[Plate representing the Indian Chief Maquina & harpooning of a marine mammal]



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[Plate representing the ship Boston in the possession of the savages]



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A NARRATIVE OF THE ADVENTURES AND SUFFERINGS 

 OF JOHN R. JEWITT; ONLY SURVIVOR OF THE CREW OF THE SHIP BOSTON

DURING A CAPTIVITY OF NEARLY THREE YEARS AMONG THE SAVAGES OF NOOTKA SOUND.



WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANNERS, MODE OF LIVING AND RELIGIOUS OPINIONS OF THE NATIVES. EMBELLISHED WITH A PLATE, REPRESENTING THE SHIP IN POSSESSION OF THE SAVAGES





"Dire scenes of horror on a savage shore, in which a witness sad, a part I bore"

  .  .



MIDDLETOWN PRINTED BY LOOMIS & RICHARDS

 1815 {1815/00/00}



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DISTRICT OF CONNECTICUT, SS



BE IT REMEMBERED; That on the eighth day of March, in the thirty ninth year {1815/03/08} of the Independence of the United States of' America, John R. JEWITT, of the said District, hath deposited in this office. the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims, as proprietor, in, the words following, to wit, A narrative of the adventures and sufferings of John, R. Jewitt, only survivor of the crew of the ship Boston, during a captivity of nearly three years among the savages of Nootka Sound. With an account of the manners, mode of living, and religious opinions of the natives. Embellished with a plate, representing the ship in possession of the savages.



"Dire scenes of horror on a savage shore, In which. a witness sad a part I bore."

In conformity to an act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned."

 HENRY W. EDWARDS, Clerk

  of the District of Connecticut.

A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me,

 HENRY W. EDWARDS, Clerk

of the District of Connecticut.





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Names of the Crew of the Ship Boston, belonging to Boston in Massachusetts, owned by Messrs. F., &, T. Amory, Merchants of that place All of whom, excepting two,  were on the 22nd of March, 1803 {1803/03/22} barbarously murdered by the savages of Nootka.



John Salter   of Boston,   Captain.

B. Delouissa,       Do.                 Chief Mate.

William Ingraham,.      of New York,    Second Mate.

Edward Thompson,     of Blyth (England)  Boatswain.

Adam Siddle,                    of' Hull, Do.  Carpenter.

Philip Brown,                 of Cambridge (Mass.)  Joiner.  ,

John Dorthy,  of Situate, Do.  Black Smith.

Abraham Waters, of Philadelphia,  Steward.,

Francis Duffield, of Penton, (Eng.)  Tailor.,

John Wilson,(blackman)    of Virginia    Cook.

William Caldwell,  of Boston   Seaman

Joseph Miner         of Newburyport  Do.

 William Robinson,  of Leigh (Scotland)  Do.'

Thomas Wilson        of Air, Do.            Do.

 Andrew Kelly,                   Do. Do.        Do.

 Robert Burton                    of the lsle of Man  Do.

 James M'Clay,                    of Dublin,      Do.

Thomas Platten                 of Blakeney, Norfolk, Eng    Do.

Thomas Newton,              of Hull,       Do.     Do.

Charles Bates,                 of St. James Deeping, Do.    Do.  

John Hall,                 of New Castle.:       Do      Do.

Samuel Wood,                of Glasgow, (Scotland)  Do.

Peter Alstrom,                   Norwegian,  Do.                   Francis Marten,                  Portuguese  Do.

Jupiter Senegal,     (blackman)    Do.

John Thompson, Philadelphia,   Sail Maker.,

   .     who escaped since dead.

  John R. Jewitt,   of Hull in England,  Armourer,

  the writer of the Journal from whence this Narrative is taken, and who at present, March 1815 {1815/03/00}, resides in Middletown, in the state of Connecticut.





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A list of Words in the Nootkian Language. the most in use.



Check up Man Toop helth Cloth

Klootz mah Woman  Cham mass                Fruit                    

Noowexa Father Cham mas sish Sweet or                                                       pleasant to the taste

Hooma hexa Mother   

Tanassis Child Moot sus Powder

Katlahtik Brother Chee pokes Copper

Kloot chem up Sister Hah welks Hungry Tanassis check up Son Nee sim mer hise Enough

Tanassis kloots mah Daughter Chit ta yek Knife or dagger                                           Tau hat se tee Head Klick er yek Rings

Kassee Eyes Quish ar Smoke

Hap se up Hair Mar met ta Goose or duck

Neetsa Nose Pook shit tle To Blow 

Parpee Ears Een a qui shit tle To kindle a fire

Chee chee  Teeth Ar teese To bathe

Choop Tongue Ma mook su mah To go to fish

Kook a nik sa Hands Ar smootish check up  A warrior

Klish klin Feet Cha alt see klat tur wah  Go off, or go away                                                          

Oop helth Sun or Moon Ma kook  To sell

Tar toose Stars Kah ah pah chilt  Give me something Sie yah Sky Oo nah  How many

Toop elth Sea I yah ish Much

Cha bak Fresh water  Kom me tak I understand

Meet la Rain  I yee ma hak                     I do not understand

Queece Snow Em ma chap  To play

Noot chee Mountain or Hill Kle whar To laugh

Klat tur miss Earth Mac kam mah sish Do you want to buy

Een nuk see Fire or fuel Kah ah coh Bring it

Mook see Rock Sah wauk One

Muk ka tee House Att la Two

Wik No Kat sa Three

He ho Yes Mooh Four

Kak koelth Slave Soo chah Five

Mah hack Whale Noo poo Six

Klack e miss Oil At tle poo Seven

Quart lak Sea otter At lah quelth Eight

Coo coo ho sa Seal Saw wauk quelth Nine

Moo watch Bear Hy o Ten

So har Salmon Sak aitz Twenty

Toosch qua Cod Soo jewk One hundred

Pow ee Halibut Hy e oak One thousand

Kloos a mit Herring Chap atz Canoe

Oo wha pa Paddle Chee me na A fish hook

Chee men Fish hooks Sick a minny Iron



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NARRATIVE OF JOHN R. JEWITT.





I was born in Boston, a considerable borough town in Lincolnshire, in Great Britain  on the 21st of May, 1783 {1783/05/21} My father, Edward Jewitt  was by trade a blacksmith and esteemed  among the first in his line of business in that place.  At the age of three years I had the misfortune to lose my mother, a most excellent woman, who died in childbed, leaving an infant daughter, who with myself, and an elder brother by a former marriage of my father constituted the whole of our family.  My  father, who considered a good education as the greatest blessing he could bestow on his children was very particular in paying  every attention to us in that respect always exhorting us to behave  well, and endeavouring to press on our minds the, principles of virtue and morality  and no expense in his power was, spared, to have us instructed in whatever might render us useful and respectable in society.  My brother who was four years older than myself and of a more





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hardy constitution he destined for his own trade, but to me he had resolved to give an education superior: to that which is to be obtained in a common school, it being, his intention that I should adopt one of the learned professions. Accordingly at the age of twelve he took me from the school in which I had been taught the first rudiments  of learning, and placed me under the care of Mr. Moses, a celebrated teacher of an academy at Donnington, about twenty miles from Boston, in order to be instructed in, the Latin language, and in some of the higher branches of the Mathematics. I there made considerable proficiency in writing, reading and, arithmetic, and obtained a pretty   good knowledge of navigation and of surveying; but my progress in Latin was slow not  only owing to the little inclination for learning that language, but to a natural impediment in my speech, which rendered extremely difficult for me to pronounce  it so that in a short time, with my father'sconsent  I wholly relinquished the study.

The period of  my stay at this place was the most happy of my life.  My preceptor,

Mr. Moses, was not only a learned, but a virtuous, benevolent, and amiable man universally beloved by his, pupils, who took delight in his instruction, and to whom he allowed every proper amusement that consisted with attention to their studies.



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7



One of the principal Pleasures I enjoyed, was in attending the fair, which is regularly

held twice a year at Donnington in the spring and in the fall the second day being wholly devoted to selling horses, a prodigious number of which are brought thither for that purpose. As the scholars oil tbe occasions were always indulged with a holiday, I cannot express with what eagerness of youthful expectation I used to anticipate

these. fairs, nor what delight,  I felt at the various shows, exhibitions of wild beasts, and other, entertainments that they presented. I was frequently visited by iny father, who always discovered much  joy on seeing me praised me for my acquirements and usually left me a small sum for my pocket expenses.

Among the scholars at this academy  there was one named Charles Rice with whom I formed a particular intimacy, which continued during the whole of my  stay. He was my class and room mate, and as the town he came from, Ashby, was more than, sixty miles off, instead of returning home, he used frequently during the vacation to go with me to Boston, where he always met with a cordial welcome from my father, who received me on these occasions with the greatest affection, apparently taking much pride in me.  My friend in return used to take me with him to  an uncle of his in Donnington, a very



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wealthy man, who having no children of his own, was very fond  of his nephew, and on his  account I was always a welcome visitor at the house., ' I had a. good voice, and an ear for music, 'to which I was always passionately attached, though my father endeavoured to discourage this propensity, considering it, (as is too frequently the case) but an introduction to a life.of idleness and dissipation, And having been remarked for Illy singing at,church, which was regularly 'attended on Sundays and Festival days by the scholars, Mr. Morthrop, my friend. Rice's uncle, used frequently to request me to sing; he was always pleased with my exhibitions of this kind, and I t  was no doubt one of the means that Secured me so gracious a reception .at his house.  A number of other gentlemen in the place would sometimes send ,for me to sing at 't6iO houses, and as I was not a little vain of my vocal powers, I was much gratified on receiving these invitations, and accepted them with  the greatest pleasure

'Thus passed 'away the  two happiest years of my life, when my father, thinking that I

had received a sufficient education for the profession he intended. me for, took me from school at  Donnington. in order to apprentice me to Doctor Mason, a Surgeon of eminence at Reasby, in  the neighbourhood of the celebrated' Sir Joseph Banks.

With regret did, I Part from my school ac 



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9

quaintance, particularly my friend Rice and returned home with my father, on A short

visit to iny family, preparatory Jo my intended apprenticeship, The disinclination I

ever had felt for the profession njy father wished me to pursue, was still further increased on my return. When a child I was always fond of being in the shop, among the

workmen, endeavouring to imitate what I saw them do; this disposition. so far increased after my leaving the academy, that I could not bear to hear the least mention  made of my being apprenticed to a  surgeon, and I used so many entreaties with my father to persuade him to give up this plan ,and learn me his own trade, that he at last, consented. More fortunate would it probably have been for me, had I gratified the wishes of this affectionate parent in adopting, the profession he ' had chosen for me, than thus induced him to sacrifice them to mine. However it might have  been, I was at length introduced into the shop, and my natural turn of mind corresponding with the employment I became in a short time uncommonly expert at the work to which I was set. I now felt myself well contented,  pleased with my occupation, and, treated with much affection by my father and kindness  by my step mother, my father. having once more entered the  state of matrimony,  with a widow much younger than himself,

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who had  been brought,up in a ,superior manner, and was an amiable at.W sensible woman.

 About a year after I bad commenced thiq apprenticeship, my. father finding that he could carry on his business to more advantage in Hull, removed ,thither with his family. An event of no little importance to me, as it in a great measure influenced my future destiny. Hull, being one of the best ports, in England, and a place ' of great trade, my fAther had there  full employment for his numerous workmen, particularly in vessel work.  This naturally leading me to an acquaintance with the sailors on board some of the ships, 'the many remarkable stories they . told me of their voyages and adventures and of the manners and customs of  the nations they had seen, excited a strong' wish in me to visit foreign countries which, was encreased by my, reading the, voyages of Capt. Cook, and some' other celebrated navigators.

 Thus passed,the four years that I lived at Hull, where my father, was esteemed by all

who knew him, as a worthy, industrious, and thriving man. ''At this period a circumstance   occurred which afforded me the opportunity i had for some time wished ,of gratifying my inclination of going abroad.

Among  our principal customers at Hull, were the Americans who frequented that 



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port, "and from whose' Conversation, my father as well as myself formed the most favorable opinion of that country, as affording an excellent field for the exertions of industry, arid a flattering prospect for the establishment of a young man in life.   In the summer of the year 1802 {1802/00/00}, during the peace between England and France, the ship Boston, belonging to Boston, in Massachusetts, and commanded by Capt. John Salter, arrived at Hull, whither she came to take on board a cargo of such goods as were wanted for the trade, with the Indians on the NorthWest coast of America, from whence, after having taken in a lading of furs and skins, she was to proceed to China, and from thence' home to America. The ship, having occasion for many repairs and alterations necessary for so long a voyage, the Captain applied to my father to do the smith work, which was very considerable.  That gentleman, who was of a social' turn, used often to  call at my father's house, where he passed  many Of' his, evenings, with his chief and second mates, Mr. B. Delouisa, and Mr. William Ingraham,  the latter a fine "young man of about twenty,, of a most amiable temper  and of such affable manners, as gained him the love and attachment of our whole crew.  These gentlemen used occasionally to take me with them to the theatre, an amusement which I was very fond of, and which my fa 



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ther rather encouraged than objected to, as he thought it a good menaus of Preventing young men who are naturally inclined to seek for something to amuse them, from frequenting taverns, ale houses, and places of bad resort, equally destructive of the health and morals, while the stage frequently furnishes excellent lessons of morality and good conduct. 

In the evenings that he passed at my father's, Captain Salter, who had for a great number of years been at sea, and seen almost all parts of the world, used sometimes to speak of his voyages, and observing, me listen, with much attention to his relations, he one day when I had brought hini some work, said, to me in rather a jocose manner, John, how should you like to go with me ? I answered that it would give nie great pleasure, that I had for a long, time wished to. visit foreign countries, particularly America, which I had been told so many fine stories of, and that if my father would give his consent and he was willing to take me with him, I would go.  I shall be very glad to do it, said he if your father can be prevailed on to let  you go, and as I want an expert smith for an armourer, the one I have shipped for that purpose not being sufficiently master of his trade, I have no doubt that, you will answer my turn well, as I perceive you are both active and ingenious, and on



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my return to America, I shall probably be able to do something mach better for you in Boston; I will take the first opportunity of speaking  to yout  father about it, and try t6 persuade, to consent. He accordingly the next,' evening that he called at our house introduced the subJect : my father at first would nof listen, to the proposal. That best of parents, though anxious for my advantageous establishment in life, could not bear to think of Parting with me, but on Capt. Salter's telling him of what benefit it would be to me to go the voyage with him,  and that it .was a pity to keep a promising Pnd ingenious young ,fellow like myself, confined to a small shop in England,  when if I bad tolerable success, I might do so much better in, America, where wages were 'much higher and living cheaper,  h6 at length gave ,up his objections and consented that I should 'ship on board the Boston aq an armourer, at the rate of  thirty dollars per month; with an agreement that the amount due me, together with a certain sum  of money which my father gave Capt. Salter for that purpose, should be laid out by him on the North West coast in the purchase of furs for my account, to be disposed of in China for such goods as would yield a profit on the return of the ship; my father being solicitous to give me every advantage in his power, of well establishing myself in my trade in Boston or some other maritime town



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of Arnerica. Such were the flattering expectations which this good inan indulged respecting me. Alas ! the fatal disaster that befel us, not only blasted all these hopes, but involved me in extreme distress, and wretchedness for a long period after.

The ship having undergone a thorough repair and been well coppered, proceeded to take 'on board her cargo, which consisted of, English cloths, Dutch blankets, looking', ,glasses, beads, knives, razors, &c. which were received from Holland, some sugar,, and molasses, about twenty hogsheads of: rum, including stores for the ship, a great quantity of ammunition, cutlasses, pistols, and three thousand muskets and fowling pieces. , The, ship being loaded and ready,' f6r sea, as,I was preparing for my departure, my fAther came to me, and taking me aside, said to me with much emotion, John, I am now going to part with you, and heaven only 'knows if.we shall ever again meet. But in whatever part of the world you are, always bear it in mind, that on your own conduct will depend your success in life. Be honest, industrious, frugal, and temperate, afid you will not fail, in whatsoever country it may be your lot to be placed,, to gain, yourself friends. Let the Bible be your guide and your reliance in any fortune that may befal you that, Almighty Being, who knows how to bring forth good from evil, 



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and who never deserts them who put their trust in him. He repeated 'his exhortations to me to lead an honest and a christian life, and to recollect that I had a father, a mother, a brother, and sister, who could not but feel a strong interest in my welfare, enjoining me to write hint   by the first opportunity that should offer to England,, from, whatever part of the world I might he in, more particularly on my arrival in 'Boston.  This I promised to do, but long unhappily was it before I was able to fulfil this promise. I then took an affectionate leave of my worthy parent whose feelings, would hardly permit him, t6 speak, and bidding ;xu affectionate farewell to my I brother, sister, and step mother, who expressed the greatest solicitude for my future fortune, went on board the ship, which proceeded ' to the Downs to be ready for the first favourable wind.  I found myself well accommodated on board,' as:, regarded my work, an iron forge having been erected on deck , this my father had made for the ship on a new plan, for which he afterwards obtained a patent ; while a corner of the steerage was appropriated to my vice bench, so that in bad weather I could work below.

 On the third day of September, 1802 {1802/09/03} we sailed from the Downs with a fair wind, in the company  with twenty four sail of American vessels, most of which were bound home.



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I was sea sick for a few of the first days, but it was of short continuance, and on my

recovery I found myself in uncommonly fine health aud spirits, and went to work, with

 alacrity at, my forge, in putting in 'order some of the muskets, and making daggers, knives, ,and small hatchets for the Indian trade, while, in wet and stormy weather I, was occupied below in filing and polishing them.  This was my employment, having but little

to 'do with sailing the vessel, though I used occasionally to lend a hand in assisting the

seamen, in taking in and making sail. As I had 'never before been out of sight of, land,

I cannot describe my sensations, after,I had recovered. fr6m the distressing effects of sea 

sickness, on viewing (lie mighty ocean by which I was surrounded, bounded only, by

the sky, while its waves rising, in .mountains, seemed.every moment  to 'threaten our ruin.  Manifest as is the hand of Providence in preserving its creatures from destruction, in non instance is it more so than  on the great deep ; for, whether we consider in its, tumultuary  motions the watry.deluge that each moment menaces to overwhelm us, the immense. violence of its shocks, "the little Illat interposes between us and death,. a single plank forming our only security, which, should it unfortunately be loosened would

plunge us at once into the abyss our gratitude ought strongly to be excited towards 



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that superintending Deity who, in so wonderful a manner sustains our lives amid" the waves.

  We had a pleasant and favorable passage of twenty nine days to the Island, of St. Catherine on,the coast of Brazils, where the Captain haid, determined to stop for a few

days to wood and water. This place belongs to the Portuguese. On entering tile

harbor we were saluted by the fort which ive returned. The, next day the Governor of the

Island came on board, of' us with his suite; Captain Salter received him with much respect and invited him to dine with him, which he accepted.  The ship remained at St. Catherine's four days,'during which time, we were busily employed in, taking in Wood, water, and fresh' provisions.   Captain Salter thinking it best ',to furnish. himself here with a full supply for his voyage to the North West coast, so as not to be obliged to stop at the Sandwich Islands.  St. Catherine is a very commodious place for vessels to stop at that are bound round Cape Horn, as it abounds with springs of fine water, with excellent oranges, plantains, and bananas.

  'Having completed our stores we put to 'sea, and, on the twenty fifth of December {1802/12/25} at length passed Cape Horn, which we had made no less than thirty six days before, but were repeatedly forced back by contrary

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winds, experiencing very rough and tempestuous weather in doubling it.

Immediately after passing Cape Horn, all our dangers afid difficulties seemed to be

at an end; the weather became 'fine and so little labour  Was necessary  on board the ship

that the men soon recovered from their fatigue and were in excellent spirits.  A few days After  we fell In, with, art English South Sea whaling Ship, homeward bound, which was the only vessel we SPOKe with on our ,Voyage. We' now 'took 66 trade 'wind or monsoon, durIng, which we ,enjoyed, the finest weather :possible, so thar foi the space of a fortnight  we were not obliged to reeve a topsail or to make a tack, and so light was the duty and easy the life of the sailors during this time, that they appeared the happiest of any people in the world.   

 Captain Salter, who had been for many years in the East India trade, was a most excellent seaman, and preserved the strictest order and discipline on board his ship, though he was a man of mild temper and conciliating manners, and disposed to allow every indulgence to his men, not inconsistent with their duty.  We had on board a fine band of music, with which on Saturday nights, when the weather was pleasant, we were accustomed to be regaled, the Captain ordering them to play for several hours for the amusement of the crew.  This to me

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WAs,_MOst delightful, especially during the serene' evenings, we experienced in traversing the Southern Ocean.  As, oi  myself, during the day I Was constantly occupied at my forge, in refitting or repairing some ot the iron WOrk of th! vessel, but principally in making tomahawks,' daggers, &c. for the North West coast.

 During the first part or our voyage we saw scarcely any fish, excepting some ,

whales, a few sharks, and flying fish; but after 'Weathering Cape Horn we met with numerous shoals of sea porpoises, several of whom we caught a6d  as' we bad been for some time without fresh provisions, I found lt not`only,,,_A palatable but really  a, very excellent food. To 'one who has never before seen them, a' shoal of 'these fish presents a very striking and singular appearance; beheld, at,,A distance coming towards a vessel they look not unlike a great number of small black waves rolling over one another in a   confused manner and approaching with great swiftness.  As soon as a shoal is seen all is bustle and activity on board the ship, the grains and the harpoons are immediately got ready, and those who are best skilled in throwing them take their stand at the bow and along the gunwale anxiously awaiting the welcome troop as they come, gamboling and blowing around the vessel, in search of food.  When pierced with the harpoon and 



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drawn on board, unless the fish is  instantly killed by 'the stroke, which 'rarely happens,"

if utters most pitiful cries, greatly resembling those of an infant.' The flesh cut into steaks and broiled, is not unlike very coarse beef, and 'the harslet in appearance and taste is so much like that of a hog, that it would be no easy matter to distinguish the one from the other; from this circumstance the sailors have given the name  of the herring hog to this fish ; I was told by some, of tile crew, that if one of them happens to free itself from the grains or harpoons, When struck, all the others, attracted by tile blood,  Immediately quit ''the ship and ,give chace to the wounded one, and as soon as they overtake it immediately 

tear it in pieces.  We also caught a large shark, which bad followed the ship for several days with a hook which I made for the purpose, and although the flesh was by no means equal to that of the herring hog, yet to those destitute as we were of any thing fresh, I found it eat very well.  After passing the Cape when the sea had become calm we saw great numbers of Albatrosses, a large brown and white bird of the goose kind, one of which Captain Salter shot, whose wings measured from their extremities fifteen feet.  One thing, however, I must not omit mentioning, as it struck me in a most singular and extraordinary manner.  This was, that on



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passing Cape Horn in December, which was mid summer in that climate, the nights were so light, without any moon, that we found no difficulty whatever in reading small print which we frequently did during our watches.

 In this manner, with a fair wind and easy weather from the 28th of December {1802/12/28}, the period of our passing Cape Horn, we pursued our voyage to the Northward until the 12th of March, 1803 {1803/03/12}, when we made Woody Point in Nootka Sound on the North West coast of America.  We immediately stood up the Sound for Nootka, where Capt. Salter had determined to stop, in order to supply the ship with wood and water before proceeding up the coast to trade.  But in order to avoid the risque of any molestation or interruption to his men from the Indians, while thus employed, he proceeded with the ship about five miles to the Northward of the village, which is situated on Friendly Cove, and sent out his chief mate with several of the crew in the boat to find a good place for anchoring her.  After sounding for some time, they returned with information that they had discovered a secure place for anchorage, on the Western side of an inlet or small bay at about half a mile from the coast, near a small island which protected it from the sea, and where there was a plenty of wood and excellent water.  The ship accordingly came to anchor in this 

B 2



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place, at twelve o'clock at night, in twelve fathom water, muddy bottom, and so near the shore that to prevent the ship from winding we secured her by a hauser to the trees.  On the morning of the next day, the thirteenth {1803/03/13}, several of the natives came on board in a canoe from the village of Nootka, with their king, called Maquina, who appeared much pleased on seeing us, and with great seeming cordiality, welcomed Capt. Salter and his officers to his country.  As I had never before beheld a savage of any nation, it may readily be supposed that the novelty of their appearance, so different from any people that I had hitherto seen, excited in me strong feelings of surprize and curiosity.  I was, however, particularly struck with the looks of their king, who was a man of a dignified aspect, about six feet in height and extremely strait and well proportioned; his features were in general good and his face was rendered remarkable by a large Roman nose, a very uncommon form of a feature among these people; his complexion was of a dark copper hue, though his face, legs, and arms were, on this occasion, so covered with red paint, that their natural colour could scarcely be perceived, his eye brows were painted black in two broad stripes like a new moon, and his long black hair, which shone with oil, was fastened in a bunch on the top of his head and strewed or powder 



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ed all over, With white, down which gave  him a most curious and extraordinary appearance.  He was dressed in a large mantle or cloak of the black sea otter skin, which reached to his knees, "and was fastened around his middle by a broad belt of the cloth of, the' country, wrought or painted Avith figures of several colours; this dress Was by no means unbecoming, but on the contrary had an air of savage magnificence.  His men were  habited ,iw mantles of the same cloth, which is ,made from the bark of a tree, an& has    some resemblance to straW matting,  these are 'nearly square and 'have two holes in the upper part large enough to admit the arms  they reach 'as low as the knees  an(I are fastened around, their bodies with  a belt about four,  inches broad of the" same cloth.   From his having frequently visited the English and American ships that traded to the coast, Maquina had learned the signification of a number of English words, and in general could make himself pretty well understood by  us in our own language.  He was always the first to go onboard such ships as came to Nootka, which he was much pleased in visiting, even when he had no trade to offer,  as he almost always received some small present, and was in general extremely well treated by the commanders.  He remained on board of us for some time



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during ,wbilch the captain took him into th6 cabin and treated, him with a  glass ,of rum; these' people being very fond of distilled spirits, and some biscuit and, molasses.  which they prefer to any kind of food that we can offer them.

As there are seldom many  furs to ,be purchased at  this  place and it was not fully  the 

season, Capt. Salter had put in here not so much, with an expectation of trading as to

procure an ample stock of,wood and water for the supply of the ship on the coast, thinking it more prudent to take it on. board at Nootka,  from the generally friendly disposition of tbe people, than to endanger the safety of his Men, in sending, them on shore for that purpose  among the more ferocious natives of the North.  With this view, we immediately set about gettIng our water casks in readiness, and the next and two  succeeding days. part of  the crew were sent on shore to cut pine timber and assist the carpenter in making it into yards and spars for tho  ship, while those on board were employed . in fitting the rigging, repairing the sails, &c, when we proceeded to take in our wood and water as expeditiously as possible, during which time I kept myself busily employed in repairing muskets, making knives, tomaxes, &c. and doing such iron work as was wanted for the ship.  Meantime more or less of the natives came on board of us daily, 



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bringing with them fresh salmon with which they Supplied us in great plenty, receiving in return some trifling articles.  Capt. Salter was always very particular before admitting

 these people on board to see that they hAd no arms about them, by obliging them indiscriminately to throw off their garments, so that he felt perfectly secure from any attack.  On the fifteenth {1803/03/15} the king came on board with several of his chiefs; he was dressed as  before in his magnificent otter skin robe, having his face highly painted, and his hair tossed off with the white down which looked like snow.  his chiefs were dressed in mantles of the country cloth of its natural ,colour which is a pale yellow; these were ornamented with a bro ad border painted or wrought in , figures of several colours representing men's heads, various animals, &c, and secured  around  them  by 'a belt like that of the king from which it was distinguished only by being narrower;  the dress of the common people is of the same fashion and differs from that of the chiefs, in being of a coarser texture and painted red, of one uniform colour.

 'Capt. Salter invited Maquina and his chiefs to dine with him, and it was curious to see how these people (when they eat) seat themselves (in their country fashion, upon our chairs) with their feet under them crossed like Turks.  They cannot endure the 



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taste of salt, and the only thing they would eat with us was the ship bread which they were very fond of especiAlly 'when dipped in molasses, they had' also a great liking for tea ald coffee when 'well sweetened.  As iron weapons and tools of almost every kind are in much request among them, whenever they came on board they were always very attentive to me, crowding around me at the forge, as if to see in what manner I did my work, and in this way became quite familiar, a circumstance, as Will be' seen in the end, 'of great importance to me, The salmon  which they brought us furnished a most delicious treat to men who for a'long time had lived wholly on salt provisions excepting such few sea fish as we had the good fortune to occasionally take.  We indeed feased most luxuriously, and flattered ourselves that we should not want while on the coast for plenty of fresh provisions, little imagining the fate that awaited us, and that this dainty food was to prove the unfortunate lure to our destruction!  On the nineteenth, {1803/03/19} the king came again on board and was invited by the Captain to dine with him.  He had much conversation with Capt. Salter, and informed him that there were plenty of wild ducks and geese near Friendly Cove, on which the Captian made him a present of a double barreled fowling piece with which he appeared to be greatly pleased and soon after went on shore.



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On the 20th {1803/03/20} we were nearly ready for our departure, having taken in what wood and water we were in want of.

 The next day Maquina came on board with nine pair of wild ducks, as a present, at the same time be brought with him the gun one of the locks of which be had broken, telling the Captain that it was peshak, that is bad; Capt. Salter was very much offended at this observation, and considering it as a mark of contempt for his present, he vcalled the king a liar, adding other opprobrious terms, and taking the gun from him tossed it indignantly into the cabin and calling me to him said, "John, this fellow has broken this beautiful fowling piece, see if you can mend it; on examining it I told him that it could be done.'  As I have already observed, Maquina knew a number of English words, and unfortunately understood but too well the meaning of the reproachful terms that the Captain addressed to him.  He said not a word in repy, but his countenance sufficiently expressed the rage he felt, tho' he exerted himself to suppress it, and I observed him while the Captain was speaking repeatedly put his hand to his throat and rub it upon his bosom, which he afterwards told me was to keep down his heart which was rising into his throat and choking him.  He soon after went on shore with his men, evidently much discomposed.



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On the morning of the 22d {1803/03/22} the natives came off to us as usual with salmon, and remained on board, when about noon Maquina came along side with a considerable number of his chiefs and men in their canoes, who, after going through the customary examination were admitted into the ship.  He had a whistle in his hand, and over his face a very ugly mask of wood representing the head of some wild beast, appeared to be remarkably good humoured and gay, and whilst his people sung and capered about the deck, entertaining us with a variety of antic tricks and gestures, he blew his whistle to a kind of tune which seemed to regulate their motions.  As Capt. Salter was walking on the quarter deck amusing himself with their dancing , the king came up to him and enquired when he intended to go to sea?   he answered to morrow.    Maquina then said, 'you love salmon  much in Friendly Cove, why not go there and catch some?'  The Captain thought that it would be very desirable to have a good supply of these fish for the voyage, and on consulting with Mr. Delouisa it was agreed to send part of the crew on shore after dinner with the seine in order to procure a quantity  Maquina and his chiefs staid and dined on board, and after dinner the chief mate went off with nine men in the jolly boat and yawl to fish at Friendly Cove, having set the steward on shore at



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our watering place to wash the captain's clothes.  Shortly after the departure of the boats . I went down to my vice bench, in the steerage, where I was employed in cleaning muskets. I had not been there more, tban...'an hour when I heard, the men hoisting in the long boat, which in a few minutes after, was succeeded by a great bustle and confusion on deck. I immediately ran up the steerage stairs. but scarcely was my head above deck, when I was caught by the hair by one of the savages, and lifted from my feet; fortunately for me, my hair being short, and the ribbon with which it was tied slipping, I fell from his hold into the steerage.  As I was .falling, he struck at me with an axe, which cut a deep gash in my forehead, and penetrated the skull, but in consequence of his losing his hold, I luckily escaped the full force of tbe blow ; which, otherwise, would have cleft my head in two., I fell, stunned and senseless, upon the floor  how long I continued in. this situation I know not, but on recovering my senses the first thing I tried to do was get up; but so weak was I  from the loss of blood that I fainted  and fell. I was however soon recalled to my recollection by three loud shouts or yells from the savages, which convinced me that they had got possession of the ship.  It is impossible for me to describe my feelings at this terrific sound.  Some faint idea may be for 

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med of them, by 'those who have known what it is to  be half waken from, a hideous  dream, and Still think it real. Never, no, never shall I lose from my mind, the impression of that dreadful moment. I expected every instant to share the wretched fate of my unfortunate Companions, and when I heard the song of triumph, by which these infernal yells., was succeeded, my blood, ran cold in my veins.  Having at length, sufficiently recovered my senses, to look around me, after wiping the blood from my eyes, I saw, the hatch Of the steerage was shut. This was done As I afterwards discovered, by order of Maquina, who, on seeing the savage strike at me with the axe, told him not to hurt me, 

for that I was the armourer, and would be useful to them, in repairing their arms; while

at the same time to prevent any of his men from injuring me, he had the hatch closed.

But to me this circumstance wore a very different appearance for I thought that these barbarians 'had only prolonged my life in order to deprive me of it by the most cruel tortures.  I remained in this horrid state of suspence for a very long Time,, when at length the hatch was opened, and Maquina, calling me by name, ordered me to come up.

I groped my way up as well as I was able, being almost blinded with the blood that flowed from my wound, and so weak as with difficulty to walk.  The king, on perceiving



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my situation, ordered one of his men to bring a pot of water to wash the blood from my face, which having done, I was able  to see distinctly with one of my eyes, but the other was so swollen from my wound, that it was closed. But what a terrific spectacle met my eyes ; six naked  savages, standing in a circle around me, covered with the blood Of my murdered comrades, with their daggers uplifted in their hands, prepared to strike.  I now thought my last moment had come, and recommended my soul to MY Maker.   

The king, who, as I have already ,observed knew enough, of English to 'make himself understood, entered the circle, and placing himself  before me, addressed me nearly in the following words  " John   I speak  you no say no   You say no   daggers come!"  He then asked me if I would be his slave during my life  If I would fight for hum in his battles  If I would repair his muskets and make daggers and knives for him  with several other questions, to all of which I was careful to answer, Yes.   He then told me that he would spare my life and ordered me to kiss his hands and feet to show my submission to him, which I did.  In the mean time his people were very clamorous to have me put to death, so that there should be none of us left to tell our story to our countrymen and prevent them from coming to trade with them; but the king in the 



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most determined manner opposed their wishes, and to his favour am I wholly indebted for my yet being among the living.  As I was busy at work at the time of the attack, I was without my coat, and what with the coldness of the weather, my feebleness from loss of blood, the pain of my wound and the extreme agitation and terror that I still felt, I shook like a leaf, which the king observing, went into the cabin and bringing up a great coat that belonged to the captain, threw it over my shoulders, telling me to drink some rum  from a bottle which he" handed me at the same time, giving me to understand that it would be good for me and keep me from trembling as I did.  I took a draught of it, after which, taking me by the hand, he led me to the quarter deck, where the most horrid sight presented itself that ever my eyes witnessed  the heads of our unfortunate Captain and his crew, to the number of twenty  five were all arranged in a line, and Maquina ordering one of his people to bring a head, asked Me whose it was: I answered, the Captain's;

in like manner the others were shewed me, and I told him the names, excepting a few

that 'Were so horribly mangled, that I was not able to recognize them.  I now discovered that all our unfortunate crew had been massacred, And learned that after getting possession of the ship, the savages had broke open the arm chest and magazine, and supplying



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themselves with ammunition and arms, sent a party on shore to attack our men who had

gone thither to fish' and being joined by numbers froin the' village, Without, difficulty,

overpowered and murdered them, and cutting off their heads, brought them on board, after throwing their bodies into the sea.  On looking upon the deck, I saw it entirely covered with the blood of my poor comrades, whose throats had been cut With their own

jack knives, the savages having seized the  opportunity while they were busy in hoisting in the boat to grapple with them overpower them by their numbers; in 'the scuffle the Captain was thrown overboard and dispatched by those in the canoes who immediately cut off his head: 'What I felt on this occasion, may be more readily conceived than expressed.

After I had answered  his questions, Maquina took my silk handkerchief from my neck and  bound it around my head, placing over the wound 'a leaf of tobacco, of which we had a quantity on board. This was done at my desire, as I had often found

from personal experience the benefit of this application to cuts.  Maquina then ordered me to get the ship under weigh for Friendly Cove.  This I did by cutting the cables and sending some of the natives aloft to loose the sails, which they performed in a very bungling manner.  But

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they  succeeded so far in loosing, the Jib, and top sails that with  the advantage of a fair

 wind, I succeeded in getting the ship into the Cove, where, by order of  the king, I ran

her ashore on a sandy. beach, at 8 o'clock at night.

We were received by the inhabitants. of the village, 'Men, ,women, and children, with` loud shouts of joy, and, a most horrible, drumming with sticks upon   the roofs  and sides of their houses in which they had also stuck a great number of lighted pine torches, to welcome their  king's return and congratulate him on the success of his enterprize.

Maquina then  took me on shore to his house,which was very large ati filled  with people  where I was received with much kindness by the women, particularly those belonging to the king, who had no less than nine wives, all of whom came around me  expressing much sympathy for my misfortune,' gently stroking and, patting my head in an encouraging and ' soothing' manner, with words expressive of condolence. How sweet is compassion even from savages ?    Those who have .been in a similar situation can alone truly appreciate its value.

In the mean time, all the warriors of the tribe, to the number of five hundred, had assembled at the king's house to rejoice for their success.  They exulted greatly in ha 



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having taken our  ship and each one boasted of his own particular exploits in killing our  men, but they were in general much dissatisfied with my having been suffered to live,  and were very urgent with Maquina to deliver me to them to be put to death, which he obstinately 'refused to do telling them that he had promised me my life and would not breach his word; and that, besides, I knew how to repair and to make arms, and should be of great use to them.

The king then seated me by him, and ordered his women to bring him something  to eat, when they set before him, some dried clams and train oil, of which he ate very heartily, and encouraged me to follow his example., telling me to ,eat much, and take 'a great deal of oil which,would  make,',me strong and fat;  notwithstanding his praise of this new kind of food, I felt no disposition to indulge in it. both the smell and 

taste being loathsome to me;   and had it been otherwise,, such was the pain I endured; the

agitation of my mind,  and the gloominess of my reflections, that I should have felt very

little inclination for eating.  Not satisfied with his first refusal to deliver me up to them the people again became clamorous that Maquina should consent to my being killed, saying that not one of us ought to be left alive to give information to others of our countrymen and prevent them from coming



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to trade or induce them to revenge the destruction of our ship, and they at length became  so boisterous that he caught up a large club in a passion and drove them all out of  the house.  During this scene a son of the king, of about eleven years old, attracted no doubt by the singularity of my appearance came up to me:  I caressed him;  he returned my attentions with much apparent pleasure, and considering this as a fortunate opportunity to gain the good will of the father, I took, the child On My knee. and cutting the Metal' buttons from off the 'Coat I had on, I tied them around  his neck. At this he was highly delighted, and became so much attached to me that he would not quit me.

The king appeared much pleased with my attention to his Son,' and telling me, that it

'Was time to go to sleep directed me to lie with his son next to him, a's he was afraid

lest some of his people would' come while he was asleep and kill me with their daggers. I lay down as he ordered me, but neither the state of my mind nor the pain I felt would allow me to sleep. About midnight I was greatly alarmed by the approach of one of the natives, who came to give information to the king that there was one of the white men alive, who had knocked him down as he went on the Ship at night.  This Maquina communicated to me, giving me to understand that as soon as the sun



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rose he' should kill him.  I endeavoured to persuade him to spare his life, but he bade me be silent and go to sleep.  I said nothing more but lay revolving in my mind what method I could devise to save the life of this man. ' What a consolation thought I,  what a  happiness would it prove to me in MY forlorn state among these heathen, to have a Christian and one of my own countrymen for a companion, and how greatly would it

alleviate and lighten the burden of my slavery.  As I was thinking of some plan for

his  preservation, it all at once came into my mind that this man was probably the: sail

maker, of 'the ship, named Thompson, as I had not seen his head among those on deck and knew that he was below at work upon the sails not long before the attack. The

more I thought of it the more  probable it appeared to me, and as Thompson was a man nearly forty years of age and had an old look, I conceived it would be easy to make him 

pass for my father and by this means prevail on Maquina to spare his life. Towards morning I fell into a doze, but was awakened  with the first beams of the sun by the king, who told me' that he was going to kill the man who was on board the ship, and ordered me to accompany him.  I arose and followed him, leading with me the young prince, his son.



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On coming to the beach I found all the men of the tribe assembled. The king addressed them,  saying that one of the white men had been found alive on board the ship, and requested their opinion as to saving his life or putting him to death. They were unanimously  for the first: This determination he made known to me.  Having arranged my plan, I asked him, pointing to the boy whom I still held by the hand, if he loved his son, he answered that he did, I then asked the child if he loved his father, and on his replying in the affirmative, I said and, I also love mine." I then threw myself on my knees at Maquina's feet and implored him with tears in my eyes to spare my father's life, if the man on board should prove to be him, telling.him that if he killed My  father it was my Wish that he should kill me too, and that if he did not I would kill myself    and that he would thus lose my services; whereas, by sparing my father's life he would preserve mine, which would  be of great advantage to him by my repairing and making arms for him.  Maquina, appeared moved by my entreaties and promised not to Put the man to death if he should be my father.  He then explained to his people what I had said, and ordered me to go on board and tell the man to come on shore,  To my unspeakable joy on   going into the hold, I found that my conjecture was true.



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Thompson was there, he had escaped without any injury, excepting a slight wound in the nose, given him by' one of the savages with a knife as he attempted to come on deck,

during the scuffle. Finding the savages in possession of the ship, as he afterwards informed me, he secreted himself in the hold, hoping for some chance to make his escape  but that the Indian who came  on board in the night approaching the place where he was, he supposed himself discovered. and being determined to sell his life as dearly as  possible, as soon as he came within his reach, he knocked him down, but the Indian immediately springing up ran off at full speed.   I informed him in a few Words that all our men had ,been killed; that the king had preserved my life, and had consented to spare his On the supposition  that he was my father, an opinion which he must be careful  not to undeceive them in, as it was his only safety.  After giving  him his cue,  I went on shore with him, and presented him to Maquina who immediately knew him to be the sail maker and was much pleased, observing that he could make sails for ,his canoe. He then took us to his house and ordered something for us to eat. 

On the 24th {1803/03/24} and 25th {1803/03/25} the natives, were busily employed in taking the cargo out  of the ship, stripping her of, her sails and rigging, cutting away the spars and masts, and in



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short  rendering, her as complete a wreck as possible, the muskets, ammunition, cloth and all the principal articles taken 'from her, being deposited in the king's house.

While they were thus occupied, each one taking what he liked, my companion and  myself being obliged to, aid them, I thought 'it best to secure the accounts and papers of the ship, in hopes ,that on some future day I might have it in my power to restore them to the owners. With this view I took possession of the Captain's writing desk which contained the most of them together with some paper and implements for writing. I had also the good fortune to find a blank account book, in which I resolved,,` should 'it be permitted me, to write an account of our capture and the' most remarkable occurrences that I should meet with during my stay among these people, fondly indulging the hope that it would not be long before some vessel would arrive to release us.  I  likewise found in the cabin, a small volume of sermons, a bible, and a common prayer  book of the  Church of England, which furnished me and my comrade great consolation in the midst of our mournful servitude, and enabled me, under the favor 0 of divine providence, to support with  firmness, the miseries of a life which I might otherwise have found beyond my strength to endure.  As these people set no value upon things of this



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kind, I found no difficulty in appropriating them to myself, by putting them in My chest, which though it lad, been  broken open and rifled by the savages, as, I still had, the key, I without much difficulty secured. In this I also put some small tools belonging to the ship, with several other ,articles particularly  ,a journal kept by the second mate., Mr. lngraham, and a collection of drawings and views of places taken by him, which 'I had

the good fortune to preserve, and on my arrival at Boston, I gave them to a connection

of his, the honourable Judge Dawes, who sent them, to his family, in New York. On the 26th {1803/03/26} two ships were seen standing in for Friendly Cove.  At their first appearance tlie  inhabitants were thrown into great confusion, but soon collecting a number  of musquets and blunderbusses, ran to the shore from whence they kept up so brisk a fire at them, that they were Afraid  to approach nearer and after firing a few rounds of grape shot, which did no harm to any one, they wore ship and stood out to

sea. These ships as I afterwards learned, were the Mary and Juno of Boston.

They were scarcely out of sight when Maquina expressed much regret that he had permitted his people to fire at them, being apprehensive that they would give information to others in what manner they had been

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received and prevent them from coming to trade with him.

A few days after hearing of the capture of the ship, there arrived at Nootka a great number of canoes filled with savages from no less than twenty tribes to the North and South. Among those from the North were the Ai tiz zarts, Schoo mad its, Neu wit ties,  Savin nars, Ah owz arts, Mo watch its, Suth setts, Neu chad lits, Mich la its, and Cay u quets ; the most of whom were considered as tributary to Nootka. From the South, the Aytch arts and Esqui ates also tributary, with the Kla oo quates, and the  Wickanninish, a large and powerful tribe about two hundred miles distant.  These last were better clad than most of the others, and their canoes wrought with much greater skill; they are furnished with sails as well as paddles, and with the advantage of a fair breeze, are usually but twenty four hours on   their passage.

Maquina, who was very proud of his new acquisition, was desirous of  welcoming these visitors in the European manner.  He accordingly ordered his men, as the canoes

approached to assemble on the beach with loaded muskets  and blunderbusses, placing

Thompson at the cannon which had heen brought from the ship and laid upon two long sticks of timber in front of the village, then taking a speaking trumpet in his hand



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he ascended with me and began drumming or beating upon the boards with a stick most violently.  Nothing could be more ludicrous than the appearance of this motly groupe of savages collected on the shore, dressed as they were, with their ill gotten finery, in the most fantastic manner, some in women's smocks, taken from our cargo, others in Kotsacks, (or cloaks) of blue, red or yellow broad cloth, with stockings drawn over their heads , and their necks hung round with numbers of powder horns, shot bags, and cartouch boxes, some of thein having  no less than ten muskets a piece on their shoulders, and five or six daggers in their girdles. Diverting indeed was it to see dieni all squatted upon the beach, holding their muskets perpendicularly. with the butt pressed upon the sand instead of against their shoulders, and in this position awaiting the order to fire.  Maquina at last called to them with his trumpet to fire, which they did , in the most awkward and timid  manner, with muskets hard pressed upon the ground as above mentioned.  At the same moment the cannon were fired by Thomson, immediately, on which, they threw, themselves back, and began to roll and tumble as if they bad been shot, when suddenly springing up they began a song of triumph and running backward and forward upon 



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the shore, with the wildest gesticulations, boasted  of their exploits and exhibited as

trophies what they had taken from us. Notwithstanding the unpleasantness of my situation, and the feelings, that this display of our  spoils excited, I could not avoid laughing, at the strange appearance of these savages, their awkward movements, and the singular contrast of their dress and arms. 

When the ceremony was concluded, Maquina invited the strangers to  a feast at his house, consisting of whale blubber, smoked herring spawn, and dried fish and train oil, of which they eat most plentifully. The feast being over, the trays out of which they eat and other things were immediately removed to make room for the dance  which was to close the entertainment. This was performed by Maquina's son, the young prince Sat sat sok sis,  whom I have already spoken of, in the following manner  Three Of the principal, chiefs, drest in their otter skin mantles, which they wear only on extraordinary occasions and at festivals, having their heads covered over with white down and their faces highly painted, came forward into the middle of the room, each furnished With a bag filled with the white down, Which they scattered  around in such a manner as to represent a fall of snow.   These were followed by the young prince, who was dressed in a long piece of yellow cloth, wrapped



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loosely around him, and' decorated ''With small  bells, with a cap on his head, to which

was fastened a curious mask in imitation of a wolf's head, while the rear was brought

up by the king, himself in his robe of  sea otter skin, with a small whistle in his mouth

and a rattle in his hand, with which he kept time on his whistle. After passing very rapidly in this order Around the house, each of them seated himself, except the prince who immediately began his dance, which principally consisted in springing up into the air' in a squat posture, and constantly turning around on his heels with great swiftness in a very narrow circle.  This dance, with a few, intervals  of rest, was continued for about two hours, during which the chiefs kept up a constant drumming with sticks of about a foot' in length on a long hollow plank, which was, though a very noisy, a most doleful kind of music.  This they accompanied with songs, the king himself acting as chorister, while the women applauded each feat of activity in the dancer by repeating ttie words, Wocash! Wocash Tyee!  that is good! very good prince.  As soon as the dance was finished 

Maquina began to give presents to the strangers in the name of his son Sat sat sok sis.  These were pieces of European cloth generally of a fathom in length, muskets, powder, shot, &c.  Whenever he gave them any thing, they had a pe 

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culiar manner of snatching it from him with a very stern and surly look, repeating each time, the  words, Wocash Tyee. This I understood to be their custom, and was considered as a compliment which if omitted would be supposed as a mark of disregard for the present. On this occasion Maquina gave away no less than one hundred muskets, the same number of looking glasses, four hundred yards of cloth, and twenty casks of powder, beside other things.

After receiving these presents, the strangers retired on board their canoes, for so numerous were they that Maquina would not suffer any but the chiefs to sleep in the houses; and in order to prevent the property from being  pillaged by them, he ordered

Thompson and myself to keep guard, during the night, armed with cutlasses and pistols.

In this manner tribes of savages from various parts of the coast, continued coming for 

several days, bringing with them, blubber, oil, herring spawn, dried fish and clams, for which they received in return, presents of cloth, &c. after which they in general immediately returned home.  I observed that very few, if any of them, except the chiefs, had arms, which I afterwards learned is the custom with these people whenever they come upon a friendly visit or trade, in order to shew, on their approach, that their intentions are pacific.



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Early on the morning of the 19th, {1803/04/19} the ship was discovered to be on fire.   This was owing to one of the savages having gone on board witli a fire brand at night,  for the 

purpose of plunder, some sparks from which fell Into the hold, and communicating with

Some combustibles soon enveloped the whole in flames. The natives regretted the loss of the ship the more as a great part of her cargo still remained On board.  To my companion and myself, it was a most melancholy sight, for with her disappeared  from our eyes every trace of a civilized country ; but the disappointment we experienced was still more severely felt, for we had calculated  on having the provision to ourselves which would have furnished us with a  stock for years; as whatever is cured with salt, together with most of our other articles of food are never eaten by these people. I had luckily saved all my tools  excepting the anvil, and the bellows which was attached to the forge And from their Weight had not been brought on shore.  We had also the good fortune in looking over what had been  taken from the ship to discover a box  of chocolate and 'a Case of Port wine, which as the. Indians were not fond of it Proved a great comfort to us, for some time, and from ine of the natives I obtained a nautical almanack, which had belonged  to the Captain, and was of great use to me in determining the time.



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About two days after, on examining their booty, the savages found a tierce of rum with which they were highly delighted, as they have become very fond of spirituous liquors since their intercourse with the whites.  This was towards evening, and Maquina having assembled all the men at his house, gave a feast, at which they drank so freely of the rum, that in a short time, they became so extremely wild and frantic that Thompson and myself, apprehensive for our safety, thought it prudent to retire privately into the woods, where we continued till past midnight. On  our return we found the women gone, who are always very temperate,  drinking nothing but water, having quitted the house and gone to the other huts to sleep, so terrified Were they at the conduct of the men, who all lay stretched out on the floor in a state of complete intoxication.  How easy in this situation would it have been for us to have dispatched or made ourselves masters of our enemies, had there been any ship near to which we could have escaped but as we were situated, the attempt would have been madness.  The wish of revenge was however less strongly impressed on my mind, than what appeared to be so evident an interposition of divine Providence in our favour.  How little can man penetrate its designs and how frequently is that intended as a blessing which he views as a curse.  The



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burning of' our ship which we had  lamented ,so, Intic ti, as depriving us of so many Comforts, now Appeared to us in a: very different light, for had the savages got possession of  the rum which there were nearly twenty puncheons on board 'we must inevitably have fallen a sacrifice to their fury in some Of their moments of intoxication. "This cask fortunately a  case of gin was all the spirits obtained from the ship.  To prevent "lie recurrence of similar danger I examined the cask, and finding still a considerable quantity remaining, I bored a small hole in the bottom with a gimblet, which before Morning to my great joy completely emptied it.

By this time the wound in my head began to be much better, so that I could enjoy

some sleep which I had  been almost deprived of by the pain, and though I was still feeble from the loss of blood and my sufferings, I found myself sufficiently well to go to work at my trade, in making for the king and his wives bracelets and other small ornaments of copper or steel, and, in repairing the arms, making use of a large square stone for the anvil  and heating my metal in a common wood fire. This was very gratifying to Maquina and his women particularly, and secured me their good will.

In Ahe mean time great numbers from the other tribes kept continually flocking to Nootka.



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bringing with them in exchange for the Ship's plunder such quantities of provision,

that notwithstanding the little success that Maquina met with in whaling this season, and their gluttonous, waste, always eating to excess when they have it, regardless

of tlie morrow, seldom did the natives experience any want of food during the summer.

As to myself and companion we fared as they did, never wanting for such provision as they had, though we were obliged to eat it cooked in their manner and with train oil as a

sauce, a circumstance not a little unpleasant, both from their uncleanly mode of cooking,  and many of the articles of their food Which to an European are very disgusting, 

but. as the saying is, hunger  will break through stone walls, and we found at times in the blubber of sea animals and the flesh of the dog fish loathsome as it in general was, a very acceptable repast.  But much oftener would poor Thompson, who was no favorite with them, have suffered from hunger, had it not been for my furnishing him with provision    

This I was enabled to do from my work, Maquina allowing me the priviledge, when not employed for him, to work for myself in making bracelets and other ornaments of copper, fish hooks, daggers, &c. either to sell to the tribes who visited us, or for our own chiefs, who on these occasions besides supplying me with as much as I



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wished to eat, and a sufficiency for Thomson, almost always made me a present of  an European garment taken frotn the ship or Some fathoms of cloth, which were made up by my comrade, and enabled us to go comfortably clad for some time, or small bundles of penknives, rasors, scissors, &c. for one of which we could almost always procure from the natives two or three fresh salmon, cod, or halibut; or dried fish, clams and herring spawn from the stranger tribes; and had we only been permitted to cook them after our own way, as we had pots ,and other utensils belonging to the ship, we should have not had much cause of complaint in this respect, but so tenacious are these people of their customs, particularly in the article, of food and cooking, that the. king always obliged me to give whatever provision I bought to the women to cook  ,and one' day finding Thompson and myself,(w the shore employed in boiling down sea water into salt, on being told  ,what it was, he was very much displeased, and taking, the little we had procured, threw 4 into the sea. In one instance alone, as a particular favour, he allowed me to boil some salmon in my own, way, when I invited him and his queen to eat with me; they tasted it, but did not like it, and made' their meal of some of it that I had cooked in their country fashion.

In May, the weather became uncommonly



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mild lanj  pleasant, and so forward. was vegetation that I picked a plenty of strawberries by the middle of the month. Of this fruit, tber,4_, are great quantities on this coast, and I found them a most delicious treat.   My health now had become almost re established, my wound being so far healed that it gave me no further trouble. I had never failed to wash it regularly once a day in seawater, and to dress it with, a fresh leaf of tobacco from the natives, who had taken it from the ship, but made no use of it.  This was all the dressing I gave it, except applying to it two or three times, a little loaf sugar, which Maquina gave me, in order to remove some proud flesh which prevented it from closing.  

My cure would doubtless have been mvwli sooner effected had I have been in a civilized country, where I could have had it dressed by a surgeon and properly attended to, but

alas! I had no good Samaritan with oil and wine to bind up my wounds, anti fortunate might I even esteem myself that I was permitted to dress it myself, for the utmost that I could  expect from the natives was compassion for my misfortunes, which I indeed experienced from the women, particularly the queen, or favorite wife of Maquina, the mother of Sat sat sok sis, who used frequently to point to my head and manifest much kindness and solicitude for me.  I must



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Maquina the justice to acknowledge that he always appeared desirous of sparing me any labour which he believed might be hurtful to me, frequently enquiring in an affectionate manner, if my head pained me.  As for the others, some of the chiefs excepted, they cared little what became of me, and probably would have been gratified with my death.

 My health being at length re established, and my wounds healed, Thompson  became 

very importunate for me to begin my journal, and as I had no ink, proposed to cut his 

finger to supply me with blood for the purpose whenever I should want it. On the first of June {1803/06/01} I accordingly commenced a regular diary, but had no occasion to make use of the expedient suggested by my comrade, having found a much better substitute in the expressed juice of a certain plant, which furnished me with a bright green colour and after making a number of trials I at length succeeded in obtaining a very tolerable ink, by boiling the juice of the black berry with a mixture of finely powdered charcoal and filtering it through a cloth.  This I afterwards preserved in bottles and found it answer very well, so true is it that "necessity is the mother of invention."  As for quills I found no difficulty in procuring them, when ever I wanted, from the crows and ravens with which the beach was almost always covered, attracted by the offal of 

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whales, seals, &c. and which were so tame that I could easily kill them with stones, while a large clam shell furnished me with an ink stand.

The extreme solicitude of Thompson that I should begin my journal, might be considered as singular in a man, who neither knew how to write or read, a circumstance by the way, very uncommon in an American, were we less acquainted with the force of habit, he having been for many years at sea, and accustomed to consider the keeping of a journal as a thing indispensable.  This man was born in Philadelphia, and at eight years old ran away from his friends and entered as a cabin boy on board a ship bound to London, on his arrival there finding himself in distress, he engaged as an apprentice to the captain of a Collier, from whence he was impressed on board an English man of war, and continued in the British naval service about twenty seven years, during which he was present at the engagement under Lord Howe with the French fleet in June 1794 {1794/06/00}, and when peace was made between England and France was discharged. He was a very strong and powerful man, an expert boxer, and perfectly fearless, indeed so little was his dread of danger, that when irritated he was wholly regardless of his life.  Of this the following will furnish a sufficient proof.



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One evening, about the middle of April,{1803/04/00} as I was at the house of one of the chiefs, where I had been employed on some work for him, word was brought me that Maquina was going to kill Thompson. I immediately hurried home, where I found, the king in the act of presenting a loaded musket at Thompson, who was standing before him with his breast bared and calling on him to fire. I instantly stepped up to Maquina, who was foaming with rage, and addressing him in soothing words,  begged him for my

sake not to kill my father, and at length Succeeded in taking  the musket from him and

persuading him to sit down.   On enquiring into the cause of his anger, I learned "that

while Thompson was lighting the lamps in the king's room, Maquina having substituted, our's for their pine torches, some of the boys began to teaze him, running around him and pulling him by the trowsers, among the most forward of whom was the young prince.   This caused Thompson to spill the oil, which threw him into such a passion, that without caring what he did, he struck the prince so violent a blow to his face with his fist as to knock him down.  The sensation excited among the savages by an act, which was considered as the highest indignity, and a profanation of the sacred person of majesty may be easily conceived.  The king was 



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immediately acquainted with it, who on coming in and seeing his son's face covered with blood, seized a musket and began to load it, determined to take instant revenge on the audacious' offender, and had I arrived a few moments later than I did my companion would certainly have paid with his life for his rash and violent conduct.  I found the utmost difficulty in pacifying Maquina, who for a long time after could not forgive Thompson, but would repeatedly say, "John, you die  Thompson kill."  But to appease the king was not all that was necessary.  In consequence of the insult offered to their prince, the whole tribe held a council, in which it was unanimously resolved that Thompson should be put to death in the most cruel manner.  I however interceded so strenuously with Maquina, for his life, telling him that if my father was killed,  I was determined not to survive him, that he refused to deliver him up to the vengence of his people saying, that for John's sake they must consent to let him live.  The prince, who, after I had succeeded in calming his father, gave me an account of what had happened, told Me that it was wholly out of regard to me, as Thompson was my father, that his life had been spared, for that if any one of the tribe should dare to lift a hand against him in anger, he would most certainly be put to death.



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Yet even this narrow escape produced not much effect on Thompson, or induced him to restrain the violence of his temper.  For not many weeks after, he was guilty of a similar indiscretion, in striking the eldest son of a chief, who was about eighteen years old, and according to their custom was considered as a Tyee, or chief himself, in consequence of his having provoked him by calling him a white slave.  This affair caused great commotion in the village, and the tribe was very clamorous for his death, but Maquina would not consent.  I used frequently to remonstrate with him on the imprudence of his conduct and beg him to govern his temper better, telling him that it was our duty since our lives were in the power of these savages, to do nothing to exasperate them.  But all I could say on this point availed little, for so bitter was the hate he felt for them, which he was no way backward in manifesting both by his looks and actions, that he declared he  never would submit to their insults, and that he had much rather be killed, than be obliged to live among them, adding that he only wished he had a good vessel and some guns, and he would destroy the whole of the cursed race; for to a brave sailor like him, who had fought the French and Spaniards wit glory, it was a punishment worse that death to be a slave

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to such a poor, ignorant, despicable set of beings.

 As for  myself, I thought very differently.  After returning thanks to that merciful Being

who had in so Wonderful a manner softened the hearts of the savages in my favour, I had determined from the first of my capture to adopt a conciliating conduct towards them, and conform myself, as far as was in my power, to their customs and mode of thinking,

trusting that the same divine goodness that had rescued me from death, would not always suffer me to languish , in captivity among these heathen.  With this view  I

sought to gain their good will by always endeavouring to assume a cheerful countenance, 

appearing pleased with 'their sports and buffoon tricks, making little ornaments for the wives and children of the chiefs, by which means I became quite a favorite with them, and fish hooks, daggers, &c. for themselves.   As a farther recommendation to their favour and what might eventually prove of the utmost importance to us, I resolved to learn their language, which in the course of a few months residence I so far succeeded in acquiring as to be able in general to make myself well understood.  I likewise tried to persuade Thompson to learn it as what might prove necessary to him.  But he refused, saying, that he hated both them and their cursed lingo and would have nothing to do with it.



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By persuing this conciliatory plan, so far did I gain the good will of these savages, particularly the chiefs, that I scarcely ever failed experiencing kind treatment from them, and  I was received, with a smile of welcome at their houses, where I was always sure of having something given me to eat, whenever they had it, and many  a good meal have I had from them, when they themselves were short of provisions and suffering for the want of them.  And it was a common practice with me when we had nothing to eat at home which happened not infrequently during my stay among them', to go around the village, and; on noticing a smoke froin any of the houses, which denoted  that they were cooking, enter in without ceremony and ask them for  something, which I was never refused.  Few nations indeed, are there so very rude and unfeeling, whom constant mild treatment and an attention to please, will not mollify and obtain from some return of kind attention.  This, the treatment I received  from these people, may exemplify, for not numerous, 

even among those calling themselves civilized, are there instances, to be  found  Of

persons depriving themselves of food to give it to a stranger whatever may be his merits. It may perhaps be as well in this place to give a description of Nootka, some accounts of the tribes who were accustomed to visit 



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us, and the manners and customs of the people as far as I hitherto had an opportunity of observing them.

The village of Nootka, is situated in between 49 and 50 deg. N. lat. at the bottom of  Friendly Cove, on the West or North West side. It consists of about twenty houses or huts, on a small hill which' rises with a gentle ascent from the shore.  Friendly Cove, which affords good and secure anchorage for ships close in with the  shore is' a small harbour  of not more than a  quarter or half a mile in length, and about half a mile or' three quarters broad, formed by the line of coast on the East, and a long Point, or head land which extends as much as three leagues into the sound in nearly a Westerly direction. This as well as I can judge from what I have seen of it, is in general from one to two miles in breadth, and mostly a rocky and unproductive soil with but few trees.  The Eastern and Western shores of this harbour are steep and in many parts rocky the trees growing quite to the water's edge, but the bottom to the North and North West is  a fine sandy beach of half a mile or more in extent.  From the village to the North and North East extends a plain, the soil of which is very excellent, and with proper cultivation may be made to produce almost any of our European vegetables;  this is but little more



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than half a mile in  breadth and is terminated by the sea coast, which in this place is lined with rocks and reefs and cannot be approached by ships. The coast in the neighborhood of Nootka is in general low and but little broken into hills and vallies. The soil is good, well covered with fine forests  of pine, spruce, beach and other trees, auld abounds with streams of the finest water, the general appearance being the same, for many miles around.

 The village is Situated on the ground occupied by the Spaniards,  when they kept a garrison here; the foundations of the church and the governor's house, are yet visible and a few European Plants, are still to be found, which continue to be self propagated, such as onions, peas,, and, turnips, but the two last are quite small, particularly die turnips, which afforded us nothing but the  tops for eating. Their former village stood on the same spot,  but the Spaniards finding it a commodious situation, demolished the houses and forced the inhabitants to retire five or six miles into the country.   With great sorrow,  as Maquina told me, did they find themselves compelled to quit their ancient place of residence, but with equal joy did they repossess themselves of it when the Spanish garrison was expelled by the English. 



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The houses as I have observed are above twenty in number, built nearly in a line.  These are of different sizes according to the rank or quality of the Tyee, or chief, who lives in them, each having one, of which he is considered as the lord. They vary not Much in width being, usually from thirty six to forty feet wide but are of very different lengths, that of the king which is much the longest being about one hundred and fifty feet, while the smallest which contain only two families do not exceed forty feet in length, the house of the king is also distinguished from the others by being higher.

Their method of building, is as follows, they erect in the ground two very large posts at such a distance apart as is intended for the length of the house.  On these, which are Of  equal height, and hollowed out at the upper end, they lay a large spar for the ridge pole of the building, or if the length of the house requires it,  two or more supporting their ends by similar upright posts;  these spars are sometimes of an almost incredible size, having myself measured one in Maquina's house which I found to be one hundred feet long, and eight feet four inches in circumference.  At equal distances from these two posts two others are placed on each side, to form the width of the building; these are rather shorter than the first, and on them are laid in like manner spars,



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but of  a smaller Size: having the Upper  part be hewed flat, with a narrow ridge on the outer side to support the ends of the planks. The roof is formed of  pine planks, with a broad feather edge, so as to lap well over each other,  which are laid lengthwise from the ridge pole in the centre, to the beams at the sides, after which the top is covered with

planks, of eight feet broad, which form a kind of coving projecting so far over the ends of

the planks, that form the roof, as completely to exclude the rain. On these they lay

large stones to prevent their being displaced by the wind.  The ends of the planks,

are not secured to the beams on which they are laid by any fastening, so that in a high

storm I have often known all the men obliged to turn out and go upon the roof to

prevent them from being blown off, Carrying large stones and pieces of rock with them

to secure the boards, always stripping  themselves naked on these occasions whatever

may be the severity of the weather, 'to pre vent their garments from being wet and

 muddied , as these storms are almost always accompanied with heavy rains.  The "Sides

of their houses are much more open and exposed to the weather, this proceeds from their not being so easily made close as the roof, being built with planks of about ten feet long and four or, five wide, Which they place between stancheons or small posts of the 



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height of the roof, of these there are four to each range of boards, two at each end ,and so near each' other as to leave space enough for admitting a plank. The planks or boards which  they make use of for building their houses, and for other uses, they procure of different lengths as occasion requires, by splitting them out, with hard wooden wedges from pine logs, and afterwards dubbing them down  with their chizzels, with much patience, to the thickness wanted, rendering them quite smooth.

There is  but one entrance; this is placed usually at the end though sometimes in the

middle as was that of Maquina's. Through the middle of the building from one end to the other, runs a passage of about eight or nine feet broad, on each side of which, the several families that occupy it, live, each having its particular fire place, but without any kind of wall or separation to mark their respective limits, the Chief having his apartment at the upper end. and the next in rank opposite on the other side.  They have no other floor than the ground; the fire place or hearth consists of a number of stones loosely put together, but they are wholly without a chimney, nor is there any opening left in the roof, but whenever a fire is made, the plank immediately over it is thrust aside, by means of a pole, to give vent to the smoke.  The height of the houses in general



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from the ground to the center of the roof does not exceed ten feet, that of Maquina's was not far from fourteen;  the spar forming the ridge pole of the latter was painted in red and black circles alternately by way of ornament, and the large posts that supported it had their tops curiously wrought or carved, so as to represent human heads of a monstrous size, which were painted in their manner.  These were not, however, considered as objects of adoration, but merely as ornaments.

The furniture of these people is very simple, and consists only of boxes in which they put their clothes, furs, and such things as they hold most valuable; tubs for keeping their provision of spawn and blubber in; trays from which they eat; baskets for their dried fish and other purposes, and bags made of bark matting, of which they also make their beds, spreading a piece of it upon the ground when they lie down and using no other bed covering than their garments.  The boxes are of pine, with a top that shuts over, and instead of nails or pegs are fastened with flexible twigs, they are extremely smooth and high polished, and sometimes ornamented with rows of very small white shells.  The tubs are of a square form, secured in the like manner, and of various sizes, some being extremely large, having seen them that were six feet long by four  

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broad, and five deep. The Trays are hollowed out with, their. chizzels from a solid block of wood and the baskets. and mats are made,, from  the bark  of  trees. From this they likewise ,make, the  cloth for tliei garments, in the following manner. A quantity of this bark  is taken and, put into fresh water where it is kept for a fortnight to give it time to completely. soften; it is then, taken out, and beaten upon a plank an,,instrument made, of bone or some very hard wood, having  grooves or hollows on one side of it. care being taken 'to keep the mass constantly moistened with water  In,, order to separate with more

 ease the hard and woody ,from the soft and fibrous parts; which when completed, they parcel out into skeins, like thread.  These they lay in the air to bleach, and afterwards dye them black or red as suits their fancies, their natural colour being a pale yellow.  In order to form the cloth, the women by whom the whole of this process is performed, take a certain number of these skeins and twist them together by rolling them with their hands upon their knees, into hard rolls which are afterwards connected by means of a strong thread made for the purpose.

Their dress usually consists of  but a single garment which is a loose cloak or mantle (called Katsack) in one piece, reaching nearly to the feet. This is tied loosely



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over the right or left shoulder so as to leave, the arms at full liberty.

Those of the common people are painted red with ochre the better to keep out the rain, but" the ,chiefs  wear them of "their native colour which is a pale yellow, ornamenting them with borders of the sea otter skin, a kind of grey cloth made of the hair of some animal which they procure from the tribes to the South,  or their own cloth wrought or  painted with various figures in red or black,  representing men's heads, the sun and moon, fish and animals, which are frequently executed With Much skill.  They

have also a girdle of the same kind for securing this mantle , or Kutsack, around them, which is in general still More highly ornamented and serves them to wear their daggers and knives in.  In winter however, they sometimes make use of an additional

garment, Which is  a kind of hood with a hole in it for the purpose of admitting the head, and falls over the breast and back as low as the shoulders; this is bordered both at top and bottom with fur and is never worn, except when they go out.  The garments of the women vary not essentially from those of the men, the mantle having holes in it for the purpose of admitting the arms, and being tied close under the chin, instead of over the shoulder.  The chiefs have also mantles of the sea otter



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skin, but these are only put on upon extraordinary occasions, and one that is made from the skin of a certain large animal, which is brought from the South by the Wickanninish and Kla iz zarts.  This they prepare by dressing it in warm water, scraping off the hair and what flesh adheres to it carefully with sharp muscle shells, and spreading it out in the sun to dry, on a wooden frame so as to preserve the shape.  When dressed in this manner it becomes perfectly white and as pliable as the best deer's leather, but almost as thick again.  They then paint it in different figures with such paints as they usually employ in decorating their persons:  these figures mostly represent human heads, canoes employed in catching whales, &c.  This skin is called Metamelth and is probably got from an animal of the moose kind; it is highly prized by these people, is their great war dress, and only worn when they wish to make the best possible display of themselves.  Strips or bands of it, painted as above, are also sometimes used by them for girdles or the bordering of their cloaks, and also for bracelets and ancle ornaments by some of the inferior class.

On their heads when they go out upon any excursion particularly whaling or fishing, they wear a kind of cap or bonnet in form not unlike a large sugar loaf with the 



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top cut off.  This is made of the same materials with their cloth, but is in general of a closer texture and by way of tassel has a long strip of the skin of the Metamelth attached to it, covered with rows of small white shells or beads.  Those worn by common people are painted entirely red, the chiefs having theirs of different colours.  The one  worn by the king,  and which serves to designate him from all the others, is longer and broader at the 

bottom; the top, instead of being flat, having upon it an ornament in the figure of a small urn. It is also of a,much finer texture than the others and plaited or wrought in black and white stripes with the representation, in front of a canoe in pursuit of a whale with the harpooner standing in the prow prepared to strike. This bonnet is called Seeya poks,

Their mode of living is very simple  their food consisting almost wholly of fish, or fish spawn fresh or dried, the blubber of the whale, seal, or sea Cow, muscles, clams, and berries of various kinds ; all of which are eaten with a profusion of train oil for sauce, not excepting even the most delicate fruit, as Strawberries and raspberries With so little variety in their food,  no great can be expected in their cookery. Of this, indeed, they may be said to know but two methods, viz. by boiling and steaming, and even the latter is not very frequently practised by 

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them.  Their mode of boiling is as follows:  into one of their tubs, they pour water sufficient to cook the quantity of provision wanted.  A number of heated stones are then put in to make it boil, when the salmon or other fish are Put in without any other preparation than sometimes cutting off the heads, tails and fins, the boiling in the mean time being kept up by the application of the hot stones, after which it is left to cook until the whole is nearly reduced to one mass.  It is then taken out and distributed in the trays. In a similar manner they cook their blubber and spawn, smoked or dried fish, and in fine, almost everything they eat, nothing going down with them like broth.

When they cook their fish by steam, which are usually the heads, tails, and fins of the salmon, cod and halibut, a large fire is kindled, upon which they place a bed of stones, which, when the wood is burnt down, becomes perfectly heated.  Layers of green leaves or pine boughs, are then placed upon the stones, and the fish, clams, &c. being laid upon them, water is poured over them, and the whole closely covered with mats to keep in the steam.  This is much the best mode of cooking, and clams and muscles done in this manner are really excellent.  These, as I have said, may be considered as their only kinds of cookery; though I have in a 



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very few instances known them dress the roe or spawn of the salmon and the herring, when first taken, in a different manner; this was by roasting them, the former being supported between two split pieces of pine, and the other having a sharp stick run through it, with one end fixed in the ground; sprats are also roasted by them in this way, a number being spitted on one stick; and this kind of food, with a little salt, would be found no contemptible eating even to a European.

At their meals they seat themselves upon the ground, with their feet curled up under them, around their trays, which are generally about three feet long by one broad, and from six to eight inches deep.  In eating they make use of nothing but their fingers, except for the soup or oil, which they lade out with clam shells.  Around one of these trays, from four to six persons will seat themselves, constantly dipping in their fingers or clam shells, one after the other.  The king and chiefs alone have separate trays, from which no one is permitted to eat with them, except the queen, or principal wife of the chief, and whenever the king or one of the chiefs wishes to distinguish any of his people with a special mark of favour on those occasions he calls him and gives him some of the choice bits from his tray.  The slaves eat at the same time, and of the 



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same provisions, fareing in this respect as well as their masters, being seated with the family and only feeding from separate trays.  Whenever a feast is given by the king or any of the chiefs, there is a person who acts as a master of ceremonies, and whose business it is to receive the guests as they enter the house and point out to them their respective seats, which is regulated with great punctiliousness as regards rank; the king occupying the highest or the seat of honour, his son or brother sitting next him, and, so on with the 

chiefs according to their quality; the private persons belonging to the same family being always placed together to prevent any confusion.  The women are seldom invited to their feasts, and only at those times when a general invitation is given to the village.

As whenever they cook, they always calculate to have an abundance for all the guests, a profusion in this respect being considered as the highest luxury, much more is usually set before them than they can eat.  That which is left in the king's tray and who generally belong to the same family, take it home as common stock, or each one receives his portion which is distributed on the spot.  This custom appeared very singular to my companion and myself, and it was a most awkward



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thing for us at first, to have to lug home with us, in our hands or arms, the blubber or fish that we received at these times, but we soon became reconciled to it, and were very glad of an opportunity to do it.

In point of personal appearance the people of Nootka are among the best looking of any of the tribes that I have seen.  The men are in general from about five feet six to five feet eight inches in height; remarkably strait, of a good form, robust and strong, with their limbs in general well turned and proportioned excepting the legs and feet, which are clumsy and ill formed, owing no doubt to their practice of setting on them, though I have seen instances in which they were very well shaped.  this defect is more particularly apparent in the women, who are for the most part of the time within doors, and constantly sitting while employed in their cooking and other occupations.  The only instance of deformity that I saw among them was a man of dwarfish stature; he was thirty years old and but three feet three inches high, he had however no other defect than his diminutive size being well made, and as strong and able to bear fatigue, as what they were in general.  Their complexion, when freed from the paint and oil with which their skins are generally covered, is a brown, somewhat inclining to a copper



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per cast. The shape of the face is oval, the features are tolerably regular, the lips, being thin and the teeth very white and even : their eyes 'are black but rather small, and the. nose pretty well oformed, being neither flat nor very prominent: their hair i* black , long and coarse, but they bave no beard, completely extirpating it, as well as the hair from their bodies, Maquina being the only exception, who suffered his beard to grow on his upper lip, in the manner of mustachios, which was considered as a mark of dignity. As , to the, women , they are much whiter, many of them not being darker, than those in some of the Southern parts of Europe. They are in general very well looking and some quite handsome. Maquina's favorite wife in particular, 'who was a Wickinninish princess, would be considered as a beautiful woman in any country.  She was uncommonly well formed, tall, and of a majestic appearance; her skin remarkably fair for one of these people, with considerable colour, her features handsome and her eyes black, soft and languishing, her hair was very long, thick and black, as is that of the females in general which is much Softer than that of the men; in this they take much pride. frequently oiling 

and plaiting it carefully  into two broad plaits, tying the ends with a strip of the cloth of the country and letting it hang down before on each side of the face.



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The women keep their garments much neater and, cleaner than the men, and are extremely modest in their deportment and dress; their mantle, or Katsack, which is  longer than that of  the men reaching quite to their feet, and completely enveloping them, being tied close under the chin, and bound with a girdle of the same cloth or of sea  otter skin around their waists;  it has also loose sleeves which reach to the elbows.  Though fond of ornamenting their persons they are by no means so partial to paint as the men, merely colouring their eye brows black, and drawing a bright red stripe from each corner of .1he mouth towards the ear.  Their ornaments consist chiefly of ear rings,

necklaces, bracelets,  rings for the fingers and Ancles, and small nose jewels, (the latter are however, wholly confined to the wives of the king or Chiefs,) these are principally made out of copper or brass, highly polished and of various forms and sizes; the nose jewel is usually a small white shell or bead suspended to a thread.  The wives of the common people frequently wear for bracelets and ankle rings, strips of the country cloth or skin of the Metamelth painted in figures, and those of the king or principal chiefs bracelets and necklaces, consisting of a number of strings of Ife waw, an article much prized by them, and which makes a very handsome appear 



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ance.  This Ife waw, as they term it, is a kind of shell of a dazzling whiteness, and as smooth as ivory, it is of a cylindrical form, in a slight degree curved, about the size of a goose quill, hollow, three inches in length and gradually tapering to a point, which is broken off by the natives as it is taken from the water;  this they afterwards string upon threads of bark, and sell it by the fathom; it forms a kind of circulating medium among these nations, five fathoms being considered as the price of a slave their most valuable species if property.  It is principally obtained from the Aitizzarts, a people living about thirty or forty miles to the Northward, who collect it from the reefs and sunken rocks with which their coast abounds, though it is also brought in considerable quantity from the South.  Their mode of taking it has been thus described to me.  To one end of a pole is fastened a piece of plank in which a considerable number of pine pegs are inserted made sharp at the ends; above the plank in order to sink it, a stone or some weight is tied, and the other end of the pole suspended to a long rope; this is let down perpendicularly by the Ife waw fishers in those places where that substance is found which are usually from fifty to sixty fathoms deep; on finding the bottom they raise the pole up a few feet and let it fall, this they repeat a number of times as it



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sounding, when they draw it up and take off the I whaw is found adhering to the points. This method of procuring it is very laborious and fatiguing especially as they seldom take more than two or three of these shells at a time, and frequently none.

 Though the women, as I have said, make but little use of paint, the very reverse is the,

case with the men. In decorating their heads and faces they place  their principal pride, and none of our most fashionable beaus, when preparing for a grand ball can be more particular: For I have known Maquina after having been employed for more than an hour in painting his face, rub the whole off and recommence the operation anew when it did not entirely please him.  The manner in which they paint themselves frequently varies, according to the occasion, but it oftener is the mere dictate of whim.   The most usual method is to paint the eye brows black. in form of a half moon, aiid the face red in small squares, with the arms and legs and part of the body red; sometimes one half of tlie face is painted red in squares, and the 'other black; at others, dotted with red spots, or red and black, instead of squares, with a variety of other devices, such as painting one half of  the face and body red, and the other black.  But a method of painting which they sometimes' employed, and which they were much more particular in, was by

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laying on the face a quantity of bear's grease of about one eighth of an inch thick; this they raised up into ridges resembling a small bead in joiner's  work, with a stick prepared for the purpose, and then painted them red, which gave the face a very singular appearance.  On extraordinary occasions, the king afid principal chiefs used to strew over their faces, after painting, a fine black shining powder, procured from 'some mineral, as Maquina told me it was got from the rocks. This they call pelpelth, and value it highly, as in their opinion, it serves to set off their looks to great advantage, glittering, especially in the sun, like silver.   This article is brought them in bags by the Newchemass, a very savage nation who live a long way to the North, from whom they likewise receive a superior kind of red paint, a species of very fine and  rich ochre, which they hold in much estimation.

Notwithstanding this custom of painting themselves, they make it an invariable "practice, both in summer, and winter, to bathe once a day, and sometimes oftener'; but as the paint is put on with oil it is not much discomposed thereby, and whenever they

wish to Wash it off, they repair to some piece of fresh water and scour themselves with

sand or rushes.

 In dressing their heads on occasion of  a festival or visit, they are full as particular,



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and, almost as long as in painting. The hair after being well oiled, is carefully gathered upon the top of the head and secured by a piece of pine or spruce bough with jite, green leaves upon it. After having it properly fixed in this manner, the  king and principal chiefs used to strew all over it, the white down obtained from a species of large, brown eagle, which abounds on this coast, which they are very particular in arranging so as not to have a single feather out of place, occasionally wetting the hair to make it adhere. This, together with, the bough, which is sometimes of considerable. size, and stuck over with feathers by means of turpentine, gives them a very singular and grotesque appearance, . which they however think very becoming, and the first thing they do on learning the arrival of strangers is to go, and decorate themselves in this  manner.

The men also wear bracelets of painted leather or copper, and large ear rings of the latter, but the ornament on which they appear to set the most value, is the nose jewel, if such an appellation may be given to the wooden stick, which some of them employ for this purpose. The king and chiefs, however, wear them of a different form, being either small pieces of polished copper or brass, of which I made many for them, in the  shape of hearts and diamonds, or a twisted conical shell about half a inch in length



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of a blueish colour and very bright, which is brought from the South. These are suspended by a small wire or string to the hole, in the gristle of the nose, which is formed in infancy, by boreing it with a pin, the hole being afterwards enlarged by the repeated insertion of wooden pegs of an increased size, until it becomes about the diameter of a

pipe stem, though some have them of a size nearly sufficient to admit the little finger.The common class who cannot readily procure the more expensive jewels that I have mentioned, substitute for them, usually, a smooth round stick, some of which are of an almost incredible length, for I have seen projecting not less than eight or nine inches beyond the face on each side; this is made fast or secured in its place by little wedges on each side of, it. These sprit sail yard fellows, as my Mess mate used to call them, when rigged out in this manner made quite a strange show, and it was his delight whenever lie saw one of them coming, towards us with an air of consequence proportioned to the length of his stick, to put up his hand suddenly as he was passing him, so as to strike the stick in order as he said, to brace him up sharp to the wind; this used to make them very angry, but nothing was more remote from Thompson's ideas than the wish to cultivate their favour.

 The natives' of Nootka appear to have but



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little inclination for the chace, though some of them were expert marksmen, and used sometimes to shoot ducks and geese, but the seal and the sea otter form the principal objects of their hunting, particularly the latter.  Of this animal , so much noted for its valuable skin, the following description may not be uninteresting. The sea otter is nearly five feet in length, exclusive of the tail, which is about twelve inches, and is very thick and broad where it joins the body but gradually tapers to the end, which is tipped with white. The colour of the rest is a shining silky black, with the exception of a broad  white stripe on the top of the head. Nothing can be more beautiful than one of those animals when seen swimming, especially when on the lookout for any object.  At such time it raises its head quite above the surface and the contrast between the shining black and the white, together with its sharp ears and a long tuft of hair rising from the middle of its forehead, which look like three small horns, render it quite a novel and attractive object.  They are in general very tame, and will permit a canoe or boat to approach very near before they dive. I was told, however, that they are become much more shy since they have  been accustomed to shoot them With muskets, than when they used only arrows.  The skin is held in great estimation in China, more especially that of the tail, the fur of

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finer and closer set than that On the body. This is always Cut off and sold separately by  the natives. The value of a skin is determined by its size, that being Considered as a  prime skin which will reach in length, from a man's chin to his feet. The food of the sea otter is fish, which he is very dexterous in taking, being an excellent swimmer, with feet webbed like those of a goose.  They appear to be wholly confined to the sea coast, at least to the salt water, They have usually three or four young at a time, but I know not how often they breed. nor in what places they deposit their young,  though I have frequently seen them swimming around the mother when no larger than rats.  The flesh is eaten by the natives,  cooked in their usual mode by boiling, and is, far preferable to that of the seal, of which they make much account.

But if not great hunters there are few people more expert in fishing.  Their lines are generally made from the sinew of the whale, and are extremely strong.  For the hook, they usually make use of a strait piece of hard wood, in the lower part of which is inserted and well secured, with thread or whale sinew, a bit of bone made very sharp at the point and bearded; but I used to make for them, hooks from iron, which they preferred, not only as being less liable to break, but more certain of securing the fish.



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 Cod, halibut, and  other sea fish were not only caught by them with hooks, but even salmon. TO take this latter fish, they practise the following method  One person seats

himself in a small canoe, atid baiting his  hook with a sprat, which they are always  careful to procure as fresh as possible, fastens his line to the handle of the paddle; this, as

he plies, it, in the water, keeps the fish in Constant motion, so as to give it the appearance

of life which the salmon seeing, leaps at it and is instantly hooked, and by a sudden and dexterous motion of die paddle, drawn on board.  I have known some of the natives take no less than eight or ten salmon of a morning in this manner, and have seen from twenty to thirty canoes at a time in Friendly Cove thus employed.  They are likewise little less skilful in taking the whale. This they kill with a kind of javelin or  harpoon, thus constructed and fitted.  The barbs are formed of bone which are sharpened on the outer side atid hollowed  within, for the purpose of forming a socket for the staff; these are then secured firmly together with whale sinew, the point being fitted so as to receive a piece of muscle shell which is ground to a very sharp edge, and secured in place by means of turpentine.  To this head or prong is fastened a strong line of whale sinew about nine feet in length, to the end of which is tied a bark rope from



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 fifty to sixty fathoms long , having from twenty to thirty seal skin 'floats or buoys,  attached to it at certain intervals, in order to check the motion of the whale and

obstruct his diving. In the socket of the harpoon a staff or pole of about ten feet long,

 gradually tapering from the middle to each end ,is placed; this the harpooner holds in  his hand in order to strike the whale, and immediately detaches, it as soon as the fish is

struck. The whale is considered as tlie king's fish, and no other person, when he is present,  is permitted to touch him until the royal harpoon has first drawn his blood, however near he may approach ; and it would be considered almost as sacrilege for any of the common people to strike a whale, before he is killed, particularly if, any of the chiefs

Should be present. They also kill the porpoise and sea cow with harpoons, but this inferior game is not interdicted the lower class.

With regard to their canoes, some of the handsomest to be found 'on the whole coast are made at Nootka, though very fine ones are brought by the Wickinninish and the Klaiz zarts, Who have them more highly ornamented. They are of all sizes, from  such

as are capable of holding only one person to their largest war canoes which will carry

forty men, and are extremely light.  Of these the largest of any that I ever saw,



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was one belonging to Maquina, which I measured and found to be forty two feet Six inches in length at the bottom, and forty six feet from 'stem to stern. These are made of

pine hollowed out from a tree with their chizzels, solely, which are about three inches broad and six in length, and set into a handle of very hard wood. This instrument

was formerly made of flint or some hard stone ground down to as sharp an edge as

possible, but since they have learned the use of iron, they have almost all of fliem of that

metal. Instead of a mallet for striking this chizzel, they make use of a smooth round

stone, which they hold in the palm of the hand, With this same awkward instrument

,they not only excavate their canoes and trays .and smooth their plank, but cut down,

such trees as they want, either for building, fuel, or other purposes, a labour  which 'is'

mostly done by their slaves.

 Tl ie, falling of trees as practised by them is a Slow, and most tedious process, three of

them being generally from two to three days in cutting down a large one, yet so attached

were they to their 'own 'Method, that notwithstanding they saw Thompson frequently with one of our axes , of which there was a number saved, fall a tree' in less time than they could have gone round it, with their chizzels, still they could not be persuaded to make use of them. 



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After hollowing out their canoes, which they do very neatly, they fashion the outside, and slightly burn it for the purpose of removing any splinters or small points, t h at might obstruct its passage through the water, after which , they rub it over thoroughly  with 'rushes or coarse mats in 'order to smooth it, which not only renders it almost as smooth as glass, but forms a better security for it, from the weather ; this operation of burning and rubbing down the bottoms of their canoes is practiced as often as they acquire any considerable degree of roughness from use. The outside, by this means, becomes quite black, and to complete their Work they' paint the inside of a bright red, with ochre or some other similar substance; the Prows and sterns are almost always ornamented with figures of ducks or some other kind of bird, the former being so fashioned as to represent the head and the latter the tail, these are separate  pieces, from the canoe and are fastened to it with small flexible twigs or  bark cord, Some of these canoes, particularly those employed  in whaling,  which  will hold About, ten men, are ornamented Within about two inches below the gunwale, with two parallel lines on each

 side of Very small white Shells running fore and aft, which has a very pretty effect. Their war canoes have   no ornament of this kind but are  painted on the outside with



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figures in white chalk , representing eagles, whales, human heads &c. They are ,very

dexterous  in the use of their paddles, which are very neatly wrought, and are five.' feet

long with a short handle and a blade seven inches broad in the middle tapering to a

sharp point. With these they will make  a canoe skim very swiftly on the water with

scarcely any noise, while they keep time to the stroke of the paddle ,with their songs.

With regard to these they have a number vbidi they sing on various occasions ; as

*war, whaling and fishing, at their marriages  and  feasts, and at public festivals or solemnities. The language  of the most of these appear to be very different, in many respects from that used in  their common conversation, which leads me to believe either that they have a  different mode of expressing themselves in poetry or that they borrow their songs from their neighbours, and what the more particularly induces me to the latter opinion, is, that whenever any of the Newchemass, a people from the Northward and who Speak a very different language, arrived, they used to tell me that they expected a new song, and were almost always sure to have one.

Their tunes are generally soft and plaintive,



*A specimen of one of their war songs will be found at the end of this work.



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and Although not possessing great variety, are not deficient in harmony. Their singing is generally accompanied. with 'several rude kinds of instrumental music ;, among the most prominent of which is a kind of drum. This is nothing more than a Long plank hollowed out on the under side and made quite thin, which is beat upon by a stick of about a foot long and renders a sound not unlike beating on. the head of an empty cask, but much louder. but the two most favourite instruments are the rattle and the pipe or  whistle; these are however only used by the king, the chiefs, or some particular persons ; the former is made of dried seal skin, so as to represent a fish, and is filled with a number of small smooth pebbles, it has a short handle and is painted red. The whistle is made of bone, generally the leg of a deer, it is short but emits a very shrill sound. They bave likewise another kind of music, which they make use of in dancing, in the manner , of, castanets, this is produced by a number of muscle  or cockle shells tied together and shaken to a kind of tune, which is accompanied with the voice.

 Their slaves, as I have observed, form their most valuable species of property. These are of both sexes, being either captives taken by themselves in war, or purchased from the  neighboring tribes, and who reside in the same house, forming as it were a part of



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the family, are usually kindly treated, eat of the same food, and live as well, as their masters. They are compelled however at times to labour severely, as not,only all the Menial .offices are . performed by them, such as bringing water, cutting wood,and a variety of others, but they are obliged to make the canoes, to assist in building and repairing the houses, to supply their masters with fish, and to attend them to war and to fight for them.  None but, the king and chiefs have  slaves, the common people being prevented , from holding them either from their inability to purchase them, or as I am the rather inclined to think from its being considered as the privilege of the former alone to have them, especially as all those made prisoners in war belong either to the

king or the chiefs, Who have Captured them, each one holding such as. have been taken by  himself or his slaves.  There is probably however some little distinction in favour of the king, who is always the commander if the expedition, as Maquina had nearly fifty, male and female, in his house, a number constituting about one half of its inhabitants, comprehending those obtained by war and purchase, whereas none of the other chiefs had more than twelve.  The females are employed principally in manufacturing cloth, in cooking, collecting berries, &c. and with regard to food and living in general have not

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 a much harder lot than their mistresses' the, principal difference consisting, in these poor unfortunate creatures being considered as free to any one, their masters prostituting them whenever, they think proper for the purpose of gain. In this way many of them are brought on board the ships and offered to the crews,, from whence an opinion appears to have:  been  formed by, some of our navigators, injurious to the chastity of their females, than which nothing can be more generally untrue, as perhaps in no part of the world is that virtue more prized.

 The houses at Nootka as already stated, are about twenty,  without comprising those: inhabited by the Klahars, a small tribe that has been conquered and incorporated into that of Nootka, though they must be considered as in a state of vassalage as they are

not permitted to have any chiefs among them  and live by themselves in a cluster''of small houses  at a little distance from the village. The Nootka tribe which consists of about five hundred Warriors is not only numerous than almost any of the neighboring  tribes, but far exceeds them in the strength and martial spirit of its people; and In fact there are but few nation's  within a hundred miles either to the North or South but are  considered as tributary to them.

In giving some., account of the tribes that were accustomed to visit Nootka, I shall



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commence at the Southward with tlie Kla iz zarts,  and the Wickinninish; premising that in point of personal appearance, there prevails a wonderful diversity between the,

various tribes on the coast, with the exception of the feet and legs, which Are badly

shaped in almost all of them from their practice of sitting on them. The Kla iz zarts

are a numerous, and powerful tribe. living nearly three hundred miles to the South,

and are said to consist of more than a thousand warriors. They  appear to be more civilized than any of the others being better and more neatly dressed, more mild, nd affable in their manners, remarkable for their sprightliness and vivacity, and, celebrated

for their singing and dancing. , They, exhibit also greater marks of improvement in

whatever is wrought by them ; their canoes though not 'superior to those of Nootka in

point of form and lightness, being more highly ornamented, and their weapons and tools

,of every kind have a, much higher finish and display, more skill in the workmanship.

Their cast of countenance is very different from that of the Nootkians, their faces being

very broad, with a less prominent nose and smaller eyes, and the top of the head flattened, as if it had been pressed down with weight. Their  complexion is also

fairer, and their stature shorter, though they are well formed and strongly set. They



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have a custom  which appears to be peculiar to them, As I never observed it in any of

the other tribes, which is to pluck out not only their beards and the hair from their

bodies but also their eye brows, so as not to leave a vestige remaining. They were also

In general more skilful in painting and  decorating themselves, and I have seen some of them  with no less than a dozen holes in each of their ears to which were suspended

strings of small beads about two inches, in length.  Their language is the same as spoken at Nootka, but their pronunciation is much more hoarse and guttural. These people. are not only very expert in whaling, but are great hunters of the sea otter, and other animals, with which their country is said to abound as the Metamelth, a large animal of the deer kind' the skin of which I have already spoken of, another of a light grey colour, with very fine hair from which they manufacture a handsome cloth, the beaver, and a species of large wild cat, or tyger cat.

The Wickinninish, their neighbours on the north, are about two hundred miles from Nootka.  They are a robust strong and warlike people, but considered by the Nootkians as their inferiors in courage.  This tribe is more numerous that that of Nootka, amounting to between six and seven hundred warriors.  Though not so civilized



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as the Kla iz zarts and less skilful in their manufactures, like them they employ themselves in hunting as well as in whaling and fishing. Their face's are, broad but less so than the Kla iz zarts, with a darker complexion, and a much less open and  pleasing'

 expression of countenance, while their heads Present a Very different form,  being pressed

in at the sides and lengthened towards the top, somewhat in the shape of a sugar loaf

These people are very frequent visitors at Nootka, a close friendship subsisting between

the two nations, Maquina's Arcomah, or Queen, Y ya tintla no, being the daughter of the 

Wickinninish king.  The Kla oo quates adjoining them on the North are Much less numerous, their force' not exceeding four hundred fighting men; they are also behind them in the arts of' life.  These. are, a fierce,' bold, and enterprizing people, and there were none that visited Nootka, whom Maquina, used to be more on his guard against or viewed with so much suspicion. The Eshquates are about the same number; these are considered as tributary to Maquina : Their coast abounds with rivers, creeks, and marshes. To the North the nearest tribe of any importance is the. Aitizzarts ; these however do not exceed three hundred warriors. In appearance they greatly resemble the people of Nootka, to whom they are considered as

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tributary, their manners, dress, and style of living also being very similar. They  reside

 at about forty miles distance up the sound.  A considerable way farther to the northward are the Cayuquets; these are a much more numerous tribe than that of Nootka,,

but, thought by the latter to be deficient in courage and martial spirit., Maquina having frequently told me that their hearts were little like those of birds.

There are also both at the North and South many other intervening tribes, but in general small in number and insignificant, all of whom as well as the above mentioned speak the same language.  But the Newchemass who come from a great way to the Northward and from some distance inland, as I was told by Maquina, speak quite a different language, although it is  well understood by those of Nootka. These were the most,, savage looking tmd ugly men that I ever saw, their Complexion being much darker, their stature shorter, and their hair coarser, than that of the. other nations, and their dress and appearance dirty, in an extreme  They wear their beards long like Jews, and have a very morose and surly countenance.  Their usual dress is a Kootsuk Made of wolf skin, with a number of the tails attached to it, of Which I have Seen no less than ten on one garment,  hanging from the top to the bottom; though they sometimes wear a similar 



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mantle of bark cloth, of a much, coarser texture than that of Nootka:, the original colour of which  appears to be the Same, though from their very great filthiness it was almost impossible to discover what it had been.  Their mode of dressing their hair also varies, essentially from that of the other tribes, for they, suffer that on the back of the head to hang loose, and  bind the other over, their foreheads in the manner of a fillet,,with a strip of their country cloth, ornamented' with small, white shells. Their  weapons are the Cheetoolth, or war club, which is made from whalebone; daggers, bows, and arrows, and a  kind of spear pointed with bone or copper.  They brought with them no furs for sale, excepting a few wolf skins, their merchandize consisting principally of the black shining mineral called pelpelth, and the fine red paint which they carefully kept in close mat bags, some small dried salmon, clams, and roes of fish,, with occasionally a little coarse matting cloth. They were accustomed to remain a much longer time at Nootka than the other tribes, in order, to recover from the fatigue of a long journey. part of which was over land, and on these occasions taught their songs to our savages.'  The trade of most of the other tribes with Nootka, was, principally train oil, seal or whale's blubber, fish fresh  or dried, herring or salmon spawn, clams, and muscles and



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the yama, a species of, fruit which is pressed, and dried, cloth, sea otter skins, and slaves. From the Aitizzarts, and the Cayuquets, particularly the former, the best I whaw and in the greatest quantities, was obtained. The Eshquates furnished us with wild ducks and geese, particularly the latter The Wickinninish and Kla iz zarts brought to market many slaves,. the best sea otter skins, great quantities of oil, whale sinew, and cakes of the yama, highly ornamented canoes, some I whaw, red ochre and pelpelth of an inferior quality to that obtained from the Newchemass, but particularly the so much valued Metamelth, and an excellent root called by the Kla iz zarts Quawnoose. This is the size of a small. onion, but rather longer, being of a tapering form like a pear, and of a brownish colour. It is Cooked by Steam, is always brought in baskets ready prepared for eating and is in truth a very fine vegetable, being sweet, mealy and of a most agreeable flavour. 'it 'was highly esteemed, by the natives who used to eat it as they did, every thing else with train oil. From the Kla iz zarts was also received, though  in no great quantity a  'cloth manufactured by them"from the' fur already spoken of, which feels like wool and is of ,a grey colour.

Many of the articles thus brought, particularly the provisions, were considered as



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presents, or tributary offerings,  but this must be viewed as little more than a nominal acknowledgment of superiority, as they rarely failed to get the full 'amount of the value of their presents. I have known eighteen of the great tubs, in which they keep their  provisions, filled with Spawn, brought in this way.   On these occasions a great

feast is always made,  to which not only the strangers but the whole village, men, Women, and children are generally invited, and I have seen' five Of the, largest tubs employed at such time, in cooking at the king's house. At these feasts they generally indulge in eating  to an excess, making up in this respect for their want of inebriating liquors, which they know no method of preparing, in any form, their only drink being water.

 Whenever they came to visit or trade it was their general custom, to stop a few miles.

distant under the lee 'of some bluff or rock, and rig themselves out in their best manner,

by painting and dressing their heads. On their first coming On shore, they were invited,

to eat by the king, when they brought to him, such articles as he wanted, after

which the rest of the inhabitants were permitted to purchase, the strangers being careful to keep them in their canoes until sold, under strict guard to prevent their being stolen, the disposition of these



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people for theiving being so great, that it is  necessary to keep a watchful eye upon them.

  This was their usual mode of traffick, but whenever they' wished to purchase any particular object, as for instance, a certain slave, or some other thing of which they

were very desirous, the canoe that came for this purpose would lie off a little distance

 ''from the shore, and a kind of embassador or representative of the king or chief by whom it was sent, dressed in their best manner,  "and with his head covered with the  white down, would rise, and after making known  the object of his mission in a pompous speech, hold up specimens of such articles  as he, was instructed to, offer in payment, mentioning the number or 'quantity of each, when If the bargain the was concluded, the exchange was  immediately made.

On their visits of friendship or traffick, the chiefs alone used to sleep on shore, this was generally at the ,house 'of the king , or head chief, the' others passing the night on board ,of their canoes, which was done not only for the preservation of their property, but because they were not permitted to remain on shore, lest they might excite some disturbance or commit depredations.

 All these people generally  go armed, the common class, wearing only a dagger suspended from their neck behind,  With a string of metamelth, and sometimes thrust in their



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girdles.  The 'chiefs in addition to the   dagger. carry  the cheetoolth,    or war club suspended in the same manner beneath their mantles, this in the hands. of a strong man 

is a powerful weapon, in the management of which, some of the older chiefs are very dexterous.  It is made from the bone of a whale, and Is very heavy.  The blade i's about

 eighteen inches long and three broad, till it approaches near the point, where it expands 'to the breadth of four inches.  In' Itte middle, from whence it slopes off gradually to an edge on each side, it is from one to two inches in thickness. This blade is usually covered, with figures of the sun and moon, a man's head, &c. and, the hilt, which is made to represent the head of  a man or some animal, is curiously set with small white shells, and has a band of metamelth fastened to it in order to sling it over the shoulder.  Some of the tribes also have a kind of spear headed, with copper or  the, bone of the sting ray which is a dangerous weapon; this is however not usual, and only carried by the chiefs. The bow and ,arrow. are still used by a few, but since the introduction of fire arms among them, this weapon has been mostly laid aside.

But to return to our unhappy situation.  Though my comrade and myself fared as well, and even better than we could have expected among these people, considering their



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customs and mode of living, yet our fears lest no ship would come to our release, and that we should never more behold a Christian country, were to us a source of constant pain. Our principal consolation in this gloomy state, was to go on Sundays,  when ever the weather would permit, to the borders of a fresh water pond about a mile from the village, where, after bathing and putting on clean clothes, we would seat ourselves under the shade of a beautiful pine, while I read some chapters in the Bible, and the prayers appointed by our church for the day, ending our devotions with a fervent prayer to the Almighty that he would deign still to watch over and preserve our lives, rescue us from the hands of the savages, and permit us once more to behold a Christian land.  In this manner were the greater part of our Sundays passed at Nootka; and I felt grateful to heaven, that amidst our other sufferings, we were at least allowed the pleasure of offering up our devotions unmolested, for Maquina, on my explaining to him as well as was in my power the reason of our thus retiring at this time, far from objecting, readily consented to it.  The pond mentioned above was small, not more than a quarter of a mile in breadth and of no great length, the water being very clear, though not of great depth, and bordered by a beautiful forest of pine, fir, elm, and beach,



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free from bushes and undergrowth, a most delightful retreat, which was rendered Still more attractive by a great number of birds that frequented it, particularly the humming bird. Thither we used to go to wash our clothes; and felt secure from any intrusion from the natives, as they rarely visited it  except for the purpose of cleansing themselves

of their paint.  

In July {1803/07/00} we at length thought that the hope of delivery we had so long anxiously indulged was on the point of being gratified. A ship appeared in the offing, but alas our fond hopes vanished almost as soon as formed; for instead of standing in for the shore she passed to the northward and soon disappeared. I shall not attempt to describe our disappointment   my heart sunk within me, and I felt as though it was my destiny  never more to behold a Christian face. Four days after there occurred a tremendous Storm of thunder and lightning, during which the natives manifested great alarm and terror, the whole tribe hurrying to Maquina's house, where, instead of keeping within, they seated themselves on the roof amid the severest of the tempest, drumming upon the boards, and looking up to heaven, while the king beat the long hollow plank, singing and, as he afterwards told me,  begging Quahootze, the name they give to God, not to kill them, in which he WAS accompanied



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by the whole tribe,; this singing and drumming was continued until the storm abated.

AS the summer drew near its close, we began to suffer from the frequent want of

food, which was principally owing to Maquina' And the chiefs being out whaling, in

which he would not permit Thompson and myself  to join, lest we should make our escape  to some of the 'neighbouring tribes.  At these times the women seldom or ever

cook any provision, and we were often hungry, but were sometimes fortunate enough to

procure secretly, a piece of salmon, some other fish, spawn, or even blubber, which,

by boiling in salt water, with a few onions and turnips, the remains of the Spanish

garden, or young nettles and other herbs, furnished us a delicious repast in' private.

In the meantime, we frequently received accounts from the tribes Who came to Nootka both from the north and south, of there being vessels on the coast, and were advised by their chiefs to make our escape, who also promised us their aid, and to put us on board.

These stories, however, as I afterwards learned, were almost all of them Without any foundation, and merely invented by these people with a view to get us Into their power, in order to make slaves of 'us themselves, or to sell us to others. But I was still more strongly solicited to leave Nootka by a woman. This was a Wickin 



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ninish princess,  a younger sister of Maquina's wife, who' was there on a visit.  I had the 

good fortune, if it may be so called to become quite a favourite with her.  She appeared much interested for me   asked me Many questions respecting my country, if I had a mother and sister at home, and If they would not grieve for my absence.  Her complexion was  fairer than that of the women in general, and her features, more regular, and. she would have been  quite handsome had it not been for a defect in one of her eyes, the, sight of which had been Injured in some accident, the reason as Maquina told me, Why she had not been married, a defect of this kind being by these savages considered as almost an insuperable objection. She urged me repeatedly to return with her, telling me that the Wickinninish were much better than the Nootkians ; that her father would treat me more kindly than Maquina, give me, better food and clothes, and finally put me on board one of my own country vessels. I felt, however,, little disposed to accompany her, considering my Situation with Maquina full as eligible as it would be with the Wickinninish, if not better, notwithstanding all she said to the contrary.

On the third of September, {1803/09/03} the whole tribe quitted Nootka, according to their constant practise, in order to pass the au 



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tumn and winter at Tashees and Cooptee, the latter lying about thirty miles up the

Sound in a deep bay, the navigation of which is very dangerous from the great number of

reefs and rocks with which it abounds. On these occasions every thing is taken with

them, even the Planks of their houses, in order to cover their new dwellings.  To an European, such a removal exhibits a scene quite novel and strange : canoes piled up

with boards and boxes, and filled with men, women and children of all ranks and sizes,

making the air resound with their cries and songs, At these times, as well as when

they have occasion to go some distance from their houses, the infants are usually

suspended across the mother's shoulders, in a kind of cradle or hammock, formed of bark, of about six inches in depth,  and of the length of the  child, by means of a leather

band, inserted through loops on its edges; this they also keep them in when at home, in

Order to preserve them In a strait position, and prevent any distortion of the limbs,

most probably a principal cause of these people being so seldom deformed or crooked.

The long boat of  our ship having been repaired and furnished with a, sail by Thompson, Maquina gave the direction of it, we being better acquainted with managing it

than his people, and after loading her, as deep as she Could swim,   we proceeded in



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company with them to the  north, quitting Nootka with heavy hearts, as we could entertain no hopes of release until our return, no ships ever coming to that part of the 

coast. Passing Cooptee, which is situated on the southern bank, just within the mouth of a small river flowing from the east in a narrow valley at the foot of a mountain, we proceeded about fifteen miles up this stream o Tashees, between a range of lofty hills on each side, which extend a great distance inland, and are covered with the finest forest trees of the country.  Immediately on our arrival, we 'all went to work very diligently in covering the houses with the planks we had brought, the frames being ready erected, these people never pretending to remove the timber.  In a very short time the work was completed, and we were established in our new residence. 

Tashees is pleasantly situated and in a Most secure position from the winter storms, in a small vale or hollow on the south shore, at the foot of a mountain.  The spot on which it stands is level, and the soil very fine, the country in its vicinity abounding with the most romantic views, charmingly diversified, and fine streams of water falling in beautiful cascades from the mountains.  The river at this place is about twenty rods in width, and, in its deepest part, from nine to twelve feet.  This village is the extreme

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point of navigation, as immediately beyond, the river becomes much more shallow, and is broken into rapids and falls.  The houses here are placed in a line like those at Nootka, but closer together, the situation being more confined, they are also smaller, in consequence of which, we were much crowded, and incommoded for room.

The principal object in coming to this place, is the facility it affords these people of providing their winter stock of provisions, which consists principally of salmon, and the spawn of that fish; to which may be added herring and sprats, and herring spawn.

The latter, however, is always procured by them at Nootka, previous to their quitting it. At the seasons of spawning, which are early in the spring and the last of August, they collect a great quantity of pine branches, which they place in different parts of the Cove at the depth of about ten feet, and secure them by means of heavy stones.  On these the herring deposit their spawn in immense  quantities; the bushes are then taken up, the spawn, stripped from the branches, and after being washed and freed from the Pine leaves by the women, is 'dried and put up in baskets for use. It is  considered as their greatest delicacy, and eaten both cooked and raw : in the former case,. being boiled and eaten with train oil, and in the latter mixed up With cold water alone.



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The salmon are taken at Tashees, principally in pots or wears. Their method of taking them in wears is thus.    A pot of twenty feet in length, and from four to five feet diameter at the mouth, is formed of a great number of pine splinters which are strongly secured, an inch and a half from each other, by means of hoops made of  flexible twigs, and placed about eight inches apart. At the end it tapers almost to a point, near which is a small wicker door, for the purpose of taking out the fish.  This pot or wear is placed at the foot  of a fall 'or rapid, where the water is not very deep, and the fish driven from above with long poles, are intercepted and caught in the wear, from whence they are taken into the canoes.

In this manner I have seen more than' seven hundred salmon caught in the, space, of, fifteen minutes. I have also some times known a few of the striped bass taken in this manner, but rarely.

At such times there is great feasting and merriment among them. The women and,

female slaves being busily employed cooking or in curing the fish for their winter stock, which is done by cutting, off the heads and tails, splitting them, taking out the back bone, and hanging them up In their houses to dry. They also dry the halibut and Cod  but these instead of curing whole, they cut up into small pieces for that purpose



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and expose to The sun.  The spawn of the salmon, which is  a principal article of their provision, they take out, and 'Without any other preparation, throw it into their tubs', where they leave it to stand and ferment, for though they frequently eat it fresh, they esteem it much more when it has acquired a strong taste, and one of the greatest favours they can confer on any person, is to invite him to eat Quakamiss, the name they give this food, though scarcely any thing can be more repugnant to a European palate, than it is in this state; and when ever they took it out of these large receptacles, which they Are always careful to fill, such was the stench 'which it exhaled, on being moved, that it Was almost impossible for me to Abide it even after habit had in a great degree dulled the delicacy of my senses.  

When boiled it became' less offensive, though it still retained much of the putrid smell

and something of the taste.

 Such is the immense quantity of these fish, and they are taken with such facility, that I have known upwards of twenty five hundred' brought into, Maquina's house at once, and at one of their great feasts, have seen one hundred or more  cooked in one of their largest tubs.

 I used frequently to go out with Maquina upon these 'fishing parties,  and was always sure to receive a handsome present of salmon



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which I had the privilege, of calling mine; I also went with him several times, in a canoe, to strike the salmon, which I have attempted to do myself, but Could never succeed, it requiring a degree of adroitness that I did not possess.  I was also permitted to go out with a gun,  and was several times very successful in shooting wild ducks, and teal, which are very numerous here, though rather shy.  These, they cooked in their usual manner, by boiling without any farther dressing than skinning them.  In many respects, however, our situation was less pleasant here than at Nootka. We were more incommoded for room, the houses, not being so spacious, nor so well arranged, and as it was colder, we were compelled to be much more within doors. We however, did not neglect on Sundays, when the weather would admit, to retire into the woods, and by the side of some stream, after bathing, return our thanks to God for preserving us, and offer up to him our customary devotions. I was however, very apprehensive, soon after our arrival at this place, that I should be deprived of the satisfaction of keeping my journal, as Maquina one day observing me writing in it, enquired of me what I was doing, and when I endeavoured to explain it, by telling him that I was keeping an account of the weather, he said it was not So, and that I was speaking 



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bad about him, and telling how, he had taken our ship and killed the crew, so as to inform my countrymen, 'and that if he ever saw me writing in itagain, he would throw it into the fire. I was much rejoiced that he did no more than threaten, and became very

cautious afterwards not to let him see Me write.

Not long after I finished some daggers for him, which I polished highly ; these pleased him much, and be gave me  directions to make a cheetoolth, in which  I succeeded, so far to his satisfaction, that 'he gave me a present of cloth sufficient to make me a complete suit of raiment, besides other things. 'Thompson, also, who had become rather more of a favourite than formerly, since he had made a fine sail for his canoe, and some garments for him out of European cloth, about this time completed another, Which was thought by the Savages a most superb dress.  This was a Kootsuk or mantle. a fathom square,  made entirely of European vest patterns of the gayest colours.  These were sewed  together, in a manner to make the best show, and bound, with a deep trimming of the finest 'otter skin, with which the arm holes were also bordered; While, the bottom was farther embellished with 'five or six rows of' gilt buttons, placed as near as possible to each other.  Nothing could exceed the pride of Maquina when



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he first put on 'this royal robe, decorated like 'the, coat of Joseph With all the colours of the rainbow, and glittering with the buttons, which as he strutted about made a tinkling, while he repeatedly exclaimed in a transport of exultation, Klew shish. Kat suk wick kum alack Nootka.  A fine garment   Nootka can't make him.

Maquina, who' knew that the chiefs of the tribes who came to visit us, had endeavoured to persuade me to escape, frequently cautioned me not to listen to them, saying that should I make the, attempt, and he were to take me, he should certainly put me to death. 'While here he gave, me,, a . book,, in which I found the names of  seven, persons belonging to the ship Manchester of Philadelphia, Captain Brian, viz Daniel Smith, Lewis Gillon, James Tom, Clark, Johnson, Ben and Jack. 'These men, as Maquina informed me, ran away from the ship, and came to him, but that six of them soon' after went off in the night, ,with an intention to go to the Wickinninish, "but were stopped by the Eshquiates, and Sent back to him, and that be ordered them ,to be put to death ; and a most cruel death, it was, as I was told by one of the natives; four Men holding one Of them on the ground, and forcing open his mouth, while they choked him by ramming stones down his throat.  As to Jack the boy, who made no



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attempt to go off, Maquina afterwards sold him to the Wickinninish. I was informed by the princess Yuqua,' that he was quite a small boy, who cried a great deal, being put to' hard 'labour beyond his strength by the natives, in cutting wood and bringing water, and that when he heard of the murder of our crew, it had such an effect on him that he fell sick 'and died shortly after. On learning the Melancholy fate of this unfortunate lad, it again awakened in my bosom those feelings that I had experienced at tile shocking death of my poor comrades.

The king on finding that I was desirous of learning their language, was much delighted and took great pleasure in conversing with me.  On one of  these occasions, he explained to me his reasons  for  cutting off our ship, saying that he bore no ill will to my countrymen, but that he had been several times treated very  ill by them. The  first injury of which he had cause to complain, was done to him by a Captain Tawnington who commanded a schooner which passed a winter at  Friendly Cove, where he was well treated by the inhabitants, This man, taking advantage of, Maquina's absence, who  had gone to the Wickinninish to procure a wife, armed himself and crew, and  entered the house where 'there were none but women, whom he threw into the greatest consternation, and searching the chests, took



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away all the skins, of which Maquina had no less than forty of the best; and that

about the same time, four of their chiefs were barbarously killed by a Captain Martinez, a Spaniard. That soon after Captain Hanna, of the Sea Otter, in consequence of one of the natives having stolen a chizzel from the carpenter, fired upon their canoes which were along side, "'and killed upwards of twenty of the natives, of whom several were Tyees or chiefs, and that he himself being on board the vessel, in order to escape was obliged to leap from the quarter deck, and swim for a long way under water.

These injuries had excited in the breast of Maquina an ardent desire of revenge, the strongest passion of the savage heart, and though many years had elapsed since their commission, still they were not forgotten, and the want of a favourable opportunity alone prevented him from sooner avenging. them. Unfortunately for us, tile long wished for opportunity at length presented itself in our ship, which Maquina finding not guarded with the usual vigilance of the North West Traders, and feeling his desire of revenge rekindled by the insult offered him by  captain Salter, formed a plan for attacking, and on his return, called a council of his chiefs and 'communicated it to them,  acquainting them with the manner

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in which he had been treated,.,  No less desirous of avenging this affront offered their king,  than the former injuries, they 'readily agreed to his proposal, which was' to go on board without arms as usual, but under different pretexts, in greater numbers, and wait his signal for the moment of attacking their unsuspecting victims. The execution of this scheme, as the reader knows, was' unhappily too successful. 'And here I cannot but indulge a reflection that has frequently occurred to me on the manner in which our people behave towards the natives.  'For though they are a theivish race, yet I have no doubt that many of the melancholy disasters have principally arisen, from the imprudent, conduct of some of the captains and crews of the ships employed in 'this trade, in exasperating" them by insulting, plundering, and even killing them on slight grounds.  This, as nothing is,,more sacred with a savage than the principle of revenge, and no people are so impatient under insult, induces them to wreak their vengeance upon the first vessel or boat's crew that offers, Making the innocent too frequently suffer for the wrongs of the guilty, as few of them know to discriminate between persons of the same general appearance, more especially when speaking the same language.  And to this cause do I believe, must principally be ascribed the san 



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guinary disposition with which these People are reproached, as Maquina repeatedly told me that it was not his wish to hurt a white man, and that he never should have done it, though ever so much in his power, had they not injured him. And were the commanders of our Ships to treat the savages with rather more civility than they sometimes do, I am inclined to think they would find their account in it, ; not that, I should recommend to them a confidence in the good faith and friendly professions of these people, so as in any degree to remit their vigilance, but on the contrary, to be strictly on their guard, and suffer but a very few of them to Come On board the ship, and admit not many of their canoes along side at a, time ; a precaution that would have been the means of preventing some of the unfortunate events that have occurred,  and if attended to, may in future, preserve many a valuable life. Such a regulation too, from what I know of their disposition and wants, would produce no serious difficulty in trading with the Savages, and they would soon become perfectly reconciled to it.

 Among the provisions which the Indians procure at Tashees, I must not omit mentioning a fruit that is very important, as forming a great article of their food.  This is is what is called by them the Yama, a species of berry that grows in bunches like



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currants, upon a bush from, two to three ,feet high, with a large, round and smooth leaf. 'This berry is black, and about the size of a pistol shot, but of rather an oblong shape, and open 'at the top like the blue 'Whortle berry.' The taste is sweet, but a little  acrid, and when first gathered, if eaten in any great quantity, especially 'without oil, is apt to produce cholics. To procure it, large companies of women go out on the mountains,  accompanied by armed men, to protect them against wild beasts, where they frequently remain for several days, kindling a fire at night, and sheltering themselves under sheds constructed of ,boughs.  At these parties, they collect great quantities. I have known Maquina's queen and' her women return loaded, bringing with them upwards of twelve bushels. In order to preserve it, it is pressed in the  bunches between two planks, and dried and put away in baskets for use.  It is always eaten with oil.

0er berries of various kinds,'such as straw berries, raspberries, black berries &c. there are great quantities in the country, of which the natives are very fond, gathering them in their seasons and eating them with oil, but the yama is the only one that they preserve.

Fish is, however, their great article of food, as almost all the others, excepting the yama,



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may be considered as accidental. They  nevertheless are far from disrelishing meat, for instance, venison and bear's flesh., With regard to the latter, they have a most singular custom, which is, that any one 'who' eats of it is obliged to abstain from eating any kind of fresh fish whatever, for the term of two months, as they have a superstitious belief,  that should any of 'their people after tasting bear's flesh, eat of fresh salmon, cod,

&c. the fish, though at ever so great a distance off, would come to the knowledge Of it, and be so much offended thereat, as not to allow themselves to be taken by any of the inhabitants. This I had an opportunity of observing while at Tashees, a bear, having been killed early in December of which not more than ten of the natives would eat, being prevented by the prohibition annexed to it, which also was: the  reason of my comrade and myself not tasting it, on being told by Maquina the consequence.

 As there is something quite curious , in their management of this animal, when they

 have killed one, I shall give a description of it. After well cleansing the bear from the'

dirt and blood, with which it is generally covered when killed, it is brought in and seated opposite the king, in an upright  posture, with a chief's bonnet, wrought in figures on its head, and its fur powdered Over with the white down. A tray of pro 

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vision is then set before it, and it is invited by words and gestures to eat. This mock ceremony over, the reason of which I could never learn, the animal is taken and skinned, and the flesh and entrails boiled up into a soup, no part, but the paunch being rejected.

This dressing the bear, as they call it, is an occasion of great rejoicing throughout the village, all the inhabitants being invited to a great feast at the king's house, though but  a few of them, in consequence of the penalty, will venture to eat of the flesh, but generally content themselves with their favourite dish of herring spawn and water. The feast on this occasion was closed by a dance from Sat sat sak sis, in the manner I have already described, in the course of 'Which, he repeatedly shifted his mask for another of a different form.

 A few days after a second bear was taken, like the former by means of a trap. This I had the curiosity to go and see at the place 'Where it was caught, which was in the following, manner.  On the edge of a small Stream of water in the mountains,  which the salmon ascend, and near the,, spot where the bear is accustomed to watch for them 'Which is, known by its track, a trap or box about the height of a man's head is built 4 posts and planks with a flat top,  on which are laid a number of large stones or rocks.



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The top,.and sides are then carefully covered, with turf, so as to resemble a little

mound, and  wholly to exclude the light, a narrow entrance  of the height of the, building only being left, just sufficient to admit the head and shoulders of the beast. On

the inside, to a large plank that covers the top, Is suspended by a strong cord ' a salmon,

the plank being ,left loose so that a forcible pull will, bring it down. On coming to its

usual haunt, the bear enters the trap, and in endeavouring to pull away the fish, brings down the whole covering, with its load of stones upon its head, and is almost always crushed to death on the spot, or so wounded as to be unable to escape. They are always careful to examine,   these traps every day , in order if a bear be caught, to bring it away, and cook it immediately, for it, is not a little singular, that these people will, eat no kind of meat that is in the least tainted,  or not perfectly fresh, while, on the contrary,, it is hardly possible for fish to be in too putrid a state for them, and I have frequently known them when a  whale has been driven ashore, bring pieces of it home with them, in a state of offensiveness insupportable to any  thing but a crow, and devour it with high relish, considering it as preferable to that which is fresh.

 On the morning of the 13th, of December, {1803/12/13} Commenced , what to us appeared a most 



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singular farce. Apparently without any 'Previous notice, Maquina discharged a pistol close to his son's ear, who immediately fell down as  if killed, upon which all the Women of the house set up a most lamentable cry, tearing handfuls of hair from their heads, and exclaiming that the prince was dead, at the same time a great number of the inhabitants, rushed into the house armed "with their daggers. muskets, &C. enquiring the cause. of,their outcry, these were immediately followed by two others dressed in wolf skins, with masks over their faces representing the head of that animal ; the latter came in on their hands and feet in the manner of a beast, and taking up the prince carried him off upon their backs, retiring in the same manner they entered. We saw nothing more of the ceremony, as Maquina Came to us, and giving us a quantity of dried provision, ordered us to quit the house And not return to the village before the expiration of seven days. for that if we appeared within that period, he should 'kill us.

At any other season of the year, such an Order would by us have been Considered as, 

an indulgence, in enabling us to pass our time in whatever way we wished, and even now, furnished as we were, with sufficient provision for that term, it was not very unpleasant to us, more particularly Thompson, who was always desirous to keep as much



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as possible out of the society, and sight of the natives, whom he detested. Taking with us our provisions, a bundle of' clothes, and our axes, we obeyed the directions of Maquina, and withdrew into the woods, where we built ourselves a cabin to shelter us, with the branches  of trees, and keeping up a good fire, secured ourselves pretty well from the cold. Here we passed the prescribed period of our exile, with more content than much of the time while with them, employing the day in reading and praying for our release, or in rambling around and exploring the country, the soil of which, we found to be very good, and the face of, it, beautifully diversified with;. hills and,vallies, ,refreshed with the finest streams of water, and at night enjoyed comfortable repose upon a bed of soft leaves, with our garments ,spread over us to protect us from the cold. At the end of seven days we returned And found several of the people of A i tiz zart with  their king or chief at Tashees, who had been invited by Maquina to attend the close of this performance, 'which I now learnt was a celebration, held by them annually, in honour of their god, whom they call Quahootze, to return him their thanks for his past, and implore, his future favors: It terminated on the 21st, {1803/12/21} the day after  our return, with a most, extraordinary exhibition.  Three men, each of whom had two



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bayonets run through his sides, between the ribs, apparently regardless of the pain, traversed the room, backwards and forwards, singing war songs, and exulting in this display of firmness.

On the arrival of the 25th, {1803/12/25} we could not but call to mind, that this being Christmas, was in our country a day of the greatest festivity, when our fellow countrymen assembled in their churches, were celebrating the goodness of God, and the praises of the Saviour. What a reverse did our situation offer  captives in a savage land, and slaves to a set of ignorant beings, unacquainted with religion or humanity, hardly were we permitted to offer up our devotions by our selves in the woods, while we felt even grateful for this ,privilege.  Thither with the king's permission, we withdrew, and after'

 reading the service appointed for the day, sung the hymn of the Nativity, fervently praying that heaven in its goodness, would permit us to celebrate the next festival of

this kind in some Christian land. On our return, in order to conform as, much as was in our power to the custom of our country, we were desirous of having a better supper than usual. 'With this view we bought from one of the natives, some dried clams and oil, and a root called Kletsup, which we cooked by steaming and found' it very palatable. This root consists of many fibres



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of about Six inches long, and of the size of a crow quill. It is sweet, of an agreeable taste, not unlike the., Quanoose, and it is eaten with oil., The plant that produces it I have never seen.

.On the 31st, {1803/12/31} all the tribe quitted Tashees for Cooptee, whither they go to pass the remainder of the winter, and complete their fishing, taking off every  thing with them in the Same manner as 'at Nootka. We  arrived  In a few hours at Cooptee, which is about fifteen miles, and immediately set about covering the' houses, which was soon completed.

This place, which is their great herring and sprat fishery, stands just within the mouth of the river, on the same side with Tashees, in a very, narrow valley at the foot of a high mountain. Though nearly as secure as Tashees from the, winter storms, it is by no means so pleasantly situated, though to us it was a much more agreeable residence, as it brought us nearer Nootka, where we were impatient to return, in hopes, of finding some vessel there, or hearing of the arrival of one near.

 The first snow that fell this season, was the day after our arrival, on New Years; a day that like Christmas, brought with ' it painful recollections, but at the same time led us to indulge the hope of a more fortunate year than the last.



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 Early on the morning of the 7th of January {1804/01/07}, Maquina took me with him in his canoe on a visit to Upquesta,  chief of the A i tiz zarts, who had invited him to attend 'an exhibition at his village,  similar to the one With" which he had been entertained ' at Tashees. This place is between twenty and thirty miles distant up the sound, and stands on the banks of a small river about the size of that of Cooptee, just within its entrance, in a valley of much greater extent than that of Tashees ; it consists of fourteen or fifteen houses, built and disposed in the manner of those at Nootka. The tribe, which is considered as tributary to Maquina amounts to about three hundred warriors, and the inhabitants, both Men and women,  are among the best looking of any people on the coast.

On our, arrival we were received at the shore by, the, inhabitants, a few of, whom were armed with muskets, which they' fired., with loud"' shouts and exclamations of Wocash, wocash.

We were welcomed by the chief's messenger, or master of ceremonies, dressed in  his best garments, with his hair  powdered with White down, and holding in his hand the

cheetoolth, the badge of his office. This man preceded us to the chief's house, where he introduced and pointed out to us our respective seats. On entering, the visitors



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took off their hats, which they Always wear on similar occasions, and Maquina, his outer

robes, of which he has several on whenever he pays a visit, and seated himself near the

chief. As I was dressed in European clothes I became quite an object of curiosity to these people, very few of whom had ever seen a white man.  They crowded around me in numbers, taking hold of my clothes, examining my face, hands and feet, and even opening my mouth to see if I had a tongue, for notwithstanding I had by this time become. well acquainted with their language, I preserved the strictest silence, Maquina. on our first landing, having enjoined me not to' speak, until he should direct.  Having 

undergone this examination for some time, Maquina at length made a sign to me to

speak to them. On hearing me address them in their own language, they Were greatly astonished and delighted and told Maquina that they now perceived that I was a man like themselves, except that I was white and looked like a  seal, alluding to my blue jacket and trowsers, which they wanted to persuade me to take off, as they did not like their appearance. Maquina in the mean time gave an account to the chief of the scheme

he had formed for surprizing our ship, and the manner in which he and,' his People had carried it into execution, with such particular and horrid details of that transaction

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as chilled the blood in my veins. Trays of boiled herring spawn and train oil were

soon after brought in and placed before us, neither the chief or any of his people eating

at the same time, it being contrary to the ideas of hospitality entertained by these

nations, to eat any part. of the food that is provided for strangers, always waiting until

their visitors have finished, before they have their own brought in.

 The following day closed their festival with an exhibition of a similar kind, to that which had been given at Tashees, but still more cruel, the different tribes appearing on , these occasions to endeavour to surpass each other, in their proofs ' of fortitude and  endurance of pain. In the morning twenty men entered the chief's house, with each an arrow run through the 'flesh of his sides and either arm, with a cord fastened to the end, which as the performers advanced, singing and  boasting, was forcibly drawn back by a person having hold of  it. After this performance was closed we returned to Cooptee, which we reached at midnight, our men keeping time with their songs to the stroke of their paddles.

The natives now began to take the herring and sprat in immense quantities, with some 

salmon, and there was nothing but feasting from morning till night.  The following is 

the method they employ to take the herring.



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A stick of about seven feet long, two inches broad, and half an inch thick, is formed from

some hard wood, one side of which is set with sharp teeth, made from whale bone, at about half an inch apart. Provided with this instrument, the fisherman seats himself in the  prow of a canoe, which is pulled by another, and whenever he comes to a shoal of herring,  which cover the water in great quantities, he strikes it with both hands  upon them, and at the same moment turning it up, brings it over the side of the canoe, into which he lets those that are taken drop. It is astonishing to see how many are caught by those who are dexterous in this kind of fishing, as they seldom fail when the shoals are numerous, of taking as many as ten or twelve at a stroke, and in a very short time will fill a canoe with them.  Sprats are likewise caught in a similar manner.

 About the beginning of February {1804/02/00}, Maquina gave a great feast, at which were present not only all the inhabitants, but one hundred persons from A i tiz zart, and a number from Wickinninish, who had been invited to attend it. It is customary with them to give an annual entertainment of this kind and it is astonishing to see what a quantity of provision is expended. or rather wasted  on such an occasion, when they always eat to the greatest excess. It was at



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this feast that I saw upwards of a hundred salmon cooked in one tub. The whole residence at Cooptee presents an almost uninterrupted succession of feasting and gormondizing, and it would seem as if the principal object of these people was to consume their whole stock of provision before leaving it, trusting entirely to their success in fishing and whaling, for a supply at Nootka.

 On the 25th of February, {1904/02/25} we quitted Cooptee, and returned to Nootka. With

much joy did Thompson and myself again find ourselves in a place, where notwithstanding the melancholy recollections which it excited, we hoped before long to see some vessel arrive to our relief, and for this we became the more solicitous, as of late we had become much more apprehensive of our safety in consequence of information

brought Maquina a few days before we left Cooptee by some of the Cayuquets, that there 

were twenty ships at the northward preparing to come against him, with an intent of destroying him and his whole tribe, for cutting off the Boston.  This' story Which Was wholly without foundation, and discovered afterwards to have been Invented by these people, for the purpose of  disquieting him, threw him into great alarm and notwithstanding all I could say to convince him that it was an unfounded report, so



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great was his jealousy of us, especially after it had been confirmed to him by some others of the same nation, that he treated us with Much harshness, and kept a very suspicious eye upon us. Nothing indeed could be more unpleasant than our present situation, when I reflected that our lives were altogether dependent on the will of a savage, on whose caprice and suspicions no rational calculation could be made.

 Not long after our return, a son of Maquina's sister, a boy of eleven years old, who had been for some time declining, died. Immediately on his death,  which was about midnight, all the men and women in the house. set up loud Cries and shrieks, which awakening Thompson and myself, so disturbed us that we left the house. This lamentation was kept up during the remainder of the night. In the morning,  a great fire was kindled, in which Maquina burned in honour of the deceased, ten fathoms of cloth, and buried with him ten fathoms More, eight of I whaw, four prime sea otter skins, and two small trunks, Containing our Unfortunate captain's clothes and watch. This boy was considered as a Tyee or chief, being the only son of Tootoosch, one of their principal chiefs, who had married Maquina's  sister, whence arose this ceremony on his interment; it being an established Custom with these people, that whenever a

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chief dies, his most valuable property is burned or buried with him ; it is, however,

wholly confined to the chiefs, and appears to be a mark of honour appropriate to them. In this instance Maquina furnished the articles, in order that his nephew might have the proper honours rendered him.  Tootoosch his father, was esteemed the first warrior of the tribe, and was one who had been particularly active in the destruction of our ship, having killed two of our poor comrades, who were ashore, whose names were Hall, and Wood. About the time of our removal to Tashees, while in the enjoyment of the highest health, be was suddenly seized with a fit of delirium, in which be fancied that he saw the ghosts of those two men constantly standing by him, and threatening him, so that he would take no food, except what was forced into his mouth. A short time before this, he had lost a daughter of about fifteen years of age, which afflicted him greatly, and whether his insanity, a disorder very uncommon amongst these savages, no instance of the kind having occurred within the memory of the oldest man amongst them, proceeded from this cause, or that it was the special interposition of an all merciful God in our favour, who by this means thought proper to induce these barbarians still farther to respect our lives, or that for hidden purposes, the Supreme Dis 



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poser of events, sometimes permits the spirits of the dead to revisit the world, and haunt the murderer I know not, but ,his mind from this period until his death, which took place but a few weeks after that of his son was incessantly occupied with the images of the men whom he had killed., This circumstance made much impression upon the tribe, particularly the chiefs, whose, uniform opposition to putting us to death, at the various councils that were held on our account, I could not but in part attribute to this cause, and Maquina used frequently in speaking of Tootoosch's sickness, to express much satisfaction that his hands had not been stained with the blood of any of our men. When Maquina was first informed by his sister, of the strange conduct of her ,,husband, he immediately  went to his house, taking us with him; suspecting that his disease had been caused by us, and, that the ghosts of our countrymen had been called thither by us, to torment him. We found him raving about Hall and Wood, saying that they were peshak, that is, bad. Maquina then placed some provision before him to see if he would eat. On Perceiving it, he put forth his hand to take some, but instantly withdrew it with signs  of horror, saying that Hall and Wood were there,  and Would not let him eat.  Maquina, then pointed to us, asked, if it was not John



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and Thompson who troubled him. Wik, be replied, that no,  John klushish  Thompson klushish    John and Thompson are both good; then turning to me, and patting me on the shoulder, be made signs to me to eat. I tried to persuade him that Hall and Wood were not there, and that none were near him but ourselves : he said, I know very well you do not see  them, but I do. At first Maquina endeavoured to convince him, that he saw nothing, and to laugh him out of his belief, but finding that all was to no purpose, he at length became serious, and asked me if I had ever seen any one affected in this manner,  and what was the matter with him. I gave him to understand, pointing to his head, that his brain was injured, and that he did not see things as formerly., Being,, convinced by Tootoosch's conduct, that We had no agency in his indisposition, on our return home, Maquina asked me what was, done in my, country in similar cases. I told him that such persons were closely confined, and sometimes tied up and whipped, in order to make them better. After pondering for some time, he said that  he should be glad to do any thing to relieve him, and that he should be whipped and immediately gave orders to some Of his men, to go to Tootoosch's  house, bind him and bring him to his, in order to undergo

the operation. Thompson was the person



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elected to administer this remedy, which he undertook very readily, and for that purpose provided himself with a good  number of spruce branches, with which he whipped him most severely, laying it on with the best will imaginable, while Tootoosch displayed the greatest rage, kicking,  spitting, and attempting to bite all who came near him.  This was, too much for Maquina, who, at length, unable to endure it longer, ordered Thompson to desist, and Tootoosch to be carried back, saying that if there was no other way of curing him but by whipping, he must remain mad.

The application of the whip, produced no beneficial effect on Tootoosch, for he afterwards became still more deranged ; in his fits, of fury sometimes seizing a club, and beating his slaves in a most dreadful manner, and striking and spitting at all who came near him, till at length his wife, no longer daring to remain in the house with him, came with her son to Maquina's.

 The whaling season now commenced, and Maquina was out almost every day in his canoe in pursuit of them, but for a considerable time, with no success, one day breaking the staff 'of his harpoon, another, after having been a long time fast to a whale, the weapon drawing, owing to the breaking of the shell which formed its point, with several such like accidents, arising, from the imper  



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fection of the instrument. At these times he always returned very morose and out of

temper, upbraiding his men with having violated their obligation to continence preparatory to whaling.   In this state of ill humor he would give us very little to eat, which added to the women not cooking when the men are away, reduced us to very low fare.

In consequence of the repeated occurrence of similar accidents, I proposed to Maquina

to, make him a harpoon or foreganger of steel, which would be less liable to fail him.

The idea pleased him, and in a short time I completed one for him,'with which he was

much delighted, and the very next day. went out to make trial of' it. He succeeded with it in taking a whale. Great was the joy throughout the village as soon as it was known, that 'the king had secured the whale, by notice from a person stationed at the head land in the offing. All the canoes were immediately launched, 'and, furnished., with harpoons and seal skin floats, hastened, to assist in buoying it up and in towing it in." The bringing in of this fish' exhibited a  scene of universal festivity. As soon as the canoes appeared at' the mouth of the cove, those on board of them singing a song of triumph to a slow air, to which they kept time with their paddles, all who were on shore, men, women and children, mounted the roofs of their houses, to congratulate



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 the king on his success. drumming most furiously on the planks, and exclaiming Wocash  wocash Tyee.

The Whale, on being drawn on shore, was immediately cut up, and a great feast  

of the blubber given at Maquina's house, to which all the village were invited,  who indemnified themselves for their lent by eating as usual to excess. I was highly praised for the goodness of' my harpoon and a quantity of blubber given me, which I was permitted to cook as I pleased in salt water with some young nettles and other greens

for' Thompson and myself,  and in this way We found it tolerable food.

Their method of procuring the oil, is to skim 'it From the water in which the blubber is boiled, and when Cool put it up into Whale bladders for use, and of these I have  seen them so large as, when filled, would require no less than five or six men to Carry.  Several of the chiefs, among whom were Maquina's brothers, who after the king has" Caught the first Whale, are privileged  to, take them also, were very desirous, on discovering the superiority of my harpoon, that I  should make some for them, but this

Maquina would not permit, reserving for himself this improved weapon.  He however gave me directions to make a number more for himself which I executed, and also made



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him several lances, with which he was greatly pleased.

As these people have some very singular observances preparatory to whaling, an account of them will, I presume, not prove uninteresting, especially as it may serve to give a better idea of their manners.  A short time before leaving Tashees, the king makes a point of passing a day alone on the mountain, whither he goes very privately early

in the morning, and does  not return till late in the evening. This is done, as I afterwards learned, for the purpose of singing and praying to his God for success in whaling the ensuing season. At Cooptee the same ceremony is performed, and at Nootka after the return thither, with still greater solemnity,  as for the next two days he appears very thoughtful and gloomy, scarcely speaking" to any one, and observes a most rigid fast. On these occasions, he has always a broad red fillet made of bark, bound around his head, in token' of humiliation, with' a large branch of green spruce on the top, and his great rattle in his hand. In addition to this for a week before commencing their whaling, both himself an(l the crew of his canoe observe a fast, eating but very little,  and going into the water several times In the course of each day to bathe, singing and rubbing their bodies, limbs and faces with shells and bushes, so that on their return



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I have seen them look as though they had  been severely torn with briers.  They are likewise  obliged to abstain from any commerce with their women for the, like period, the latter restriction being considered as indispensible to their success.

 Early in June {1804/06/00} Tootoosch, the crazy chief, died. On being acquainted with his death the whole village, men, women 'and children set up a loud cry, with every testimony of the greatest grief, which they continued for more than three hours. As soon as he was dead, the body, according to their custom, was laid out on a plank, having the head bound round with a red bark fillet, which is with them an emblem of mourning and sorrow. After laying some time in this manner, he was wrapped in an otter skin robe, and three fathoms of I whaw being put about his neck, he was placed in a large' coffin or box, of about three feet deep, which was ornamented on the outside with two rows of the small white shells. In this, the most valuable articles of his property were placed with him, among which were no less than twenty four prime sea otter skins. : At night, which is their time for interring the dead, the coffin was  borne by eight men with two poles, thrust through ropes, passed around it: to the place of burial, accompanied by his wife and family, with their hair cut short, in token of grief, all the inhabi 

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tants, joining the procession. The place of burial was a large cavern on the side of a hill at a little distance from the village, in which, after depositing the coffin carefully, all the attendants repaired to Maquina's house, where a number of articles belonging to the deceased, consisting of blankets, pieces of cloth, &c. were burned by a person appointed by Maquina for that purpose, dressed and painted in the highest style, with his head covered  with white down, who, as he put in the several pieces, one by one, poured upon them a quantity of oil to increase the flame, in the intervals between, making a speech and  playing off a variety of buffoon tricks, and the whole closed with a feast, and a dance from Sat sat sak sis, the king's son.

 The man who performed the ceremony of burning on this occasion, was a very singular character, named Kinnectimmets. He was 'held in high, estimation by, the king, though only of the common class, probably from his talent for mimicry and buffoonry, and and might be considered as a kind of king's Jester, or rather as combining in his person the character' of a buffoon with that of master of ceremonies, and public orator to his majesty, as he was the one who at feasts always regulated the places of the guests, delivered speeches on receiving or returning visits, besides amusing the company at all



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their entertainments, with a variety of monkey pranks and antic gestures, which appeared to these savages the height of wit and humour, but would' be considered as extremely low by the least polished people. Almost all the kings or head chiefs of the  principal tribes  Were 'accompanied by a 'similar character,  Who appeared to be attached to their dignity, and are called in their language, Climmer habbee.

 This man, Kinneclimmets, was particularly odious to Thompson, who would never join in 'the laugh at his tricks, but when he began, "would almost  always quit the house

  with a very surly look, and an exclamation of, cursed fool! which Maquina, who thought nothing could equal the Cleverness  Of his Climmer habbee, used to remark with much dissatisfaction, asking me why Thompson never laughed, observing I must have had a very, good tempered woman indeed for my mother, as my father was so very ill natured a man. Among those performances that gained him the greatest applause was his talent of eating to excess, for I have known him devour at one meal, no less than seventy five large herring, and at another time when a great feast was given by Maquina,  he undertook, after drinking three pints of  oil by way of whet, to eat four dried salmon, and five quarts of spawn, mixed up with a gallon of train oil, and ac 



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tually succeeded in swallowing the greater ,part of this mess, until his stomach became so overloaded, as to discharge its contents in the dish. One of his exhibitions, however, had nearly cost him his life, this was on occasion of Kla quak ee na, one of the chiefs, having bought him a new wife, in celebration of which he ran three times through a large fire, and burned himself in. such a manner, that he was not able to stir for more than four weeks. These feats of savage skill, were much praised by Maquina, who never failed to make him a present, of cloth, muskets &c. on such occasions.

The death of Tootoosch increased still more the disquietude which his delirium had excited among the savages, and all those chiefs who had killed our men became much  alarmed, lest they should be seized the. same disorder and die like him;  more  particularly, as I had told Maquina, that I believed his insanity was a punishment, inflicted on him by Quahootze, for his cruelty in murdering two innocent men, who had never injured him.

Our situation had now become unpleasant in the extreme.   The summer was  far advanced, that we nearly despaired of a ship arriving to our relief, and with that expectation, almost relinquished the hope of ever having it in our power to quit this savage land.  We were treated too with



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less indulgence than before, both Thompson and myself being obliged, in addition to our other employments, to perform the laborious task of cutting, and collecting fuel, which we had to bring on our shoulders from nearly three miles distant, as it consisted, wholly of dry trees, all of which near the village, had been consumed. To add to this, we suffered much abuse from the common people, who, when Maquina or some of the. chiefs were not present, would insult us, calling us wretched slaves , asking us, where was our Tyee or captain,' making, gestures, signifying that his head had been cut off, and that they would do the like to us; though they  generally took  good care. at such times to keep well out  of Thompson's reach, as they had more than once, experienced to their cost the strength of his fist. This conduct was not only, provoking and, grating to our feelings in the highest degree, but it convinced us of the ill disposition of these savages towards us, and rendered us fearful less they might at some time or other persuade or force Maquina and  the chiefs, to put us to death.

We were also, often brought to great distress for the want of provision so far as to be reduced to collect a  scanty supply of muscles and limpets from the rocks, and sometimes even compelled to part with some of our most necessary articles of clothing.

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in order to purchase food for our subsistence.  This was however, principally owing to the inhabitants themselves experiencing a great  scarcity of  provisions this season ; there having been in the first place, but very few salmon caught at Friendly Cove, a most unusual circumstance, as they generally abound there, in' the spring, which was by the  natives attributed to their having been driven away by the blood  of our men, Who had been thrown into the sea, which with true savage inconsistency, excited their murmurs against Maquina, who had proposed cutting off our ship.  Relying on this supply, they had in the most inconsiderate manner squandered away their winter stock of provisions, so that in a few days after their return,  it was entirely expended.  Nor were the king and chiefs, much more' fortunate in their whaling, even after I had furnished Maquina with the improves weapon for that purpose.  but four whales having been taken during the season, which closes the last of May, including one that had been struck by Maquina and escaped, and was afterwards driven on shore about six miles from Nootka, in almost a state of putridity.   These afforded but a short supply, to a population, including all ages and sexes, of no less `than fifteen hundred persons, and of a character so very improvisent, that after feasting most gluttonously



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whenever a Whale was caught, they were several times for a week together, reduced to the

necessity of eating but once a day, and of collecting cockles and muscles from the

rocks for  their food. And even after, the cod and halibut fishing commenced In June. 

in which they met with tolerable success, such was the savage caprice of Maquina

that he would often give us but little to eat, finally ordering us to buy a canoe and

fishing implements, and go out ourselves and fish, or we should have nothing. To do

this, we were compelled to Part with our great coats, which were not only important

to us as garments, but of which we made our beds., Spreading them under us when we

slept. From our want 'of skill, however, in this new employ, we met with no success, on discovering which, Maquina ordered us to remain at home.

Another thing, Which to me in particular, proved an almost constant source of vexation and disgust, and which living among them had not in the least reconciled me to, was their extreme filthiness,  not only in, eating fish, especially the whale, when in a state 'of offensive putridity, but while at their meals of making a practise of taking the

vermin from their heads or clothes, and eating them, by turns thrusting their fingers into their hair, and into the dish, and spreading their garments over the tubs in which the



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Provision was cooking, in order to set in motion their inhabitants. Fortunately for Thompson, he regarded this much less than myself, and when I used to point out to him any '' instance of  their filthiness in this, respect, he would laugh and reply,, Never mind John, the more good things the better, I 'must however do Maquina the justice to state, that, he  was much neater both in his person and eating, than were the others, as is likewise his queen, owing no doubt to his 'intercourse with foreigners, which had given him ideas of cleanliness, for I never Saw either, of them eat any, of these animals, but on the contrary they appeared not much to relish this taste in others. Their garments Also, were much cleaner, Maquina having been accustomed  to give his  away when they became soiled, till after he discovered Thompson and myself kept ours clean by washing them, when he used to make Thompson do the same for him.

Yet amidst this state of endurance and disappointment, in hearing, repeatedly of the arrival of ships at the north and' south, most of which proved to be idle reports, while expectation was almost wearied out in  looking for them, we' did not wholly despond, relying on the mercy of the Supreme Being, to offer up to 'whom our devotions, on the days appointed for his worship, was our chief consolation and support, though we were



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sometimes obliged by our' task masters to infringe upon the Sabbath, which was to me a

 a source of much regret.

We were nevertheless, treated at times, With much kindness by Maquina, who Would give us A plenty of the best 'that he had to eat, and occasionally, some small present of cloth for a garment, promising me, that if any ship should arrive within a hundred miles of Nootka, he would send a canoe with a letter from me  to the captain, so that he might come, to our release.  These flattering promises and marks of attention were however. at, those times, when he thought himself in personal danger from A mutinous spirit, which the scarcity of provision had excited among the natives, who like true Savages, imputed all their  public calamities of whatever kind, to the misconduct of their Chief,  or when he was ,apprehensive of attack from some of the 'other tribes who irritated with him for cutting of the Boston, as it had prevented ships from coming to trade with them, and were constantly alarming him with idle stories of vessels that were preparing to come against him,, and exterminate both him and his people. At such times, he made us keep guard over him both night and day, armed with cutlasses and pistols, being apparently afraid to trust any of his own men.  At one time, it was a general revolt of his people that he appre 



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hended   then three of his principal chiefs among whom was his elder brother, had conspired to take away his life, and at length he fancied that a small party of Kla ooquates, between whom  and the Nootkians, little friendship subsisted, had come to Nootka, under a pretence of trade, for the sole purpose of murdering him And his family,  telling us probably to sharpen our vigilance, that their intention was to kill us likewise, and so strongly were his fears excited on this occasion, that he not only ordered us to keep near him armed by day, whenever he went out, and to patrole  at night before his house while they remained, but to Continue the same guard for three days after they Were gone, and to fire at one and at four in the morning, one of the great guns, to let them know, if, as he suspected, they were lurking in the neighbourhood, 'that he was on his guard. While he was thus favourably disposed towards us, I took an opportunity to inform him of the ill treatment that we frequently received from his people, and the insults that were  offered us by some of the stranger tribes in calling us white slaves and loading us with other opprobrious terms. He was much displeased, and said that his subjects should not be allowed to treat us ill, and that if any of the strangers did it, he wished us to punish the offenders with death, at the same



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time directing us for our security, to go constantly armed. This permission was soon improved by Thompson to the best advantage.  for a few days after, having gone to the pond to wash some of our Clothes, and, blanket for Maquina, several Wickinninish, who were then at Nootka, came thither,, and seeing him washing the clothes,  and the blanket spread upon the grass to dry, they began according to custom to insult him, and one of them bolder than the others, walked over the blanket. Thompson was highly incensed, and threatened the Indian with death if he repeated the offence' but he in Contempt of the  threat, trampled upon the blanket, when drawing his cutlass without farther ceremony, Thompson  Cut off his head, on seeing which the others ran off at. full speed ; Thompson then gathered the clothes and blanket on which were  the tracks of the Indian's dirty feet, and taking with him the head, returned and informed the king of what had passed, who was much pleased, and highly commended his conduct. This had a favourable effect for us, not only on the stranger tribes, but the inhabitants themselves, who treated us afterwards with less disrespect.  

In the latter part of July, {1804/07/00} Maquina informed me that he was going to war with the A y Charts, a tribe living at about fifty miles to the South, on account of some con 



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troversy that had arisen the preceding summer, and that I must make a number of daggers, for his men, and cheetoolths for his chiefs; which having completed, he wished me, to make for his own use a weapon of quite a different form, in order to dispatch his enemy by one blow on the head, it being the calculation of these nations on going to war, to surprize their adversaries while asleep. 'This was a steel dagger, or more Properly. a spike, of about six inches .long made very sharp,, set at right angles in an iron handle of  fifteen inches long, terminating at the lower end in a crook  or turn, so as to prevent its being wrenched' from the hand, and at the upper, in a round knob or head, from whence the spike protruded.  This instrument I polished highly, and the more to please Maquina, formed on the back of the knob, the resemblance of a man's head, with the mouth open, substituting for eyes, black beads, which I fastened in with red sealing wax.  

This pleased him much, and was greatly admired by his chiefs, who wanted me to make similar ones for them, but Maquina would not suffer it, reserving for himself alone this weapon.

When these people, have finally determined on war,  they make it an invariable Practise for three or four 'weeks prior to the expedition,  to go into the water five or six times a day, when they wash and scrub



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themselves from head to foot with bushes intermixed with briars, so that their bodies and faces will often be entirely covered with blood. During this severe exercise, they are continually exclaiming, " Wocash Qauhootze, Teechamme ah welth, wik etish tau ilth  Kar sab matemas  Wik sish to hauk matemas  I ya ish kah shittle   As smootish warich matemas   Which signifies, Good, or great God, let me live  Not be sick  Find the enemy  Not fear him   Find him asleep, and kill a great many of him.

During the whole of this period, they have no intercourse with their women, and for a week, at least, before setting out, abstain from feasting or any kind of merriment, appearing thoughtful, gloomy and morose, and for the three last days, are almost constantly in the water, both by day and night, scrubbing and lacerating themselves in a terrible manner.  Maquina having informed Thompson and myself that he should take us with him, was very solicitous that we should bathe and scrub ourselves in the same way with them, telling me that  it would harden our skins so that the weapons of the enemy would not pierce them, but as We felt no great inclination to amuse ourselves in this manner, we declined it.

The expedition consisted of forty canoes, carrying from ten to twenty men each.

 Thompson  and myself armed ourselves with

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cutlasses, and pistols, but the natives,  although they had a plenty of European arms, took with them Only their' daggers and Cheetoolths, with a few bows and arrows, the  latter being about a yard in length; and pointed with copper, muscle shell, or bone; the bows are four feet and a half long, with Strings made of whale sinew. 

To go to A y chart, we ascended from twenty to thirty miles, a river about the size of that of Tashees, the banks of which are high and covered with wood. At midnight, we came in sight of the village, which was situated on the west bank near the shore'. on, a steep hill difficult of access, and well calculated for defence. It consisted of fifteen or sixteen houses, smaller than 'those at Nootka, and built in the same style, but compactly placed. By Maquina's directions, the attack was deferred until the first appearance 'of dawn, as he said that Was the time when men slept the soundest.

At length all being ready for the attack, we landed with the greatest silence, and going, around so as to come upon the foe in the rear, clambered up the hill, and while the natives, as is their their custom, entered the several huts, creeping on all fours, my comrade and myself stationed ourselves without, to intercept those who should attempt to escape, or come to the aid of their friends. I wished if possible, not to stain



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my hands in the blood of any fellow creature, and though Thompson would gladly have put to death all the savages in the country, he was too brave to think of attacking a sleeping enemy. Having entered, the houses, on the war whoop being given by Maquina, as he seized the head of the Chief, and gave him the fatal blow, all proceeded to the work of death. The A y charts being thus surprised, were unable to make resistance, and with the exception of a very few, who were so fortunate as to make their escape, were all killed or taken prisoners on condition of becoming slaves to their captors.  I had the good fortune to take four captives, whom Maquina, as a favor, permitted me to Consider as mine, and occasionally employ them in fishing for me ; as for Thompson, who thirsted for revenge, he had no wish to take any prisoners, but with his cutlass, the only  weapon he would employ against them, succeeded in killing seven stout fellows, Who came to attack him, an act which obtained him great credit With Maquina and the chiefs, who after this, held him in much higher estimation, and gave him the appellation of Chehiel suma har, it being the name of a very celebrated warrior of their nation in ancient times, whose exploits were the Constant theme of their Praise.



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After having put to death all the old and infirm of either sex, as is the barbarous practise, Of these people, and destroyed the buildings, we reembarked with our booty in

our canoes, for Nootka, where we were received with great demonstrations of joy by the Women and children,, accompanying our war song with a most furious drumming on the houses. The next day a great feast was given by Maquina, in celebration of his victory,  which was terminated as usual with a dance by Sat sat sak sis.

 Repeated applications had been made to Maquina, by a number of kings or chiefs, to purchase me, especially, after he had shewed them the harpoon I had made for him, which he took much pride in, but he constantly refused to part with me on any terms.   Among these, the king of the Wickinninish, was particularly Solicitous to obtain me, having twice applied to Maquina for that purpose, once, in A very formal manner, by sending his messenger with four canoes, who as he approached  the shore, decorated in their highest style, with the white down on his head, &c. declared that he came to buy

Tooleyoohannis, the name by which I was known to them, for his master, and that he had brought for that purpose four young male slaves, two highly ornamented canoes, such a number of skins of the metamelth, and of the quartlack, or sea otter, and so ma 



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ny fathoms of 'cloth and of i whaw, while as he mentioned the different articles, they were pointed out or held up by his attendants, but even this tempting offer had no influence on Maquina;  who in the latter part of the summer, was again very strongly urged to sell me by Ulatilla, or as he is generally called, Machee Ulatilla, chief of the Klaizzarts, who had come to Nootka on a visit.

This chief, who could speak tolerable English, had much more the appearance of a civilized man, than any of the savages that I saw. He appeared to be about thirty, was rather small in his person, but extremely well formed, with a skin almost as fair as that of an European, good features, and A countenance expressive of candour, and  amiableness, and which was almost always brightened with a smile. He was much neater, both in his dress and person than any of the other chiefs, seldom wearing paint, except upon his eyebrows, which after the custom of his country, were plucked Out, and a few strips of the pelpelth on the lower part of his face. He always treated me with much kindness, was fond of conversing with me in English and in his  Own language, asking we many questions relative to my country, its manners, customs, &C. and appeared to take a strong interest in my fate, telling me, that if he could per 

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suade, Maquina to part with me, he would "Put me on board the first ship that came to his country ; a promise, which from his subsequent conduct, I have good reason  to think he would have performed, as my  deliverance, at length, from captivity and suffering was, under the favour of divine providence wholly owing to him, the only letter that, ever reached an European or American vessel, out of sixteen that I wrote at different times, and sent to various parts of the coast, having been delivered by him in person. So much pleased was I with this man's behaviour to me while at Nootka, that I made for him a Cheetoolth, which I burnished highly, and engraved with figures; with this he was greatly delighted, I also would have made for him a harpoon would Maquina have consented.

  With hearts full of dejection and almost lost to hope, no ship having appeared off Nootka this season, did my companion and  Myself accompany the tribe on their removal

 in September {1804/09/00}, to Tashees, relinquishing in consequence, for six months, even the remotest expectation of relief.

Soon after our establishment there, Maquina informed me that he and his  chiefs had held council both before and after quitting Nootka; in which they had determined that I must marry one of their women, urging as a reason to induce me to consent,



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that as there was now no probability of a ship coming to Nootka to release me,  that I must consider myself as destined to pass the remainder of my life  with  them,: that the sooner I conformed to their Customs the better, and that a wife and family, would render me more contented  and satisfied with their mode of living. I remonstrated against, this decision, but to no purpose, for he told  me  that should I refuse, both Thompson and myself would be put to death telling me however, that If there  were none' of the women of his tribe that pleased me, he would go with me to some of the other tribes where he would purchase for me such an One as I should select.  Reduced to this sad extremity, with death on the one side, and matrimony on the other, I thought proper to choose what appeared to me the

least of the two evils, and consent to be married, on condition, that as, I did not fancy any of the Nootka women, I should be permitted to make choice of one from some other tribe.

This being settled, the next morning by day light Maquina, with about fifty men in two canoes, set out with me for A i tiz zart, taking with him a quantity of cloth, a number of muskets, sea otter skins, &c. for the purchase of my bride. With the aid of our paddles and sails, being favoured with a fair breeze, we arrived some time before sun



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set at the village.  Our arrival excited a general alarm, and the men hastened  to the, shore, armed with the weapons of their Country, making many warlike demonstrations, and displaying much zeal and activity. We in the mean time remained quietly seated in our canoes, where we remained for about half an hour, when the messenger of the 

chief, dressed in their best manner, came to welcome us, and invite us on shore to eat. We followed him in procession to the chief's house, Maquina at our head, taking care to leave a sufficient number in the boats to protect the property. When we came to the house," we were ushered in with much ceremony, and our respective seats pointed out to us, mine being next to Maquina by his request.

After having been regaled with a feast of herring spawn and oil, Maquina asked me if I saw, any among the women who were present that I liked, I immediately pointed out to him, a young girl of about seventeen, the daughter of Upquesta, the chief, who was sitting near him by her mother.  On this Maquina making a sign to his men, arose and taking me by the hand, walked into the middle of the room, and sent off two of his men, to bring the boxes containing the presents from the canoes. In the mean time

Kinneclimmets, the master of ceremonies, whom I have already spoken of, made him 



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self ready for the part he was to act, by powdering his hair with ,the white down.

When the chests were brought in, specimens of the several articles were taken out,, and

shewed by our men, one of whom held up a musket, another a skin, a third a piece of cloth, &c. On this, Kinneclimmets stepped forward, and addressing the chief, informed

him that all these belonged to me, mentioning the number of each kind, and that they

Were offered him for the purchase of his daughter Eu stoch ee exqua, as a wife for me. As he said this, the men who held up the various articles, walked up to the chief, and with a very stern and morose look, the Complimentary one on these occasions, threw them at his feet. Immediately on which, all the tribe, both men and women, who were assembled on this occasion, set Up a cry of Klack ko Tyee,  that is, Thank ye chief.  His men, after this ceremony, having returned to their places, Maquina rose, and, in a speech of more than half an hour, said much in my praise to the A i tiz zart chief, telling him that I was as good a man as themselves, differing from them only in being white, that I was besides acquainted with many things of which they were ignorant, that I knew how to make daggers, cheetoolths, and harpoons, and was a very valuable person, whom he was determined to keep always with him; praising me at   



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the same time for the goodness of my temper, and the manner in which I had conducted. since I had been with them, observing that all the people of Nootka, and even the children loved me.

 While Maquina was speaking, his master of ceremonies was continually skipping about, making the most extravagant gestures, and exclaiming Wocash. When he had ceased, the A i tiz zart chief arose amidst the acclamations of his people, and began with" setting forth. the many good qualities and accomplishments of his daughter; that he loved her greatly, and, as she was his only one, he could not think of parting with her. He spoke in this manner for some time, but finally concluded by consenting to the proposed union, requesting that she might be well used and kindly treated by her husband. At the close of this speech, when the ,chief began to manifest a disposition to consent to our union, Kinneclimmets again began to call out as loud, as he could bawl, Wocash , cutting a thousand capers and spinning himself around on his heel like a top.  When Upquesta had finished his speech, he directed his  people to carry back the presents 'which Maquina had given him, to me, together with two young male slaves to

assist me in fishing., These, after having been placed before me, were by Maquina's 



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men taken on board the canoes. This ceremony being over, we were invited by one of ,the principal chiefs to a feast at his house of Klussamit, or dried herring, where after the, eating was over, Kinneclimmets amused the company very highly with his tricks, and ,the evening's entertainment was closed by a new war song from our men, and one in return from the A i tiz zarts,  accompanied with expressive gestures and wielding of their weapons.

 After this, our company returned to lodge at Upquesta's, except a few who were left

on board the canoes to watch the 'property. In the morning I received from the chief his

daughter, with an earnest request that I Would use her well, which I promised him,

when taking leave of her parents, she accompanied me with apparent satisfaction on board of the canoe.

The wind being ahead, the natives were obliged to have recourse to their paddles, accompanying them with their songs, interspersed with the witticisms and buffoonry of Kinneclimmets, who, in his capacity of king's steersman, one of his functions which I forgot to enumerate, not only guided the course of the canoe, but regulated the singing of the boatmen. At about five in the morning, we reached Tashees, where we found all the inhabitants collected on the  'shore to receive us. We were welcomed



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with loud shouts of joy, and exclamations Of Wocash, and the women taking my bride under their charge, conducted her to Maquina's house, to be kept with them for ten days; it being an universal custom, as Maquina informed me, that no intercourse Should take place between the new married pair during that period. At night Maquina gave a great feast, which was succeeded by a dance, in which all the women joined, and thus ended the festivities of my marriage.

The term of my probation over, Maquina assigned me as an apartment the space in the' upper 'part of his house, between him and his elder brother, whose room was opposite. Here I established myself with my family, consisting of myself and wife,  Thompson, an: the little Sat sat sak sis, who had always been strongly attached to me, and now solicited his father to let him live with me, to which he consented. 'This boy was handsome, extremely well formed, amiable, and of a pleasant sprightly disposition. I used to take, a pleasure in decorating him with rings, bracelets, ear jewels, &c. which I made for him of copper, and ornamented and polished them  in my best manner. I was also very careful to keep him free from vermin of every kind, washing him and combing his hair every day . These, marks of attention were not only very pleasing to the 



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child, who delighted in being kept neat and clean, as well as in being dressed off in his finery, but was highly gratifying both to Maquina and his queen, who used to express much satisfaction at my care of him.

In making ,my domestic establishment, I determined, as far as possible, to live in a more comfortable and cleanly manner than the others. For this purpose, I erected with planks, a partition of about three feet high, between mine and the adjoining rooms, and made three bedsteads of the same, Which I covered with boards for my' family to sleep on, Which I found much more comfortable than sleeping on the floor amidst the dirt.

Fortunately I found my Indian princess both amiable and intelligent, for one whose limited sphere of' observation must necessarily give rise to but a few ideas. She was  extremely ready to agree to any thing that I proposed relative to our mode of living, was very attentive to keeping her garments and person neat and clean, and appeared in every respect solicitous to Please me.   She was, as I have said, about seventeen; her person was small, but well formed, as were her features, her complexion was, without exception, fairer  than any of the women, with considerable colour in her cheeks, her hair long, black and much softer than is usual with them, and her teeth small,

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even, and of a dazzling whiteness, while the expression of her countenance, indicated sweetness of temper and modesty.  She would, indeed, have been considered as very pretty in any country, and excepting Maquina's queen, was by far the handsomest of any of their women.

 With a partner possessing so many attractions, many may be apt to conclude, that I must have found myself happy,. at least comparatively so; but far otherwise was it with me, a compulsory marraige with the most beautiful and accomplished person in the world, can never prove a source of real happiness, and in my situation, I could not

 but view this connection as a chain that was  to bind me down to this savage land, and

 prevent my ever again seeing a civilized  country ; especially, when in a few days after, Maquina informed me that there had  been a meeting of his chiefs, in which it had

 been determined, that as I had married one  of their women, I must be considered as one,

 of them, and conform to their customs, and that in future, neither myself nor Thompson should wear our European clothes, but dress in Kutsaks like themselves.  This order was to me most painful, but I persuaded  Maquina, at length, so far to relax in it as to permit me to wear those I had at present, which were almost worn out and not to compel Thompson to change his dress ob 



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serving that as he was an old man, such a change would cause his death.

Their religious celebration, which the last  year took  place in 'December {1803/12/00}, was in this, commenced on the 15th of November {1804/11/15}, and 

 continued for fourteen days. As I was now  considered as one of them, instead of being

 ordered to the woods, Maquina directed  Thompson and myself to remain and pray  with them to Quahootze to be good to them,  and thank him for what he had done. It

was opened in much the  same manner as  the former. After which, all the men and women in the  village assembled at Maquina's house, in their plainest dresses, and without any kind of ornaments about them, having their heads bound around with the

red fillet, a token of dejection and humiliation, and their countenances expressive of seriousness and melancholy. The performances during the continuance of this celebration, consisted almost wholly, in singing a number of songs to mournful airs, the king regulating the time by beating on his hollow Plank or drum, accompanied by one, of  his chiefs, seated near him with the great rattle.  In the mean time, they eat but seldom,

and then very little, retiring to sleep late, and rising at the first appearance of dawn, and even interrupting this short period of repose, by getting up at midnight and singing.  It was terminated by an exhibition of a similar



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character to the one of the last year, but still more cruel. A boy of twelve years old, with six bayonets, run into his flesh, one through each arm and thigh, and through each side close to the ribs, was carried around the room, suspended upon them without manifesting any symptoms of pain.

Maquina, on my enquiring the reason for this display, informed me that it was an ancient custom, of his nation, to sacrifice a man at the close of this solemnity in honour of their God, but that his father had abolished It and substituted this in its place. The whole closed on the evening of the 29th {1804/11/29}, with a great  feast of salmon Spawn and oil, at which the natives, as usual, made up for their late abstinence. ,

A few days after a circumstance occurred, Which from its singularity, I cannot forbear mentioning. I was sent for by my neighbour, Yealthlower, the king's elder brother, to file his teeth, which operation having performed, he informed me that a new wife, Whom he had a little time before purchased, having refused to sleep with him, it was his intention, provided she persisted in her refusal, to bite off her nose. I endeavoured to dissuade him from it but he was determined, and in fact, performed his savage threat that very night, saying, that since she would not be his wife, she should not be 



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that of any other, and in the morning sent her back to her father.  This inhuman act did not, however, proceed from any innate cruelty of disposition or malice, as he was far from being of a barbarous temper, but such is, the despotism exercised by these savages over their women that he no doubt considered it as a just punishment for her offence, in being so obstinate and perverse; as he afterwards told me, that in similar cases, the husband, had a right, with them, to disfigure his wife in this way, or some other, to prevent her ever

marrying again.

About the middle of December {1804/12/00}, we left Tashees for Cooptee.  As usual at this season, we found the herring in great plenty, and here the same scene of riotous feasting as I witnessed the last year, was renewed by our improvident natives, who, in addition to their usual fare, had a plentiful supply of wild geese, which were brought us in great quantities, by the Esquates.  These, as Maquina informed me, were caught with nets made from bark, in the fresh waters of that country.  Those who take them, make choice for that purpose, of a dark and rainy night,  and with their canoes stuck with lighted torches, proceed with as little noise as possible, to  the place where the geese are collected, who dazzled by the light, suffer themselves to be approached very near,

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when the net is thrown over them and in this manner, from fifty to sixty, or even more, will sometimes be taken at one cast.

  On the 15th of January, 1805, {1805/01/15} about midnight, I was thrown into considerable alarm, in consequence of an eclipse of the moon, being awakened from my sleep by a great outcry of the inhabitants. On going to discover the cause of this tumult, I found them all out of their houses, bearing lighted torches, singing and beating upon pieces of plank, and when I asked them the reason of this, proceeding, they pointed to the

moon, and, said that a great cod fish was endeavouring to swallow her, and that they

were driving him away. The origin of this Superstition I could not discover.

Though, in some respects, my situation was rendered more comfortable since my

marriage, as I lived in a more cleanly manner, and had my food better and more neatly cooked, of which besides I had always a plenty, my slaves generally furnishing me, and

Upquesta never failing to send me an ample supply by  the canoes, that came from

A i tiz zart; still, from my being obliged, at this season of the year, to change my accustomed clothing, and to dress like the natives, with only a piece of cloth of about 

two Yards long, thrown loosely around me, my European clothes having  been for some time entirely worn out, I suffered more than



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I can express from the cold especially as I Was compelled to perform the laborious task of cutting and bringing the fire wood  which was rendered still more oppressive to me, from my comrade for a considerable part of the winter, not having it in his power to lend me his aid, in consequence of an attack of the rheumatism in one of his knees, with which he suffered for more than four months, two or three weeks of which, he was so ill as to be, unable to leave the house. This state of suffering, with the little hope, I now had of ever escaping from the savages, began to render my life, irksome to me, still, however, I lost not my confidence, in the aid of the Supreme Being, to. whom,"'whenever the weather and a suspension from the tasks imposed on me, would permit  I never failed, regularly, on Sundays, to retire to the woods to worship, taking Thompson with me when he was able to go.

On the 20th of February {1805/02/20}, we returned' to our summer quarters at Nootka, but on my Part with far different, sensations than the last spring, being now almost in despair of any vessel arriving to release us, or our being permitted to depart if there should.  

Soon  after our return, as preparatory to the whaling season, Maquina ordered me to

make a good number of harpoons for himself and his chiefs, several of which I had completed with some lances, when on the 16th of



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March, {1805/03/16} I was taken very ill with a violent cholic, caused, I presume, from my having suffered so much from the cold in going without proper clothing. For a number of hours I was in great pain, and expected to die,  and on its leaving me, I was so weak as scarcely to be able to stand, while I had nothing comforting to take, nor any thing to drink but cold water.  On the day following, a slave belonging to Maquina, died, and ,, was immediately, as is their custom in such cases, tossed unceremoniously out of doors,

From whence he was taken by some others, and thrown into the water. The treatment of this poor creature made a melancholy impression upon my mind,  as I could not but think, that such probably, would be my fate should I die among these heathen, and so far

'from receiving a decent burial, that I should not even be allowed the common privilege of having a little Earth thrown over my remains.

The feebleness in which the violent attack of my disorder 'had left me, the dejection I 

felt at, the almost hopelessness of my situation,  and the want of warm clothing and proper nursing, though my Indian wife, as far as she knew how was always ready, and 

even solicitous, to do every thing for me She could, still kept me,' very much indisposed, 

which Maquina perceiving, he finally told me that if I did not like living with my 



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wife and that was the cause of my sad, I might part with her. This proposal I readily accepted, and the next day Maquina sent her back to her father. On parting with me, she discovered much emotion, begging me that I would suffer her to remain till I had recovered, as there was no one who would take 'so good care of me as herself. But when, I told her she must go, for that I did not think I should ever get well, which in truth I but little expected, and that her father would take good care of her, and treat her much more kindly than Maquina, she took an affectionate leave, telling me that she  hoped I Should  soon get better, and left her two slaves to take care of me.

Though I rejoiced at her departure I was greatly affected with the Simple expressions of her regard for me; and could not but feel strongly interested for this poor girl, Who in all her conduct towards me, had discovered so much mildness, and attention to my wishes; and had it not been that I considered her as an almost insuperable obstacle to my being permitted to leave the country, I should no doubt have felt the deprivation of her society a real loss. After her departure I requested Maquina that as I had parted with my wife, he would permit me to resume my European dress, as otherwise, from not having been acustomed to



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dress like them, I should certainly die.  To this he consented, and I once more became comfortably clad.

Change of clothing, but more than all, the hopes which I now began to indulge, that in the course of the summer I should be able to escape, in a short time restored me to health, so far, that I could again go to work in making harpoons for Maquina, who, probably, fearing that he should have to part with me, determined to provide himself with a good stock.

I shall not however, longer detain the reader with a detail of occurrences that intervened between this period, and that of my escape, which, from that dull uniformity that marks the savage life, would be in a measure, but repetitions, nor dwell upon that mental torture that I endured, from a constant conflict of hope and fear, when the former, almost wearied out with repeated disappointment, offered to our sinking hearts no prospect of release, but death, to which we were constantly exposed from the brutal ignorance and savage disposition of the common people, who in the various councils that were held in this season to determine what to do with us, in case of the arrival of a ship, were almost always for putting us to death, expecting by that means to conceal the murder of our crew, and to throw the blame of it on some other tribe.  These



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barbarous sentiments, Were, however, uniformly opposed by Maquina and his chiefs, who would not consent to our being injured.  But as some of their customs and traits of

national character which I think deserving of notice, have, not been mentioned, I shall proceed to give a brief account of them.

The office of king, or chief, is, with these people, hereditary, and descends to the eldest son, or in failure of male issue, to the elder brother, who in the regal line is considered the second person, in the kingdom. At feasts, as I have observed, the king, is always placed in the highest, or seat of honour, and the chiefs according to their respective ranks, which appear, in general to be determined by their affinity to the royal family, they are also designated by the embellishments of their mantles, or Kutsaks. The  king or head Tyee,  is their leader in war, in the management of which he is perfectly absolute.  He is also president of their councils, which are almost always regulated by his opinion. But he has no kind of power over the property of his subjects., nor can he require them to contribute to his wants, being in this respect, no more privileged than any other person. He has in common with his chiefs, the right of holding slaves, which is not enjoyed by private individuals, a regulation probably arising from their having been originally captives 



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taken in battle, the spoils of war being ''understood as appertaining to the king, who receives and' apportions them among his several  chiefs and warriors, according to their rank and deserts. In conformity with this idea, the plunder of the Boston, was all deposited in Maquina's house, who distributed part of it among his chiefs according to their respective ranks or degree of favour with him, giving to one, three hundred muskets, to another, one hundred and fifty, with other things in ,like proportion. The king is, however, obliged to support his dignity by making frequent entertainments, and  Whenever he receives a large supply of provision, he must invite all the men of his tribe to his house, to eat it up, otherwise, as Maquina told me he would not be considered, as, conducting like a Tyee, and would be no more thought  of than a common man.

,' With regard to their religion  They believe in the existenceof a Supreme Being, Whom they call Quahootze,' and who, to Use Maquina's expression, was one great Tyee in the sky, who gave them their fish, and could take them from them, and, was the greatest of all kings. Their usual place of  worship, appeared to 'be the water, for  whenever they bathed, they addressed some words in form of' prayer to the God above, intreating that 'he would preserve them in health, give them good success in fishing, &,c.   These



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prayers, were repeated with much more energy, On' preparing for whaling or for war as I have,, already  mentioned,   Some of them would "sometimes go several miles to bathe in ,order to do it in secret, the reason for this I could never learn, though I am induced to think it was in consequence of some family or  private quarrel, and that they did not wish What they said to be heard, while at other times, they would repair, in the same secret  manner to the woods, to pray. This was more particularly, the case with the women, who might also have been  prompted by a sentiment of decency , to retire for the purpose of bathing , as they Are remarkably modest.', I once, found one of our women more than two miles from the village, on her knees in the  woods,,with her eyes shut and her face turned  towards heaven, uttering words in a lamentable tone, among which I distinctly, heard,, Wocash Ak welth, meaning good Lord, and which has nearly, the same 

signification with, Quahootze',. Though, I came very near her, she appeared not to notice me, but continued her devotions,  'And I have frequently, seen the women go alone into, the woods evidently for the purpose of addressing, themselves to, a superior being, and it was always very perceptible on their return, when they had been thus employed, from their  silence and melancholy looks.



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 They" have no belief, however,, in a "state of future existence, as I discovered in con 

versation with Maquina, at Tootoosch's death.' on my  attempting to convince him,

that  he still existed, and that he would again see him after, his death : but he could comprehend nothing of it, and pointing to the ground, said that there was the   ,end of him, ,And that, he was, like  that. Nor do they believe in ghosts, notwithstanding the case of Tootoosch would appear to contradict ,this  assertion, but that was a remarkable instance, and such a one  as had never been known""to occur before.  yet from the mummeries  performed over the,Sick,'it isvery apparent that they' believe in the agency, of spirits  as they. attribute diseases to some evil, one that has entered the body of the patient. Neither have they any priests, unless a kind of conjurer may be so considered, who sings and prays over the sick, to drive, away the, evil

'spirit.

On the birth of, twins they have a Most singular  custom, which I presume has its origin in some religious opinion, but what it is I could never satisfactorily learn.  The

father 'is prohibited ''for the space, of two years from eating 'any kind of ,meat, or, fresh

fish, during which time, he  does no 'kind, of labour whatever; being supplied with what

he has occasion for from the tribe.  In the mean time he  and his wife, who is also oblig 



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ed to conform to, the same abstinence, with their children, live, entirely separate, from the others,, a small hut being, built for their accommodation, and he is, never invited  to any of the,. feasts, except such as consist wholly of dried provision, where he is treated with great respect and seated among the chiefs, though  no more himself than a private individual. Such .births are very_ rare among them, an. instance of the, kind", however, occurred while I was at 'Tashees the last ,time,,, but it was the only one known since the reign, of the , former king. The father always appeared, very, thoughtful and gloomy, never associated with the other inhabitants, and was at none of the feasts but such as were entirely', of dried provision, and of, this,  he eat not to excess, and constantly retired before the amusements commenced., His dress was very plain, and he wore around his head the, red fillet of bark, the symbol of mourning and  devotion, It was, his daily practise to repair, ,to the mountain with, a chief's rattle, in his: hand, to, sing 'and pray, as Maquina informed me, for the fish to ,come into their waters  When not thus employed* he kept continually at home, except when sent for to, sing and perform his ceremonies over the sick, being considered as a sacred character, and one much in favour with their gods.



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These people are remarkably, healthful, and live to a very advanced age, having quite a youthful appearance for their years.   They have .scarcely any, disease but "the cholic, their remedy for which, is friction, a person rubbing the bowels of the, sick Violently. until the pain has subsided, While the conjuror, or holy man, is employed, in the mean time, in making his, gestures, Singing, and repeating certain words, and blowing off the  'evil spirit, when the patient is wrapped , up in a bearskin in order to produce perspiration. Their cure for the rheumatism Or similar pains, which, I saw applied by Maquina in the case of Thompson, to whom it gave relief, is by cutting or scarifying

the part affected. In 'dressing wounds, they simply  wash them with salt' water and bind them up with a strip of cloth, or the bark of a tree.   They are, however, very expert. and successful in the cure of fractured or dislocated limbs  reducing' 'them very dexterously, and after binding  them  up With bark, supporting them' 'with blocks of wood,,so, as to' preserve their position.  During..the whole time I was among them   but five natural deaths occurred, Tootoosch and his two children, an infant son of Maquina, and the slave whom I have mentioned, a circumstance not a little remarkable in a population of about fifteen hundred ;, and as respects child birth, so light do, they make of



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it, that I have seen their women the day, after, employed as usual as if little or nothing had happened.'

 The Nootkians in, their conduct towards  each other, are in general pacific and inoffensive, and appear by no. means an ill tempered race, for I do not recollect any instance of a violent quarrel between  any of the men, or the men  and their wives while I was with them, that of Yaelthlower excepted., But when they are in the least, offended, they 'appear to, be in the most violent rage, acting like so many maniacs, foaming at the mouth', kicking and' spitting, most furiously ; but this is rather a fashion with them, than a demonstration of malignity, as in their public speeches, they use the, same violence, and he is esteemed the .greatest ,orator, who bawls 'the 'loudest', stamps tosses himself about, foams and spits  the most.

In speaking of their regulations, I have omitted mentioning, that on attaining the age of seventeen, the eldest son of a chief, is considered as a chief himself, and that whenever the father makes a present, it is always in the name of his eldest son, or if he has none, in that of his daughter.  The chiefs frequently purchase their wives at the age of eight or ten, to prevent their being engaged by others

P2



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though they, do not take  them from, their parents until they are sixteen.

.With regard to climate the greater part of the spring, summer, and autumn is very pleasant, the weather being at no time  oppressively hot, and the winters, uncommonly Mild, for so high a latitude, at least as far as my experience went. At Tashees and Cooptee, where we passed the coldest part of the season, the winter did not set in till late.,in December,, nor have I, ever known the ice, even on the fresh water ponds, more than two Or  three inches in thickness,. or a snow exceeding four inches in depth, but What is wanting in snow is amply made up in rain,  as I have frequently known, it during the winter months, rain almost incessantly for five or six days in succession.

It was  now, past mid summer and the. hopes we had indulged. of our release ,became 

daily. more faint, for though we had heard of no less, than  seven vessels on the coast, yet

none appeared inclined  to venture to Nootka.  The destruction of the Boston,  the largest, strongest, and best equipped  ship with much, the, Most valuable cargo of any that had ever been, fitted out for the North West trade, had' inspired  the commanders of others, with a ,general dread, of coming thither, lest they should. share the same fate; and though  in the letters I wrote imploring those who should receive them, to come to 



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the relief of two unfortunate  Christians who were suffering among  heathen I 'stated the cause of the Boston's capture ,'and  that there was not the ' least danger in coming to Nootka, provided they would follow the directions I laid down, I still felt, very 'little encouragement; that any of these 'letters  would come to hand, When on the, morning

of the. nineteenth of July, {1805/07/19} a day that will 'be ever held by me in grateful, remembrance", of the mercies of God, while I was employed with Thompson in forging daggers for the" king, my ears were saluted with the joyful sound of three cannon, and the cries of the inhabitants, exclaiming, Weena, weena   Mamethlee   that is , strangers, white men.

Soon', after , several of our people came running into the  house: to inform me' that a vessel under full sail Was coming into  the  harbour. 'Though my, heart ,bounded with 

joy  I repressed, my' feelings, and, affecting to pay no attention to what was said, told Thompson to be on his guard, and not betray any joy, as our release, and perhaps our lives, depended on our conducting ourselves so as to  induce the', natives  to, Suppose we were not very anxious to leave  them. We continued our ,work as if nothing had happened, when in a few minutes after,  Maquina came in and seeing us at work, appeared much surprised, and asked me if I did not know that a vessel had come.  I answered in a



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Careless manner, that it was nothing to me.  How,  John, said' he, you no glad go board.  I replied that I cared very little 'about it as I had become reconciled to their manner of living, and I had no wish 'to go away.  He then told, me,'that he had called a council of his 'People respecting us,, and that we must leave off work and be present at it.

 The men having assembled at Maquina's house, he asked them what was their opinion should be done with Thompson and myself now a vessel had arrived, and whether he had not better go on board himself, to make a trade, and procure such articles as were wanted.  Each one of the tribe who wished, gave his opinion. Some were for putting us to death and pretending to the strangers, that a different nation had cut off the Boston, while others, less barbarous, were for sending us fifteen or twenty miles back into the country until the departure of the vessel.  These however were the sentiments of the common people, the chiefs opposing our being put to death, or injured, and several of them, among the most forward of whom were Yaelthlower and the young chief, Toowinnakinnish, were for immediately releasing us; but this, if he could avoid it, by no means appeared to accord with Maquina's wishes.

Having mentioned Toowinnakinnish, I shall briefly observe, that he was a young man of



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about twenty three years old, the, only son of Toopeeshottee,  the oldest and most respected Chief of the tribe. His son had 'always been remarkably kind and friendly to me, and I had in return frequently made for him daggers. cheetoolths, and other things,

in my best manner. He was one of the hand somest men among them, very amiable and much milder in his manners than ,any of the others, as well as neater both in his person and house, at least his apartment, without even excepting Maquina.

With regard, however, to Maquina's going on board the vessel, which he discovered A strong inclination to. do, there was but one opinion, all remonstrating against it, telling him that the captain would kill him or keep him a prisoner, in consequence of his having destroyed our ship. When Maquina had heard  their opinions, he told them that he was not afraid of  being hurt from  going on board the vessel, but that he Would, how ever, as it respected that, be guided by John, whom he had always found true.  He then turned to me and asked me if I thought there would be any danger in his going on board.  I answered that I was not surprised at the advice his  people had given him, unacquainted as they were with the manners of the white men, and judging them by their own, but if they had been with them as much as I had, or even himself, they



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would think very different.  That he had almost always experienced good and civil 

treatment from them, nor had he any reason to fear the contrary now, as they never attempted to harm those who did not injure them, And if he wished to go on board, he might do it, in my opinion, with security. After reflecting a few moments,'he said, with much apparent satisfaction, that if I would write a letter, to the captain, telling him good of him, that he had treated Thompson and myself kindly since we had been with him, and to use him well, he would go.  It may readily be supposed that I 'felt much joy at this determination but knowing that the least incaution might annihilate all my hopes of escape, was careful not to manifest it, and to treat his going or staying as a matter perfectly indifferent to me.  I told him that if he wished me to write such a letter I had no objection, as it was the truth, otherwise I could not have done it.

I then proceeded  to write the recommendatory letter, which the reader will naturally imagine was of a somewhat different tenor from the one he had required.  for if deception is in any case warrantable, it was certainly so in a situation like ours, where the only chance of regaining that freedom of which we had been so unjustly deprived, 

depended upon it; and I trust that few, even of the most rigid, will condemn me



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with severity for making use of it,  on an occasion, which afforded me the only 'hope of ever more beholding a Christian country, And preserving myself,  if not from death, at 

least from a life of continued suffering.

The letter which I w rote, Was nearly in the following terms:   

To Captain______,

of the Brig_______,

  Nootka July 19, 1805. {1805/07/19}

 Sir,

The bearer of this letter is the Indian king by the name of Maquina.  He was the instigator of the capture of the ship Boston, Of Boston in North America,  John Salter

captain, and  of the murder of twenty five men of her crew, the two only survivors being now On shore  Wherefore I hope you will take care to confine him according to his merits, putting in your dead lights, and keeping so good a watch over him, that he  cannot escape from you.  By so doing we  shall be able to obtain our release in the course  of a few hours.

 JOHN R. JEWITT, Armourer of the Boston, for himself and JOHN THOMPSON, Sail maker of said ship.



I have been asked how I dared to write in this manner, my answer is, that from my long residence among these people, I knew that I had little to apprehend from their anger on hearing of their king being confined, while they knew his life depended upon my re 



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lease and. that they would 'sooner have given up five hundred white men than have had him injured. This will 'serve to explain the little apprehension I felt at their menaces afterwards, for otherwise, sweet as liberty was to me, I should hardly have ventured' on so hazardous an experiment.

On my giving the letter to Maquina, he asked me to explain it  to' him.  This I did, line by line, as he pointed them out with his finger, but in a sense very different from the real, giving him' to understand that I had written to the captain that as he had been kind to me since  I had been taken by him, that it was my wish "that the captain should treat him accordingly, and give him what mollasses, biscuit and rum he wanted.  When I had finished, placing his finger in a significant Manner on my name at the bottom, and eyeing me with a look that seemed to read my inmost thoughts, he said to me, "John, you no lie?"  Never did I undergo such a scrutiny. or ever experience greater apprehensions than I felt at that moment, when my destiny was suspended on the slightest thread, and the least mark of embarrassment on mine, or suspicion of treachery on his part, would probably have rendered my life the sacrifice. Fortunately I was able to preserve my composure, and my being painted in the Indian manner, which Maquina had since my marriage, required of me,



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prevented any change in my countenance from being noticed, and I replied with considerable promptitude, looking at him in my turn, with all the confidence I could muster, "Why do you ask me such a question, Tyee?  have you ever known me to lie?" "No." "Then how can you suppose I should tell you a lie now, since I have never done it."  As I was speaking, he still continued looking at me with the Same piercing eye, but observing nothing to excite his suspicion, he told me that he believed what I said was true, and that he Would go on board, and gave orders to get ready his canoe.  His chiefs  again attempted to dissuade him, using every argument for that purpose, while his wives crowded around him, begging him on their knees, not to trust himself with the white men.  Fortunately for my companion and myself, so strong was his wish Of going on board the vessel, that he was deaf to their solicitations, and making no other reply to them, than, "John no lie," left the house, taking four prime skins with him as a present to the captain.

Scarcely had the canoe put off, when he ordered his men to stop, and calling to me, asked me if I did not want to go on board with him.  Suspecting this as a question merely intended to ensnare me, I replied

Q



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that I had no wish to do it, not having any desire to leave them.

On going on board the brig Maquina immediately gave his present of skins and my letter to the captain, who on reading it, asked him into the cabin, where he gave him some biscuit and a glass of rum, at the Same time privately directing his mate to go forward, and return with five or six of the men, armed. When they appeared the captain told Maquina that he Was his prisoner, and should continue  so until the two men, whom he knew to be on shore, were released, at the same time ordering him to be put in irons, and the windows secured, which was instantly done, and a couple of men placed as a guard over him.   Maquina was greatly surprised and terrified at this reception; he however made no attempt to resist, but requested the captain to permit one of his men to come and see him.  One of them was accordingly called, and Maquina said something to him which the Captain did not understand, but supposed to be an order to release us, when the man returning to the canoe, it was paddled off with the utmost expedition to the shore.  As the canoe approached, the inhabitants, who had all collected upon the beach, manifested some uneasiness at not seeing their king on board, but when on its arrival, they were told that the captain had made him a prisoner, and that John



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had spoke bad about him in the letter, they all both men and women, set up a loud howl, and ran backwards and forwards upon the shore like so many lunatics, scratching their faces, and, tearing the hair in handfuls from their heads.

 After they had beat about in this manner for some time, the men ran to their huts for

their weapons, as if preparing to attack an Invading enemy; while Maquina's wives and the rest of the women, came around me, and throwing themselves on their knees, begged me with tears to spare his life, and Sat sat sak sis, who kept Constantly 'with me, taking me by the hand, wept bitterly, and joined his entreaties to theirs, that I would not let the white men kill his father.  I told them not to afflict themselves, that Maquina's life was in no danger, nor would the least harm be done to him.

The men were however, extremely exasperated with me, more particularly the common people, who came running in the most furious manner towards me, brandishing their weapons, and threatening to cut me in pieces no bigger than their thumb nails, while others declared they would burn me alive over a slow fire, suspended by my heels.  All this fury, however, caused me but little alarm, as I felt convinced they would not dare to execute their threats while the king was on board the brig.  The chiefs



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took no part in this violent conduct, but came to me, and enquired the reason why Maquina had been thus treated, and, if the captain' intended to kill him. I told them

that if they would silence the people, so that I could be heard, I would explain all

to them.  They immediately put a stop to the noise when I informed them that the captain, in confining Maquina, had done it only in order to make them release  Thompson and myself, as he well knew we were with them, and if they would do that, their king would receive no injury, but be well treated, otherwise he would be kept a prisoner.   As many of them did not appear to be satisfied with this, and began to repeat their murderous threats  Kill me, said I to them, if it is Your wish, throwing open the bear skin I Wore, here is my breast, I am only one among so many. and can make no resistance,  but unless you wish to see your king hanging by his neck to that pole, pointing  to the yard arm of the brig,  and the Sailors firing at him with bullets, you will not do it. 0 no, was the general cry, that must never be ; but what must we do? I told them that their best plan would be to send Thompson on board, to desire the captain to use Maquina well till I was released, which would be soon.  This they Were perfectly willing to do, and I directed Thompson to go on board. But he objected



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saying, that he would not leave me alone with the savages. I told him not to be under any fear for me,  for that if I could get him off, I could manage well enough for Myself, and that I wished him immediately on getting on board the brig to see the captain and request him to keep Maquina close till I was released, as I was in no danger while he had him safe.

When I saw Thompson off, I asked the natives what they intended to do with me. They said I must talk to the captain again in another letter, and tell him to let 'his, boat come on shore with Maquina, and that I should be ready to jump into the boat at the same time Maquina should jump on shore. I told them that the captain who' knew that they had killed my shipmates, would never trust his men so near the shore for fear they, could kill them too, as they were so much more numerous, but if they would select any three of their number to go with me in a canoe, when we came within hail, I would desire the captain to send his boat with Maquina, to receive me in exchange for him.

This appeared to Please them, and after some whispering among the chiefs, who from what words I overheard, concluded that if the captain should refuse to send his boat with Maquina, the three men would have no difficulty in bringing me back with

Q 2 



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them they agreed to my proposal and selected three of their stoutest men to convey me. Fortunately having been for sometime accustomed to seeing me armed, and suspecting

 no design on my part, they paid no attention to the pistols that I had about me. 

As I was going into the canoe, little Sat sat sak sis, who could not bear to part with me, asked me, with an affecting simplicity, since I was going away to leave him, if the

White men would not let his father come on shore, and not kill him. I told him not to

be concerned, for that no one should injure his father, when taking an affectionate leave

 of me, and again begging me not to let the white men hurt his father, he ran to comfort

his mother, who  was at a little distance, with the assurances I had given him.

On entering the canoe, I seated myself in the prow, facing the three men, having determined if, it was practicable, from the moment I found Maquina was secured, to get

on board the vessel before he was released, hoping by that means, to be enabled to obtain the restoration of what property belonging to the Boston, still remained in the  Possession of  the savages, which, I thought if it could be done, a duty that I owed to the owners. With feelings of joy Impossible to be described, did I quit this savage shore, confident now that nothing could thwart my escape or prevent the execution



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of the plan I had formed,  as the men appointed to convey and guard me, were armed with nothing but their paddles. As we came within hail of the brig, they at once ceased paddling, when presenting my pistols at them, I ordered them instantly to go on , or I would shoot the whole of them.  A proceeding,  so wholly unexpected, threw them into great consternation, and resuming their paddles, in a few moments, to my inexpressible delight, I once more found myself along side of a Christian ship, a happiness which I had almost despaired of ever again enjoying.  All the crew crowded to the side 

to see me as the canoe came up, and manifested much joy at my safety.  I immediately leaped on  board, where I was welcomed by the captain, Samuel Hill,  of the brig Lydia of Boston, who congratulated me on MY escape, informing me, that he had received my letter off Klaiz zart, from the chief Mackee Ulatilla. who came off himself in his canoe, to deliver it to him,  on which he immediately proceeded hither to aid me.  I returned him my thanks in the best manner I could for his humanity, though  I hardly knew what I said, such was the agitated state of my feelings at that moment, with joy for my escape, thankfulness, to the Supreme Being who had so mercifully preserved me, and gratitude to those whom he had rendered instrumental in my delivery, 



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that I have no I doubt, that what with my strange dress,  being painted with red and black from head to foot, having a bear skin wrapped around me, and my long hair, which I was 'not allowed to cut, fastened on the top of my head in a large bunch, with

a sprig of green spruce, I must have appeared more like one deranged than a rational creature, as captain Hill afterwards told me, that he never saw any  thing in the form 'of

man, look so 'wild as I did when I first come on board.

The captain then asked me into the cabin where I found Maquina in irons, with a guard 'over him. He looked 'very melancholy, but on seeing me, his countenance brightened Up  and he expressed his pleasure with the Welcome of  "Wocash John;" when taking him by the hand, I asked the captain's permission to take off his irons, assuring him that as I was with him, there was no danger of his being in the least troublesome. He accordingly consented, and I felt a sincere pleasure in freeing from fetters, a man, who, though he had caused the death of my poor comrades, had nevertheless, always proved my friend and protector, and whom I had requested to be thus treated, only with a view of securing my liberty.  Maquina smiled and appeared much pleased at this mark of attention from me.  When I had freed the king from his irons, Captain Hill 



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wished to learn the particulars of our capture, observing that an account of the destruction of the ship and her crew had been received at Boston before he sailed, but that nothing more was known, except that two, of the men were living, for whose rescue the owners had offered a liberal reward, 'and that he had been able to get nothing out of the old man, whom the sailors had supplied so plentifully with grog, as to bring him to much by the head to give any information.

I gave him a correct statement of the whole proceeding, together with the manner in which my life and that of my comrade had been preserved.  On hearing my story, he was greatly irritated against Maquina and said he ought to be killed. I observed that however ill he might have Acted in taking our ship, yet that it might be wrong to judge an uniformed savage, with the same severity as a civilized person,  who had the light of religion and the laws of society to guide him.  That Maquina's conduct in taking our ship arose from An insult that he thought he had received from captain Salter, and from the unjustifiable conduct of some masters of Vessels, who had robbed him. and without provocation, killed a number of his people.  Besides that, a regard for the safety  of others ought to prevent his being put to death,  As I had lived long enough with these people to know that



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revenge of an injury is held sacred by them, that they would not fail to retaliate, should we kill their king, on the first vessel or boat's crew that should give them an opportunity; and that though he might consider executing, him as but an act of justice, it would probably cost the lives of many Americans.

The  captain appeared to be convinced from what  I said, of the impolicy of taking Maquina's life, and said that he would leave it wholly with me whether to spare or kill him, as he was resolved to incur no censure in either case.  I replied, that I most certainly should never take the life of a man who had preserved mine, had I no other reason, but as there was some of the Boston's property still remaining on shore, I considered it a duty that I owed to those who were interested in that ship, to try to save it for them,, and  with that view, I thought it would 'be well to keep  him On board till it was' given up.   He  concurred in this proposal, saying if there  Was any of  the property left,  it Most certainly ought to  be got.

During this conversation Maquina was  in great anxiety, as from what English he knew he perfectly comprehended `the subject of our deliberation;  constantly interrupting 'me to enquire what we had  determined to do with him, 'What the captain said. if his life would be spared, and if I did not think that Thompson would kill him.  I



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Pacified him as, well 'as I was able by telling him that he had nothing to fear from the'

captain, that he would not be hurt and that if Thompson wished to kill him, he would

not be allowed to do it. He would then remind  me that I was indebted to him for my life and that I ought to do by him as he had  done by me.  I assured him that such was my  intention, and , I requested him to remain quiet, and not alarm himself, as no harm. was intended him.  But I found it extremely difficult to convince him of this, as it accorded so little with the ideas of revenge entertained by them.  I told him, however, that he must restore all the property still in his possession, belonging to the ship. This he was perfectly ready to do,  happy to escape on such terms.  But as it was now past five, and too late  for the articles to be collected, and brought off, I told him that he must content himself to remain on board with me that night, and in the morning he should be set on shore as soon as the things were delivered.  To this he agreed, on condition that I remain 

with him in the cabin.  I then went upon deck, and the canoe that brought me having been sent back I hailed the inhabitants, and told them that their king had agreed to stay on board till the next day, when he would return, but that no canoes Must attempt to come near the vessel during the night, as



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any would :be fired upon. ,They answered, Woho, Woho  very, well, very, well. I then returned to, Maquina, but so great 'were his terrors, that he would not allow me to sleep, constantly  disturbing me with his questions.' and repeating "John, you know when you 

Was alone, and more than five hundred men were your enemies, I was your friend, and

prevented them from putting you and Thompson to death, and now I am in the power of your friends, you ought to do the same by me. I assured him, that he would be detained on board no longer than the property was released, and that as soon as it was done, he would be set at liberty.

At day break I hailed the natives, and told them  that it was Maquina's order that they should bring off .the cannon  and anchors, and whatever remained with them of the cargo of the Ship. This they set about doing with the utmost expedition, transporting, the Cannon and anchors by lashing together two, of their largest canoes, and covering them with planks, and in the course of two hours, they delivered every thing on board that I could recollect, with Thompson's and my chest, containing the papers of the ship, &c.     

 When every thing belonging to the ship had been restored, Maquina was permitted to return in his canoe ,which had been sent for him,  with a present of what skins he had



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collected, which were about sixty, for the captain, in acknowledgment of his, having spared his life and allowed him,to depart unhurt. Such was also the transport he felt when captain Hill came into the cabin and told .him that he was at liberty to 'go,  that he threw off his mantle, which consisted of four 'of the very best skins, and gave it to him as a mark of his gratitude, in return for which the captain presented him with a new great coat and  hat with which he appeared, 'much delighted.  The captain then desired me to inform him that he should return to that part of the coast in November, and that he wished him to keep, what skins he 'should get, which he would  buy of him.  This Maquina promised saying to me at the same time, "John; you, know I should then be at Tashees, but when you come make pow, Which means, fire a gun to let me know and, I

will come down."  When he came 'to the side  of the brig, he shook me cordially by the hand, and told  me that he hoped I Would come to see him again in  a big ship, and ,bring Much plenty  of blankets, biscuit, mollAsses, and rum,  for him and his son who loved me a great deal, and that he would keep all the furs he got for me, observing at the 

same time, that he should never more take a letter of recommendation from any one, or ever trust himself a board a vessel unless I was there.  Then grasping both my hands, with much emotion, while the tears trickled down his 

R



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cheeks, he bade me farewell and stept into the canoe, which immediately paddled him on shore.

Notwithstanding my joy at my deliverance, and the pleasing anticipation I felt of once more beholding a civilized country, and again being permitted to offer up my devotions in a Christian church, I could not avoid experiencing a painful sensation on parting with this savage chief, who had preserved my life, and in general treated me with kindness, and considering their ideas and manners, much better than could have been expected.

My pleasure was also greatly damped by an unfortunate accident that occurred to Toowinnakinnish.  That interesting young chief had come on board in the first canoe in the morning, anxious to see and comfort his king.  He was received with much kindness by captain Hill, from the favourable account I gave of him, and invited to remain on board.  As the muskets were delivered, he was in the cabin with Maquina, where was also the captain, who on receiving them, snapped a number in order to try the locks; unluckily one of them happened to be loaded with swan shot, and going off, discharged its contents into the body of poor Toowinnakinnish, who was sitting opposite.  On hearing the report, I instantly ran into the cabin, where I found him weltering in his blood, with the captain who was greatly shocked at the ac 



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cident, endeavouring to assist him. We raised him up, and did every thing in our power

to aid and comfort him, telling him that we felt much grieved at his misfortune, and that it Was wholly unintentional, this he told me, he was perfectly satisfied of, and, while we 

dressed and bound up his wounds in the best manner we could, he bore the pain, with great calmness, and bidding me farewell, was put on board one of the canoes, and taken

,on shore where after languishing a' few days, he expired.  To me; his misfortune, was a Source of much affliction, as he had no share in the massacre of our crew, was of a most

amiable character and had always treated me with the greatest kindness and hospitality.

 The Brig being under weigh immediately on Maquina's quitting us, we Proceeded to the northward, constantly keeping the shore in sight, and touching at various places to the purpose of trading.

 Having already exceeded  the bounds I had prescribed myself, I shall not attempt any account of our voyage upon the coast, or a  description, of the various nations we, met with in the course of it, among whom, were a people of a very singular appearance called  by, the sailors, the Wooden lips.  They have many skins, and the trade is principally managed by their women, who are not only expert in making a bargain, but are as dexterous in the management of their canoes, as the men are elsewhere.



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 after a period of nearly four months from our leaving Nootka, we returned from the northward to Columbia river, for the purpose of procuring masts &c. for our brig, which had suffered considerably in her spars during a gale of wind. We proceeded about ten miles up the river, to a small Indian, village, where we heard from 'the inhabitants, that captains Clark and Lewis, from the United States of America, had been there about a fortnight before ,on their journey over  land, and had left several medals with them, which 

they shewed us. The river at this place, is of considerable breadth, and both sides of it from its entrance, covered With forests of the  very finest pine timber, fir and spruce, interspersed with Indian settlements.  Here after providing ourselves with spars, we sailed for Nootka, where we arrived in the latter part of November.  {1805/11/00}  The tribe being absent, the agreed signal was given, by firing a cannon, and in a few hours after a canoe appeared, which landed at the village, and putting the king on shore, came off to the brig.  Enquiry was immediately made by Kinneclimmits, who was one of the three men in the canoe, if John was there, as the king had some skins to sell them if he was.  I then went forward and invited them on board, With which they readily complied, telling me that Maquina had a number of skins with him, but that he would not come on board unless I would go on shore for him.



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This I agreed to provided they would remain in the brig in the meantime.  To this

they consented, and the captain taking them into the cabin, treated' them  with bread and mollasses. , I then went on shore in the canoe, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Thompson and the captain, Who, though he wanted the skins, advised Me by no Means to put myself in Maquina's power; but I assured him that I had no fear, as long" as those men were, on' board. As I landed, Maquina came up and welcomed me  with much joy: on enquiring for the men,, I told, him 'that they were to remain till my return." Ah 'John,"  said,, he, I see you are afraid to  trust, me, but if  they had come with you I should not have hurt you, though  I should have taken, good care not to let you 'go on board of another vessel."' He then took his chest of skins and 'stepping into the canoe, I paddled  him along side the brig, where he was received and treated by Captain Hill With'; the, greatest cordiality," who bought of him his skins.  He left us much pleased,, with his reception,  enquiring of me how many  moons it would be before I should come" back Again to see him and his son   saying, that he would keep all his furs for me, and that as soon as my son, who was then about five months old. was of a suitable age to take from his mother, he would send for him, and take care of him as his own.  

 As soon as Maquina had quitted us, we



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got under weigh, and stood again to the northward, We continued on the coast until the  eleventh of  August, 1806 {1806/08/11} when having completed our trade, we sailed for China, to the great Joy of all our crew and particularly so to me. With a degree of 'Satisfaction that I can ill express, did I quit a  coast to which I was resolved nothing should again tempt me to return., and as the tops of the mountains sunk in the  blue waves of ocean, I seemed to feel my heart lightened of an oppressive load.

We ,had a prosperous  passage, to  China, arriving at Macao in December, {1806/12/00} from whence the brig proceeded to Canton.  . There I had the good fortune to meet 'a townsman and  an old acquaintance, in the mate of an English East India man, named John Hill, whose father a wealthy merchant in Hull, in the Baltic trade, was a next door neighbour to mine.  Shortly after our arrival, the captain being on board of the English ship, and mentioning his having had the good fortune to liberate two men of the Boston's crew from the savages, and that one of them was named Jewitt, my former acquaintance immediately came on board the brig to see me.

Words  can ill express my feelings on seeing him, Circumstanced, as I was, among persons who were entirely strangers  to me, to meet thus in a foreign land with  one between whom and myself;  a considerable intimacy had subsisted, was a pleasure that



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those alone Who have been in a similar Situation  can properly estimate.  He appeared

On his part, no less happy, to see me, whom he, supposed to be dead as the account of

our capture had, been received, in 'England some time before  his sailing, and all my friends supposed me to have been murdered.  From this young man, I received every attention and aid that a feeling heart, interested in  the  fate 'of another could Confer.  He supplied me with a new suit of clothes, and a hat, a small sum, of money for my necessary expences, and a number of little articles for sea stores on my voyage to America.  I also gave him a letter for my father in which_I mentioned my wonderful preservation and escape, through the humanity of Captain Hill, with Whom I should return to Boston. This letter he enclosed to his father, by a ship, that was just sailing, in consequence of which it was received much earlier than it otherwise would have been,

 We left, China in February, 1807 {1807/02/00} and after a pleasant voyage of one hundred and fourteen days, arrived at Boston. My  feelings on once more finding myself in a Christian country among a people  speaking the same language as myself, may be more readily conceived than expressed. In the" Post Office, in that place, I found a letter from my mother, acknowledging the receipt of mine from China, expressing  the great joy of my family on hearing of my being alive



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 and well, whom they had for a long time given up for dead, and requesting me to write  them on receiving her letter, which I accordingly did. While in Boston, I was treated with much kindness and hospitality by the owners of the ship Boston, Messrs. Francis 

  and Thomas Amory of that place, to whom I feel myself under great obligations for their goodness to me, and the assistance Which they so readily afforded a stranger in distress.



WAR SONG OF  THE NOOTKA TRIBE. Commencing with a chorus repeated at the end of each line.

Hah yee hah yar har, he yar hah.

Hah yah hee yar har  he yar hah.

Ie yie ee yah har  ee yie hah.

Ie yar ee yar hah  ee yar yah.

Ie yar ee I yar yar hah  Ie yar ee yee yah!



I ye ma hi chill at sish Kla ha  Ha ye hah.

Que nok ar parts arsh waw   Ie yie yar.

Waw hoo naks sar hasch  Yar hah.  I yar hee I yar.

Waw hoo naks ar hasch yak queets sish ni ese,

Waw har.  Hie yee ah hah.



Repeated over and over with gestures and brandishing of weapons.



NOTE.       

Ie yee ma hi ckill,  signifies, Ye do not know. It appears to be a poetical mode of  expression, the common one for you do not know, being, Wik kum atash;  from this, it would seem that they have two languages, one for their songs and another for for common use.  The general meaning of this first stanza appears to be, Ye little know ye men of Klahar, what valliant warriors we are.  Poorly can our foes contend with us, when we come on with our daggers, &c.  The Nootkians have no songs of a historical nature, nor do they appear to have any tradition respecting their origin.



FINIS.



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