[en] ABSTRACT "Let's face it as a fact," Hollande stressed at the launch of the centenary celebrations in November 2013 "when the general mobilization was declared, there was only one country, one nation, one army." At a time when official commemorations of the First World War are in full swing, it is more than ever impossible to abstract from the dialectical relationship that develops between "public and political uses of history" and building of scholar history. Today, the working class, the defeated, are apparently invoked to essentially emphasize their "support" to "their" nation at war. Working worlds and labour movements, in all their social and political complexity, fade away from historical research, as have almost disappeared issues related to socio-political power relations. This contribution will revert to one of the historiographical cruxes on socialisms at war, that is the issue of their "entry" into the conflict. It is about understanding how "war breaks" in international socialism's debates, considering the various positions relative to the "choice" of the intervention, including the question of the "shift" of a war-hostile social democracy that still goes to war however, sometimes using a nationalist or patriotic rhetoric. To do this, two case studies were selected, starting from two different socio-political realities, which, each in their own way, offer a range of ways in which social democracy has had to position itself in front of the war. On one hand, the Italian "exception", on the other, the French patriotic "turnaround". In focus: to understand if and how the war is a turning point, a break in the history of the societies, and what are its limits.

[es] Reconozcámoslo como un hecho", subrayó François Hollande, durante la inauguración de las efemérides del centenario en noviembre de 2013, cuando se proclamó la movilización general, ya no quedaba más que un país, una sola Nación y un solo ejército". Cuando proliferan las efemérides oficiales del primer conflicto mundial, resulta más imposible que nunca abstraerse de la relación dialéctica que se establece entre la "utilización pública y política de la historia" y la construcción de la historia académica. Actualmente parece que se invoca al mundo obrero y a las y los derrotados para subrayar fundamentalmente su "adhesión" primordial a "su" nación en guerra. El mundo obrero y los movimientos obreros, en toda su complejidad social y política, apenas existen en la investigación histórica, de la misma forma que han desaparecido, en gran medida, las cuestiones vinculadas a la relación de fuerzas socio-políticas. Esta contribución se propone volver a plantear uno de los núcleos historiográficos referente a los distintos socialismos en la guerra: el de su "entrada" en el conflicto. Se trata de comprender de qué forma "irrumpió la guerra" en los debates del socialismo internacional, a partir de las diferentes tomas de posición en relación a la "opción" de intervenir en la misma; sobre todo, la que tiene que ver con el "giro" de una socialdemocracia hostil a la guerra que, no obstante, entró en guerra utilizando a veces una retórica patriótica e incluso nacionalista. Para hacerlo, se han seleccionados dos casos que representan dos realidades sociopolíticas diferentes. Realidades que, cada una a su manera, ofrecen un abanico de las distintas formas en las que se posicionó la socialdemocracia ante la guerra. De un lado, la "excepción italiana" y de otro, el "giro" patriótico francés. El objetivo es comprender si, y en qué medida, la guerra constituye un punto de inflexión, una ruptura en la historia de las sociedades analizadas y cuáles son sus límites.