TR-095, Arson and Juveniles:  Responding to the Violence*

United States Fire Administration 
Technical Report Series 
Arson and Juveniles: 
Responding to the Violence 

A review of teen firesetting and interventions 

SPECIAL REPORT 

Federal Emergency Management Agency 
United States Fire Administration 


United States Fire Administration 
Major Fire Investigation Program 

The United States Fire Administration develops reports on selected major fires 
and related incidents throughout the country. The fires usually involve multiple 
deaths or a large loss of property. But the primary criterion for deciding to 
write a report is whether it will result in significant "lessons learned." In 
some cases these lessons bring to light new knowledge about fire --the effect of 
building construction or contents, human behavior in fire, etc. In other cases, 
the lessons are not new, but are serious enough to highlight once again because 
of another fire tragedy. Special reports also are developed to discuss events, 
drills, or new technologies or tactics that are of interest to the fire service. 

The reports are sent to fire magazines and are distributed at national and 
regional fire meetings. The reports are available on request from USFA. 
Announcements of their availability are published widely in fire journals and 
newsletters. 

This body of work provides detailed information on the nature of the fire 
problem for policymakers who must decide on allocations of resources between 
fire and other pressing problems, and within the fire service to improve codes 
and code enforcement, training, public fire education, building technology, and 
other related areas. 

The Fire Administration, which has no regulatory authority, sends an experienced 
fire investigator into a community after a major incident only after having 
conferred with the local fire authorities to insure that SFA's 
assistance and presence would be supportive and would in no way interfere with 
any review of the incident they are themselves conducting. The intent is not to 
arrive during the event or even immediately after, but rather after the dust 
settles, so that a complete and objective review of all the important aspects of 
the incident can be made. Local authorities review USFA's report while it is in 
draft form. The USFA investigator or team is available to local authorities 
should they wish to request technical assistance for their own investigation. 

For additional copies of this report write to the United States Fire 
Administration, 16825 South Seton Avenue, Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727. 

Arson and Juveniles: 
Responding to the Violence 

A review of teen firesetting and interventions 
SPECIAL REPORT 

Paul Schwartzman 
Hollis Stambaugh 
John Kimball 

This is Report 095 of the Major Fires Investigation Project conducted by Varley-
Campbell and Associates, Inc./ TriData Corporation under contract EMW-94-C-4423 
to the United States Fire Administration, Federal Emergency Management Agency. 

Federal Emergency Management Agency 
United States Fire Administration 

TABLE OF CONTENTS 
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS  1 
INTRODUCTION. 1 
OVERVIEW OF THE PROBLEM. 2 
Juvenile-Set Fires Cost Lives and Property.5 
Fire Department Response to Suspected Juvenile Involvement. 6 
Identifying Older Juvenile Firesetters.. 8 
Family Problems and Recidivism. 9 
Motives. 10 
Case Examples . 13 
Impact of Treatment Programs on Recidivism  17 
Improving Information Sharing on Juveniles  20 
Alternative Placements for Juvenile Firesetters . 21 
Examples of Successful Community Intervention Programs  24 

CONCLUSIONS. 28 

BIBLIOGRAPHY..29 

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Arson and Juveniles: 
Responding to the Violence 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 
The United States Fire Administration appreciates the help of the following 
organizations that provided information for this report: 

Cobb County Juvenile Court Mediation Program, Marietta, Georgia 
Lane County Department of Youth Services, Springfield, Oregon 
Marietta Fire Department, Marietta, Georgia 
Oregon State Fire Marshal's Office, Salem, Oregon 
Phoenix Fire Department, Phoenix, Arizona 
Portland Fire Department, Portland, Maine 
Portland Fire Department, Portland, Oregon 
Providence Fire Department, Providence, Rhode Island 
Rochester Fire Department, Rochester, New York 

INTRODUCTION 
The purpose of this U. S. Fire Administration special report is to document the 
problem of older children who set fires resulting in serious or potentially 
serious consequences. The report also examines the factors that commonly are 
associated with intentional firesetting by teenagers and discusses a number of 
community programs that intervene to control arson. 

Historically, the term "juvenile firesetting" has been viewed as a curious" kids 
problem. Fires set by youngsters playing with matches and lighters tend to be 
categorized as "accidental" or "children playing." However, juvenile firesetting 
also includes the deliberate destruction of property by juveniles through fire, 
which sometimes results in casualties. This is an increasingly serious problem 
in most U. S. cities. Information from a 10-year U. S. Fire Administration 
project of direct technical assistance to over 60 jurisdictions verifies the 
high rate of juvenile-set fires.

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This report focuses on adolescent firesetters between 14 and 18 years of age. 
Several case studies are presented to demonstrate the impact of these arson 
fires and to outline the family circumstances of the youth who were involved. 
The report also covers how the criminal justice system has been handling teen 
arson and reviews and compares several treatment and intervention program. 

OVERVIEW OF THE PROBLEM 

Arson is the number one cause of all fires (approximately 550,000 in 1994), and 
the second leading cause of residential fire deaths. Five hundred sixty five 
fire deaths and 3,440 fire injuries in 1994 were attributed to arson. 

The dollar loss from arson fires was estimated at $3.6 billion for 1994. 
According to insurance industry reports, the average property loss from 
incendiary and suspicious fires in 1996 increased by 24 percent from the year 
1995 to $27,810. The loss of valuable properties reduces the property tax 
revenues necessary to support public safety agencies including municipal fire 
departments. 

Fire service data compiled by the National Fire Incident Reporting System 
(NFIRS) have repeatedly shown that firefighter injuries are significantly higher 
at arson fires than at accidental fires. Arson fires account for 22 percent of 
firefighter injuries. 

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Uniform Crime Report from 1995, the 
most recent year that complete data is available, indicates that juveniles 
account for the majority of arson arrests. Fifty-two percent of arson arrests 
include children under the age of eighteen. While national indicators of 
juvenile violent crime are suggesting that incidents such as murder and 
aggravated assault are on the decline, the incidence of juvenile arson continues 
to increase. In the early part of the 1990's, juvenile arson arrests remained 
constant at about 40 percent. In 1993, the figure was 49 percent. The majority 
of those arrested for arson in 1994 were under 15, and nearly 7 percent were 
younger than 10. 

Using FBI statistics and National Incident Reporting System data, it is 
estimated that there are at least 100,000 fires annually in the United States 
directly attributable to children. It is widely believed that this number is 
conservative due to the fact that many fires never come to the attention of the 
fire service. According to the ninth edition of "Fire in the United States", the 
ratio of 

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reported fires to unreported fires is about three to one. In many states, 
statutes do not allow younger children to be charged with arson and many are 
reluctant to label a child as an arsonist. In fact, if the percentage of 
juvenile arrests is applied to the total number of incendiary and suspicious 
fires that occurred in 1993, there were potentially 250,000 fires attributed to 
juveniles. 

Figure 1. Breakout of Age Ranges Among Juveniles Arrested for Arson 

In 1994, two-thirds of all arson fires occurred outdoors. Previous research 
suggests that as children get older, their firesetting tends to be directed away 
from their own homes and involves locations such as garbage dumpsters, barns, 
vacant buildings, grasslands, automobiles, and schools. According to an 
aggregation of statistics from USFA, the National Fire Protection Association 
(NFPA), and the Federal Bureau of Investigation, twenty percent of arson fires 
occurred in structures, thirteen percent in automobiles, and sixty-six percent 
in the outdoors, primarily trash and grass fires. These percentages have 
remained fairly constant for more than a decade.

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As part of the research for this report, a sampling of 35 incendiary fire cases 
involving older juveniles was reviewed. The cases were provided by eight 
selected fire departments. Figure 3 provides a break out of where the juveniles 
started fires. Twenty-six percent of these fires took place in occupied 
dwellings or schools, 37 percent took place in abandoned houses and buildings, 
and 37 percent occurred outdoors in dumpsters, parks, or open areas. This 35 
case sample was not necessarily representative due to the fact that cases were 
hand selected against specific criteria: a serious consequence to the 
firesetting, which builds in a bias toward occupied structures. 

Figure 2. Places Where Arson Occurs 

Figure 3. Study Cases of Serious Incendiary Fires Set By Older Juveniles 

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Although it appears that unoccupied buildings and outdoor areas (especially 
where there is debris or dumpsters) are at greatest risk for juvenile arson, a 
significant amount of fires are set in occupied structures, indicating that 
intentionally-set juvenile fires can have very serious consequences. When motive 
is factored in, a pattern tends to emerge both in the study cases and from local 
experience dealing with juvenile-set fires. Juveniles who set fires to bring 
attention to difficult family circumstances are more likely to target occupied 
structures like their homes or schools. Gang-related and revenge fires on the 
other hand, occur more often in abandoned buildings, (often used as drug houses 
or places to meet), but rarely in the offender's own home. 

Juvenile-Set Fires Cost Lives and Property 

Omaha, NE; April 25, 1996 
A Captain in the Omaha Fire Department was killed while fighting a fire set by a 
15 year old boy. The blaze was located in a department store and the fire 
captain was trapped when the roof collapsed on him. The cause of the officer's 
death was smoke inhalation. Omaha police considered the case a homicide. 

Philadelphia, PA, September 19, 1994 
Three youths, ages 13, 15 and 16 were hired by local drug dealers to set a fire 
in a vacant factory. The facility, the former Quaker Lace plant, was 5 stories 
high and covered most of a city block. Salvage and removal of heavy 
manufacturing equipment from the building was underway. While the structure was 
in the process of transition, one corner of it was being used by the police to 
monitor drug traffic in the neighborhood. A group of local drug dealers 
recruited the boys to burn the area used for observation. 

The ensuing fire destroyed the entire factory and spread to the neighborhood, 
forcing the evacuation of 47 families. In all, 20 occupied properties and 11 
automobiles were destroyed in the fire. The impact of the incident was so great 
that it provided the impetus for establishment of the 
Eastern Philadelphia Drug and Arson Task Force (EPDART), which remains in 
existence today. 

Philadelphia, PA, March 1996 
In a different neighborhood, seven youths under the age of 18 began setting 
fires in dumpsters then graduated to automobiles and vacant buildings. In March 
of 1996, members of this group set a fire in an illegal tire dump beneath 
Interstate 95 resulting in damages estimated at $8 million to the overpasses. 
Commuter and interstate traffic was disrupted during the incident and for months 

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during the repair. Various members of this group are linked to intentionally set 
fires in 18 vacant buildings in the same area. 

Earlington, KY, April 5, 1997 
Two teenage boys were charged with murder and arson when the fire they set in a 
three-story apartment building trapped and killed three people. 

Aloha, OR, June 28, 1996 
A twelve-year-old was determined to be criminally responsible for the deaths of 
eight people including five children aged 3 months to 10 years. He set the fire 
in an apartment stairwell using newspaper and rubbing alcohol. He was reportedly 
abused by his father as an infant and was subject to an alcohol fire set by the 
father, who is in prison on robbery charges. 

Fire Department Response to Suspected Juvenile Involvement 
Juvenile firesetting is a community problem, and the fire service is in a unique 
position to address it. The fire department has the job of detecting the 
problem, investigating the fires, and initiating a response ranging from 
educational intervention to prosecution. The fire service should make certain 
that the appropriate referral or action is taken. Documentation of observations 
made by company level fire crews and officers can be a critical link in the 
chain of arson recognition and intervention. 

Generally, it is not difficult to ascertain juvenile involvement in set fires. 
Often, the characteristics of the fires present strong indicators that juveniles 
committed the crime. Discussions with fire investigators and a review of arson 
incident reports suggest several factors that are critical when solving 
juvenile-set fires. Many of these points relate to adult-caused incendiary fires 
as well. 

 All fires set by juveniles need to be taken seriously. The size of the fire 
and the amount of damage are not good indicators of risk. Very often, juveniles 
who set fires start with small insignificant fires, then graduate to bigger, 
more daring blazes as they acquire confidence and experience. Fire investigators 
should address today's small fires as though they could become tomorrow's fatal, 
multiple alarm fires. 

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 An immediate and systematic response is essential. As with other fires, 
investigators should respond to the scene and interview first arriving 
firefighters and available witnesses. Collecting witness information is one of 
the most critical parts of fire investigation. If investigations are delayed, 
witnesses can be difficult to track down. Even if they can be located, witnesses 
often are more hesitant to cooperate and provide less useful information after 
leaving the scene. 

 Careful observation of the people watching the fire can help identify a 
firesetter. One investigator noticed that a certain young man tended to be 
present at every vacant building fire in a particular neighborhood during a 
three month period. The youth was also anxious to talk to firefighters about the 
fires. 

 As is true in all incendiary and suspicious fires, preservation of evidence 
and thorough origin and cause investigations are very important. When 
questioning adolescents, especially resistant adolescents, knowing several facts 
in advance about the fire can help determine the truth. An investigator was 
attempting to determine the cause of a bedroom fire that resulted in several 
thousand dollars damage to a single family home. After looking at the fire 
damage to furniture and other articles in the room, he determined that the point 
of origin was the north wall which had a baseboard heater and burned debris in 
front of it. A careful review of the heater and thermostat showed no signs that 
it had malfunctioned or overheated. The firesetter apparently had stuffed 
clothing and boxes into the heater, thus precipitating the fire. 

The adolescent originally reported that he entered the room, smelled smoke, 
heard the smoke detector, and called the fire department to report "flames from 
the baseboard heater". When confronted with the physical evidence of the case, 
the teenager amended his story and confessed to the truth. 

Other cases have been solved by systematic interviews with school personnel, 
neighbors, other adolescents, and personnel from other agencies, such as 
recreation leaders, who have contact with youth and may overhear their stories 
of conquest and accomplishment. Very often, teens brag about their deeds to one 
another. Teachers can provide information about conflicts and about disgruntled 
students. It was a teacher's information which helped solve the multi-million 
dollar school fire described in the first case study. 

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Identifying Older Juvenile Firesetters 

Like younger children who are involved in fire play and firesetting behavior, 
their older counterparts are not a homogeneous group; they come from a variety 
of family circumstances. 

Age 

Examining the 14 to 18-year-old group more closely, records from several fire 
departments show that the vast majority are in the lower end of that age range. 
One participating department reviewed all their incidents for the past four 
years. They reported 876 referrals to the juvenile unit between July 1, 1994 and 
June 30, 1997. Fourteen to eighteen year olds made up 97 (11 percent) of the 
referrals during that period. When this group was screened for fires with 
serious consequences or strong potential of serious consequences, thirteen 
children were identified, or 1.5 percent. Of these, eight were fourteen year 
olds, four were fifteen year old, and one was sixteen years old. There were no 
17 or 18 year olds categorized in this sample. This is consistent with FBI 
arrests statistics where the majority of juvenile arson arrests were youths 15 
years of age and under. Incidents from other fire departments in this study 
echoed these results. 

Figure 4 illustrates the age breakdown of juvenile arson arrests statewide in 
Oregon. No national data other than FBI arrests currently exists with respect to 
age categories. NFIRS is scheduled to begin collecting age data which will allow 
more comprehensive study of distribution by age of arrested party. 

Figure 4 . 1995 Oregon Juvenile Arson Arrest Data 


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Family Types 

The majority of children in the cases studied lived with their biological 
parents in an intact family situation or with a biological parent in a single 
parent situation. A few children lived in step families or with other relatives; 
one young woman was homeless. Studies conducted in Rochester, New York document 
that type of family unit is not a predictor of recidivism in firesetting. A 
large number of family problems are the strongest predictors of recidivism. 

Child Characteristics 
Children start fires for varying reasons. Although curiosity is a primary 
motivation for younger children, it should be noted that curiosity can also be a 
reason why older teens set fires. Adolescents are attempting to assimilate into 
an adult world and manipulate adult tools to learn and acquire a sense of 
control. Often their experimentation is more sophisticated than the 
experimentation of younger children. Unfortunately, it may involve higher risk 
substances, such as fireworks or flammable liquids. 

Clinical studies that have examined juvenile firesetters find that many of these 
children have a plethora of conduct and aggression problems. Some children are 
diagnosed as having attention deficit-hyperactivity disorder. 

In a sample of hospitalized firesetters, Dr. David Kolko at the University of 
Pittsburgh, Medical Center found greater delinquency, aggressiveness, and 
hyperactivity compared to a control group of hospitalized children with no 
history of firesetting. He also documented that these children were less 
socially skilled and more aggressive. The children in the case illustrations 
support these findings. Many of the children also presented with learning 
disabilities; one was diagnosed with fetal alcohol syndrome, and one suffered a 
head injury which resulted in a change of behavior and a seizure disorder. 

Family Problems and Recidivism 

Many of juveniles who turn to firesetting are exposed to problems ranging from 
poor parental judgment and parenting skills to chronic neglect and abuse. 
Parental alcohol and substance abuse is also not uncommon. In some cases 
reviewed, a parent suffered from a chronic illness which resulted in 
unemployment, poverty, and major family problems. 

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Clinical studies (Cole et al., 1983, 1986, Kolko & Kazdin, 1985, 1986, 1990, 
1991) show significant evidence for parental and family problems in families of 
firesetters. These studies describe parents as significantly lower in affection, 
depressed, unavailable, and lacking in supervision and parenting skills. The 
Rochester studies (Cole et al., 1983, 1986) strongly document a correlation 
between abuse, chronic neglect, and firesetting. In families where there was a 
founded case of abuse and/ or neglect, there was a fivefold increase in the 
likelihood of recidivism. Also, strongly related to recidivism was a family 
history of police contact--further indicators of family chaos. 

Figure 5. Predictors of Recidivism 
Rochester, NY Incident Sample 

Several studies have suggested that children who set fires are under stress 
(Bumpass et al., 1983; Cole et al, 1983, 1986; Fineman, 1980, Health et al., 
1983; Jacobson, 1985). They are responding to major life changes such as 
separation and divorce, remarriage, or death of a family member. This is 
certainly illustrated in a number of the case studies collected for this 
project. 

Motives 

Juvenile firesetting has been studied for several years and there is a general 
consensus as to what motivates children to become involved with fire. Curiosity 
motivates a significant portion of fire involvement. Developmental studies 
report that 40 percent of all children have engaged in fire play. These children 
are by nature risk takers and learn by doing. This trait combined with ready 
access to matches and lighters, the belief that parents would not punish them, a 
poor understanding of fire, and lapses in supervision, accounts for many 
thousands of fires every year. 

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The children studied in this project were primarily motivated by something other 
than curiosity and their firesetting was intentional. There are three basic 
categories with the first being children whose firesetting is a call for help or 
attention. Many of these children live in difficult circumstances and lack 
support. Further, they do not possess appropriate or effective communication 
skills; their personal observations and experiences have reinforced feelings of 
isolation and rejection. 

The City of Rochester (NY) School District has been conducting a pilot project 
for the past few years called the Long Term Suspension Project (LTS). The goal 
of the project is to reconnect students who have been suspended from school for 
a long period of time and help them to be successful upon their return to 
school. Long term suspensions from school are enforced for weapons possession; 
assault; possession of alcohol and/ or drugs; and firesetting. The initial task 
of the LTS project was to acquire an in-depth understanding of these adolescents 
and their families. The initial phase of the project focused on high school age 
youth with later phases incorporating middle school students. 

One of the findings of the LTS project was that many of these youths learn the 
"power of fire" quite early. Their firesetting experience may have started with 
curious experimentation, but they soon realized that fire got a reaction from 
parents, authorities, and emergency services. It is a powerful means of 
communication that is literally at their fingertips. 

Another cause of firesetting among the study youth involved delinquent activity, 
usually carried out in groups in response to peer pressure and/ or gang 
activity. While many of the dynamics involved in attention-seeking behavior are 
relevant to this group, very often the act of starting a fire is arbitrary. If 
incendiary materials are handy, they start a fire and if a rock is handy, they 
throw it through a window. The motive may involve revenge. In some communities, 
territorial disputes between gangs over drug trafficking encourage firesetting 
behavior. The use of molotov cocktails is increasingly prevalent, as has been 
reported in a number of these incidents. 

The Phoenix Fire Department has labeled juvenile gangs as "strategic 
firesetters". Phoenix has seen an increase in these types of fires and with the 
help of Dr. Jeffrey Thomas, has closely examined the dynamics surrounding their 
behavior. Dr. Thomas describes strategic firesetters as teenagers who have a 
history of involvement with the juvenile justice system and/ or mental health 
system. Most have been unsuccessful in school. They may have a history of 
alcohol and substance abuse. These strategic firesetters demonstrate behaviors 
indicating poor self-esteem and little 

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regard for human life. As a result, they do not show guilt or remorse for 
sociopathic behavior, including violence against people and property. 

Strategic firesetters generally set fires as a group. Fire investigators report 
that these fires typically involve the use of accelerants and often have 
multiple points of origin. The fires are set for the purpose of revenge, to 
instill fear in a community, or to destroy evidence from another crime. When 
confronted, the strategic firesetter is usually resistant and uncooperative. 

The firesetting motivation for another set of older intentional firesetters 
relates to severe emotional disturbance. Very often, these are children who have 
been exposed to chronic family dysfunction and situational abuse for long 
periods of time without sufficient intervention. Their conduct disorder has 
become quite internalized and is relied upon as a coping mechanism. Some 
children are motivated out of emerging psychoses or other serious mental 
illness. 

Among juveniles, arson for hire is uncommon, but not unheard of. Recently, a 44-
year-old landlord in New York City was arrested after paying a teenager $4,000 
to drug the tenants with heroin, and then set fire to their apartment so the 
landlord could get rid of the occupants and charge higher rent. The case of the 
Quaker Lace fire in Philadelphia which destroyed 20 properties and 11 cars, 
shows the impact of these "arson-for-hire" fires. 

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Case Examples 

Case #1 
15 year old male 

Early one evening, a boy broke into his school with the intent of burning it. He 
started three separate fires in different locations to ensure that his effort 
would be successful. He left the school and waited. Nothing happened. 
Frustrated, he returned to the school, broke in a second time and reignited the 
fires. This time his effort resulted in a multiple alarm fire which caused $3.5 
million damage to the school building. 

The boy lives in an upper-middle class neighborhood in a stable home 
environment. He lives with his biological mother and stepfather. His biological 
father is not really involved in his life, but all indications were that this 
was not an issue to him. No other significant family stressors were reported. 
However, it was indicated that his parents had poor parenting skills and 
judgment and would often allow him to come and go as he pleased. This lack of 
structure and clear expectations led to persistent school problems which 
resulted in his being reprimanded in school the day of the fire. The boy stated 
he was angry at his teachers and wanted to burn the school down. 

Case #2 
15-year-old male 

A teenage boy lived in an abandoned trailer with his mother. His father had 
deserted him years before. His mother was a drug addict who often disappeared 
for periods of time, leaving him completely alone with no support or means to 
care for himself. 

In his frustration and anger at his mother's absence, he set nine fires in one 
night. The fires were all started near occupied structures. One was ignited on a 
front stoop. Several were in dumpsters near residences. Although, the potential 
for loss was significant, none of the fires resulted in major damage. 

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Case #3 
14-year-old male 

A teenage boy was out early one morning with a few of his friends. He was proud 
to say he was a member of a street gang and had shot at people in the past. He 
and his friends decided to steal two cars and go for a ride, picking up some 
additional friends along the way. 

While stealing the first car, the boy started a fire in a garage attached to a 
single-family dwelling. There were paper sacks on the floor next to the car, and 
he impulsively ignited the material using a lighter and a spray perfume bottle 
to simulate a torch. He stated that the fire appeared to be going out when they 
left the garage in the stolen car. However, the fire flared up and spread to the 
exterior of the house causing several thousand dollars damage. 

He said he did not know why he lit the fire. He and his friends were apprehended 
after they crashed the stolen cars. 

Case #4 
16-year-old female 

An arson fire occurred in a vacant single family dwelling one evening around 9: 
00 p. m. Alerted to the fire, neighbors ran to the home to discover a teenage 
girl in the house. Neighbors who urged her to leave the house stated they heard 
she say, "I started the fire, isn't it pretty?" 

The home had been unoccupied since the death of its former resident. However, 
the police received numerous reports of vagrants and of drug-related activities. 
The 16-year-old girl explained that she had moved out of her parent's home to 
the streets exactly one year ago, and that she had stayed in the house on about 
15 occasions. The night of the fire she entered through an open back door and 
started a fire in the fireplace, using papers for heat. Some papers fell out of 
the fireplace onto the floor. She attempted to fuel the fire rather than 
extinguish it. Intending to burn down the house, she also started fires in four 
more locations. When asked why she didn't leave, she stated that her mind was in 
the gutter and she couldn't think straight. The girl was under the influence of 
drugs at the time. She denied any suicidal intent and was placed in detention 
and referred for evaluation. 

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Case #5 
15-year-old female 

A girl was expelled from school after she and a friend singed the hair of two 
other girls by using hair spray and a lighter to make a torch. The teenager 
frequently was in trouble at school. The investigator was very concerned about 
her lack of empathy and remorse for her violence against the two girls. The 
father stated he believed that his daughter was aware of what she was doing, and 
that she wanted to cause harm. He is frustrated and 
tries to monitor her behavior. She was referred for further evaluation. 

Case #6 
15-year-old male 

A boy admitted starting a fire by putting plastic bags, clothing, and boxes in a 
baseboard heater in a spare bedroom of his home. The resulting fire caused 
$60,000 damage to their single family home. 

The boy had a history of fire play and had been referred to the local juvenile 
firesetter program three years before. At that time, he had started a fire in a 
closet because he wanted to be a firefighter. Later, the boy admitted to 
willingly causing the fire. His father had a chronic illness and it appeared 
that the boy had to manage household responsibilities that he resented. He did 
not feel that he was properly acknowledged for his increased responsibility. 
When asked about the incident, he stated that he was angry at his parents. 

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Case #7 
15-year-old male 

After weekly occurrences of dumpster fires behind the local school, the arson 
investigation unit established a stake out. In full view of an investigator, a 
teenage boy started a fire in the dumpster, and was quickly apprehended. When 
asked to explain his actions, he stated that he liked the excitement of doing 
something bad and getting away with it. He found fire to be especially 
interesting. He had started fires in dumpsters every Sunday morning for several 
weeks. 

This teenage boy admitted to several other fire incidents dating back to when he 
was seven years old. Almost all of his firesetting occurred when he was alone. 
Other intentional fire incidents included a grass fire, setting his school desk 
on fire, dismantling fireworks and making homemade fireworks, and burning paint 
thinner in the kitchen sink. Recently, he sprayed lubricant into a glass bottle, 
then held a lighter to the end of the bottle. The vapor ignited and burned his 
thumb. 

The boy lived with his mother and father. Both parents were unemployed, his 
father had chronic health problems, and his mother was an alcoholic. 

Case # 8 
18-year-old male 

This older teen left his 12-year-old girlfriend and her mother late one 
afternoon promising to return with some fast food. Having no money he decided to 
break into a cold storage warehouse facility searching for something of value to 
fence. Once inside, he ignited some large paper bales for no apparent reason. He 
left the plant without finding anything of value. The ensuing fire required more 
than 200 firefighters and 50 pieces of fire apparatus to bring under control. 
The fire destroyed several connected businesses with a loss of about 25 jobs and 
an insurance claim exceeding two million dollars. This was the largest 
incendiary fire in Massachusetts in 1995. 

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Impact of Treatment Programs on Recidivism 
There is no doubt that in the United States there is a crisis involving youth 
aggression and violence. Pressure is being placed on the juvenile justice system 
to respond to this problem, and to enlist resources from the community. The 
juvenile justice system has a critical role. It has the power to mandate 
services and to hold juveniles and their families accountable. Given the chaos 
in the lives of most older juvenile firesetters, and the documented risk to the 
community, this power is a pivotal factor in controlling juvenile crime, 
including arson. 

There is a movement in this country to treat serious teen offenders as adult 
offenders with the belief that more severe punishment will deter this behavior. 
One recent study conducted at the University of Central Florida by Donna M. 
Bishop and her colleagues, examined more than 2,000 juvenile offenders who were 
transferred to adult courts. These juveniles were compared with a carefully 
matched sample of offenders who were retained in the juvenile corrections 
system. Recidivism was examined in terms of rates of reoffending, seriousness of 
reoffending, and time to failure, with adjustments made for time at risk. By 
every measure, reoffending was greater among juveniles transferred to the adult 
criminal system. 

The juveniles in the study who were transferred to adult courts were treated 
more harshly and, typically, were incarcerated for longer periods of time. 
Despite this, the transferred youths committed more offenses after they were 
released, and these offenses tended to be felonies. When comparisons were made 
between pre and post levels of offending among those who reoffended, 

Case #9 
14-year-old male 

The boy, along with another 14-year-old boy and a 15-year-old girl broke into a 
huge idle mill. For several days they explored the premises performing numerous 
acts of vandalism. On the last day they began to set small fires on each floor. 
One of the fires kindled a wood wall and extended into the ceiling. The 
resultant general alarm arson fire destroyed the plant and endangered a large 
number of surrounding, occupied multi-family residences. 

Page 18 

the youths retained in the juvenile system generally improved their behavior 
over time. When they were rearrested, it tended to be for lesser offenses. 

Several states have instituted "shock incarceration" or boot camps in an effort 
to reduce recidivism in all categories of crime. These are rigorous programs in 
which offenders participate in military style boot camps which emphasize drills, 
physical training, and hard labor lasting from three to six months. The programs 
that demonstrated success in reducing recidivism however, included intensive 
supervision and follow up for six months following incarceration with a strong 
focus on rehabilitation and skill building. 

A recent study of juvenile boot camps (Peters, Thomas, Zamberlan, 1997) in Ohio, 
Colorado, and Alabama reported similar results when looking at recidivism. 
However, adolescents placed in the camps usually improved their academic 
performance at the completion of their stay. The study emphasized that there are 
many differences in how camps are structured and that the 
camps that include a developmental approach (as opposed to a confrontational 
approach) are most successful at reducing recidivism. 

Regardless of the type of intervention employed, whether traditional juvenile 
programs or newer adult-type, juveniles involved in arson need to be held 
accountable. Much already is known about what measures work and how to reach 
teen firesetters. USFA and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency 
Prevention (OJJDP) have documented the program characteristics and models that 
have proven successful. A 1987 OJJDP/ USFA initiative to assess effective 
programs addressing juvenile firesetting identified seven critical components: 

1. A program management component to make key decisions, coordinate interagency 
efforts, and foster interagency support. 

2. A screening and evaluation component to identify and evaluate children who 
have been involved in firesetting. 

3. An intervention services component to provide primary prevention, early 
intervention, and/ or treatment for juveniles, especially for those who have 
already set fires or shown an unusual interest in fire. 

Page 19 

4. A referral component to link the program with the full range of community 
support agencies that might help identify juvenile firesetters and provide 
services to them and their families. 

5. A publicity and outreach component to raise public awareness of the 
intervention program and encourage early identification of juvenile firesetters. 

6. A monitoring component to track the program's identification referrals and 
treatment of juvenile firesetters. 

7. A juvenile justice system component to establish relationships with juvenile 
justice agencies that often handle juvenile firesetters. 

As part of the USFA OJJDP research, two programs designed to keep difficult 
children in school and out of trouble were carefully evaluated. One program is 
called Communities In Schools (CIS) and is a network of local, state, and 
national partnerships working together to bring at-risk youth four basics every 
child needs: a personal one-on-one relationship with a caring adult who provides 
support and advocacy; a safe place to learn and grow; a marketable skill to use 
upon graduation; and a chance to give back to peers and community. There are 
three essential elements in establishing a local CIS program: 

1. a tax-exempt corporation with a board of directors that represents the public 
and private sectors of the community and that is chaired by a member of the 
private sector; 

2. a management team led by an executive director; and 

3. a new education, health, and human services delivery system that repositions 
or reassigns the community's service resources and focuses them on at-risk youth 
and their families. Often this results in an alternative program within an 
existing school. 

Outcome studies conducted in South Carolina and Georgia by The Urban Institute 
demonstrated that high proportions of CIS students remain in school and 
graduate, and students with the lowest grade point averages raised their 
averages a full grade point. For further information, contact: Communities In 
Schools, Inc. is located in Alexandria, Virginia (703) 519- 8999) 
http://www.ncjrs.org/ojjdp/html/safety.html. 

Page 20 

The other program is called SafeFutures: Partnerships To Reduce Youth Violence 
and Delinquency. This is a program sponsored by the Office of Juvenile Justice 
and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP). OJJDP has provided approximately $1.4 
million a year to six communities across the United States (Boston, MA., Contra 
Costa County, CA., Seattle, WA., St. Louis, MI., Imperial County, CA., and 
Harlem, MO.) for five years to develop a continuum of care responsive to youth 
and their families at any point along the path toward delinquency. The programs 
are collaborative efforts which involve local, state, and national agencies. 
OJJDP is providing technical assistance and training along with such partners as 
Boys and Girls Clubs of America, Communities In Schools, and the Johns Hopkins 
University Institute for Policy Studies. 

The SafeFutures approach is structured to address offender accountability, apply 
graduated sanctions, and offer targeted services. The program consists of 
immediate intervention and sanctions on the first level; and secure confinement 
in community settings, training, and aftercare on the second. Follow up and 
aftercare were cited as critical components for success. The Project Coordinator 
for SafeFutures at OJJDP can be reached at (202) 307-5914 1800 638-8736, NCIRS. 

The juvenile court system should aggressively support programs that address 
juvenile problems through a continuum of services and sanctions that consider 
youth needs, community safety, and victim reparation. 

Improving Information Sharing on Juveniles 

Juvenile records confidentiality concerns are frequently cited as a roadblock to 
effective intervention. Often the Family Education Rights and Privacy Act is 
cited as a reason why information cannot be shared. Agencies and institutions 
may be applying an overly restrictive interpretation of this law. In fact, the 
law was amended in 1994 to allow and facilitate information sharing on 
juveniles. Educators are permitted to share information with juvenile justice 
system personnel prior to adjudication, pursuant to state statutes. In all 
circumstances, information can be shared with the consent of a juvenile's parent 
or guardian. It is critical that agencies serving children and their families 
share information that enables them to coordinate and provide more effective 
services. A failure to provide information generally results in fragmentation 
and duplication of services. 

Page 21 

There are other circumstances in which information can be shared among agencies 
and schools. Information can be provided when a school initiates legal action 
against a student; when a lawfully-issued subpoena is presented; when 
information about disciplinary action taken against a student is being provided 
to another school that has a significant interest in the student's behavior; and 
when a law enforcement record is created by an arm of the educational agency or 
institution. It is easier to exercise these allowances if the relevant agencies 
are signatories to a memorandum of agreement covering these points. 

Alternative Placements for Juvenile Firesetters 

The treatment for firesetting generally follows the traditional mental health 
continuum of care which gives priority to the least restrictive environment. 
Many firesetters can be maintained in the community, often at home, if there is 
sufficient supervision and responsiveness. Careful assessment is important in 
determining the proper level of care. A thorough assessment takes into 
consideration the individual, family, environment, facts about the fire and 
other fire history, as well as the child's reaction to the fire and sense of 
accountability. 

Sometimes it is determined that the juvenile should be confined to a secure 
facility, residential treatment center, or hospital. Many programs will not 
admit a juvenile with a history of firesetting for fear that the child will burn 
the facility. Interestingly, research indicates that a surprising number of 
clients in residential facilities actually have a history of firesetting. 
However, the firesetting was not necessarily identified before placement because 
the question was never raised. Some studies estimate that upwards of 20 percent 
of hospitalized juveniles have set a fire. There are some alternatives for 
placing juveniles with a history of firesetting, which have been relatively 
successful. 

Foster Care 

Because of the strong correlation between neglect and abuse and firesetting, 
placing a young person in a safe, supervised family setting can be an effective 
intervention. Foster care is often more available than institutional placement, 
and is considerably less expensive. 

Research indicates that when firesetting is a cry for help or an effort to bring 
attention to a serious family situation such as chronic neglect or abuse, 
removing the stressors stops the firesetting behavior. Foster parents can be 
trained to work with juvenile firesetters. Intensive 

Page 22 

foster care programs have been successful in upstate New York and Oregon. 
Certain foster homes are designated as "intensive" foster homes which qualifies 
them for more difficult placements, such as older juveniles with firesetting 
histories. These homes are selected based on the experience of the foster 
parents, the number and ages of other children placed there, and their 
willingness to take on higher risk youth. Considerable attention is placed on 
fire safety practices. Exit drills are practiced regularly, smoke detectors are 
installed in additional rooms, and safe fire use is emphasized. No fire-related 
responsibility is given to the foster child initially other than to assist in 
fire safety precautions. Searches of the foster children's bedrooms, belongings, 
and person are conducted to be certain that ignition materials are not 
available. This is agreed to as a prerequisite for admission to the foster home. 

"Intensive" foster parents receive training in working with difficult 
adolescents, which includes communication and problem solving skills, 
supervision and restraint, behavior management and fire safety education for 
prevention and intervention. They also receive considerable support from the 
social service case workers, including home visits at least a few times a week. 
Also, the foster children receive a higher level of counseling and support 
services when appropriate. Parents are included in the treatment plan. 

While there is much demonstrated success in these situations, the inherent risk 
needs to be acknowledged. It is imperative that other children (non-firesetters) 
placed in this environment be included in the fire safety training and made 
aware of the potential danger. They should also be taught that if they become 
aware of fire activity that they need to tell an adult. Keeping people safe in a 
dangerous situation is not "tattling". 

The State of Oregon Juvenile Firesetter Task Force has developed a comprehensive 
training package for residential treatment personnel. A training videotape is in 
production. By helping caretakers to better understand the children's behavior 
and their motivations, the training promotes confidence among the treatment 
providers. Some facilities stipulate that the juveniles sign "contracts" not to 
use fire, and use polygraph machines to verify their veracity. These programs 
also institute firm strictures which include regular searches of rooms and 
belongings for 
ignition materials. This practice is crucial if youths leave the facility to 
attend school or receive services. 

The Hillside Children's Center in Rochester, New York is a comprehensive 
residential treatment facility providing services to adolescents. The Center was 
initially reticent about 

Page 23 

accepting juveniles with a history of firesetting. Subsequent training and 
experience led to documented success with this at-risk population. Currently, 
the Center maintains an emergency bed for firesetters who are identified as 
needing placement by the City of Rochester Fire Department or by the Monroe 
County Fire Bureau. 

Hospitalization 
Inpatient facilities are often reluctant to accept adolescents with a history of 
firesetting. Issues of supervision are often cited, but more often clinicians 
are concerned that they do not have an effective treatment protocol for "these 
kids". 

Dr. David Kolko at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center has successfully 
treated firesetters for several years. The inpatient treatment he uses 
incorporates intensive individual, group, and family counseling. The counseling 
uses a cognitive treatment approach which challenges the child's assumptions and 
rationalizations behind the antisocial behavior--such as burning the school 
because a teacher disciplined the student. 

The treatment at the medical center is skills based. Particular emphasis is 
placed on providing specific life skills, including interpersonal and problem 
solving skills.. The impact of teaching these skills to delinquent children who 
were placed in New York State Division for Youth Facilities has been carefully 
evaluated by Dr. Arnold Goldstein of the University of Syracuse (NY). Rearrest 
rates were significantly reduced, especially when parents were included in the 
training. 

Irrespective of the seriousness of an incident or the child's motive in starting 
a fire, education regarding fire should be part of the intervention strategy. 
Such education should include information about the nature of fire, how rapidly 
it spreads, and its potential for estructiveness. Discussions about maintaining 
a fire safe environment, escape plans and practice, and appropriate use of fire 
have been shown to be effective parts of comprehensive arson intervention 
programs, at least for younger juveniles. 

Similar intervention protocols have been implemented in several cities including 
Portland, Oregon; Phoenix, Arizona; and Upland, California. 

Page 24 

Examples of Successful Community Intervention Programs 

Lane County Department of Youth Services 

The Lane County Department of Youth Services in Oregon operates "CATCH", 
(Community Alternatives to Commitment Hazards), an intensive probation program 
focusing on 50 of the worst juvenile cases annually. All juveniles adjudicated 
for first and second degree arson are handled through this well-targeted program 
which contains most of the effective program elements identified earlier in this 
report. 

CATCH has been formally evaluated and preliminary results show that 93 percent 
of the youths participating have no subsequent firesetting behavior. Sixty seven 
percent have no repeat criminal behavior of any kind. Those who do reoffend are 
involved in minor incidents such as a curfew violation. 

The CATCH program consists of a life skills development curriculum designed for 
ages 13 to 17 called Skill Building Curriculum for Juvenile Firesetters. It is 
delivered in a group format over 16 sessions by a fire service professional and 
a youth counselor. The program covers identification of feelings, anger 
management, empathy training, assertiveness, the confrontation of thinking 
errors, and a personal fire graph and fire safety. Juveniles are guided toward 
understanding their firesetting behavior, and are taught skills for coping in 
positive ways. Parents are also involved in the program and work on parenting 
skills as well as the skills their children are learning. 

The juvenile signs a "contract" which specifies the work to be performed. The 
contract is reviewed and signed by all involved parties including the parents. 
The program includes the skills curriculum as well as three projects which must 
be completed. The juveniles are required to generate a community impact report, 
a research project, and a community service project. In the community impact 
report, the juvenile identifies people or agencies affected by the fire and 
selects three to five people to interview. The youth asks how the fire affected 
the victim( s), and completes a report summarizing the interviews. The final 
report is presented to the court, juvenile counselor, youth services team, or 
juvenile firesetter network. 

Page 25 

For the collage project, the youth is assigned the task of reviewing local 
newspapers for a specified period of time to collect articles relating to fires. 
They paste the articles onto poster board and write a report summarizing the 
headline and description of each article, fire deaths and injuries, dollar loss, 
cause of the fire, and any other pertinent information about who may have 
started the fire. These are submitted to the fire department and often are 
displayed. 

The community service project is an opportunity for the youth to learn skills 
and acquire a sense of giving to the community. Some possible organizations for 
community service are local parks and recreation departments, food banks, 
homeless shelters, service clubs, and agencies such as the American Red Cross, 
Humane Society or Salvation Army. Community service is also a way of holding the 
child accountable and offering restitution to the victim. Upon completion of the 
program the youth explains what has been learned to the overseeing person or 
team. Following is an example of how the program succeeded with one case. 

A fifteen-year-old male responsible for a $3.5 million-dollar fire in his school 
is a graduate of this program and is a productive member of society today. After 
intensive intervention, he acquired his high school graduate equivalency diploma 
and is employed. He has had no subsequent involvement with fire or any other 
criminal behavior. 

Cobb County Juvenile Court Mediation Program 

Cobb County, Georgia Juvenile Court has developed a program designed to "end 
conflicts with win/ win solutions". The program serves Cobb County youths up to 
18 years of age, and targets elementary and middle school age children who are 
first time firesetters with the hope of preventing future offenses. The Juvenile 
Firesetter Program and the juvenile court refer cases to the Cobb County 
Juvenile Court Mediation Program. This option is offered before adjudication, 
and if the program is successfully completed, there is no formal, legal record. 

The Cobb County Juvenile Court Mediation Program was one of the first court-
affiliated intervention programs for youth in the country. The primary goal of 
the program is to get offending youths to take responsibility for their 
decisions, be accountable, and modify their destructive behavior. It forces 
juvenile offenders to come face-to-face with their victims and to negotiate 
acceptable restitution. The intervention program also includes an education 
component which teaches fire prevention, decision making, and consequences for 
behavior. 

Page 26 

The Cobb County Juvenile Court Mediation Program uses both teen and adult 
mediators. Staff mediators complete rigorous training provided by the University 
of Georgia. The program addresses both delinquent and status offenses. In 
Georgia, delinquent offenses include youth who are ungovernable, violate curfew, 
and run away from home. Status offenses may include firesetting, shoplifting, 
simple assault and battery, and damage to property. 

The mediation process includes the offending youth, at least one parent or legal 
guardian, and the victim/ complaintant. The process allows the victims to be 
heard and provides restitution. Acceptable forms of restitution include monetary 
compensation, yard/ house work, services rendered to a local merchant, or 
community service. 

The mediation agreements are binding agreements. In addition, new problem 
solving skills are modeled and learned. The process is less costly than 
litigation and it benefits the parties as well as the community. 

The Cobb County program is an excellent example of the concept referred to as 
"balanced and restorative justice". The program reinforces that when a crime is 
committed the offender is responsible for restoring the victim to a pre-offense 
condition. 

Phoenix Fire Department Juvenile Firesetter Task Force 

The Phoenix Fire Department maintains one of the longest running and most 
successful juvenile firesetter programs in the United States. The program is 
staffed by full-time fire investigators and fire safety educators so that cases 
are handled expeditiously and comprehensively. What is particularly unique about 
this program is the well established community network that supports the program 
on an on-going basis. 

A task force made up of representatives from community agencies meets on a 
regular basis to review individual cases. The group also monitors gaps in 
services to best meet the needs of the youth who are referred to the firesetter 
program. Juvenile court officials, including a hearing officer and a prosecutor, 
are active members of the task force. Also represented are educators, mental 
health professionals, law enforcement officers, fire investigators, and child 
welfare workers. Such broad involvement ensures that all levels of service--from 
prevention education to post 
treatment placement and a return to the community--are delivered. 

Page 27 

In partnership with the task force, St. Lukes Hospital has helped establish a 
range of community services and coordinates closely with the Phoenix Fire 
Department and the juvenile court system. Grants have been obtained that fund 
comprehensive assessment and intervention services at no cost to the juvenile or 
the parents. A referral network has been established to provide support to 
treatment providers, including residential treatment centers. The task force 
also is helpful in educating other providers about juvenile firesetting and 
breaking down barriers to services and placement. 

Page 28 

CONCLUSIONS 

Older juveniles involved in intentional firesetting are a serious problem in the 
United States. This form of arson accounts for thousands of fires, hundreds of 
deaths, thousands of injuries, and millions of dollars in direct property loss 
every year. Nationally, juveniles now account for the majority of arson fires. 

Fires set by older juveniles closely follow the patterns reported by USFA and 
NFPA. Occupied structures are significantly represented and include dwellings 
and schools. Vacant buildings are at increased risk as are outdoor areas which 
include dumpsters, playgrounds and parks. 

Case studies suggest that different motivations may influence different targets. 
Gang-related or vandalism fires often target abandoned buildings and dwellings. 
Older juveniles who are troubled and responding to family crises often set fires 
in their own homes or schools. Juvenile firesetting dynamics should be studied 
more thoroughly, the results of which could lead to more effective interventions 
through the identification of specific profiles. 

Older juvenile firesetters are often alienated, angry, and adept at acting out 
through various forms of destruction. The increase in violent juvenile crime, 
including firesetting, has led to changes in state and federal laws which now 
allow juveniles, in some circumstances, to be prosecuted as adults. Some studies 
of juveniles transferred to adult courts indicate that these teens commit more 
crimes upon their release. Juvenile courts should consider programs that address 
juvenile problems through a comprehensive continuum of services and sanctions 
that take into account community safety, victim reparation, and youth needs. 
Programs that have incorporated 
restitution and community service along with skill building and individual and 
family support have been documented to reduce firesetting. 

Perhaps most important, juvenile courts along with the fire service and other 
community agencies need to prioritize firesetting cases. The community's 
intervention should be swift and decisive with consistent, predictable 
consequences. Juvenile firesetter intervention programs need to be supported or 
enhanced so that detection and assessment takes place quickly. Early detection 
and intervention improves the likelihood of preventing future firesetting. 

Page 29 

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