition to identifying the female sex of the deceased, this needle indicates that the woman was carefully combed and groomed. The more than 4,000 fragments of finely worked bone pervading the magnificent funerary beds found in the tomb of Obellius Firmus (550 fragments) and in the urns outside its enclosure (2,000 fragments) and in the ritual pits (1,500 fragments), indicate that the deceased were cremated in their funerary bed, built specifically to expose the deceased, transport them and deposit them on the funeral pyre. They also provide a great amount of valuable information on the artistic and decorative expression, iconography and Roman craftsmanship regarding these very particular and difficult to find movable elements in archaeological contexts. The peri-crematory practices and rituals are those that take place in the presence of the funeral pyre: choice of fuel (wood), offerings on the pyre burnt with the deceased, coins, animal and vegetable remains, ointments, fruits, food, lanterns, flowers, plants, herbs, resins and aromatic oils. Also items and materials deposited near the pyre and related to the funeral feast are part of the ceremony. First of all, we must interpret all fire-affected objects and materials in the same way as human bones in cremation practices. Charred remnants of rogus wood are found in the urns. The contribution of anthracology to the study of charred plant remains is essential. The choice of fuel is crucial to achieve high temperatures over a long period of time. But in addition to achieving good combustion, burnt plant remains contribute to the funeral, releasing smoke and scent. Preliminary analysis of the coals indicates that most of the taxa are conifers. The remains of the animals sacrificed in honour of the deceased were placed on the bonfire and had to be pure. The fat was removed and smeared on the body of the deceased, from head to toe, also mixed with perfumed oils, to inflame and consume the body more easily. Food was also placed next to the body, not to feed the deceased. It was not a meal, but a tribute. All this was burnt on the pyre with the body. Sometimes vessels containing honey and wine were burnt next to the deceased. Also objects used by the deceased and more personal objects were burnt. The bonfire was used to burn lanterns, ointments, etc. and everything that was useless or represented a negative memory. Coins were found burnt inside the urns and not burnt on the outside of the urns. The burnt coin represents the tribute of the deceased: it is the obolus of Charon. The coin was burnt with the body at the pyre before being placed on the bones inside the urn. The unburnt coin is the tribute of the living, a prophylactic offering to avoid the harmful consequences associated with death. Coins burned for the passage of the dead, unburned coins for the fulfilment of the obligations of the living. Once the cremation of the body was completed, the cremated remains were carefully collected and placed in an urn. Thus began the post-cremation gestures and rituals and the secondary burial of the deceased in the place where it would remain permanently. The container chosen as an urn is, in most cases, a caccabus or a pot, although glass and carved marble urns have also been recorded. The pots were fixed in the niches of the columbarium, so the bones had to be transported with linen bags or baskets. This would imply that we would find the bones in the reverse order of what was collected in the pyre. The funeral feast was held in front of the tomb. The remains of unburnt animal bones may have come from the funeral feast or from the offerings at the time of the funeral or during memorial visits. Only by observing signs of sacrifice and consumption on the bones can we know whether they were consumed at the funeral feast. Once the bones were placed in the urn, perfumed oil was poured over the charred bones. This was the last step before sealing the urn with the lid, and it was an essential gesture because it signified the consecration of the place. Finally, a libation pipe was placed. The tomb was ready then to receive visitors. Flowers were laid, leaves, plants and fruits were burnt as offerings and oil and wine were poured into the libation tube. We must understand funerals and tombs as multi-sensory moments and spaces. Tombs were associated with trees and gardens, which represented multiple functions. Firstly, they would have contributed to creating a pleasant atmosphere for the commemoration of the dead. This vegetation creates a nice, shaded environment, and would have appealed to multiple senses. The garden could even have been more than just ornamental. Its fruits and produce could also be used for offerings and in funeral feasts, especially during anniversaries and feasts of the dead. Some inscriptions show that in some gardens flowers were grown to serve as offerings or vines to obtain wine for libations. In chapter nine we will deal with the study of cremation. Cremation is the treatment of the body by fire which causes the dehydration and oxidation of the organic elements of the body, the disappearance of the soft parts and the fragmentation and reduction of the skeleton. The bones are the only preserved remains of the deceased, clean of any organic matter susceptible to decomposition. It is therefore clear that cremation is advantageous, hygienic and space-saving. However, it certainly also has many other connotations besides the old, perennial purifying and renewing effect of the flames. Cremations affect different landscapes, constructions and architectures, a great variety of actors (human, animal, plant and material) active or passive, as well as complex and varied types of fuels, materials, substances, structures and artefacts. In addition, fire can be used at different levels of intensity and durability. Consequently, the consumption of the deceased by flames in archaeological contexts is an open field for research by archaeologists and physical anthropologists based on the study of tombs, spaces, materials and traces left by gestures and rituals. Roman cremations were private events involving a select group of relatives in a restricted environment. Nevertheless, they could also be public spectacles, with processions and performances involving the transformation of the deceased in a complex sensory interaction of light, heat, smoke, aromas, sounds, ash, burnt flesh and bones. The study and analysis of funerary spaces, materials, artefacts, sediments, substances, thermal alterations, traces of sensory effects and bones in particular, should not only be the objective of our research. They truly are the instrument to reveal and interpret funerary practices and the liturgies of pre-cremation, peri-cremation and post-cremation, which allow us to explain the mentality of society in the face of the substantial fact of death. The osteo-anthropological analysis allows us to reconstruct the biological profile, sex, age, stature and various types of pathologies. In addition, the application of various analytical techniques, such as isotopic analysis, can allow the reconstruction of diet and environmental conditions. DNA analysis can reveal sex, affinity, ancestry and geographical origin. All this research should serve as a tool to understand the social, economic and cultural identity of individuals within society. The funerary area of Porta Nola is an extraordinary site because of its fine state of preservation and provides exceptional material for the study of cremations. Therefore, we have access to an enormous quantity of human skeletal remains, in a well-preserved and documented archaeological context. This circumstance allows us to extract an exceptional set of data, both in quantity and quality. Our research applies an exhaustive methodology that begins with the study and classification of the context. It continues with the in situ micro- excavation from artificial levels of the remains deposited inside the urns and the study and analysis of the remains they contain. Each bone fragment is recorded, identified, analysed, weighed, inventoried and photographed, and then registered in a database that allows us to know the percentages of the different bones and anatomical regions, by number and weight, colour, sex, age, pathologies, etc. There are several aims to this. The first is to identify the physical characteristics of cremated individuals, which allows us to develop a biological profile and make interpretations about the conditions of life and death of the romans. This is essentially a multidisciplinary approach that makes use of various analytical techniques to decipher all the materials deposited in the funerary urns, which include human remains, animal remains, ointments, coins, remains of the pyre and the funerary bed. Another of our objectives is to find out how the funerary space was managed, the sepulchral use of the public place (pomerium) and the private one, the sphere administered by the city and the one organised by the family. Our goal is also to determine the changes in the spaces destined for the dead, the monuments and the tombs, especially from 62 c.e. onwards, when earthquakes caused a major transformation of the city. The tombs were considered to be untouchables, but we know that, for whatever reason which we intend to uncover, the tombs were bought, sold, subdivided, extended, abandoned and reoccupied. The term necropolis (the city of the dead) is very useful for archaeologists and anthropologists to identify, define, delimit and describe burial areas. For this practical reason, we will also use it in this dissertation to refer to the different funerary areas of Pompeii. However, the ancient Romans would not understand the meaning of a word that refers to the city of the dead. For them, the only delimited city was the city of the living. Not even the concept of cemeter, burial area or funerary space, would make any sense beyond the concept of some space occupied by the tombs along the axis formed by the paths and ways to the cities. For the ancient Romans, any space outside the city, specifically outside the pomerium, was likely to house a tomb. For this reason it is important to understand the significance of the pomerium. The pomerium (from the Latin postmoerium, 'past the wall') was a religious boundary, which consecrated the city. It was also a legal delimitation, as it established a series of rules that guaranteed its independence, self-government and security. For example, weapons were forbidden within the pomerium, even for the praetorian guards. In principle, the pomerium does not correspond precisely to a wall, nor was it an imaginary line, but rather a marked and recognisable perimeter. Its limits could have been marked by landmarks, or by a topographical element, such as the outer moat of a wall, as in the case of Pompeii itself. In this respect, the public ground outside the wall of Pompeii identified as pomerium has been deduced from the stelae placed in front of the city gates, including the Porta Nocera stela by Titus Suedius Clemens. This refers to the restitution to public land (LOCA PUBLICA) of abusive occupations and constructions. This type of landmarks were placed at the exit of each city gate at a distance of about 30 metres (i.e. 100 roman feet) from the city wall. This circumstance has led us to believe that these milestones marked the delimitation of Pompeii's pomerium. In addition to the Porta Nocera stele, this type of inscription has been found on three of the other seven gates of the city: at Porta Ercolano, specifically on the left pavement next to the tomb of Mamia, at Porta del Vesuvius in front of the tomb of Arellia Tertulla and finally the one located next to the wall of the suburban baths at Porta Marina. Regarding the area outside Porta Nola, behind the tomb of Obellius Firmus, there still exits a 30m long wall with an access gate, running E-W, parallel to the wall, located 29.50m from it and which has been identified as a boundary wall of the pomerium. Another interesting fact is the dimensions of the perimeter antemural moat at Pompeii, which is around 30m in width and could mean that the topographical relief of this element, originally defensive, is in fact delimiting the pomerium and forming the public space owned by the city. But in our case, returning to the tombs, there are two main aspects we are interested in with respect to the pomerium. Firstly, the prohibition of burial and funerals within the limits of the pomerium. Secondly, its territorial character, not only symbolic, in that it is considered public land, the property of the city (locus publicus). Regarding the first question, the legal definition of the strip of public land outside the walls is important because the rules of sacred law disallowed burials inside the pomerium. Specifically, the laws of the Twelve Tables (451-449 b.c.e), and the Lex Ursonensis (44 b.c.e), prohibited burials and cremations within the city limits. Bodel argues that this legislation was mainly based on hygienic rather than religious considerations. Nevertheless, there is a clear intention to prevent the world of the living from being impurified by the fatality of the dead. It is clear, however, that in the necropolises of Pompeii, many of the tombs are located inside the perimeter of the pomerium, with the exception of the particular case of the necropolis of Porta Nocera. Precisely, in the case of this dissertation, all the tombs in the Porta Nola area are located within the 30 metres that separate the wall from the wall behind the tomb of Marcus Obellius Firmus. Obellius Firmus's own funerary enclosure is located less than 20m from the wall. Even closer to the fortification are the tombs of the praetorian soldiers or the tombs fitted in the wall and even the two funerary monuments to schola located in front of the Porta de Nola. Although the latter funerary constructions were not really forbidden by the legislation, as they did not contain the remains of the deceased, they were in fact monumenta and not sepulchres, as we shall see in the following chapters. Therefore, with respect to the prohibition of burial within the city, it is clear that it is the walls and not the pomerium that determine the boundaries of the urbs and therefore of the living. The second question is even more relevant, since the ownership of the land between the wall and the border of the pomerium always belonged to the city and was at the service of the populus, hence its classification as loca publica. This means that no one could acquire this public space for their own use. These areas were inalienable, they were off-limits to trade and their purchase/sale was null and void. Moreover, their public status was imprescriptible. That is to say, the property could not be acquired by usurpation by any private individual. But above all, its use was regulated by city government (ordo decurionum). Therefore, it was not possible to build a tomb, nor to cremate the deceased or to perform any funerary ritual without the express consent of the magistrates of the city. Even in this case, the public land was not donated, but only lent for use. In this sense, only the right to use it for a specific purpose, the funerary one, is granted, never the property, which will always be public. Consequently, we can deduce that all the sepulchres located inside the pomerium enjoyed this privilege by express consent of the city government. Obviously, most of the tombs that displayed this privilege belonged to prominent members of the city, magistrates and public officials who received this gift for services rendered to the community. Evidently it was also a sign of ostentation and prestige. In the necropolis of Porta Nola, which is the subject of this research, we have the example of the funerary monuments to the schola of Aesquilia Polla, whose titulus sepulcralis ends with the expression: "LOCVS SEPVLTVRAE PVBLICE DATVS D(ecreto) D(ecurionum)"and the triangular schola identified from the iconography of the podium as belonging to a public priestess. It is also worth mentioning the tomb of Marcus Obellius Firmus, whose inscription states that the decurions gave him the burial place and 5,000 sesterces for the funeral ("HVIC DECURIONES LOC(um) SEPVLTVRAE ET IN FVNER(ibus) HS IƆƆ"). However, not all the tombs located in the pomerium of the Porta Nola funerary area belong to influential citizens of Pompeii. We can also find the tombs of the Praetorian soldiers and the wall tombs. With regard to the former, the Praetorian soldiers lived in the city under the hospitium system. According to this, the owner of a property that was selected by rotation was obliged to accommodate a group of soldiers in his house and cover all their needs. In this sense, praetorian soldiers had the right to have their burial place and funeral expenses paid for by the city where they were stationed, if they died there during their service. It is therefore logical that all the tombs of the Praetorian soldiers in Pompeii are located in the locus publicus of the pomerium. The presence of Praetorian soldiers in the last years of Pompeii is very interesting, especially after the earthquakes that began in 62 c.e.. More enigmatic are the tombs on the wall, associated with inscriptions in Greek carved into the ashlars of the wall. Evidently these tombs are located in the public domain of the pomerium and therefore must have had the express authorisation and consent of the city government. The reasons why they received this approval will be dealt with in more detail in the chapter on the tombs in the wall. Therefore, outside the loca publica, or rather, outside the walls, a Roman citizen could build a tomb and bury his bones wherever he wished if he had means to do so: on a hill of his own property from where he could admire a beautiful landscape or in his rustic villa. However, the preferred choice for a funerary monument will always be the margins of the busiest roads and, above all, the sections that end at the city gates. This preference is directly motivated by the desire for immortality in memory. One remains alive as long as one is remembered and only dies when is forgotten. This conviction has lived on until our present times. For this reason, the concept of memory is fundamental in roman tombs and funerary monuments and motivates and conditions the location, architecture, decoration and epigraphy of Roman tombs. In this sense, it is important to distinguish between two concepts, the sepulchrum and the monumentum, both of which coincide in most cases, but not always, as is the case in several instances in Pompeii. The sepulchrum contains the mortal remains of the deceased, their bones or ashes, and from the moment they were deposited they became a sacred space protected by religious legislation. It is a more intimate, familiar and private space. Whereas the monumentum represents the social death of the subject, even in life, and is intended to remember, commemorate and immortalise them. In fact, as has been written so often, tombs in Roman times are made for the living as much as for the dead. Consequently, tombs are more a reflection of life than they are of death. In fact, anthropologists and archaeologists agree that the tomb and funerary rituals represent intentional behaviour on the part of the living and should therefore be interpreted as representing the identity and role of the deceased in society. Another subject of our research that has not been sufficiently analysed so far is the effect and reflection in the funerary areas of Pompeii of the earthquakes that occurred from 62 c.e. and the convulsive socio-political moment at the end of Nero's reign, resolved after the civil war of 69 c.e. with the rise of Vespasian, (remember the stelae placed in front of the city gates of the praetorian tribune Titus Suedius Clemens). The earthquakes that devastated large areas of Campania during Nero's empire caused enormous damage to Pompeii, profoundly affecting its social and economic life and the demography of the city until the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 c.e. We note that many tombs are abandoned, in some of them the urns are removed (in compliance with the necessary and obligatory rites for their removal), as is the case, for example, in the monumental enclosure of Porta Sarno, in the huge tomb of Eumachia in Porta Nocera, in the schola of the public priestess of Porta Nola or even in a small cremation tomb in front of the monument of Obellius Firmus. Probably their owners, frightened by the earthquakes, left the city and moved to their villas, taking the urns of their deceased with them. These events seem to reflect a city in a severe depression. In fact, there is ample archaeological evidence of the abandonment of the city, leaving the houses uninhabited. For example, houses in Regions VI and VIII were left in ruins or turned into vineyards after the earthquake of 62 c.e. However, the reality seems to be completely different. Where there was a moment of crisis, others found an opportunity for economic growth and social prestige. In fact, the city was in the throes of reconstruction before the eruption of Vesuvius. In the last moments of the city great funerary monuments were erected. They represent public banquets for almost 7000 people and gladiatorial games with more than 400 combatants as shown in the long inscription on the monumental tomb of Porta Stabia42, or the tomb of Vestorius Priscus, full of beautiful frescoes dedicated to the young aedile appointed in 76 c.e. Another example is the tomb of the freed freedman Marcus Venerius Secundius, a member of the Augustan college, freed after 53 c.e. In his titulus sepulcralis he boasts of having paid for four days of musical and theatrical performances (ludos graecos et latinos quadriduo dedit). This would also be the case of the burial place of Marcus Obellius Firmus, which was set up during the earthquakes and occupied after them. The tombs of the Praetorian soldiers are also related to these dramatic and tumultuous events. The graves of these elite soldiers are found in the necropolis of Porta Sarno and Porta Nola and there exists a funerary stele from the necropolis of Porta Stabia with an inscription referring to C. Caelius Secundus / miles chort(is) VIII who lived for 28 years and served for 14 years45. The appearance of the Praetorians in the late Pompeian period must first be associated with the figure of Nero, as they were the bodyguard corps46 of the emperor. We know that Nero visited the temple of Venus, which was badly damaged by the earthquake in 63 c.e., and offered the patron goddess of the city a huge amount of gold coins. We know this from the graffiti engraved on the stucco after the earthquake of 62 c.e. in the house of Caio Polybius Giulius on the Via della Abundanza. These graffiti tell how the emperor visited the temple of Venus and offered the patron goddess of the city thousands of gold coins. Moreover, after repudiating his first wife Octavia, the emperor's security was compromised. The other possibility, although it does not exclude the previous one, could be that since many buildings collapsed and many houses were abandoned because of the earthquakes of 62 c.e. onwards, it is logical to think that the Praetorians were stationed in Pompeii to prevent looting and appropriation of neglected property. In fact the stelae of the tribune Titus Suedius Clemens are clear evidence that such appropriations did occur. However, it was Emperor Vespasian who decided to re-establish the situation, at least as far as the res publica was concerned. The necropolis of Porta Nola offers us an extraordinary opportunity to learn how different actors in a very hierarchical society, such as the Roman one, transformed a biological event such as death into a series of social traditions. In fact, each social group transformed the natural phenomenon of death into a standardised cultural, social, ideological and economic phenomenon through the practice of funerary and mortuary gestures and rites. To summarise, the main objectives of our research are: 1. The evolution and management of the funerary space. The public (pomerium) and the private sphere, the occupations. The transformation, abandonment and occupation of the places destined for the dead, especially from 62 BC onwards. 2. Typology, architecture and function of funerary spaces. Monuments and sepulchres. Organic monuments, sensory spaces, epigraphy, painting, funerary iconography. 3. Funerary areas and tombs representative of social, economic and legal models and events. 4. Graves as a reflection of individual and/or group behaviour. 5. The reconstruction of the funeral. What actually happened after the death of the deceased up to the moment when their bones were laid in their graves. The cremation and the actions, gestures and rituals of the day of burial. 6. The commemoration, offerings and festivities in honour of the dead, the preservation of memory. 7. Symbolism, religion, superstition and rituals. 8. Cremations, study of human bones, taphonomy, biological profile, palaeodemography, palaeopathology, ancestry, provenance. 9. The victims of the eruption of 79 c.e. Their biological profile. Who they were, how they lived through the events of the eruption and how they actually died. This dissertation has been structured according to the specific analysis of the different funerary spaces that show particular characteristics. All of them are related by vertebral elements, though, such as the city gates, the exterior roads or the pomerium, and also by common funerary and mortuary rituals and practices. However, each of these areas provides new data and information that is different and peculiar with respect to the others. Thus, in the funerary area outside the Porta de Nola, we can distinguish four distinct funerary spaces: the tombs on the wall, the tombs of the praetorian soldiers located in the moat of the wall, the tombs a schola in front of the Porta de Nola itself, and the tomb of Marcus Obellius Firmus and the funerary areas associated with it. The second chapter is dedicated to the different funerary areas of Pompeii, in which our study is contextualised with respect to the rest of the known necropolises in Pompeii. It also briefly presents the state of the issue, both the research carried out in the Pompeian funerary area and its contribution to the knowledge of funerary and mortuary archaeology, as well as the background and foundations of our research. The necropolis of Porta Sarno deserves a separate chapter (the third) for two fundamental reasons. Firstly, it is a funerary area with significant similarities and parallels with the necropolis of Porta Nola, such as the presence of tombs of praetorian soldiers, being the only two funerary areas in Pompeii where the existence of these sepulchres has been confirmed. They are also the only necropolises in Pompeii with a notorious presence of the city's public slaves. Secondly, the examination of the necropolis of Porta Sarno is part of the same project "Investigating the Archaeology of Death in Pompeii", also co- directed by us. Therefore, we have exhaustive first-hand knowledge and information that is very relevant for the understanding and interpretation of the funerary spaces of Porta Nola. In addition, recent discoveries in the Porta Sarno area have revealed how the tombs and funerary spaces are a reflection of the economic, social and cultural transformations that are taking place in Pompeii, particularly at a critical moment, after the earthquakes of 62 c.e. and subsequent ones. As mentioned above, the necropolis of Porta Nola offers an ideal panorama for the investigation of funerary archaeology and death, as it does not show a uniform environment. It comprises at least four different funerary areas with differentiated characteristics, which are distinguished in principle by their social category. We have tombs of poor people or slaves, of soldiers, privileged sepulchres and funerary monuments dedicated to the higher classes. Each of these spaces provides us with exclusive and representative information and we have therefore dedicated a specific chapter to each of them. In the fourth chapter we present the necropolis of Porta Nola from a general and joint point of view before dealing in the following chapters with each of the funerary spaces that make up the funerary area that is the object of our research. The fifth chapter is devoted to the tombs of the poor or slaves located along the section of the wall between the Nola and Sarno gates. The sixth chapter deals with the six tombs of Praetorian soldiers located in the wall moat adjacent to the Nola gate. Chapter Seven presents research on the two schola tombs flanking the access road to the city in front of the Nola Gate, a type of sepulchre unique to Pompeii and which, in fact, correspond to funerary monuments. The eighth chapter focuses on the studies carried out on the tomb of Marcus Obellius Firmus, a prominent Pompeian personality, whose funerary enclosure and associated burial spaces have provided invaluable evidence on the management of the tomb and its surroundings and the funerary and mortuary rituals and gestures. Cremation is the treatment of the corpse and the ritual procedure generalised in Pompeii since its Romanisation (from the moment it became a Roman colony after Sulla's conquest in 80 b.c.e). In fact, all the deceased adults found in Pompeii were cremated before being placed in their corresponding tombs, with the exception of only one, the freedman Marcus Venerius Secundius. The study of cremations requires specific methodologies and standards in order to obtain the highest quantity and quality of data possible. For this reason, the treatment by fire of the deceased studied in the necropolises under study and their ritual connotations deserve a specific chapter. Finally, in our study area outside the Nola Gate, the remains of several victims of the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 c.e. who perished trying to flee the city were located. De Caro recovered 15 bodies using the Fiorelli method, preserving their skeletons inside plaster moulds. De Caro himself included in his article on the excavations carried out in the area outside the Nola Gate a first study of these victims. In the same way, and in accordance with our project "Investigating the Archaeology of Death in Pompeii, Porta Nola funerary area", we included the archaeological and anthropological analysis of the Porta Nola fugitives in our research. This study began in 2010, proving to be the first bioarchaeological study carried out on the casts of Pompeii. The study of the victims of the eruption who perished in the area outside Porta Nola is developed in the penultimate chapter, number ten, as the last chapter comprises the conclusions of our work. The research work embodied in this thesis has achieved original, innovative and relevant results concerning funerary archaeology and the archaeology of death in Pompeii and, by extension, Roman funerary archaeology. The studies and analyses carried out have shown how different social groups of different social orders managed the funerary space, the treatment of the corpse and the rituals, and their social, cultural and economic connotations at decisive moments in the history of Pompeii. Our research has specifically brought to light the public slaves of Pompeii, being the first time that the presence of the city's own slaves in the funerary sphere has been recognised. Their graves indicate that they are a favoured group, whose tombs are located within the pomerium, next to the wall. Their rituals are similar to those of citizens of high status and who in some cases they enjoyed influence and popularity, as evidenced by the tomb of Marcus Venerius Secundius in the necropolis of Porta Sarno, the research of which has been crucial to our knowledge of the last decades of Pompeii. This tomb presents three unprecedented and relevant aspects of the history of Pompeii, and by extension of the Roman Empire during the reign of Nero (54- 68 c.e.). First, Secundius' tomb is the only known inhumation tomb in Pompeii at a period when cremation of the deceased was a systematic and widespread funerary practice. Second, this burial provides the only known example of preserved organic remains, including hair, cartilage and internal remains. Finally, it is the only tomb whose inscription testifies to the presence of Latin and Greek games in Pompeii. The adoption of inhumation and preservation of the body during funerary rituals in this period was certainly unusual, but it is possible that it was an imitation of foreign funerary customs adopted by Nero for the burial of his beloved wife, Poppea. Similarly, the funerary inscription of Marcus Venerius Secundius refers to his sponsorship of Greek and Latin games at the same time that Pompeii was being rebuilt after the great earthquake of 62 c.e.. These Greek and Latin games financed by Secundius seem to have been inspired by many of the cultural games held simultaneously in Naples and Rome by Nero. Our research in the funerary areas of Porta Nola and Porta Sarno has shown how the deceased and their tombs evidence the consequences of the earthquakes of 62 c.e. and the convulsive socio-political moment of the end of Nero's empire. Such scramble was settled after the civil war of 69 c.e with the rise of Vespasian, (we recall the stelae in front of the city gates of the Praetorian tribune Titus Suedius Clemens). The earthquakes that devastated large areas of Campania during the reign of Nero caused enormous damage to Pompeii, profoundly affecting the social, economic and demographic life of the city until the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 c.e. We can see how many tombs are abandoned, in some of them the urns are removed, and the mortal remains are moved, a fact that confirms that the place is definitively abandoned, never to return. This is the case in several tombs in the funerary area of Porta Sarno and also in a small tomb next to the mausoleum of Obellius Firmus. Their owners, terrified by the earthquakes, probably left the city and moved to their villas, taking with them the urns of their deceased. These events seem to reflect a city with bleak prospects. In fact, there is much archaeological evidence to show the abandonment of the city, houses in Regions VI and VIII were left in ruins or turned into vineyard fields after the earthquake of 62 c.e. However, the reality seems to be completely different, where there was a moment of crisis, others found an opportunity to thrive and gain social prestige. In fact, the city was in full reconstructive effervescence before the eruption of Vesuvius. In fact, In the last moments of the city's existence, important tombs and funerary monuments appeared, such as the Obellius Firmus tomb, whose funerary inscription on the façade describes ostentatious funerals paid for by the city, as evidenced by the discovery of luxurious funerary beds, the ornaments of which, in addition to being found in various urns, fill numerous ritual graves hitherto unpublished. Some tombs even mention public banquets and gladiatorial games, as praised in the long inscription on the monumental tomb at Porta Stabia or the tomb of Vestorius Priscus at Porta Vesuvius, full of precious wall paintings dedicated to the young aedile appointed in 76 c.e, praises. The tomb of Secundius is a further example of this promotion of the city at a critical time, as the titulus sepulcralis shows, in which he is presumed to have sponsored four days of greek and latin games. It appears that the philhellenism of Nero, who recited Greek and staged Greek plays, fell on fertile ground in Pompeii. Scholars like Marcello Gigante, Cristina Pepe, and Paolo Poccetti have collected evidence testifying to the presence of Greek-speaking people in Pompeii.92 They are found in all social classes and include both native and second-language speakers. At the lowest level, there were slaves, sex workers, craftsmen, and merchants from Greece or other parts of the eastern Mediterranean where Greek was spoken. At the same time, the elite learned Greek. The Villa of the Papyri in Herculaneum, as well as houses like the House of Menander in Pompeii, suggest that the upper class invested considerable time, energy, and resources in studying Greek texts and collecting Greek works.93 The ambition to participate in elite culture also prompted the less wealthy to invest in Greek education. There is epigraphic evidence of schoolchildren being taught Homer and other Greek poets in Pompeii. On these grounds, scholars have wondered whether Greek was used in theatrical and poetic/musical performances in Pompeii. As Pepe has stressed, an engraved ivory tablet from Pompeii makes this idea plausible: on one side, this object carries an image of the theater building of Pompeii, and on the other, the name Aischylos in Greek letters. The tablet is thought to have served as an entrance ticket – arguably for a work by Aeschylus in its original language. Against this backdrop, the inscription from the tomb of Marcus Venerius Secundio can be interpreted as a confirmation of Pepe's hypothesis that Greek plays were staged in Pompeii. This is also likely since we know that Greek actors lived and performed in the nearby city of Naples, an old Greek colony where Greek was still spoken. In this context, the analysis of the archaeological record of the tombs of the Praetorian soldiers, who were privileged by the city government, both in the space reserved for their burials and in their funerals, as shown by the study of cremations and burials, has been of great value. Praetorian burials are also related to seismic events. The tombs of these soldiers have only been documented in the necropolis of Porta Nola and Porta Sarno. The appearance of the Praetorians in the late Pompeian period must first be associated with the figure of Nero, as they were the emperor's bodyguards. We know that Nero visited the temple of Venus, badly damaged by the earthquake of 63 c.e, and offered the patron goddess of the city a large quantity of gold coins. We know this from the graffiti engraved on the stuccoes after the earthquake of 62 c.e in the house of Caio Polybius Giulius on the Via dell'Abundanza. Moreover, after repudiating his first wife Octavia, the emperor's security was compromised. The other possibility, although it does not rule out the previous one, given that many buildings had collapsed and many houses were abandoned due to earthquakes, it is logical to think that the Praetorians were assigned to Pompeii to prevent the looting and appropriation of neglected property. Indeed, the stelae of the tribune Titus Suedius Clemens are clear evidence that such appropriations had taken place. Despite, it was Emperor Vespasian who decided to re- establish the situation, at least regarding the res publica. The study and analysis of cremations has allowed us to develop new methods and implement new recording systems that optimise the quality and quantity of data both at the bioanthropological level and with respect to knowledge and interpretation, both of the treatment of the corpse and the conditions of combustion, and of the rituals that take place during and after the cremation of the deceased. For a long time, knowledge of funerary rituals was mainly based on literary and visual sources that paint the picture of Roman funerary rites, actions, and rituals. In recent years, funerary archeology has become the subject of extensive interdisciplinary research, making it possible to enrich and diversify the interpretation of the various practices and rituals that took place around the deceased. In fact, archaeology itself only presents a partial picture of the rituals before interment and the interpretation of those preceding rituals is possible largely through the knowledge of the various stages of the cremation and funeral process. Therefore, it is critical to use both archaeological and literary evidence from ancient authors to develop a more robust picture of funerary practices in the Roman world. Burial is an element of funerals, and funerals are part of a set of rites during which the living interacted with death and the dead, all ultimately culminating in a necropolis, or city of the dead. While we may look at burials through economic, social, or artistic lenses, we intend to view tombs themselves as symbolic actions. These are the goals of our search project, which has taken place since 2010. This chapter serves to explore the commemorative and ritualistic practices surrounding a Roman funeral and the material evidence of these practices exhibited from the Porta Nola and Porta Sarno funerary areas. Archaeology exposes the materials that remain from the practices that surround separating the realms of the living and the dead through actions such as cremation and commemorative feasts in the necropolis. Despite displaying a wide range of funerary gestures through its material remains, the types of funerary practices brought to light during the excavations at the Porta Nola and Porta Sarno funerary areas reveals a fairly common, traditional picture of funerary rituals. It is critical to remember, however, that these rituals would have likely undergone variations over time and that they cannot be generalized to the entirety of the Roman Empire. However, the goals of the rituals sustained: burying the dead according to public rules sought to expel the symbolic pollution associated with death. Our research project explores the archaeology of death and the actions surrounding death by carefully excavating the hundreds of urns of human remains systematically from room to room and level by level. Although one of the main objectives of the project is to analyze cremated human remains to obtain scientifically detectable information about the population (i.e. age, sex, diet, etc.), this project aims to produce a complete study of the necropolis, including an in-depth study both the human and non-human remains of the necropolis. The non-human remains of focus include objects such as the tomb structures, funerary objects, the remains of ritual activities, and the elegant frescoes that decorate each room's walls. Such a multifaceted study will allow us to paint an arguably more well-rounded picture of the life, death, and rituals of this ancient population. Before describing and interpreting a small selection of material and objects found in the course of our studies, it would be appropriate to first provide a brief overview of Roman funerary practices. The death of an individual initiated a period called familia funesta, which excluded the family from specific social and administrative activities, such as marriage and official business. Death created physical and spiritual pollution around the deceased, the living, and the home. All subsequent rituals sought to eliminate pollution through the ritual and burial of the deceased. This process, which lasted a total of nine days, included the funeral wake (prothesis), the procession (pompa) to the tomb and cremation on a funeral bed (lectus funebris) with offerings such as coins, ointments, foodstuffs and animal sacrifices, as well as subsequent events. such as the first funeral banquet (silicernium) and the subsequent commemorative feasts that ask for the return of the living and dinner with the dead on their tomb (Parentalia, Rosalia, etc.). The Via Ostiense Necropolis Project seeks to reconstruct funerary practices through material remains. We have divided the funeral and memorial practices into three stages: pre-cremation, peri-cremation, and post-cremation. The process of cremation is achieved when fire causes excessive dehydration and oxidation to the organic elements of a body. Soft, fleshy, organic parts of the body disintegrate, leaving only the skeleton, albeit fractured, fragmented, discolored, and contorted from contact with the flames. From a functional perspective, cremation has benefits, such as its hygienic aspects and the fact that the body is reduced to a small size and can be kept in a small container. Urns take up far less space than sarcophagi and coffins. Cremations involve different landscapes, constructions and architectures, a great variety of active and passive actors, (human, animal, plant and material), as well as a complex and various types of fuels, materials, substances, structures, layers, and artifacts to develop different levels of intensity and duration. The various angles from which to study cremations, from the functional through the spiritual and ritual, is quite an interesting field of study for archaeologists, historians, and physical anthropologists alike. Although Roman funerals were sometimes public events, they were most frequently private events restricted to the family. We may glean information about funerals from art and certain ancient texts, but the private essence of funerals is what makes it such an fascinating field of study. By studying the materials, structures, and deposits surrounding death in the Roman world, we will be better able to piece together a fuller picture of the complex sensory experience of a funeral, full of light, heat, smoke, aromas, sounds, ashes, and burned flesh and bones. The study and analysis of funerary spaces and deposits with particular emphasis on osteological remains are not the sole purposes of research at Porta Nola and Porta Sarno funerary areas. Rather, these features are tools and lenses through which view how funerary practices, including the pre-, peri-, and post-cremation rituals reflected societal mentalities surrounding death. Osteo-anthropological analyses allows us to reconstruct the biological profile and health conditions of the population, and the application of various analytical techniques, such as isotope analysis, can allow us to reconstruct the diet and environmental conditions of the population even better. DNA analysis can reveal sex, affinity, ancestry and geographical origin. These various types of analyses are currently underway at the Porta Nola and Porta Sarno funerary areas. However, these techniques remain, for us, tools to explore the social, economic, and cultural identity of the population of the necropolis. Porta Nola and Porta Sarno funerary areas are an extraordinary site for the study of Roman cremation and funerary practices. Our research applies an exhaustive methodology that begins with the study and classification of the context and continues with the delicate process of in situ micro-excavation. Micro-excavations of urns at this site are conducted by excavating the contents of each urn by artificial levels to preserve the order in which the contents were deposited into the urn. The contexts of each urn are studied in relation to the "level" from which they were micro-excavated. We then record, identify, analyze, weigh, label, photograph, and database each individual bone fragment to be sure that no data is unaccounted for. Our database system, first developed in 2018, has been designed to automatically calculate the percentages of the different bones and anatomical region, by number and weight, color, sex, age, pathologies, and a variety of other features. There are several objectives of our research project. The first primary objective is to identify the physical characteristics of the cremated individuals, allowing our team to develop a biological profile and to make interpretations on the conditions of life and death of the necropolis's population. The second primary objective is to conduct this project as an intensive, multidisciplinary project that uses interdisciplinary analytical techniques to study the funerary structures, artworks adorning the rooms, and all the materials deposited in the funeral urns, including human and animal remains, ritual vessels, coins, remains of the pyre and the funerary bed, and remains of foodstuffs. Finally, the study of the skeletons preserved in the plaster casts has demonstrated the possibilities and results of the study of archaeological material at a bioarchaeological level. It is possible to establish the biological profile of the victims and the conditions in which they lived and died. In this respect, there is a great controversy about what was the real effect of the eruption of Vesuvius that caused the death of the inhabitants of Pompeii. Our research has shown that the victims who were trying to flee the city and who perished in the area outside the Nola gate did not die from the extreme thermal impact of a pyroclastic wave of extremely high temperatures, but from the inhalation of air saturated with toxic and lethal elements. CONCLUSIONS The tombs, the spaces dedicated to the dead, the funerary gardens and the places they occupy, the roads and the access to the city gates, as well as the customs and traditions in honour of the deceased, were a very important part of the daily life of Roman society. Consequently, the most important historical, economic and social events, not only on a private and individual level, but also on a public and collective one, were imprinted on the tombs. It is true that these imprints left on graves may be too hidden, and there are occasions when they are more visible than others. One does not always have the opportunity to analyse and study funerary spaces, tombs, funerary customs and subjects that represent such an obvious reflection of a transcendental moment in the social and cultural environment of the history of Pompeii and Rome, as is the case with the work presented here. However, the degree to which the cultural, social and economic evidence permeating both the tombs and the dead is detected and interpreted depends primarily on the attention and meticulousness devoted to the archaeological record and the capacity for a rigorous archaeological reading of funerary contexts and death. We often witness generalisations that do not specify the number of cases observed, the diversity of circumstances or the existence of contradictions. Sometimes, the suspicion arises that some archaeologists believe that death contexts and their significance can be compared in the same way that ceramic forms are compared. The investigation of the archaeology of death requires the utmost interest in the complexity of the funerary and mortuary context and record, and in the multiplicity of contributions that can be obtained from other disciplines. Undoubtedly, one of the most important events in the life of the members of Roman society was death, whether their own or that of their relatives, and the effects of death: celebrating the funeral, treating the corpse, setting up the grave and erecting architecture for veneration and also for ostentation, but, above all, for survival. Because it is clear that for the Romans death was not the end, but rather the beginning. The beginning of existence in the world beyond the grave and in the collective memory. Evidently, death was the ideal circumstance in which to receive all the honours, the perfect justification for a funerary monument. But sometimes it was not necessary to wait until death to erect a tomb, because it was not necessary for the tomb to house the remains of the deceased. Why wait until death to enjoy such a symbolically important place as a tomb? Why waste all that time?, if the mausoleum serves to honour the owner in life as well as after his death? Indeed, we note that tombs such as scholae are not sepulchres, they do not contain the remains of the corpse. We also note that some mausoleums were built long before the death of the owner. The mortal remains belong to the private, intimate sphere; their memory, on the other hand, is part of the public sphere. Tombs are, in short, multi-sensory spaces designed for both the dead and the living. Indeed, the tomb is not only the ideal place to house the remains of the deceased, but much more, it is the place where their memory resides, the evocation of their acts during their lifetime, their social class, their economic status, their place in society. There was no better place to display and record all this than a tomb, especially if it was in a privileged place, in front of a city gate, at the edge of a road and the summum, within the limits of the pomerium, a concession granted by the city government only to those who had earned the admiration of the entire population. Such an honour could even be accompanied by a public funeral and other donations from different strata of society. The tombs inside the pomerium were reserved for those who had performed an exemplary service to the city, mostly great evergetas who had gained prestige and political and social standing thanks to their extraordinary donations, to construct public buildings or to organise multitudinous events. There were, however, servants of the city whose work for the community was essential: public slaves. There are few known cases of freedmen who were formerly public slaves, and epigraphy is sparse in these cases. It is easy to deduce that public slaves enjoyed a better life than many free citizens. In some cases they could have been famous personalities with great popularity. Public slaves were very valuable subjects for the city, they were the property of the res publica and therefore it is logical to assume that they enjoyed a better life than many free citizens. In some cases, they could be famous people with great popularity. Public slaves were very valuable subjects for the city, they were property of the res publica and therefore it is logical to think that the city reserved the land for their burial, and even assumed the costs of the funeral. This seems to be the case with the tombs recorded next to the wall of Pompeii. Similarly, the location of the tombs of Praetorian soldiers in the pomerium indicates that these soldiers died in the line of duty. The graves are concentrated in two funerary areas, outside Porta Nola and Porta Sarno, the same areas where the tombs along the wall are found. The presence of this military elite in the city may be related to the presence of Emperor Nero and his enormous influence on Pompeian society. It is also reasonable to associate their appearance with the catastrophic situation in which Pompeii found itself after the earthquakes of 62-63 b.c.e. It is logical to think that the Praetorians' mission was to prevent looting, plundering and the appropriation of abandoned property. Our research has shown different rituals and symbolic acts, but what is really interesting is that they are all present with the same characteristics in different tombs, regardless of their social category. The cremations are similar, the bones show the same combustion patterns, the same temperatures and the same type of fragmentation in the privileged tombs, in those of the Praetorians and in the wall graves. The cremation of the corpse was normative and did not allow for any deficiencies. The bones chosen after cremation were always the largest. However, there are differences in the number of bones. On some occasions we found that there was an interest in placing as many bones as possible in the grave, and those that did not fit in the urn were placed in the same grave. On the other hand, in other cases we observe that a very small number of bone fragments have been selected. Those residues from the cremation that do not end up in the grave are deposited in ritual pits arranged around the tomb, as we have seen for the first time in the archaeological record from Pompeii. Other symbolic gestures are also present in the different types of tombs, including the libations of wine verified by the presence of inverted wine jugs, both in the tomb of a Praetorian soldier and in a tomb located behind the enclosure of Obellius Firmus. But above all by the discovery of six litres of wine that filled the glass urn of Novia Amabiles. This represents one of the best archaeological testimonies of funerary ceremonies, in which the living and the dead found in wine a common relief. Rituals for the transition to the afterlife or for the separation between the world of the dead and the living, such as the placing of the oil lamps upside down or intentionally fractured. Symbolic deposits of oil lamps are found both in the tombs of Praetorian soldiers and in the privileged tombs. In all of them, the lamps are placed inside the grave where the urn is located and therefore form part of the liturgy of the moment when the urn is placed in its final location and the consecration of the tomb. Except for their presence in the ritual pits, the lamps do not come from the gestures made at the pyre during the cremation, nor during the mortuary acts celebrated during the subsequent visits to the tomb, as is the case in other funerary areas of Pompeii such as Porta Nocera. We therefore observe a variation, if not a contradiction in the execution of certain gestures. Another ritual related to the transition to the world of the dead and the division with the world of the dead is the presence of coins, which we can see both in the tombs of the wall and in the tombs of the Praetorians and in the privileged tombs. When interpreting the symbolic and ritual significance of the coin of the deceased, it is necessary to take into account the prophylactic value of metal in the context of the beliefs and superstitions of the ancient world, in which coins were magical objects par excellence. between the world of the dead and the living. However, other metal objects such as nails seem to be associated with the interest in fixing the deceased in the grave. In our research we have found an important symbolic presence of nails next to the urns. Some of them were placed with the evident intention of keeping the urn closed. The nails are usually considered to be apotropaic elements intended to protect the deceased and the tomb from the dangers of both the world of the dead and the world of the living. The same interpretation could be given to the sealing of the urn lids with mortar and, above all, to the piles of large stone blocks that we found covering some graves. Rituals for fixing, but also for moving. The tombs were considered to be undisturbed, but we know that for one reason or another, tombs were bought, sold, subdivided, extended, abandoned and reoccupied. For them it was essential to move the human remains in order to reverse the sacralisation of the tomb and remove the site's status as a locus religiosus. The relocation and abandonment of the tombs is a phenomenon that has been widely observed in Pompeii after 62-63 b.c.e. when earthquakes caused a major transformation of the city influenced by the Neronian socio-cultural moment. Many Pompeians, frightened by the earthquakes, left their graves behind and moved to their villas, taking with them the urns of their dead. These events seem to reflect a city in severe depression. However, the reality seems to be completely different: where there was a moment of crisis, others found an opportunity for economic advancement and social prestige, backed by Nero himself. The tomb of Marcus Venerius Secundius represents a paradigmatic example of how new Neronian elites, imitating the philhellenism of the charismatic emperor, decided to promote the city by organising great events, leading its reconstruction, returning it to its former splendour and recovering the lost population. In fact, Pompeii was in the throes of reconstruction before its destruction by the eruption of Vesuvius a few years later, when all those new efforts and hopes for the rebirth of Pompeii were devastated forever, along with the lives of thousands of Pompeians who could not flee the city in time and who perished in the attempt, suffocated by the ashes and sulphur. The skeletons of some of the victims of the eruption have been preserved inside plaster casts, making them more realistic and dramatic testimonies of the catastrophe. The study of the taphonomy of the corpse, the position of the skeleton and the individual bones, both outside and inside the plaster, by means of radiological analysis and three-dimensional representation through scanning and photogrammetry of the casts, made it possible to discover the original attitude and position of the victims and each of their anatomical parts at the moment of death. The anthropological and palaeopathological study of the individuals preserved in casts through macroscopic analysis of the bones on the outside of the plaster and radiological analysis of the skeletal remains on the inside, with various techniques and studies such as laser scanning, photogrammetry and recently analysis using portable X-ray fluorescence, have enabled us to obtain new information about the individuals: who they were, how they lived and how they died, these fifteen people who were trying to escape from the city during the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD. In short, our research is the starting point of an analytical and scientific process that must continue. Thanks to the interdisciplinary methodologies employed by our project, we are working diligently to fill different gaps in the study of funerary archaeology and death. Through the creation of new data processing and management systems, we aim to reach another level in the analysis of funerary areas, burial sites and biological, anthropological and material remains. By developing data management systems (DMS) we can specifically tailor the information we want to record in the system and the way it is displayed. The database then automatically computes statistical information, graphs and diagrams relating to the content of one or more specific contexts. This system allows us to visualise information about the population of the necropolis both qualitatively and quantitatively. By incorporating statistical data into our research, we are able to analyse data derived from funerary and mortuary deposits in new ways. We intend to use this data across all necropolises to infer probabilities regarding the type of symbolic deposits associated with biological profiles. The use of this new approach requires the establishment of correlations between the different parameters. We also aim to create an additional function of our SGD that can provide information regarding the materials associated with the burials and their spatial and topographical location. Our project also carries out and develops various scientific analyses and methodologies in collaboration with other research teams. For example, we are developing a new method for the graphical representation of cremated bones as three-dimensional anatomical models from photographs taken of each fragment. A project that aims to observe all cremated bone fragments in their anatomical positions by examining groups of bones that share the same colour, the same anatomical region or the same level within the urn. Also the analytical application of atomic spectrometry (ICP-OES and ICP-MS) with the aim of defining the combustion temperature and any diagenetic transformation after deposition. Finally, we are developing an ambitious project to extract and analyse DNA from cremated human remains, with the hope of specifically revealing sex, parentage, ancestry and other biological data relating to diet and palaeoenvironment. Our next objectives within a dynamic, cross-disciplinary, innovative and collaborative project, pursue the application of new methods and continuously evolving techniques, in order to obtain the most recent and accurate data to support objective interpretations of funerary and death archaeology. Our research has proved to be essential in order to be able to formulate precise and objective interpretations of funerary and commemorative rituals and to obtain accurate information on the remains of the population buried in the necropolises of Porta Nola and Porta Sarno. As we increase the quantity and quality of our recording, the data we collect will also increase, thus creating a solid body of knowledge to describe, relate and compare biological and social values in an increasingly objective way. The continuity of our research project will allow us to further develop new methodologies of analysis to shed more light on life and death in the Roman world.

[es] En el año 2008 Mary Beard publicaba: "Pompeii: the life of a Roman town" , el libro comienza narrando la huida durante la erupción del Vesubio de un grupo de quince fugitivos que se aventuró a escapar por una de las puertas al este de ciudad, se trataba concretamente de Porta Nola. Beard relata detalladamente cómo fue aquella fuga desesperada, los objetos que acompañaban a aquellos desafortunados pompeyanos y de qué forma perecieron finalmente en el área funeraria, apenas al salir de la ciudad. Beard también describe lúcidamente el monumento funerario de Esquilia Polla y la tumba de Marcus Obellius Firmus, su inscripción y los jocosos grafitis garabateados en sus paredes. Para nosotros, la lectura de aquellas primeras cinco páginas representó un momento revelador y el inicio de la investigación que presentamos en este volumen. Nuestra relación científica y sentimental con Pompeya había comenzado en el año 2004, con la participación en el proyecto de excavaciones en la Casa de Ariadna coordinado por el Servicio de Investigación Municipal de Valencia y la Universidad de Innsbruck, el cual nos permitió tomar conciencia del inmensurable manantial de conocimiento que significaba Pompeya. No obstante, fue a partir de nuestra participación durante los años 2006 a 2008 en las excavaciones de la necrópolis de Porta Nocera, organizadas por la École Françoise de Rome cuando descubrimos la potencialidad de las áreas funerarias de Pompeya para crear nuevo conocimiento sobre la arqueología romana de la muerte, funeraria y mortuoria y donde adquirimos una importante base metodológica para poder documentar e interpretar de forma satisfactoria los contextos funerarios pompeyanos. Por esta razón, cuando el proyecto de la necrópolis de Porta Nocera se detuvo en 2009, lo consideramos una gran pérdida para Pompeya como centro ideal para la investigación arqueológica y por tanto, era necesario continuar indagando en las áreas funerarias de la ciudad, siguiendo el camino abierto por el proyecto de Porta Nocera. En ese momento, tras leer aquellas primeras páginas del libro de Beard, y adentrarnos posteriormente en el estudio de Porta Nola, ya estábamos convencidos de que era un área funeraria óptima para el estudio e interpretación de los testimonios arqueológicos que revelan como murieron, vivieron y se enfrentaron al momento trascendental y dramático de la muerte los habitantes de Pompeya. En efecto, Pompeya fue una de tantas ciudades romanas situadas en un lugar costero estratégico. Lo que hace de Pompeya especial y única es su extraordinario estado de conservación, causado además, por un desastre natural, la trágica e impactante erupción del volcán Vesubio que preservó el lugar y su vida cotidiana detenidos en el tiempo, capturados en el día 24 de octubre del año 79 e.c. . Pompeya ha evocado intensas emociones desde su descubrimiento en 1748 y desde entonces ha sido una referencia para artistas, escritores e intelectuales que ha perdurado hasta nuestros días, cuando continúa siendo un lugar de máximo interés para millones de personas. Este excepcional estado de conservación hace de Pompeya una fuente inagotable de conocimiento y el lugar ideal para la investigación de arqueólogos, científicos y estudiosos de la cultura clásica y de otras diversas disciplinas, como por ejemplo, la vulcanología o la bioantropología. Si en muchas ocasiones, los especialistas en arqueología funeraria y de la muerte nos consideramos afortunados, pues las tumbas suelen ser contextos cerrados, donde todos los elementos se encuentran intencionadamente en su lugar original, Pompeya es en gran parte, un gran conjunto cerrado de 66 hectáreas. Sin duda, Pompeya ofrece un campo de estudio privilegiado, en el que encontramos monumentos, inscripciones, estructuras, recintos, áreas funerarias y restos materiales y biológicos muy bien conservados. Todo ello nos coloca en la mejor de las situaciones para desentrañar los gestos y rituales funerarios, las liturgias y las ideologías frente al hecho trascendental de la muerte y la pervivencia en la memoria de los vivos. Pero además, en la cultura romana en concreto, la muerte resulta un fenómeno de identidad y condición social que nos permite también develar el mundo de los vivos, su vida cotidiana, sus creencias, aspiraciones y desgracias. Sin embargo, no es oro todo lo que reluce, ya que nuestro trabajo y la mayor parte de las investigaciones que se llevan a cabo en Pompeya en la actualidad consisten en reexcavar, reestudiar y reinterpretar antiguas intervenciones arqueológicas realizadas entre finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX. Estas intervenciones utilizaban medios y métodos, tenían objetivos y obtenían resultados que difieren mucho de los que caracterizan la arqueología actual, de igual forma que las intervenciones actuales se diferenciarán asaz de las futuras. Algunas de estas antiguas excavaciones tenían como único objetivo desenterrar las estructuras monumentales y recuperar los materiales suntuosos. Algunas de ellas fueron publicadas con bocetos, dibujos y descripciones detalladas, de otras, apenas ha quedado registro. No obstante, se concentran en los elementos nobles, en la arquitectura, la escultura, la pintura y las inscripciones funerarias, pero la falta de una documentación exhaustiva estratigráfica y espacial es notable. Aún lo es más un análisis global de todas y cada una de las piezas relacionadas dentro del contexto arqueológico. Por tanto, no es tarea fácil reconstruir el escenario, restituir los elementos en el contexto y conectarlos con los nuevos elementos que salen a luz mediante la aplicación de un método interdisciplinar que permite alcanzar una interpretación lo más objetiva posible de cada una de las acciones que se desarrollaron, en nuestro caso, en las áreas de Porta Nola y Porta Sarno. Basta mencionar la ardua tarea de descifrar y transcribir los diarios de excavación desde 1895 a 1959 para poder rescatar escasos comentarios y apuntes. En Pompeya se han excavado aproximadamente dos centenares de tumbas y monumentos funerarios durante los últimos doscientos cincuenta años. La inmensa mayoría de los sepulcros desenterrados se consideran monumentales y pertenecían a los miembros más acomodados de la comunidad pompeyana y por extensión de la sociedad romana. Sin embargo, resulta esencial la investigación de los sepulcros de todos los miembros de la sociedad, incluso de los más pobres, ya que todos se enfrentan al hecho funesto de la muerte y deben gestionarlo mediante el funeral, el entierro, el luto y la conmemoración del difunto con los medios de que disponen. Estos gestos y rituales los convierten en sujetos integrantes de una sociedad jerarquizada en la cual el estatus tenía una trascendencia fundamental en las condiciones de vida y muerte de los individuos. Sin embargo, las formas y medios de las capas más bajas suelen ser menos evidentes y por tanto, a menudo los hacen invisibles en el registro arqueológico. Aunque la necrópolis de Porta Nola se conoce desde inicios del siglo XIX e.c., nunca se había investigado en detalle, ni se habían proyectado excavaciones sistemáticas de los monumentos y espacios dedicados a los difuntos que permitieran reconstruir de forma científica la historia del área funeraria. En efecto, algunos sepulcros fueron parcialmente excavados por Spano en 1907 y posteriormente por De Caro en 1975 y publicados muy someramente por ambos. A primera vista, la necrópolis de Porta Nola parece un área funeraria reducida y aislada, sobre todo si la comparamos con las necrópolis de Porta Ercolano o Porta Nocera. Sin embargo, a diferencia de otras áreas funerarias de Pompeya, esta zona sepulcral ofrece una extraordinaria posibilidad de investigar a través de las prácticas funerarias y los análisis bioantropológicos, las identidades pertenecientes a estratos muy diferentes de la sociedad, desde prominentes personajes como Marcus Obellius Firmus, hasta los soldados pretorianos fallecidos en acto de servicio, e incluso los miembros de las clases más bajas de la comunidad, enterrados junto al lienzo de la muralla. Además, junto a la tumba de Obellius Firmus se hallaron los cuerpos de 15 pompeyanas y pompeyanos que perecieron tratando de huir de la ciudad durante la erupción del Vesubio en el 79 e.c. Estos individuos se conservaron en calcos de yeso mediante la técnica ideada por Giuseppe Fiorelli . Su estudio nos permitió conocer a partir de los datos antropológicos y arqueológicos, como fueron los últimos momentos y como murieron estas y otras víctimas de Pompeya, que abordaremos en el capítulo décimo. Por tanto, la necrópolis de Porta Nola es un lugar idóneo para conocer como era la población de Pompeya, y en consecuencia, las gentes que vivieron en época imperial romana. El área funeraria de Porta Nola ofrece la posibilidad incomparable para obtener mediante una investigación interdisciplinar, un mayor conocimiento de la población pompeyana, de sus características físicas y sociales, hábitos y costumbres, sobre como vivieron y murieron y como afrontaron el momento trascendental de la muerte, tanto en su vida cotidiana, como en el momento catastrófico de la erupción del Vesubio. Para que nuestra investigación pudiera efectuar una completa documentación que permitiera una comprensión e interpretación objetiva de los datos obtenidos, resulta imprescindible un enfoque multidisciplinar y un registro exhaustivo y preciso siguiendo la secuencia de la disposición estratigráfica-temporal original de cada uno de los elementos, de los sedimentos, las estructuras, los materiales, los objetos, pero también las acciones relacionadas con ellos, las construcciones, las visitas, los traslados, los abandonos y las destrucciones. La arqueología de la muerte implica reconocer, sobre todo en la cultura romana, una organización precisa e intencional (intencional no significa necesariamente ritual) de todo aquello que rodea a la defunción. La gestión de la muerte también es un elemento de definición e identidad social, un fiel reflejo del estatus de los vivos, ya que tanto la dimensión biológica como la cultural se prolongan más allá de la muerte. Los restos y huellas dejadas por la muerte, nos permiten analizar no solo las actitudes y sentimientos frente al Más Allá sino también la cultura, el sistema social y la ideología de la población. Por esta razón, la arqueología de la muerte es en la actualidad uno de los campos de estudio más relevantes en la investigación . Solo hay una certeza inexorable común en todas las civilizaciones y culturas y esta es la seguridad de la muerte. La muerte de nuestros seres queridos y nuestra propia muerte. Para enfrentarse al sufrimiento emocional que implica la muerte, el ser humano ha desarrollado diferentes estrategias que le ayudan a superar al hecho de la pérdida irreversible de los que nos rodean y la transición a lo desconocido al finalizar nuestra existencia. Estas prácticas están dirigidas a permitir a quienes sobreviven al difunto superar el dolor de la separación definitiva y vencer aquello que nos parece inasumible, como es la idea de que los cuerpos de nuestros seres queridos están destinados a descomponerse y desaparecer para siempre. Por tanto, la muerte es un momento dramático, que no solo implica el final de la vida biológica de un individuo y el dolor de la comunidad de los vivos por la pérdida, sino que también define las reglas de socialización entre las personas que forman parte de un grupo y establece sistemas de organización social de toda la comunidad. La arqueología de la muerte se propone reconstruir los hechos experimentados por las poblaciones pasadas frente a la muerte, situando el centro de atención en los restos humanos, analizando el tratamiento y tafonomía del cadáver. El difunto es la razón de ser de una tumba y por tanto, es el elemento central para el cual y en función del cual, se realizan los gestos que la arqueología funeraria aspira a reconstruir. La elección metodológica de la antropología de campo y de la arqueología de la muerte, consiste simplemente en situar al difunto en el lugar que le corresponde como protagonista de la sepultura. Esto no significa menospreciar la importancia del resto de elementos relacionados con el finado, como la arquitectura de la tumba o el depósito funerario, cuya dimensión social está directamente ligada a la ideología y simbología funeraria y que también proporciona habitualmente información fundamental respecto al difunto y el sepulcro. Entender una sepultura es tener en cuenta, ante todo, que el difunto antes de ser esqueleto fue un cadáver. La tafonomía estudia todo lo relacionado con el tratamiento del cadáver y su transformación, transporte, conservación, etc. La tafonomía es en definitiva, la historia y momentos por los que han pasado los restos humanos hasta llegar a nuestras manos. Las actividades relacionadas con la muerte se dividen en actividades funerarias y actividades mortuorias. Las primeras están relacionadas con el tratamiento del cuerpo después de la muerte, tienen que ver con la cremación, la inhumación, el amortajamiento, embalsamamiento y momificación. Las acciones funerarias también están vinculadas con los ritos y gestos de separación y el cumplimiento de las responsabilidades de los vivos para garantizar el tránsito de las almas al mundo de los muertos y el restablecimiento de la normalidad en el mundo de los vivos. En cambio, las acciones mortuorias se asocian con el respeto y conmemoración del difunto, con el luto, y la inmortalidad en la memoria. Para desarrollar estas actividades se crean áreas funerarias y tumbas, espacios para honrar y recordar a la persona fallecida y mantener un vínculo durante un extenso tiempo. Ambas acciones se expresan mediante gestos y rituales simbólicos, religiosos e ideológicos tanto dentro de la esfera privada como de la pública. Respecto al momento del funeral resulta decisivo el análisis de los restos humanos, el tratamiento del cadáver, la cremación, la selección y recogida en la pira y su deposición en la urna cineraria en lugar definitivo del sepulcro. Todo ello sucede el mismo día del sepelio. La naturaleza de los restos y huellas dejados por la muerte, restos animales como ofrendas o consumidos en los banquetes, ungüentarios para aceites perfumados, recipientes para líquidos como vino o leche, lucernas, monedas, huesos humanos o restos vegetales carbonizados son a menudo testimonios de acciones momentáneas y por tanto su registro e identificación debe ser precisa para poder identificar si son parte del funeral o de las posteriores conmemoraciones. La completa representación gráfica y topográfica de cada uno de los elementos hallados en el área funeraria y el registro sistemático in situ resulta imprescindible para reconocer, reconstruir e interpretar las acciones funerarias y conmemorativas. De igual forma resultaba imperativa la recogida exhaustiva de todos los elementos y materiales para su posterior estudio analítico, por tanto se tamizaron todos los sedimentos excavados. La excelente conservación de los restos de Pompeya permite un análisis integral de la muerte a partir de los datos disponibles sobre la historia de la necrópolis y sus ocupantes, así como de los restos del cadáver y los objetos utilizados durante las ceremonias. Se trata de identificar todas las prácticas y rituales (funus) que realizan los vivos para poder depositar finalmente los restos del difunto en una tumba (arqueología funeraria). Pero también los rituales y gestos que realizan los vivos para ellos mismos, para su separación física y simbólica respecto a los muertos, para cumplir sus responsabilidades y deberes como miembros de la familia (pietas) y para preservar el recuerdo de los difuntos (arqueología mortuoria). Durante mucho tiempo, nuestro conocimiento del rito funerario se ha basado principalmente en fuentes literarias e iconográficas que evocan el momento de los funerales en la cultura romana. En los últimos años, la arqueología de la muerte se ha convertido en objeto de una amplia investigación multidisciplinar que permite enriquecer y diversificar la interpretación de las diferentes prácticas y gestos que se realizan en torno al difunto. De hecho, la arqueología en sí misma, solo nos da una imagen parcial de los rituales del pasado y su interpretación solo es posible a través del conocimiento de las diversas etapas del proceso funerario y mortuorio. Las sepulturas son los espacios principales donde se producen el funeral y la conmemoración, tanto uno como otro, forman parte de un conjunto de ritos durante los cuales los vivos están en contacto con la muerte. Del análisis de las sepulturas se pueden conocer cuestiones religiosas, económicas, sociales o culturales, pero analizar las sepulturas comporta siempre el análisis de acciones simbólicas. La arqueología ayuda a arrojar luz sobre los restos materiales resultantes de las prácticas de separación del mundo de los vivos, la cremación y las fiestas conmemorativas. La expresión de las diferentes prácticas funerarias desveladas por nuestras excavaciones arqueológicas muestra una diversidad de gestos, aunque todos ellos provienen de una tradición común. Hay que tener presente, que con el tiempo, todos los ritos han podido sufrir variaciones, y no pueden ser generalizados a todo el Imperio Romano. Sin embargo, un aspecto primordial permanece: enterrar a los muertos de acuerdo con las reglas públicas para deshacerse de la contaminación simbólica asociada con la muerte . Uno de los principales objetivos de la investigación en el área funeraria de Porta Nola es analizar los restos humanos incinerados para obtener información biológica sobre la población. No obstante, estos análisis forman parte de un estudio completo de la necrópolis, incluyendo un estudio profundo de los restos humanos y no humanos y de los materiales como objetos simbólicos, así como las huellas de las actividades rituales. El estudio y el análisis detallado de los restos humanos nos permiten recopilar información desconocida hasta el momento, sobre la vida, la muerte, y los ritos de la población pompeyana. El fallecimiento de un individuo iniciaba un período llamado familia funesta, que excluía a la familia de actividades específicas, como los negocios y el matrimonio, así como los asuntos oficiales. La muerte había creado una contaminación física y espiritual alrededor del difunto, los vivos y el hogar. Todos los rituales posteriores (funus), tratan de eliminar la contaminación a través de los gestos simbólicos y el entierro del difunto. Este proceso, dura generalmente nueve días, incluyendo la vigilia funeraria (prothesis), la procesión hacia la tumba y la cremación en un lecho funerario (lectus funebris) con ofrendas como monedas, ungüentos, alimentos y sacrificios de animales, así como acontecimientos posteriores como el primer banquete funerario (silicernium) y las sucesivas fiestas conmemorativas que implican el regreso de los vivos al sepulcro y la cena con los difuntos en su tumba (Parentalia, Rosalía, etc.) (Figura 1). La investigación en la necrópolis de Porta Nola hace especial hincapié en las acciones emprendidas antes, durante y después de la cremación. Acciones que somos capaces de reconstruir gracias a los restos materiales de estas acciones. Las prácticas funerarias y conmemorativas en el ritual de la cremación pueden dividirse en tres etapas: pre-cremación, peri-cremación y post-cremación.Los gestos y ritos previos a la cremación son probablemente los más difíciles de detectar y registrar. Las lamentaciones, la preparación del cuerpo, el lavado y la purificación del difunto, el lecho funerario, la procesión y la pompa, los elogios y las oraciones, todos estos eventos rara vez dejan rastro en el registro arqueológico. Somos afortunados si encontramos objetos que forman parte de estos actos, como una aguja del peinado (acus crinalis). Además de identificar el sexo femenino del difunto, esta aguja indica que la mujer fue cuidadosamente peinada y aseada. Los más de 4.000 fragmentos de hueso finamente trabajado que revestían los magníficos lechos funerarios hallados en la tumba de Obellius Firmus (550 fragmentos) y en las urnas exteriores a su recinto (2.000 fragmentos) y en las fosas rituales (1.500 fragmentos), indican que los difuntos fueron incinerados en su lecho funerario construido ex profeso para exponerlos, transportarlos y depositarlos en la pira funeraria. Pero además proporcionan una enorme y valiosa información sobre la expresión artística y decorativa, la iconografía, y la artesanía romana, relativa a estos elementos muebles tan particulares y tan difíciles de encontrar en los contextos arqueológicos. Las prácticas y los rituales peri-crematorios son los que se desarrollan en presencia de la pira funeraria: elección del combustible, ofrendas sobre la pira quemadas con el difunto, monedas, restos animales y vegetales, ungüentarios, frutas, alimentos, lucernas, flores, plantas, hierbas, resinas y aceites aromáticos. También elementos y materiales depositados cerca de la hoguera y relacionados con el banquete funerario. En primer lugar, debemos interpretar todos los objetos y materiales afectados por el fuego de la misma manera que los huesos humanos en las prácticas de cremación. En las urnas se encuentran residuos carbonizados de madera del rogus. La contribución de la antracología al estudio de los restos vegetales carbonizados es esencial. La elección del combustible es crucial para lograr altas temperaturas durante un largo período de tiempo. Pero además de lograr una buena combustión, los restos de plantas quemadas contribuyen al funeral, liberando humo y aromas. Los análisis preliminares de los carbones indican que la mayoría de los taxones corresponden a coníferas. Los residuos de los animales sacrificados en honor del difunto se colocaban en la hoguera y debían ser puros. Se quitaba la grasa y se untaba sobre el cuerpo del difunto, de la cabeza a los pies, mezclando también con aceites perfumados, para inflamar y consumir el cuerpo más fácilmente. La comida también se colocaba junto al cuerpo, no para alimentar a los difuntos, no era una comida, era un tributo. Todo esto se quemaba en la pira con el cuerpo. A veces se quemaban recipientes que contenían miel y vino junto al difunto. También los objetos utilizados por el difunto y más personales. En la hoguera se depositaban lucernas, ungüentarios, etc. todo lo que era inútil o representaba un recuerdo negativo. Hallamos monedas quemadas dentro de las urnas y no quemadas en el exterior de las mismas. La moneda quemada representa el tributo del difunto, se quemaba con el cuerpo en la hoguera antes de ser depositada junto a los huesos dentro de la urna. La moneda no quemada es el tributo de los vivos, una ofrenda profiláctica para evitar las consecuencias perjudiciales relacionadas con la muerte. Monedas quemadas para el tránsito de los muertos, monedas no quemadas para el cumplimiento de las obligaciones de los vivos. Una vez completada la cremación del cuerpo, los restos quemados se recogían cuidadosamente y se colocaban en una urna. Así comenzaban los gestos y rituales post-cremación y el entierro secundario del difunto en el lugar donde permanecerá permanentemente. El contenedor elegido como urna es en la mayoría de los casos, un caccabus o una olla, aunque se han registrado urnas de vidrio y mármol tallado. Las ollas se fijan en los nichos del columbario, por lo que los huesos tuvieron que ser transportados con bolsas de lino o cestas. Esto puede implicar que encontremos los huesos en el orden inverso a lo que se recogió en la hoguera. Frente a la tumba se celebraban banquetes. Los restos de huesos animales no quemados pueden provenir del ágape fúnebre, de las ofrendas en el momento del funeral o en las visitas conmemorativas. Solo observando signos de procesado carnicero y consumo en los huesos podemos estar seguros de que formaron parte del banquete funerario. Una vez depositados los huesos en la urna, se vertía aceite perfumado sobre los restos carbonizados, último gesto antes de sellar la urna con la tapa, y gesto esencial porque significaba la consagración del lugar. Finalmente, se colocaba un tubo de libación. La tumba estaba lista para recibir visitantes. Se depositaban flores, se quemaban hojas, plantas y frutos como ofrendas y se vertían aceite y vino en el tubo de las libaciones. Debemos entender los funerales y las tumbas como momentos y espacios multi-sensoriales (figura 2). Las tumbas estaban asociadas a árboles y jardines cuyas funciones serían variadas. En primer lugar, habrían contribuido a crear un espacio y ambiente agradable para la conmemoración de los muertos. Esta vegetación configura un ambiente complaciente con sombra, y habría apelado a múltiples sentidos. El jardín podía tener un uso no solo ornamental. Sus frutos y productos también se podían utilizar para ofrendas y en banquetes funerarios, especialmente durante los aniversarios y las fiestas de los muertos. Algunas inscripciones muestran que en algunos jardines se cultivaban flores para servir como ofrendas o viñas para obtener vino para las libaciones . En el capítulo nueve abordaremos el estudio de las cremaciones. Esta operación consiste en el tratamiento del cuerpo mediante el fuego que causa la deshidratación y la oxidación de los elementos orgánicos del cuerpo, la desaparición de las partes blandas, la fragmentación y la reducción del esqueleto. Los huesos son los únicos restos conservados del difunto, limpios de cualquier materia orgánica susceptible de descomponerse. Por lo tanto, es evidente que la cremación tiene efectos prácticos ventajosos, porque es higiénica y ahorra espacio. Pero ciertamente también tiene muchas otras connotaciones Las cremaciones involucran diferentes paisajes, construcciones y arquitecturas y una gran variedad de actores (humanos, animales, vegetales y materiales) activos o pasivos, así como un complejo y variado tipo de combustibles, materiales y sustancias. A todo esto, hay que añadir que el fuego se puede utilizar en diferentes niveles de intensidad y durabilidad. En consecuencia, el consumo de los difuntos por las llamas en contextos arqueológicos es un campo abierto para la investigación de arqueólogos y antropólogos físicos a partir de tumbas, espacios, materiales y huellas dejadas por los gestos y rituales. Las cremaciones romanas eran eventos privados en los que participaba un grupo selecto de familiares en un entorno restringido, pero también podían ser espectáculos públicos, con procesiones y representaciones que implicaban la transformación del difunto en una compleja interacción sensorial, de luz, calor, humo, aromas, sonidos, cenizas, carne y huesos quemados. El estudio y análisis de los espacios funerarios, de los materiales, de los artefactos, de los sedimentos, de las sustancias, de las alteraciones térmicas, de las trazas de los efectos sensoriales, y de los huesos en particular, no deben ser sólo el objetivo de nuestra investigación, sino el instrumento para revelar e interpretar las prácticas y los gestos funerarios, y los rituales y las liturgias pre-cremación, peri-cremación y post-cremación, que permiten explicar la mentalidad de la sociedad frente al hecho sustancial de la muerte. El análisis osteo-antropológico permite reconstruir el perfil biológico, sexo, edad, estatura y patologías de varios tipos. Además, la aplicación de diversas técnicas de análisis, como el análisis isotópico, que puede permitir la reconstrucción de la dieta y las condiciones ambientales. El análisis de ADN puede revelar el sexo, la afinidad, la ascendencia y el origen geográfico. Pero todas estas investigaciones deben servir de instrumento para conocer la identidad social, económica y cultural de los sujetos dentro de la sociedad. El área funeraria de Porta Nola es un lugar extraordinario por su estado de conservación y proporciona un material excepcional para el estudio de las cremaciones. Por lo tanto, tenemos acceso a una enorme cantidad de restos esqueléticos humanos, en un contexto arqueológico bien conservado y documentado que permite extraer un conjunto excepcional de datos, tanto en cantidad como en calidad. Nuestra investigación aplica una metodología exhaustiva que comienza con el estudio y la clasificación del contexto y continúa con la micro excavación in situ a partir de niveles artificiales de los restos depositados dentro de las urnas y el estudio y análisis de los restos que contienen. Cada fragmento óseo es registrado, identificado, analizado, pesado, inventariado y fotografiado, y luego insertado en una base de datos que permite conocer los porcentajes de los diferentes huesos y regiones anatómicas, por número y peso, color, sexo, edad, patologías, etc. Nuestros objetivos son varios, el primero consiste en identificar las características físicas de los individuos incinerados, lo que nos permite desarrollar un perfil biológico y hacer interpretaciones sobre las condiciones de vida y muerte de los romanos. Se trata esencialmente de un enfoque multidisciplinar que utiliza diversas técnicas de análisis para descifrar todos los materiales depositados en las urnas funerarias, que incluyen restos humanos, restos de animales, ungüentos, monedas, restos de la pira y del lecho funerario. Otro de nuestros objetivos es conocer como se gestionaba el espacio funerario, el uso sepulcral del lugar público (pomerium) y el privado, el ámbito que administraba la ciudad y el que organizaba la familia. Las modificaciones de los espacios destinados a los muertos, los monumentos y los sepulcros, sobre todo a partir del año 62 e.c. cuando los terremotos provocaron una importante transformación de la ciudad. Los sepulcros eran considerados imperturbables, pero sabemos que por unas u otras razones, que pretendemos desvelar, las tumbas eran compradas, vendidas, subdivididas, ampliadas, abandonadas y reocupadas. El término necrópolis (la ciudad de los muertos) resulta muy útil para los arqueólogos y antropólogos para identificar, definir, delimitar y describir las áreas de enterramiento y por ese motivo práctico también lo utilizaremos en este trabajo para referirnos a las distintas áreas funerarias de Pompeya. Empero, los antiguos romanos no entenderían el significado de una palabra que denomina la ciudad de los muertos. Para ellos, la única urbe delimitada, era la ciudad de los vivos. Ni siquiera, el concepto de cementerio , área de enterramiento o espacio funerario tendría sentido, más allá de una ordenación del espacio ocupado por las tumbas a partir de los ejes conformados por las vías y los accesos a las ciudades. Para los antiguos romanos todo espacio que se encontrara fuera de la ciudad, concretamente fuera del pomerium, era susceptible de albergar una tumba. Por esta razón resulta importante entender el significado dicho término. El pomerium (del latín postmoerium 'pasado el muro') era una frontera religiosa, que consagraba la ciudad y también una delimitación jurídica, pues establecía una serie de normas que garantizaban su independencia, autogobierno y seguridad . Por ejemplo, las armas estaban prohibidas dentro de este perímetro, incluso para los guardias pretorianos. En principio, el pomerium no corresponde precisamente con la muralla, tampoco era una línea imaginaria, sino que era un perímetro marcado y reconocible. Sus límites podían estar señalizados mediante cipos, o por un elemento topográfico, como el foso exterior de la muralla, como puede ser el propio caso de Pompeya. A este respecto, el suelo público, al exterior de la muralla de Pompeya, identificado como pomerium se ha deducido a partir de las estelas de Titus Suedius Clemens , colocadas frente a las puertas de la ciudad, entre ellas la de Porta Nocera. La cual, hace referencia a la restitución al suelo público (loca publica) de ocupaciones y construcciones abusivas. Este tipo de cipos, se colocaron a la salida de cada puerta de la ciudad, a una distancia de unos 30 metros (es decir, 100 pies romanos) respecto a la muralla . Tal circunstancia ha hecho pensar que estos hitos marcaban la delimitación del pomerium de Pompeya. Además de la estela de Porta Nocera, se han localizado este tipo de inscripciones en otras tres de las siete puertas de la ciudad . En Porta Ercolano, concretamente sobre la acera izquierda, junto a la tumba de Mammia , en Porta Vesuvio frente a la tumba de Arellia Tertulla' y finalmente, el localizado junto a la pared de las termas suburbanas' en Porta Marina . Respecto al área exterior de Porta Nola, detrás de la tumba de Obellius Firmus se encuentra un muro que conserva 30m de longitud, con una puerta de acceso, que discurre E-O, paralelo a la muralla, situado a 29,50m respecto a la misma y que se ha identificado como un muro delimitador del pomerium . Otro dato interesante son las dimensiones del foso perimetral, antemural de Pompeya, que mide cerca de los 30m de anchura y que podía significar que el relieve topográfico de este elemento, en origen defensivo, en realidad está delimitando el pomerium y conformando el espacio público propiedad de la ciudad . Pero en nuestro caso, volviendo a las tumbas, aquello que nos interesa respecto al pomerium son principalmente dos cuestiones. La primera, la prohibición de enterrarse y realizar funerales dentro de los límites de pomerium. En segundo lugar, su carácter territorial, y no sólo simbólico, en cuanto considerado terreno público, propiedad de la ciudad (locus publicus). En relación a la primera cuestión, la definición jurídica de la franja de terreno público fuera de las murallas es importante debido a que las normas del derecho sagrado desautorizaban las sepulturas en el interior del pomerium . Concretamente, las leyes de las Doce Tablas (451-449 a.e.c.) , y la Lex Ursonensis (44 a.e.c.) , prohibían las inhumaciones y cremaciones dentro de los límites de la ciudad . Bodel sostiene que esta legislación se basó principalmente en consideraciones de higiene más que religiosas . No obstante, existe una clara intención por evitar que el mundo de los vivos se impurifique con la fatalidad de los muertos . Sin embargo, resulta evidente, que en las necrópolis de Pompeya, muchas de las tumbas se encuentran en el interior del perímetro del pomerium, exceptuando el caso particular de la necrópolis de Porta Nocera . Precisamente, en el caso del que se ocupa este trabajo, todas las tumbas del área de Porta Nola se encuentran dentro de los 30 metros que separan la muralla del muro situado tras la tumba de Marcus Obellius Firmus. El propio recinto funerario de Obellius Firmus se sitúa a menos de 20m del lienzo. Aún más próximas a la fortificación se hallan las sepulturas de los soldados pretorianos o las inherentes tumbas de la muralla e incluso los dos monumentos funerarios a schola localizados frente a la Porta de Nola. Aunque estas últimas construcciones funerarias no estarían realmente vetadas por la legislación, al no contener los restos del difunto, de hecho, se trataría de monumenta y no de sepulcra, como veremos en los siguientes capítulos. Por tanto, respecto a la prohibición de enterrarse dentro de la ciudad, está claro que son las murallas y no el pomerium las que determinan los confines de la urbs y por ende del mundo de los vivos. La segunda cuestión resulta incluso más relevante, ya que la titularidad del terreno situado entre la muralla y la frontera del pomerium es siempre de la ciudad y está al servicio de todos, es decir al servicio del populus. De ahí su calificación de loca publica. Esto significa que nadie podía adquirir para su propia utilidad este espacio considerado de todos. Estos ámbitos eran inalienables, estaban fuera del comercio y su compra/venta estaba prohibida. Además, su condición pública era imprescriptible, el bien no podía ser adquirido por usurpación de ningún particular . Pero sobre todo, su uso estaba regulado por el ente titular, es decir por el gobierno de la ciudad (ordo decurionum). Por tanto, no se podía edificar una tumba, ni realizar la cremación del difunto, ni efectuar ningún ritual funerario sin consentimiento expreso de los magistrados de la ciudad. Pero incluso en este caso, el suelo público no se donaba, sino que sólo se prestaba su uso. En este sentido, sólo se concede el derecho a utilizarlo para un determinado fin, el funerario, y su propiedad será siempre pública . En consecuencia, podemos deducir que todos los sepulcros localizados en el interior del pomerium gozaban de este privilegio por concesión expresa del gobierno de la ciudad . Como es obvio, la mayoría de sepulturas que exhibieron este honor pertenecían a miembros destacados de la ciudad, magistrados y cargos públicos que recibían tal obsequio por los servicios prestados a la comunidad, que incluso, podía ir acompañado de un funeral público y otras donaciones por parte de diferentes estamentos de la sociedad . Evidentemente se trataba también de una ostentación de prestigio . En la necrópolis de Porta Nola, de la que se ocupa este trabajo, tenemos el ejemplo de los monumentos funerarios a schola de Aesquilia Polla, cuyo titulus sepulcralis termina con la expresión "LOCVS SEPVLTVRAE PVBLICE DATVS D(ecreto) D(ecurionum)" y la schola triangular identificada a partir de la iconografía del podio como perteneciente a una sacerdotisa pública . Sin dejar de mencionar la tumba de Marcus Obellius Firmus en cuya inscripción consta que los decuriones le otorgaron el lugar de sepultura y 5.000 sestercios para el funeral ("HVIC DECURIONES LOC(um) SEPVLTVRAE ET IN FVNER(ibus) HS IƆƆ") . La mayoría de las inscripciones relacionadas tanto con el funus como con el locus sepulturae están fechadas entre la época de Augusto y el siglo II d.C. (sobre todo en su primera mitad). De los dieciséis textos sepulcrales pompeyanos, ninguno es anterior a Augusto, excepto la de Marcus Porcius, el dunviro quinquenal constructor del theatrum tectum y anfiteatro, que murió hacia mediados del siglo I a.C. y fue enterrado frente a Porta Ercolano. Pero no todos los sepulcros localizados en el pomerium del área funeraria de Porta Nola pertenecen a ciudadanos influyentes de Pompeya. Del mismo modo, se encuentran las tumbas de los soldados pretorianos y las tumbas de la muralla. Respecto a los primeros, estos vivían en la ciudad mediante el sistema del hospitium, según el cual el propietario de un inmueble que era seleccionado por rotación debía alojar obligatoriamente a un grupo de soldados en su casa y cubrir todas sus necesidades . En este sentido, los soldados pretorianos poseían el derecho, de que tanto el lugar de sepultura, como los gastos del funeral, debían ser sufragados por la ciudad en la que estaban desplazados, si morían en ella durante su servicio . Por esta razón resulta lógico que todas las tumbas de los soldados pretorianos en Pompeya se encuentren en loca publica del pomerium . La presencia de los soldados pretorianos en los últimos años de Pompeya resulta muy interesante, especialmente a partir de los terremotos iniciados en el año 62 e.c. Más enigmáticas son las tumbas de la muralla, asociadas a inscripciones en griego esculpidas en los sillares de la muralla. Indudablemente se trata de sepulturas situadas en el ámbito público de pomerium y por tanto debían tener una autorización y concesión expresa por parte del gobierno de la ciudad. Los motivos por los cuales recibieron este beneplácito los abordaremos en profundidad en el capítulo correspondiente a las tumbas de la muralla. .Por ende, fuera de loca publica, o mejor dicho, fuera de la muralla, un ciudadano romano podía construirse una tumba y enterrar sus huesos donde quisiese y sus medios le permitiera. Sobre una loma de su propiedad desde donde se admira un bello paisaje o en su villa rústica. Sin embargo, la elección predilecta para un monumento funerario será siempre los márgenes de las vías más transitadas y sobre todo los tramos que finalizan en las puertas de las ciudades. La preferencia está directamente motivada por el deseo de la inmortalidad en la memoria. Existe la creencia ancestral de que uno permanece vivo mientras es recordado y sólo muere cuando se olvida. Una convicción que ha perdurado hasta nuestros días. Por esta razón el concepto de memoria es fundamental en las tumbas y monumentos funerarios romanos y motiva y condiciona la localización, la arquitectura, la decoración y la epigrafía de las tumbas romanas. En este sentido, es importante distinguir entre dos fundamentos, el sepulchrum y el monumentum, ambos elementos coinciden en la mayoría de ocasiones, pero no siempre, como sucede en varios casos en Pompeya. El sepulchrum contiene los restos mortales del difunto, sus huesos o cenizas y desde el momento en que son depositados. el lugar se convirtie en un espacio sagrado protegido por la legislación religiosa. Se trata de un ámbito más íntimo, familiar y privado. Mientras que el monumentum representa la muerte social del sujeto, incluso en vida, y está destinado a recordarlo, conmemorarlo e inmortalizarlo . Efectivamente, como se ha escrito tantas veces, las tumbas en época romana se hacen tanto para los vivos como para los muertos. Consecuentemente, las tumbas son más un reflejo de la vida que de la muerte. De hecho, los antropólogos y arqueólogos coincidimos en que las tumbas y los rituales funerarios representan un comportamiento intencionado por parte de los vivos y, por tanto, debe interpretarse como la representación de la identidad y del rol del difunto en la sociedad. Otro caso objeto de nuestra investigación, que no ha sido suficientemente analizado hasta ahora, es el efecto y reflejo en las áreas funerarias de Pompeya de los terremotos sucedidos a partir del año 62 e.c. y del convulso momento socio-político del final del reinado de Nerón, resuelto tras la guerra civil del 69 e.c. con el ascenso de Vespasiano, (recordemos las estelas colocadas frente a las puertas de la ciudad del tribuno pretoriano Titus Suedius Clemens). Los temblores que devastaron grandes áreas de Campania durante el imperio de Nerón causaron enormes daños en Pompeya, afectando profundamente su vida social y económica y la demografía de la ciudad hasta la erupción del Vesubio del 79 e.c. Observamos como muchos sepulcros son abandonados, en algunos, las urnas son extraídas (cumpliendo los ritos necesarios y obligados para su traslado), así ocurre, por ejemplo, en el recinto monumental de Porta Sarno, en la descomunal tumba de Eumachia en Porta Nocera, en la Schola de la sacerdotisa pública de Porta Nola o incluso en una pequeña tumba de cremación frente al monumento de Obellius Firmus. Seguramente sus propietarios, atemorizados por los terremotos, abandonaron la ciudad y se trasladaron a sus villas llevándose consigo las urnas de sus difuntos. Estos acontecimientos parecen reflejar una ciudad sumida en una grave depresión. De hecho, existen múltiples evidencias arqueológicas que demuestran el abandono de la ciudad, dejando las casas despobladas. Por ejemplo, las casas en las Regiones VI y VIII quedaron en ruinas o se convirtieron en campos de viñedos después del terremoto del año 62 e.c. . Sin embargo, existe una realidad completamente distinta, donde hubo un momento de crisis, otros hallaron una oportunidad de ascenso económico y prestigio social. Realmente, la ciudad estaba en plena efervescencia reconstructiva antes de la erupción del Vesubio . En los últimos momentos de la ciudad se levantaron grandes monumentos funerarios que mencionaban banquetes públicos para casi 7.000 personas y juegos gladiatorios con más de 400 combatientes, como elogia la larga inscripción en la tumba monumental de Porta Stabia , o la tumba de Vestorio Prisco repleta de bellos frescos dedicados al joven edil nombrado en el año 76 e.c. . Otro ejemplo sería la tumba del liberto Marcus Venerius Secundio, miembro del colegio augustal, que fue liberado después del año 53 e.c. y que en su titulus sepulcralis presume de haber sufragado cuatro días de espectáculos musicales y de teatro (ludos graecos et latinos quadriduo dedit) . Este sería también el caso del recinto funerario de Marcus Obellius Firmus, acondicionado durante los terremotos y ocupado posteriormente a los mismos. También las sepulturas de los soldados pretorianos están relacionadas con estos acontecimientos dramáticos y tumultuosos. Las sepulturas de estos soldados elitistas están presentes en las necrópolis de Porta Sarno y Porta Nola y existe una estela funeraria procedente de la necrópolis de Porta Stabia con una inscripción que aludía a C. Caelius Secundus / miles chort(is) VIII que vivió veintiocho años y militó catorce . La aparición de los pretorianos en la última época de Pompeya debe asociarse primero con la figura de Nerón, ya que era el cuerpo de guardaespaldas del emperador. Tenemos conocimiento de que Nerón visitó el templo de Venus, muy damnificado por el terremoto el año 63 e.c. y ofreció a la diosa patrona de la ciudad una cantidad ingente de monedas de oro. Lo sabemos por los grafitos grabados en los estucos posteriores al terremoto del 62 e.c. en la casa de Caio Polibio Giulio en la vía de la Abundancia. Estos grafitis cuentan que el emperador visitó el templo de Venus y ofreció a la diosa patrona de la ciudad miles de monedas de oro. Asimismo, tras repudiar a su primera esposa Octavia, la seguridad del emperador se había visto comprometida . La otra posibilidad, aunque no excluye la anterior, podría ser, que ante el derrumbe de muchos edificios a causa de los terremotos del año 62 e.c. en adelante, las casas se abandonaron y los pretorianos fueron destinados a Pompeya para evitar el pillaje y la apropiación de los bienes descuidados. De hecho, las estelas del tribuno Titus Suedius Clemens son una prueba evidente de que estas apropiaciones ocurrieron. Sin embargo, fue el emperador Vespasiano el que decidió restablecer la situación, al menos en cuanto a la res publica se refiere. La necrópolis de Porta Nola nos brinda, en definitiva, una oportunidad extraordinaria para conocer de qué forma distintos actores de una sociedad muy jerarquizada, como la romana, convertía un suceso biológico, como es la muerte, en una serie de tradiciones sociales. Efectivamente, cada grupo social transforma el fenómeno natural de la muerte en una manifestación cultural, social, ideológica y económica estandarizada mediante la práctica de gestos y ritos funerarios y mortuorios. A modo de síntesis, diremos que los principales objetivos de nuestra investigación son los siguientes. 1. La evolución y gestión del espacio funerario. Lo público (pomerium) y lo privado, Las ocupaciones, transformaciones, los abandonos y las ocupaciones de los espacios destinados a los muertos, sobre todo a partir del año 62 e.c. 2. Tipología, arquitectura y función de los espacios funerarios, monumenta y sepulcra, monumentos orgánicos, espacios sensoriales, la epigrafía, la pintura y la iconografía funeraria. 3. Áreas funerarias y sepulturas representativas de modelos y sucesos sociales, económicos y culturales. 4. Las tumbas como reflejo de comportamientos individuales y/o grupales 5. La reconstrucción del funeral, aquello que realmente sucedió después de la muerte del difunto hasta el momento en que sus huesos fueron depositados en la tumba. La cremación y las acciones, gestos y rituales del día del sepelio. 6. La conmemoración, las ofrendas y las fiestas en honor a los muertos, la preservación de la memoria 7. Simbolismo, religión, superstición y rituales. 8. El estudio bioarqueológico de las cremaciones, de los huesos humanos, tafonomía, perfil biológico, paleodemografía, paleopatología, ascendencia, procedencia. 9. Las víctimas de la erupción del 79 e.c., su perfil biológico, quiénes eran, como vivieron los acontecimientos de la erupción y como murieron realmente. Este trabajo se ha estructurado de acuerdo con el análisis específico de los diversos espacios funerarios que muestran características y particulares distintas, aunque todos ellos se encuentren relacionados por elementos vertebradores, como las puertas de la ciudad, las vías exteriores o el pomerium, y también por rituales y prácticas funerarias y mortuorias comunes. No obstante, cada uno de estos espacios aporta datos nuevos e información distinta y peculiar respecto a los otros. De esta forma, en el área funeraria al exterior de la Puerta de Nola, podemos distinguir cuatro zonas diferentes, las tumbas de la muralla, las de los soldados pretorianos situadas en el foso, los mausoleos a schola frente a la misma Porta de Nola, y el recinto de Marcus Obellius Firmus y los ámbitos funerarios asociados al mismo. El capítulo segundo está dedicado a las distintas áreas funerarias de Pompeya, en él se contextualiza nuestro estudio respecto al resto de necrópolis conocidas en Pompeya. Se trata también de mostrar brevemente el estado de la cuestión, tanto las investigaciones realizadas en el ámbito funerario pompeyano y su aportación al conocimiento de la arqueología funeraria y mortuoria, como los antecedentes y fundamentos de nuestra investigación. La necrópolis de Porta Sarno merece un capítulo aparte (el tercero) por dos razones fundamentales. En primer lugar, se trata de un área funeraria con significativas similitudes y paralelos con la necrópolis de Porta Nola, como por ejemplo la presencia de tumbas de soldados pretorianos, siendo las únicas dos áreas funerarias en Pompeya donde se ha constatado la existencia de estos sepulcros. Además, son las únicas necrópolis en con una notoria presencia de esclavos públicos de la ciudad. En segundo lugar, las investigaciones de la necrópolis de Porta Sarno forman parte del mismo proyecto "investigando la arqueología de la muerte en Pompeya", también codirigido por nosotros. Por tanto, poseemos conocimientos e información exhaustiva de primera mano que resulta muy relevante para para la comprensión e interpretación de los espacios funerarios de Porta Nola. Pero además, los últimos descubrimientos realizados en el área de Porta Sarno han desvelado como las tumbas y espacios funerarios son un reflejo de las transformaciones económicas, sociales y culturales que están sucediendo en Pompeya, en particular en un momento crítico, tras los terremotos del año 62 e.c. y sucesivos. Como comentamos anteriormente, la necrópolis de Porta Nola ofrece un panorama ideal para la investigación de la arqueología funeraria y de la muerte, ya que no muestra un ambiente uniforme, sino que comprende al menos cuatro diferentes ámbitos funerarios, con características diferenciadas, que se distinguen en principio por su categoría social, tenemos tumbas de pobres o esclavos, de soldados, sepulcros privilegiados y monumentos funerarios dedicados a las clases más elevadas. Cada uno de estos espacios nos aporta información exclusiva y representativa y por tanto, a cada uno de ellos le hemos dedicado un capítulo específico. En el capítulo cuarto presentamos la necrópolis de Porta Nola desde una visión general y conjunta antes de abordar en los capítulos siguientes cada uno de los espacios funerarios que conforman el área funeraria objeto de nuestra investigación. El capítulo quinto está dedicado a las tumbas de pobres o esclavos localizadas junto al tramo de la muralla entre las puertas de Nola y Sarno. El capítulo sexto se ocupa de las seis tumbas de los soldados pretorianos localizadas en el foso de la muralla adyacente a la puerta de Nola. El capítulo séptimo presenta la investigación sobre las dos tumbas a schola que flanquean la vía de acceso a la ciudad frente a la puerta de Nola, un tipo de sepulcro exclusivo de Pompeya y que en realidad corresponden a monumentos funerarios. El capítulo octavo se centra en los estudios realizados sobre la tumba de Marcus Obellius Firmus, una prominente personalidad de Pompeya, cuyo recinto funerario y los espacios funerarios asociados al mismo, han proporcionado una documentación de enorme valor sobre la gestión de la tumba y su entorno y los rituales y gestos funerarios y mortuorios. La cremación es el tratamiento del cadáver y el procedimiento ritual generalizado en Pompeya desde su romanización (desde el momento en que se convierte en Colonia romana tras la conquista de Sila, en el año 80 a.e.c). Realmente, todos los difuntos adultos localizados en Pompeya fueron incinerados previamente a ser depositados en sus correspondientes sepulcros, a excepción de uno sólo, el liberto Marcus Venerius Secundio. El estudio de las cremaciones requiere unas metodologías y estándares específicos con el fin de obtener la mayor cantidad y calidad de datos. Por esta razón el tratamiento mediante el fuego de los difuntos estudiados en las necrópolis objeto de nuestra investigación y sus connotaciones rituales merecen un capítulo específico. Finalmente, en nuestra área de estudio fuera de la puerta de Nola, se localizaron los restos de varías víctimas de la erupción del Vesubio en el año 79 e.c. que perecieron intentando huir de la ciudad. De Caro recuperó 15 cuerpos aplicando el método Fiorelli, conservando sus esqueletos en el interior de moldes de yeso. El mismo De Caro incluyó en su artículo sobre las excavaciones realizadas en el área exterior a la puerta de Nola un primer estudio de estas víctimas . De la misma forma, y de acuerdo con nuestro proyecto "Investigación sobre la arqueología de la muerte en Pompeya, área funeraria de Porta Nola", incluimos el análisis arqueológico y antropológico de los fugitivos de Porta Nola en nuestra investigación. Este estudio comenzó en el año 2010, resultando ser el primer estudio bioarqueológico efectuado sobre los calcos de Pompeya. El estudio de las víctimas de la erupción que perecieron en el área exterior de Porta Nola se desarrolla en el capítulo décimo, La investigación plasmada en esta tesis ha logrado resultados originales, innovadores y relevantes en lo concerniente a la arqueología funeraria y de la muerte en Pompeya y por extensión a la arqueología funeraria romana. Los estudios y análisis realizados han mostrado como diferentes grupos sociales gestionan el espacio funerario, el tratamiento del cadáver y los rituales, y sus connotaciones sociales, culturales y económicas en momentos determinantes de la historia de Pompeya. Concretamente, nuestra investigación ha sacado a la luz los esclavos públicos de Pompeya, es la primera vez que se reconoce la presencia de los esclavos propios de la ciudad en el ámbito funerario. Sus sepulturas nos indican que se trata de un grupo favorecido, cuyas tumbas se encuentran dentro del pomerium, junto a la muralla, cuyos rituales son similares a los de ciudadanos de un estatus elevado y que en algunos casos gozaban de influencia y popularidad, como evidencia la tumba de Marcus Venerius Secundio en la necrópolis de Porta Sarno. Su investigación ha resultado trascendental para el conocimiento de las últimas décadas de Pompeya. Esta tumba presenta tres aspectos inéditos y relevantes de la historia de Pompeya, y por extensión del Imperio Romano durante el reinado de Nerón. (54-68 e.c.). Primero, la tumba de Secundio es la única tumba de inhumación conocida en Pompeya en un período en el que la cremación de los difuntos era una práctica funeraria sistemática y generalizada. En segundo lugar, esta sepultura proporciona el único ejemplo conocido de restos orgánicos preservados, incluidos cabello, cartílago y restos internos. Finalmente, es la única tumba cuya inscripción testimonia la presencia de juegos latinos y griegos en Pompeya. La adopción de la inhumación y la preservación del cuerpo durante los rituales funerarios en este período fue ciertamente inusual, pero es posible que fuera una imitación de las costumbres funerarias extranjeras adoptadas por Nerón para el entierro de su amada esposa, Poppaea Sabina. De manera similar, la inscripción funeraria de Marcus Venerius Secundio hace referencia a su patrocinio de los juegos griegos y latinos al mismo tiempo que se estaba reconstruyendo Pompeya después del gran terremoto del 62 e.c. Estos juegos griegos y latinos financiados por Secundio parecen estar inspirados en muchos de los entretenimientos culturales realizados simultáneamente en Nápoles y Roma por Nerón. Nuestra investigación en las áreas funerarias de Porta Nola y Porta Sarno ha demostrado como los difuntos y sus tumbas evidencian las consecuencias de los terremotos del año 62 e.c. y consecutivos del convulso momento sociopolítico del fin del imperio de Nerón. Resuelto después de la guerra civil del 69 e.c. con el ascenso de Vespasiano. Los terremotos que devastaron extensas áreas de Campania durante el imperio de Nerón causaron enormes daños a Pompeya, afectando profundamente su vida social, económica y demográfica de la ciudad hasta la erupción del Vesubio en el 79 e.c. Observamos como muchos sepulcros fueron abandonados, en algunos se extraen las urnas, y se trasladan los restos mortales, hecho que confirma la renuncia definitivamente al lugar para no volver. Así ocurre en varias sepulturas en el área funeraria de Porta Sarno y también en una pequeña tumba de junto al mausoleo de Obellius Firmus. Seguramente sus dueños, aterrados por los terremotos, abandonaron la ciudad y se trasladaron a sus villas llevando consigo las urnas de sus difuntos. Estos eventos son el reflejo de una ciudad sumida en una profunda depresión después del terremoto del 62 e.c. Sin embargo, en este momento de crisis, otros ciudadanos próximos al emperador Nerón encontraron una oportunidad para el ascenso económico y social. De hecho, la ciudad estaba en plena efervescencia reconstructiva antes de la erupción del Vesubio. En efecto, en los últimos momentos de la ciudad surgen importantes sepulturas y monumentos funerarios, como la tumba Obellius Firmus cuya inscripción funeraria expuesta en la fachada describe ostentosos funerales sufragados por la ciudad y constatados por el hallazgo de lujosos lechos funerarios, cuyos ornamentos además de hallarse en diversas urnas, rellenan numerosas fosas rituales inéditas hasta ahora. En algunos sepulcros se mencionan incluso banquetes públicos y juegos de gladiadores, como elogia la larga inscripción en la tumba monumental de Porta Stabia o la tumba de Vestorio Priscus en Porta Vesuvio llena de preciosas pinturas murales dedicados al joven edil nombrado en el año 76 e.c. La tumba de Secundio es un ejemplo más de esta promoción de la ciudad en un momento crítico, como muestra el titulus sepulcralis en el que presume de haber patrocinado cuatro días de juegos griegos y latinos. En este contexto ha resultado de gran valor el análisis del registro arqueológico de las tumbas de los soldados pretorianos, los cuales fueron privilegiados por el gobierno de la ciudad, tanto en el espacio reservado a su sepultura, como en los funerales. Así lo demuestra el estudio las cremaciones y las sepulturas. Los entierros de pretorianos también están relacionados con los eventos sísmicos. Las tumbas de estos soldados sólo han sido documentadas en las necrópolis de Porta Nola y Porta Sarno. La aparición de esta élite militar en la última época de Pompeya debe asociarse primero con la figura de Nerón, ya que era el cuerpo de guardia del emperador. Sabemos que Nerón visitó el templo de Venus, muy damnificado por el terremoto del 63 d.C. y ofreció a la diosa patrona de la ciudad una gran cantidad de monedas de oro. Lo sabemos por el grafito grabado en los estucos posteriores al terremoto del 62 e.c. en la casa Caio Polibio Giulio en la vía de la Abundancia. La otra hipótesis es que los pretorianos fueron destinados a Pompeya para evitar el saqueo y la apropiación de los bienes abandonados por el terremoto del año 62 e.c. El estudio y análisis de las cremaciones nos ha permitido desarrollar nuevos métodos e implantar nuevos sistemas de registro que optimizan la calidad y cantidad de datos tanto a nivel bioantropológíco como respecto al conocimiento e interpretación, tanto del tratamiento del cadáver y condiciones de la combustión, como de los rituales que acontecen durante y después de la cremación del difunto. Por último, el estudio de los esqueletos conservados en los calcos de yeso ha demostrado las posibilidades y los resultados del estudio del material arqueológico a nivel bioarqueológico, pudiendo establecer el perfil biológico de las víctimas y las condiciones en que vivieron y murieron. A este respecto, existe una gran controversia sobre cuál fue el verdadero efecto derivado de la erupción del Vesubio que causó la muerte de los habitantes de Pompeya. Nuestra investigación ha demostrado que las víctimas que intentaban huir de la ciudad y que perecieron en el área fuera de la puerta de Nola, no murieron por el impacto térmico de una ola piroclástica de temperaturas extremadamente altas, sino por la inhalación de un aire saturado de elementos tóxicos y letales.