Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places
Problem-Oriented Guides for Police Problem-Specific Guides Series number 33
Center for Problem Oriented Policing
www.PopCenter.org


 
Web-enhanced versions of all currently available Guides 
 
Interactive training exercises 
 
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Designed for police and those who work with them to 
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Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 
Problem-Specific Guides Series 
Guide No. 33 

Illicit Sexual Activity in 
Public Places 

Kelly Dedel Johnson 

This project was supported by cooperative agreement 
#2002CKWX0003 by the Office of Community Oriented Policing 
Services, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions contained herein 
are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the 
official position of the U.S. Department of Justice. References to 
specific companies, products, or services should not be 
considered an endorsement of the product by the author or the 

U.S. Department of Justice. Rather, the references are 
illustrations to supplement discussion of the issues. 

www.cops.usdoj.gov 

ISBN: 1-932582-47-9 

April 2005 


About the Problem-Specific Guides Series 

The Problem-Specific Guides summarize knowledge about 
how police can reduce the harm caused by specific crime 
and disorder problems. They are guides to prevention and 
to improving the overall response to incidents, not to 
investigating offenses or handling specific incidents. The 
guides are written for policeof whatever rank or 
assignmentwho must address the specific problem the 
guides cover. The guides will be most useful to officers 
who: 

 
Understand basic problem-oriented policing 
principles and methods. The guides are not primers in 
problem-oriented policing. They deal only briefly with 
the initial decision to focus on a particular problem, 
methods to analyze the problem, and means to assess 
the results of a problem-oriented policing project. They 
are designed to help police decide how best to analyze 
and address a problem they have already identified. (An 
assessment guide has been produced as a companion to 
this series and the COPS Office has also published an 
introductory guide to problem analysis. For those who: 
want to learn more about the principles and methods of 
problem-oriented policing, the assessment and analysis 
guides, along with other recommended readings, are 
listed at the back of this guide.) 
 
Can look at a problem in depth. Depending on the 
complexity of the problem, you should be prepared to 
spend perhaps weeks, or even months, analyzing and 
responding to it. Carefully studying a problem before 
responding helps you design the right strategy, one that 
is most likely to work in your community. You should 
not blindly adopt the responses others have used; you 
must decide whether they are appropriate to your local 
situation. What is true in one place may not be true 



elsewhere; what works in one place may not work 
everywhere. 

 
Are willing to consider new ways of doing police 
business. The guides describe responses that other 
police departments have used or that researchers have 
tested. While not all of these responses will be 
appropriate to your particular problem, they should help 
give a broader view of the kinds of things you could do. 
You may think you cannot implement some of these 
responses in your jurisdiction, but perhaps you can. In 
many places, when police have discovered a more 
effective response, they have succeeded in having laws 
and policies changed, improving the response to the 
problem. 
 
Understand the value and the limits of research 
knowledge. For some types of problems, a lot of useful 
research is available to the police; for other problems, little 
is available. Accordingly, some guides in this series 
summarize existing research whereas other guides illustrate 
the need for more research on that particular problem. 
Regardless, research has not provided definitive answers to 
all the questions you might have about the problem. The 
research may help get you started in designing your own 
responses, but it cannot tell you exactly what to do. This 
will depend greatly on the particular nature of your local 
problem. In the interest of keeping the guides readable, not 
every piece of relevant research has been cited, nor has 
every point been attributed to its sources. To have done so 
would have overwhelmed and distracted the reader. The 
references listed at the end of each guide are those drawn 
on most heavily; they are not a complete bibliography of 
research on the subject. 



 Are willing to work with other community agencies 
to find effective solutions to the problem. The police 
alone cannot implement many of the responses 
discussed in the guides. They must frequently implement 
them in partnership with other responsible private and 
public entities. An effective problem-solver must know 
how to forge genuine partnerships with others and be 
prepared to invest considerable effort in making these 
partnerships work. 

These guides have drawn on research findings and police 
practices in the United States, the United Kingdom, 
Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the Netherlands, and 
Scandinavia. Even though laws, customs and police 
practices vary from country to country, it is apparent that 
the police everywhere experience common problems. In a 
world that is becoming increasingly interconnected, it is 
important that police be aware of research and successful 
practices beyond the borders of their own countries. 

The COPS Office and the authors encourage you to 
provide feedback on this guide and to report on your own 
agency's experiences dealing with a similar problem. Your 
agency may have effectively addressed a problem using 
responses not considered in these guides and your 
experiences and knowledge could benefit others. This 
information will be used to update the guides. If you wish 
to provide feedback and share your experiences it should 
be sent via e-mail to cops_pubs@usdoj.gov. 


For more information about problem-oriented policing, 
visit the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing online at 
www.popcenter.org or via the COPS website at 
www.cops.usdoj.gov. This website offers free online access to: 

 
the Problem-Specific Guides series, 
 
the companion Response Guides and Problem-Solving Tools 
series, 
 
instructional information about problem-oriented policing 
and related topics, 
 
an interactive training exercise, 
 
an online access to important police research and 
practices, and 
 
an on-line problem analysis module. 



Acknowledgments 

The Problem-Oriented Guides for Police are very much a 
collaborative effort. While each guide has a primary 
author, other project team members, COPS Office staff 
and anonymous peer reviewers contributed to each guide 
by proposing text, recommending research and offering 
suggestions on matters of format and style. 

The principal project team developing the guide series 
comprised Herman Goldstein, professor emeritus, 
University of Wisconsin Law School; Ronald V. Clarke, 
professor of criminal justice, Rutgers University; John E. 
Eck, professor of criminal justice, University of 
Cincinnati; Michael S. Scott, clinical assistant professor, 
University of Wisconsin Law School; Rana Sampson, 
police consultant, San Diego; and Deborah Lamm Weisel, 
director of police research, North Carolina State 
University. 

Nancy Leach and Cynthia Pappas oversaw the project for 
the COPS Office. Suzanne Fregly edited the guide. 
Research for the guides was conducted at the Criminal 
Justice Library at Rutgers University under the direction of 
Phyllis Schultze. 


Contents 

About the Problem-Specific Guides Series i
Acknowledgments v
The Problem of Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places 1
Related Problems 3
Factors Contributing to Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places 3
Participants 3
Locations 4
Season, Time of Day, and Day of Week 7
Motivations 7
Transactions 9
Collateral Consequences 10
Understanding Your Local Problem 13
Asking the Right Questions 13
Community Members 13
Victims 13
Participants 14
Transactions 14
Locations/Times 14
Current Responses 15
Measuring Your Effectiveness 16
Responses to the Problem of Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places 17
General Considerations for an Effective Strategy 17
Specific Responses to Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places 19
Enforcement-Based Responses 19
Environment-Based Responses 23
Publicity-Based Responses 25
Responses With Limited Effectiveness 26
Appendix: Summary of Responses to Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places 29


Endnotes 35
References 37
About the Author 43
Recommended Readings 45
Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 49


The Problem of Illicit Sexual Activity in 
Public Places 



This guide begins by describing the problem of illicit 
public sexual activity and the factors that contribute to it.
It then identifies a series of questions to help you analyze
your local problem. Finally, it reviews responses to the (2003).
problem, and what is known about them from evaluative
research and police practice.


Public sexual activity includes a range of behaviors, such
as solitary nude sunbathing, flashing, streaking, solitary or
mutual masturbation, fellatio, and vaginal or anal
intercourse. While some behaviors do not involve sexual
activity per se, they involve sexual content of concern to
both the public and the police. These behaviors are
consensual, meaning that the person or people involved
willingly engage in them. Both males and females
participate in the full range of behaviors, and both
opposite-sex and same-sex interactions occur. Jurisdictions
vary in the specific criminal charges attached to these
behaviors (e.g., indecent exposure, public indecency, lewd
conduct).

 "Dogging" is engaging in consensual sexual activity in public 
to attract an audience; the audience either observes or joins in. 
See Byrne (2003) and Mendenhall  

There are widely different perspectives on public sexual
activity. Some do not believe the behavior constitutes a
public safety threat; some view the behavior as a
"victimless crime" involving two consenting partners; and
some see the behavior as a threat to the community's
"moral decency." "Impersonal," "casual," and
"anonymous" sexual behaviors have negative connotations
to many people, as they stand in contrast to ideals of
romantic love, monogamous relationships, and long-term
commitments.1 Moral overtones pervade discussions of
nudity and sexuality, particularly when they address same



sex interactions. These judgments often underlie the 
public's concern. Community morals and beliefs about 
how the law should regulate morality will affect how each 
community addresses the problem. This guide does not 
adopt any particular moral perspective; it is intended to 
inform you about the effectiveness and consequences of 
various approaches to controlling public sexual activity. 

Primarily, such activity constitutes nuisance behavior and 
does not pose a serious threat to community safety. 
However, there are many reasons why the police should 
care about it. 

 
Public sexual activity can offend inadvertent witnesses. 
 
Public sexual activity can deter the legitimate use of 
public spaces. 
 
Public sexual activity may be related to the spread of 
sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS. 
 
Discarded used condoms, lubricant containers, and 
other paraphernalia are unattractive and potentially 
hazardous. 
 
Public sexual activity can attract a hostile audience, 
creating a risk of violent crime such as assault and/or 
robbery, as well as nonviolent crime such as blackmail. 
 
Certain types of public sexual activity (e.g., flashing, 
streaking) are associated with heavy drinking. 


The responses to public sexual activity can be fraught with 
difficulty. Charges of harassment, entrapment, bias and 
discrimination against homosexuals have historically 
surrounded efforts to address public sexual activity 
between men. Therefore, it is vital that you objectively 
analyze the problem so that you develop fair and effective 
responses. 


Related Problems 

Public sexual behaviors, and the factors that contribute to 
them, occur in several other contexts of concern to the 
police. These related problems, not directly addressed in 
this guide, require their own analysis and response: 

 
street prostitution, both heterosexual and homosexual; 
 
minors engaging in sexual activity in schools; 
 
sex-oriented businesses, such as adult bookstores, 
movie theaters, and sex clubs; and 
 
alcohol and drug use. 


Factors Contributing to Illicit Sexual Activity in 
Public Places 

Understanding the factors that contribute to your problem 
will help you frame your own local analysis questions, 
determine good effectiveness measures, recognize key 
intervention points, and select appropriate responses. 

Participants 

Both men and women engage in public sexual activity. 
Same-sex participants may constitute the main offenders 
in some locations, while opposite-sex offenders 
predominate at others. How researchers and law 
enforcement personnel have conducted their efforts has 
largely determined what is known about the participants; 
regardless, participants vary considerably in terms of age, 
socioeconomic status, marital status, and occupation. Any 
patterns, or lack thereof, are consistent across studies of 
the various types of public sexual behaviors.2 


Certain patterns (e.g., opposite-sex coupling at a "lovers' 
lane") have not been studied empirically, while others (e.g., 
same-sex contact in public restrooms) have been studied 
much more extensively. It is important to note that 
engaging in same-sex activity does not necessarily imply a 
homosexual identity; in fact, many men who have sex with 
men in public places are married or otherwise 
heterosexually involved, and do not consider themselves to 
be gay.3 

When apprehended, many offenders may suffer substantial 
social repercussions, in addition to any criminal justice-
related consequences that may ensue. Threats to their 
marriages, friendships, jobs, reputations, and social 
standing often cause them to try to distract attention from 
their behaviors by showing exaggerated degrees of 
respectability, such as strong ties to the religious 
community or passionate condemnation of 
homosexuality.4 The larger the community's moral 
objections to public sexual activity mean that participants 
have much to lose if they are discovered. 

Locations 

The definition of "public" is not always clear. Some 
consider any place other than a private residence to be 
public. Others believe that places out of public view, even 
though they may be in public areas, are private. So-called 
"quasi-public" places provide some kind of physical 
barrier (e.g., car, bathroom stall, or bushes) between the 
participants and others.5 Except for exhibitionists (e.g., 
flashers or streakers)those who expressly seek observers 
many participants want to remain out of view. 


Some activities, such as flashing or mooning, occur in a 
wide range of locations, while others most commonly 
occur in locations that specifically facilitate them. Some 
guidebooks and Internet resources identify specific public 
places where sexual activity occurs. 

 
Organized public events. Some festivals, parades, and 
college events have reputations for allowing, if not 
encouraging, certain types of public sexual behavior. 
For example, the flashing of breasts and genitals is 
common during Mardi Gras celebrations (whether in 
New Orleans or elsewhere).6 Annual campus events 
may include streaking or mooning.7 The presence of 
numerous people engaging in the behavior and the lack 
of vigorous enforcement of laws or rules prohibiting it 
facilitate its occurrence. 
 
"Lovers' lanes." Couples lacking a private venue may 
engage in sexual behavior in cars parked on secluded 
streets, in parking lots, or in alleys, or they may go to 
secluded areas of parks or beaches. Other couples may 
want to be seen, and thus they go to places that are 
easily accessible, well marked, and continuously open.8 
 
Public restrooms. While anecdotal evidence suggests 
that opposite-sex couples sometimes engage in sexual 
activity in public restrooms, the majority of research 
and public concern has focused on same-sex activity at 
such sites. Public restrooms so employed are often 
called "tearooms," and the behavior itself is sometimes 
called "cottaging." Restrooms in public parks, shopping 
malls, department stores, train and bus stations, and 
gyms are popular locations for such activity. They are 
usually easily accessible, their structural features afford 
some privacy, and their layouts provide an opportunity 



to spot potential witnesses.9 For example, most activity 
takes place in a stall as far away from the restroom 
door as possible. If someone enters the restroom, the 
participants typically stop the activity.10
Selected restrooms are usually isolated and 
rarely used by those in the area for legitimate purposes 
(e.g., shopping). This very pretext allows participants to remain in the 
restroom for some time without seeming suspicious.11 
In contrast to gay bars or sex clubs, public restrooms 
are neutral places, and one's presence there does not 
automatically indicate a homosexual identity.12 

David Corbett 

picture of map with graffiti showing illicit sexual activity locations
Locations where illicit sexual activity occurs are often advertised 
locally with graffiti or to a wider audience using the Internet. 

Truck stops and highway rest areas. Truck stops and 
highway rest areas are also popular locations for same-
sex activity. They are easily accessible by vehicle, and 
provide a number of legitimate reasons for people's 
presence.13 The activity itself may take place in a 
vehicle, a restroom, or a secluded outdoor area. As with 
those who engage in sexual activity in public restrooms, 
those who do so at truck stops or rest areas generally 
don't want to be detected.14 

 They are also common locations for both heterosexual
and homosexual prostitution. 


Season, Time of Day, and Day of Week 

The climate likely has an influence on outdoor public 
sexual activity. Obviously, the colder it is, the less likely the 
activity. To the extent that public sexual activity may occur 
at a particular event or as a tradition occurring at a 
specific time of year (e.g., Mardi Gras, Spring Break), the 
season also may affect the amount of activity. The time of 
day's effect on such activity depends on the location's 
primary legitimate purpose. For example, at truck stops, 
activity may increase in the late-night and early-morning 
hours, when truckers have stopped for the night.15 As 
some department stores and shopping malls are closed on 
Sundays, no sexual activity occurs in their restrooms then. 

David Corbett 

picture of public rest area

Motivations 

Although people engage in public sexual activity for 
various reasons, some common patterns exist among the 
main types of behavior and location. 


Exhibitionism occurs in a wide variety of settings. When 
taken to an extreme, it suggests the exhibitionist is prone 
to paraphilia,16 "a pattern of recurring sexually 
arousingbehavior that involves unusual and esp. socially 
unacceptable sexual practices..." (Merriam-Webster's 
Collegiate Dictionary, 11th ed.). Milder forms of 
exhibitionism, such as nude sunbathing or flashing during 
Mardi Gras celebrations, often occur because the 
participant feels anonymous in a large group. Crowds 
stimulate people to act in ways they would not normally 
do among their peers or in more regulated situations.17 
Drinking alcohol, and the resulting loss of inhibition, is 
often identified as a contributing factor.18 While perceived 
anonymity may facilitate the behavior, participants also 
crave the attention, admiration, and validation they may 
receive from those who observe them.19 

In contrast, some couplesparticularly teenagersengage in 
sexual activity in public because they have nowhere else to 
do so. A lack of privacy may also be the reason for male 
sexual activity in public restrooms. In particular, men with 
heterosexual identities may want to conceal their behavior 
from significant others. Their heterosexual identities also 
deter them from using other, less-public venues such as 
gay bars or sex clubs.20 Some homosexual men also lack 
the freedom to pursue same-sex partners privately due to 
family or peer disapproval.21 A community's condemnation 
of homosexuality may drive the behavior to remote, 
although public, locations, particularly among those 
exploring their sexuality and not yet connected to the gay 
community.22 


Public sexual activity is not always simply a solution for 
those lacking a private alternative. Those who engage in 
"dogging" want strangers to watch them. Having an 
audience heightens their pleasure, and they may feel 
validated by others' wanting to watch and enjoy their 
"performance."23 For others, the risk of being caught 
engaging in public sexual activity serves as an aphrodisiac 
and increases their overall pleasure.24 

Sexual activity in "tearooms," parks, rest areas, and truck 
stops is usually impersonal and anonymous, and does not 
lead to complicated entanglements involving 
commitments, obligations, or expectations from either 
party.25 Those dissatisfied with their sex lives with their 
partners may consider engaging in anonymous and 
impersonal sexual activity as less problematic than having 
an affair.26 And there's no need to solicit a prostitute, as 
the sex is free.27 Finally, those engaging in anonymous 
sexual activity generally needn't worry about assessments 
of their physical attractiveness or social class, judgments 
often made in formal dating situations.28 

Transactions 

Researchers know more about what leads to some forms 
of public sexual activity than they do about others. Why 
people sunbathe nude or teenagers park at "lovers' lanes" 
has not been well researched. In contrast, researchers 
better understand flashing during Mardi Gras. The 
widespread occurrence of flashing during the festivities 
has been attributed to the accumulation of beaded 
necklaces in return for doing so.29 The "negotiations" 
regarding the exchange serve to legitimize it.30 


With the advent of the Internet, the practice of "dogging" 
has become more widespread. Those who want to be 
observed engaging in sexual activity use Internet chat 
rooms to provide potential audiences with dates, times, 
and locations.31 People also use chat rooms to offer tips to 
those interested in watching or participating in public 
sexual encounters. For example, the patterned use of 
parked vehicles' turn signals, interior lights, and window 
openings can serve as signals to interested parties. 

Men seeking anonymous sexual contact with men in public 
restrooms must adhere to a highly structured and 
sequential pattern of interaction.32 These "scripts" 
generally involve eye contact, movement, and position in 
the restroom, and very rarely include any verbal 
exchange.33 The specific patterns differ, but are just as 
compulsory, in other settings such as truck stops and rest 
areas.34 Legitimate park or restroom users may be 
concerned about being sexually propositioned by other 
men. However, given the complexity of the behavioral 
scripts guiding these transactions, mistaken propositions 
are unlikely.35 

Collateral Consequences 

Engaging in public sexual activity carries with it many 
risks, including the following: 

 Unwanted exposure. Despite selecting a public 
location for sexual activity, many participants do not 
wish to be seen and publicly exposed. Whether through 
publicity resulting from police contact or through the 
broadcast of a "Girls Gone Wild" videotape, such 
exposure can have devastating social consequences. 


 
Unintended or unwelcome audiences. The very 
nature of public places means that those engaging in 
sexual activity there can't control who's in the 
immediate vicinity. Some people are concerned that 
young children or others who would find the behavior 
offensive might unwittingly witness it. In other cases, 
nude sunbathers or teenagers using a "lovers' lane" 
may be observed and/or approached by an unwelcome 
audience. Unwelcome voyeurs and would-be 
participants pose a risk to those engaged in all forms of 
public sexual activity. 
 
Violence. The risk of violence is particularly acute for 
men engaging in same-sex activity in public. Those who 
patronize public sex environments commonly feel at 
risk of victimization by "gay bashers," and some have 
developed strategies to minimize this risk, including:36 
 
refraining from initiating activity, particularly through
verbal means;
 
carrying a weapon or attention-getting device (e.g., a
whistle);
 
patronizing cruising sites with a friend, and
periodically checking in with each other; and
 
limiting activity to familiar places that allow for a
quick and easy escape.


Witnessing a woman exposing her breasts may lead some 
men, particularly those under the influence of alcohol, to 
believe they have permission to pursue sexual activity with 
her. As a result, flashers potentially risk unwanted sexual 
advances and sexual assaults. Highly publicized cases like 
that of David Berkowitz (aka the "Son of Sam") exposed 
the risk of violence for those using "lovers' lanes." Studies 
have shown that women who actively resist an attack are 
more likely to thwart a rapist, without increasing their risk 
of serious injury, than are women who don't.37 



 HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted 
diseases. Men patronizing public sex locations have 
long been identified as a population at increased risk of 
contracting HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted 
diseases. Historically, there have been three main risk-
reduction strategies: 1) openly discussing one's sexual 
history, 2) limiting one's number of sexual partners, 
and 3) practicing "safe sex." Clearly, the first two are at 
odds with regularly having anonymous sex.38 Some 
suggest that heterosexually identified men who engage 
in same-sex public activity may deny their risk of HIV 
exposure and disregard important precautions.39 
Because these men are not in the traditional target 
populations for prevention and education efforts, their 
knowledge of safe-sex practices has been questioned. 
Yet research has found that men who participate in 
sexual activity in public restrooms tend to be highly 
knowledgeable about HIV and its transmission.40 
Further, whether participants practice safe sex appears 
to depend more on the situational dynamics and 
participants' characteristics than on the location's being 
public.41 Nevertheless, outreach and education efforts 
continue to target this population to minimize the 
overall public health risk. 


Understanding Your Local Problem 

The information provided above is only a generalized 
description of illicit public sexual activity. You must 
combine the basic facts with a more specific 
understanding of your local problem. Analyzing the local 
problem carefully will help you design a more effective 
response strategy. 

Asking the Right Questions 

The following are some critical questions you should ask 
when analyzing your particular problem with illicit public 
sexual activity, even if the answers are not always readily 
available. Your answers to these and other questions will 
help you choose the most appropriate set of responses 
later on. 

Community Members 

 
How concerned is the community about illicit public 
sexual activity? What particular activities concern them? 
What are their specific concerns? 
 
Which community groups are particularly concerned, 
and why? Are they willing to tolerate any form or level 
of public sexual activity? 
 
Does the police department have any affiliation with 
gay and other civil-rights groups that could share in 
efforts to address the issue? 


Victims 

 How many complaints has the police department 
received from people who have witnessed public sexual 
activity? What is the nature of the complaints? What 
are the complainants' characteristics? 


 Have any participants in public sexual activity been 
victimized? If so, how, and by whom? 

Participants 

 
What types of public sexual activity occur in your 
jurisdiction (e.g., nude sunbathing, flashing, opposite-
sex, same-sex)? 
 
What is known about the participants (e.g., age, gender, 
criminal history, marital status, residence)? 
 
What is known about their motivations for the 
behavior? To what extent do they fear exposure? 
 
What role do alcohol and drugs play in the participants' 
likelihood to engage in the behavior? 


Transactions 

 
How do the transactions for the various types of public 
sexual activity occur? 
 
Do the participants use the Internet to identify 
particular locations and attract audiences and/or other 
participants? 
 
How do strangers negotiate public sexual encounters? 
Does anything about these interactions lend itself to 
intervention? 


Locations/Times 

 
Where does public sexual activity occur? What factors 
attract the participants to the area(s)? Have the 
locations changed over time? If so, why? 
 
If the activity at a particular location were to be 
displaced to another area, where do you think that 
would be? Why? 



 
What legitimate uses of public places does the activity 
disrupt? What nuisances (e.g., trash) does it create? 
 
Does public sexual activity benefit any businesses? 
Would publicity about such activity occurring at or near 
their locations harm any businesses? 
 
Does the amount of activity at each location vary by 
season? By day of week or time of day? What accounts 
for these variations? 


Current Responses 

 
How concerned is your department about public sexual 
activity? Where does such activity rank on the 
department's priority list? 
 
How does the department currently handle the 
problem? What is the prosecutor's policy regarding 
offenses? What is the typical sentence imposed? To 
what extent are arrests and prosecutions publicized? 
 
Has the department undertaken undercover decoy 
operations to deal with the problem? If so, how did the 
community react to the operations? How successful 
were they in reducing the problem? 
 
Has the department targeted same-sex and opposite-sex 
activity? 
 
Aside from arrest and prosecution, what other 
responses have been applied to the problem? Have any 
been effective? 
 
Has the public health community been involved with 
this issue? What do they know that could aid in your 
response? 



Measuring Your Effectiveness 

Measurement allows you to determine to what degree your 
efforts have succeeded, and suggests how you might 
modify your responses if they are not producing the 
intended results. You should take measures of your 
problem before you implement responses, to determine how 
serious the problem is, and after you implement them, to 
determine whether they have been effective. All measures 
should be taken in both the target area and the 
surrounding area. (For more detailed guidance on 
measuring effectiveness, see the companion guide to this 
series, Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory Guide 
for Police Problem-Solvers.) 

The following are potentially useful measures of the 
effectiveness of responses to public sexual activity: 

 
reduced number of citizen complaints (both formal and 
informal) about such activity; 
 
reduced number of people observed "cruising" (i.e., 
seeking a partner or audience for sexual activity) at a 
particular location; 
 
evidence that the activity has been displaced to other 
locations, days of the week, or times of the day 
(displacement could either improve or worsen the 
problem, but in any case suggests that the responses 
are having some effect on the problem); 
 
reduced number of participants who report being 
victimized (e.g., assaulted, robbed); 
 
reduced number of arrests of repeat offenders; 
 
reduced volume of discarded condoms, lubricants, and 
other related refuse in the area; and 
 
increased number of people legitimately using the 
location. 



Responses to the Problem of Illicit 
Sexual Activity in Public Places 

Your analysis of your local problem should give you a 
better understanding of the factors contributing to it. 
Once you have analyzed your local problem and 
established a baseline for measuring effectiveness, you 
should consider possible responses to address the 
problem. 

The following response strategies provide a foundation of 
ideas for addressing your particular problem. These 
strategies are drawn from a variety of research studies and 
police reports. Several of these strategies may apply to 
your community's problem. It is critical that you tailor 
responses to local circumstances, and that you can justify 
each response based on reliable analysis. In most cases, an 
effective strategy will involve implementing several 
different responses. Law enforcement responses alone are 
seldom effective in reducing or solving the problem. Do 
not limit yourself to considering what police can do; 
carefully consider whether others in your community share 
responsibility for the problem and can help police better 
respond to it. 

General Considerations for an Effective Strategy 

Most researchers and practitioners agree that focusing 
solely on arresting those engaging in public sexual activity 
is unlikely to reduce the overall scope of the problem. In 
your response strategy, you should acknowledge that it will 
be difficult to affect people's motivations for engaging in 
the activity. A balanced approach combining enforcement 
strategies and those targeting environments that support 


the behavior is most likely to decrease the prevalence of 
the activity and the public's concern about it. 

Used alone, enforcement efforts are likely to lead to 
displacement. Although not the most desirable outcome, 
there is evidence that when displacement does occur, the 
magnitude of the problem decreases with the move to a 
new location. New locations are often less desirable for 
several reasons, including distance and suitability. Further, 
changes in the times of day or days of the week on which 
the problems occur mean that response affected the 
problem in some way. When displacement occurs, police 
can often better manage the problem. 

In the past, police have been criticized for using 
undercover or decoy operations. These operations, 
particularly when conducted improperly, leave the police 
vulnerable to entrapment claims. In addition, an exclusive 
focus on environments in which same-sex interactions 
occur can result in charges of bias and discrimination. 
Therefore, you must address the full range of public 
sexual activity and target particular locations based on 
objective, justifiable assessments of threats to public 
safety. 

 In 2000, the Lambda Legal Defense and Education Fund filed 
suit against the Los Angeles Police Department for its allegedly
discriminatory law enforcement tactics targeting gay men. See 
www.lambdalegal.org/cgi-bin/iowa/documents/record?record=555.

If same-sex public interactions are part of your local 
problem, you should develop partnerships with local 
leaders of the gay and lesbian community and involve 
them in problem-solving. Not only can their endorsement 
go a long way toward addressing charges of bias or 
discrimination, but local leaders can also publicize the 
problem among the larger gay population and rally 


support for the responses. Similarly, efforts to control 
public sexual activity may affect local businesses, whose 
perspectives you should consider when planning your responses. 

 The Denver Police Department, Equality Colorado (a statewide gay-
rights organization), and Cheesman Park West Neighborhood Association 
formed a coalition to address problems caused by sexual
activity in a public park. The partnership helped to "build bridges
over the gay community's persistent fear and mistrust of law 
enforcement" (Luzadder 2000).

 For example, Mardi Gras celebrations contribute an estimated
$1 billion to the New Orleans economy each year (Filosa 2002).

Finally, some of the responses below suggest some level 
of tolerance of the behavioran approach that has had  
some success in Europe. However, community and 
 political attitudes will make tolerance-based responses  
either more or less feasible. Therefore, before you design  
any responses, you must assess how much public sexual  
activity your community will tolerate. You can initiate 
candid and specific discussions about the types of activity 
to target by using videotapes and photographs to  
document the scope of the problem.  


 The Santa Ana (Calif.) Police Department used videotape and 
photographs to document the types of sexual activity occurring in a 
public park. The visual aids revealed the extent of the problem and were 
used to advocate special court-imposed probation conditions. They 
were also used to counter criticism of police efforts, as they showed
activity clearly unsuitable for a public park (Santa Ana Police
Department 2001).


Specific Responses to Illicit Sexual Activity in Public  Places 
Enforcement-Based Responses 

Enforcement-based responses may be particularly effective  
when applied to activity such as flashing during annual  
events, because this conduct is often considered 
acceptable  unless police demonstrate a commitment to controlling it.  
In particular, regarding annual events, there is reason to 
believe that the word will quickly spread that the police no 
longer tolerate such behavior. 


1. Posting notices. In areas with high activity levels (e.g., 
streets on a Mardi Gras parade route, certain rest areas or 
restrooms), notices can warn potential offenders that public 
sexual activity is a crime that can lead to arrest. Such notices 
must be specific enough for the target population to recognize 
their risk, but general enough that they do not offend the casual 
observer.


 The San Diego Police Department posted the 
following notice in conspicuous locations 
throughout a public park: "Lewd  Conduct 
Laws Strictly Enforced.  Lewd Acts in Public 
Are a Violation of 647(a) PC. All Areas 
Within This Park Are Public 
Places. Violators Will Be Arrested" 
(Hall and Brady 1994). Similarly, in 
an effort to reduce flashing during 
Mardi Gras, New Orleans police 
posted approximately 1,000 posters 
throughout the French Quarter 
warning parade watchers that 
flashing is a crime that carries a 
$1,000 fine and jail time (Times-
Picayune 2000). 


sign warning against public self-exposure
www.mindspring.com/~fnw3/nonudity.jpg 


Signs warning against exposing 
oneself in public serve to increase 
awareness of acceptable practice. 

2. Issuing warnings. Rather than making an arrest, police 
can issue warnings to suspected participants in public 
sexual activity. For example, police can warn women 
observed flashing their breasts that continuing to do so 
will result in arrest. Similarly, police can stop and warn 
men observed cruising known locations for public 
trysting. Because many people do not want their behavior 
to be exposed to family and friends, specific deterrence 
may be effective. If the behavior occurs in a crowd that 
largely supports the participants (e.g., during Mardi Gras), 
police should be aware of the potential for conflict and 
use a non-confrontational approach.42 

 Establishing the legal grounds 
to stop a vehicle can be 
problematic because it is difficult 
to distinguish innocent from 
suspicious behavior. Departments 
wishing to use this response 
should seek legal advice. 


In addition, police can contact the registered owners of 
cars parked in public areas with high sexual activity levels. 
Letters notifying owners that police observed their car in 
such an area can also warn of the risk of violence and the 
health consequences of participating in anonymous,  
unprotected sexual activity.43 However, because the  
targeted behaviors are not serious public-safety risks,
concerns about this response's potential to deter legitimate 
patrons from using the areas and about unnecessary
invasions of privacy may outweigh the response's potential
effectiveness.


3. 
Creating the illusion of surveillance. The risk of 
being witnessed is sometimes enough to deter potential 
participants from using a location for sexual activity. 
Installing video cameras (whether operable or not), 
parking decoy police vehicles, distributing fliers, or posting 
warning signs about routine patrols suggests to those 
seeking privacy that they will likely be detected.

 The Santa Ana Police Department 
stationed unmanned, marked police  
cars throughout a park to give the
illusion of constant police presence
(Santa Ana Police Department 2001).

4. 
Establishing highly visible patrols. Although some 
participants in public sexual activity seek an audience, 
others want privacy. Uniformed police officers and park 
rangers in patrol cars, on foot, or on bicycle can deny 
potential participants privacy for such activity. Opening a 
police substation (e.g., mobile office) can also effectively 
increase the level of police activity in a particularly 
problematic area. However, this is a labor-intensive and 
thus costly response. 



5. 
Shifting enforcement responsibility to private 
security firms. Many shopping malls contract with private 
security firms to patrol both indoor and outdoor areas. 
Similarly, most colleges have campus police who patrol the 
grounds and buildings. Assigning these firms responsibility 
for maintaining the safety and security of facilities within 
their patrol areas can free police departments from 
devoting resources to nuisance behaviors.44 Further, by 
handling these cases internally, businesses and schools can 
avoid negative publicity, and suspects may be spared the 
social devastation that can accompany an arrest made 
public. 
6. 
Imposing "stay away" orders. As a condition of 
either bail or probation, courts can order those arrested 
for engaging in public sexual activity to stay away from 
public areas where the activity is prevalent. While these 
orders can reduce the activity level in targeted areas, they 
are also likely to displace the activity to other locations. 
7. 
Using police crackdowns. Police usually make large-
scale arrests in response to intense public pressure to 
control a problem. They effectively interrupt entrenched 
behavioral patterns. However, because such crackdowns 
require significant manpower, they are unlikely to be 
sustained for a significant time, and thus have limited 
effectiveness as a long-term solution. Further, even when 
the behavior is relatively limited in terms of geography 
and time (e.g., flashing at Mardi Gras), the sheer scale of 
such operations makes them very difficult to implement. 



Environment-Based Responses 

8. 
Designating geographic boundaries. If the 
community is willing to tolerate some level of public 
sexual activity, specific zones can be created that permit 
users to engage in certain behaviors without risk of arrest. 
Such zones should be well away from main recreation 
areas, should be clearly identified with markers and signs, 
and should include trash cans. This response has been 
effective with lower-level behaviors such as nude 
sunbathing, but could plausibly be adapted to other 
behaviors as well. 

 The North Wales Police 
Department addressed complaints 
about indecent exposure by nude 
sunbathers by clearly designating the 
boundaries of a nude-sunbathing 
area, and posting signs reminding 
sunbathers to stay within the 
boundaries and to dress fully before 
returning to public areas (North 
Wales Police Department 2002). 

9. 
Improving lighting. Improved lighting in problem 
areas reduces their attractiveness as trysting locations 
because the lighting reduces perceived privacy levels. 
Tamper-resistant, motion-sensing lighting may be useful at 
restroom entrances and in alleys. 

10. 
Cutting back bushes and other vegetation. Eliminating the 
physical cover of overgrown areas in parks 
or rest areas can improve surveillance opportunities. 
However, cutting back bushes and other vegetation might 
degrade the ecosystem and aesthetics of parks and 
wilderness areas. 

11. Redesigning restrooms. Restroom entrances' 
"envelope" or "maze" structure (i.e., walls or partitions 
that must be navigated to enter the restroom; used to 
prevent a direct line of sight into the restroom) can 
facilitate loitering and make police surveillance of activity 
occurring in and around restrooms difficult. Reorienting 
restroom entrances to face high-activity areas of a park or 




property, improving lighting (as previously noted), and 
using cut-away stall partitions reduce the level of privacy 
for illicit sexual activity.45 Similarly, single-user restrooms 
can reduce loitering and decrease the likelihood that 
someone entering the facility will inadvertently witness 
sexual activity. 

12. 
Relocating remote facilities. Some facilities are 
popular trysting locations because they are in remote areas 
of public places and do not attract large numbers of 
legitimate users. By moving restrooms or other problem 
facilities to areas with more activity, the level of legitimate 
usage may increase, deterring those seeking privacy for 
sexual encounters. 

13. 
Increasing the area's legitimate-activity levels. 
Locating dog-run areas, fitness facilities, or food-and-
beverage vending near problem areas of public places 
increases the amount of foot-traffic and informal 
surveillance. As a result of the increased public exposure, 
those who don't want any witnesses to their activities will 
likely decrease them. 

14. Limiting the location's hours of operation. The 
times of day when public sexual activity occurs vary 
depending on the type of activity, site, and community's 
individual characteristics. Specific time restrictions define 
the hours for legitimate use of the area, while limiting 
operation during the period when most problem behavior 
occurs.46 


sign with rules for public park
Clearly posted signs indicating rules 
such as time restrictions on the use of 
public areas can help reduce 
unwanted activity. 

15. Closing the problem facility, street, or area. When 
a combination of enforcement and environmental 
strategies fails to reduce illicit-activity levels, it may be 
prudent to close the facility, street, or area to the public. 

Publicity-Based Responses 

16. Using the media to deter potential offenders from 
frequenting trysting spots. Print and television media 
coverage can highlight the community's focus on the 
problem and stress the consequences for potential 
offenders, thus serving as a deterrent. Coverage in 
publications catering to the gay community can also help 
to discourage use of the problem locations. 

 The San Diego Sheriff's 
Department's partnership with the 
North County Gay and Lesbian 
Association led to stories in gay 
publications that educated readers 
about the dangers of cruising and 
discouraged them from using 
specific locations being targeted by 
police (Won 1996). 

Paradoxically, media coverage may also increase activity 
levels at the identified locations. For some, the increased 
attention may heighten their excitement about engaging in 
illicit sexual behavior.47 For others, the publicity may 
confirm a location's reputation as a good place to find 
partners. 


17. Requesting the removal of website and guidebook 
location references. Removing references to specific 
locations from websites and guidebooks that advertise 
cruising areas can reduce the number of potential patrons. 
If websites and guidebooks refuse to remove location 
references, a second option is for police to post 
information about enforcement activities (either real or 
fictitious) to deter potential participants from using the 
locations.48 

 The San Diego Police Department 
made a written request to a variety of
websites and guidebooks that listed a
targeted property as a popular
cruising location. Some organizations
complied with their request; others 
did not (Hall and Brady 1994).

Responses With Limited Effectiveness 

18. Using undercover decoys. While using undercover 
officers to pose as interested parties in illicit same-sex 
public activity can lead to many arrests, such operations 
have not had long-term effectiveness in reducing overall 
activity levels. At best, they temporarily displace the 
activity to other locations, and the activity usually returns 
to prior levels once the operations have ceased. Further, 
given the active role that undercover officers must take to 
confirm suspects' intentions, the police may be vulnerable 
to entrapment claims. In addition, many officers are 
reluctant to serve as decoys because of the customary 
behavioral scripts they must follow.49 Finally, some may see 
the serious social consequences of the publicity following 
an arrest as disproportionate to the severity of the 
offense.50 


19. Harassing or intimidating suspects. Many who 
engage in public sexual activity do not want witnesses and 
try to avoid being seen. Thus, it can be difficult for police 
to obtain probable cause for an arrest. When the 
community pressures police to address the problem, 
officers may resort to harassing or intimidating those 
observed loitering in parks or rest areas. This approach 
undermines police integrity, can create tension with the 
gay and lesbian community and other residents concerned 
about civil rights, and has not proved particularly 
effective.51 


Appendix: Summary of Responses to 
Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places 

The table below summarizes the responses to public 
sexual activity, the mechanism by which they are intended 
to work, the conditions under which they ought to work 
best, and some factors you should consider before 
implementing a particular response. It is critical that you 
tailor responses to local circumstances, and that you can 
justify each response based on reliable analysis. In most 
cases, an effective strategy will involve implementing 
several different responses. Law enforcement responses 
alone are seldom effective in reducing or solving the 
problem. 

Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It Works Works Best If Considerations 
Enforcement-Based Responses1. 20 Posting notices Targets potentialoffenders who 
may not know 
the behavior is 
illegal, and 
deters those who 
fear social and 
criminal-justice 
consequences 
the notices 
clearly define thetargeted behavior, 
are conspicuousand seen by 
potentialoffenders, and are 
supplemented by 
surveillance or 
patrol 
It may stigmatizethe site and deter 
legitimate use 
2. 20 Issuing warnings Provides the 
opportunity forspecificdeterrence, 
without the costs 
of a formal 
arrest 
patrol activities 
and information 
are synchronized 
so that police canidentify repeat 
offenders 
The 
consequencesmay not be seen 
as certain enoughto deter the 
behavior; 
recipients ofwarnings mayobject to thepresumedcriminal intent; 
warnings coulddeter legitimate 
users 


Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It Works Works Best If Considerations 
3. 21 Creating theillusion of 
surveillance 
Destroys theillusion of 
privacy, deterringthose who fear 
exposure 
potentialoffenders believe 
the surveillance 
is real 
Increased policeactivity may give 
legitimate usersthe impressionthat the area isn't 
safe; the efforts 
may give the 
public a falsesense of security 
4. 21 Establishinghighly visiblepatrols 
Indicates that 
the police willdetect illicit 
activity, deterringthose who fear 
exposure 
patrolschedules are 
regular, but 
unpredictable 
An increased 
sense of danger 
may heighten the 
excitement for 
some participants;
increased policeactivity may give 
legitimate usersthe impressionthat the area isn't 
safe 
5. 22 Shiftingenforcement 
responsibility toprivate security 
firms 
Increases the 
frequency ofpatrol 
businesses or 
other 
organizations 
have both a 
vested interest in 
controlling thebehavior and 
sufficient 
resources for 
private patrols 
Delegatingresponsibility may 
suggest that the 
police aren'tconcerned about 
the problem 
6. 22 Imposing "stay 
away" orders 
Restricts the 
activity ofknown offenders 
there's 
adequatemonitoring, and 
the police have 
the information 
It may displace the 
activity to other 
areas; it requires 
legal authority toenforce 
to identifyoffenders 


Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It Works Works Best If Considerations 
7. 22 Using policecrackdowns 
Increases the 
likelihood of 
arrest, deterringthose who fear 
exposure 
it's used as a 
short-term 
method to 
interrupt 
entrenched 
behavioral 
patterns, and is 
supplementedwith more-
sustained 
responses 
Crackdowns are 
costly; they requiresignificantmanpower; they 
can overwhelm the 
criminal justicesystem with lower-
level offenders 
Environment-Based Responses8. 23 Designatinggeographicboundaries 
Reduces the 
likelihood of 
inadvertent 
observation 
the boundaries 
are clearlymarked, and 
activity outside 
of the 
Some may think itcondones publicsexual activity 
boundaries is 
discouraged 
9. 23 Improvinglighting 
Increases the 
ability tomonitor activity 
the current 
lighting isinadequate, and 
participants do 
not want to be 
Installing andmaintaining thelighting may be 
costly 
observed 
10. 23 Cutting back 
bushes and 
other vegetation 
Improves the 
ability tomonitor activity 
vegetation is 
providing cover 
for the activity, 
and participants 
don't want to be 
observed 
It may have 
negative ecologicaland aesthetic 
effects; the publicwill more easilynotice those who-
despite the lack of 
cover-persist in 
engaging in the 
activity 
11. 23 Redesigning 
restrooms 
Improves the 
ability tomonitor activity, 
reducing thesense of privacy 
the new designdoes not deter 
legitimate users 
Renovation costs 
may be substantial 
some 
participantsdesire 


Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It Works Works Best If Considerations 
12. 24 Relocatingremote facilities 
Increases 
informal 
surveillance by 
increasinglegitimate use 
the new 
location 
encourages 
legitimate use 
Relocation costs 
may be substantial 
13. 24 Increasing thearea's 
legitimate-
activity levels 
Increases 
informal 
surveillance, and 
demonstrates 
that those who 
want to use the 
area legitimatelyare fed up withthe illicit 
legitimate useis consistent and 
occurs duringtimes when 
illegal activities 
have generally 
occurred 
It may take time to 
reassure legitimateusers that the area 
has been reclaimed 
and is safe for 
their activities, and 
for children 
activities 
14. 24 Limiting thelocation's hours 
of operation 
Increases the 
difficulty infinding an areafor trysting 
 the 
community 
supports the 
change, and the 
area is patrolledduring off-hours 
The community 
may object to 
having less timefor legitimateactivities 
15. 25 Closing theproblem facility, 
street, or area 
Increases the 
difficulty infinding alocation for 
trysting 
the 
community 
supports the 
change, and any 
barriers used 
cannot be 
It may beinconvenient for 
legitimate users 
breached 
Publicity-Based Responses16. 25 Using the mediato deter 
potentialoffenders from 
frequentingtrysting spots 
Deters those 
who fear 
exposure 
enforcement 
activities are seen 
as fair and 
unbiased, and 
the publicity issustained over 
time 
It may increaseillicit-activity levels 
by heightening 
participants' sense 
of excitement or 
by confirming alocation's 
reputation as anactive cruising area 


Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It Works Works Best If Considerations 
17. 26 Requesting the 
removal of 
website and 
guidebooklocation 
Limits the 
number of 
potentialparticipants 
aware of 
the highactivity levels at 
the targeted 
locations are the 
result of the 
Organizations that 
provide such 
information mayrefuse to cooperate 
references trysting locations publicity they've 
received 
Responses With Limited Effectiveness 
18. 26 Usingundercover 
Temporarily 
removes 
This response isvulnerable to 
decoys offenders from 
circulation; the 
social 
consequencesmay shame 
participants anddeter repeated 
activity 
claims of 
entrapment ordiscrimination; the 
social 
consequences may 
be devastating and 
out of proportion 
to the seriousness 
of the offense; 
officers may bereluctant to take 
on such 
assignments 
19. 27 Harassing orintimidating 
suspects 
Discourages 
potentialoffenders from 
frequentingtargeted 
locations 
It undermines 
police integrity; it 
may create tensionwith the gay 
community ifsame-sex activities 
are specificallytargeted 


Endnotes 

1 Van Lieshout (1995).
2 For example, Desroches (1990), Byrne (2003), Forsyth


(1992), and Redmon (2002). 
3 Humphreys (1975); Schultz (1998); Desroches (1990). 
4 Nardi (1995). 
5 Schultz (1998). 
6 Forsyth (1992); Redmon (2003). 
7 Anderson (1977). 
8 Mendenhall (2003); Byrne (2003). 
9 Huber and Kleinplatz (2002). 
10 Desroches (1990). 
11 Desroches (1990). 
12 Schultz (1998). 
13 Corzine and Kirby (1977). 
14 Troiden (1974); Corzine and Kirby (1977); Michael 

(1997). 
15 Corzine and Kirby (1977). 
16 American Psychiatric Association (2000). 
17 Redmon (2002). 
18 Redmon (2003). 
19 Redmon (2003). 
20 Gray (1988). 
21 Murray (1999). 
22 Schultz (1998). 
23 Byrne (2003). 
24 Nardi (1995); Desroches (1990). 
25 Desroches (1990). 
26 Tewksbury (1995). 
27 Tewksbury (1995). 
28 Schultz (1998). 
29 Shrum and Kilburn (1996). 
30 Shrum and Kilburn (1996). 
31 Mendenhall (2003). 


32 Gray (1988).
33 Gray (1988).
34 See Michael (1997) and Troiden (1974).
35 Troiden (1974); Gray (1988); Desroches (1990);


Michael (1997). 
36 Tewksbury (1995). 
37 Jabvorek (1979); Quinsey and Upfold (1985); Ullman 

and Knight (1991). 
38 Schultz (1998). 
39 Leap (1999). 
40 Church and Green (1993). 
41 Clatts (1999). 
42 Anderson (1977). 
43 Hall and Brady (1994). 
44 Desroches (1991). 
45 Cockfield and Moss (2002). 
46 Santa Ana Police Department (2001). 
47 Tewksbury (1995). 
48 Santa Ana Police Department (2001). 
49 Gray (1988). 
50 Gordon and Hendricks (1998). 
51 Schultz (1998). 


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About the Author 

Kelly Dedel Johnson 

Kelly Dedel Johnson is the Director of One in 37 Research, Inc., a 
criminal justice consulting firm based in Portland, Ore. As a 
consultant to federal, state, and local agencies, her research on the 
juvenile and criminal justice systems takes one of three major forms: 
1) developing written tools to enhance practice or inform public 
policy; 2) conducting investigations of the conditions of confinement 
in juvenile correctional facilities; and 3) undertaking rigorous 
evaluations of various juvenile and criminal justice programs to 
determine their effectiveness. She has provided evaluation-related 
technical assistance to over 60 jurisdictions across the country for the 
Bureau of Justice Assistance. In this capacity, Dr. Dedel Johnson 
worked with a broad range of criminal justice programs implemented 
by police, prosecutors, public defenders, local jails, community 
corrections, and prisons. Dr. Dedel Johnson consults with the 
Department of Justice as a monitor/investigator of civil rights 
violations in juvenile correctional facilities, most often in the area of 
education. Among her other research interests are prisoner reentry, 
risk assessment and offender classification, and juveniles in adult 
correctional facilities. Prior to working as a consultant, she was a 
founder and senior research scientist at The Institute on Crime, Justice 
and Corrections at The George Washington University, and was a 
senior research associate at the National Council on Crime and 
Delinquency. Dr. Dedel Johnson received bachelor's degrees in 
psychology and criminal justice from the University of Richmond and 
a doctorate in clinical psychology from the Center for Psychological 
Studies in Berkeley, Calif. 


Recommended Readings 

 
A Police Guide to Surveying Citizens and Their 
Environments, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 1993. This 
guide offers a practical introduction for police practitioners 
to two types of surveys that police find useful: surveying 
public opinion and surveying the physical environment. It 
provides guidance on whether and how to conduct cost-
effective surveys. 
 
Assessing Responses to Problems: An 
Introductory Guide for Police Problem-Solvers, by 
John E. Eck (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of 
Community Oriented Policing Services, 2001). This guide is 
a companion to the Problem-Oriented Guides for Police series. It 
provides basic guidance to measuring and assessing 
problem-oriented policing efforts. 
 
Conducting Community Surveys, by Deborah Weisel 
(Bureau of Justice Statistics and Office of Community 
Oriented Policing Services, 1999). This guide, along with 
accompanying computer software, provides practical, basic 
pointers for police in conducting community surveys. The 
document is also available at www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs. 
 
Crime Prevention Studies, edited by Ronald V. Clarke 
(Criminal Justice Press, 1993, et seq.). This is a series of 
volumes of applied and theoretical research on reducing 
opportunities for crime. Many chapters are evaluations of 
initiatives to reduce specific crime and disorder problems. 



 
Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing:The 1999 
Herman Goldstein Award Winners. This document 
produced by the National Institute of Justice in 
collaboration with the Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services and the Police Executive Research Forum 
provides detailed reports of the best submissions to the 
annual award program that recognizes exemplary problem-
oriented responses to various community problems. A 
similar publication is available for the award winners from 
subsequent years. The documents are also available at 
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij. 
 
Not Rocket Science? Problem-Solving and Crime 
Reduction, by Tim Read and Nick Tilley (Home Office 
Crime Reduction Research Series, 2000). Identifies and 
describes the factors that make problem-solving effective or 
ineffective as it is being practiced in police forces in 
England and Wales. 
 
Opportunity Makes the Thief: Practical Theory for 
Crime Prevention, by Marcus Felson and Ronald V. 
Clarke (Home Office Police Research Series, Paper No. 98, 
1998). Explains how crime theories such as routine activity 
theory, rational choice theory and crime pattern theory have 
practical implications for the police in their efforts to 
prevent crime. 
 
Problem Analysis in Policing, by Rachel Boba (Police 
Foundation, 2003). Introduces and defines problem 
analysis and provides guidance on how problem analysis 
can be integrated and institutionalized into modern 
policing practices. 



Recommended Readings 

 
Problem-Oriented Policing, by Herman Goldstein 
(McGraw-Hill, 1990, and Temple University Press, 1990). 
Explains the principles and methods of problem-oriented 
policing, provides examples of it in practice, and discusses 
how a police agency can implement the concept. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing and Crime 
Prevention, by Anthony A. Braga (Criminal Justice 
Press, 2003). Provides a thorough review of significant 
policing research about problem places, high-activity 
offenders, and repeat victims, with a focus on the 
applicability of those findings to problem-oriented 
policing. Explains how police departments can facilitate 
problem-oriented policing by improving crime analysis, 
measuring performance, and securing productive 
partnerships. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the 
First 20 Years, by Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of 
Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 
2000). Describes how the most critical elements of 
Herman Goldstein's problem-oriented policing model have 
developed in practice over its 20-year history, and proposes 
future directions for problem-oriented policing. The report 
is also available at www.cops.usdoj.gov. 
 
Problem-Solving: Problem-Oriented Policing in 
Newport News, by John E. Eck and William Spelman 
(Police Executive Research Forum, 1987). Explains the 
rationale behind problem-oriented policing and the 
problem-solving process, and provides examples of 
effective problem-solving in one agency. 



 
Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing Crime 
and Disorder Through Problem-Solving 
Partnerships by Karin Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott 
Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and Meg Townsend. (U.S. 
Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, 1998) (also available at 
www.cops.usdoj.gov). Provides a brief introduction to 
problem-solving, basic information on the SARA model 
and detailed suggestions about the problem-solving process. 
 
Situational Crime Prevention: Successful Case 
Studies, Second Edition, edited by Ronald V. Clarke 
(Harrow and Heston, 1997). Explains the principles and 
methods of situational crime prevention, and presents over 
20 case studies of effective crime prevention initiatives. 
 
Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems: 
Case Studies in Problem-Solving, by Rana Sampson 
and Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of 
Community Oriented Policing Services, 2000) (also available 
at www.cops.usdoj.gov). Presents case studies of effective 
police problem-solving on 18 types of crime and disorder 
problems. 
 
Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook 
for Law Enforcement, by Timothy S. Bynum (U.S. 
Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, 2001). Provides an introduction for 
police to analyzing problems within the context of 
problem-oriented policing. 
 
Using Research: A Primer for Law Enforcement 
Managers, Second Edition, by John E. Eck and Nancy G. 
LaVigne (Police Executive Research Forum, 1994). Explains 
many of the basics of research as it applies to police 
management and problem-solving. 



Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides series: 

1. 
Assaults in and Around Bars. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-00-2 
2. 
Street Prostitution. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-01-0 
3. 
Speeding in Residential Areas. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-02-9 
4. 
Drug Dealing in Privately Owned Apartment Complexes. 
Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-03-7 
5. 
False Burglar Alarms. Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-04-5 
6. 
Disorderly Youth in Public Places. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-05-3 
7. 
Loud Car Stereos. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-06-1 
8. 
Robbery at Automated Teller Machines. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-07-X 
9. 
Graffiti. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-08-8 
10. 
Thefts Of and From Cars in Parking Facilities. Ronald V. 
Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-09-6 
11. 
Shoplifting. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-10-X 
12. 
Bullying in Schools. Rana Sampson. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-11-8 
13. 
Panhandling. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-12-6 
14. 
Rave Parties. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-13-4 
15. 
Burglary of Retail Establishments. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-14-2 
16. 
Clandestine Drug Labs. Michael S. Scott. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-15-0 
17. 
Acquaintance Rape of College Students. Rana Sampson. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-16-9 
18. 
Burglary of Single-Family Houses. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 
2002. ISBN: 1-932582-17-7 
19. 
Misuse and Abuse of 911. Rana Sampson. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-18-5 



20. Financial Crimes Against the Elderly. 

Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-22-3 

21. 
Check and Card Fraud. Graeme R. Newman. 2003. 
ISBN: 1-932582-27-4 
22. 
Stalking. The National Center for Victims of Crime. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-30-4 
23. 
Gun Violence Among Serious Young Offenders. Anthony A. 
Braga. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-31-2 
24. 
Prescription Fraud. Julie Wartell and Nancy G. La Vigne. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-33-9 
25. 
Identity Theft. Graeme R. Newman. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-35-3 
26. 
Crimes Against Tourists. Ronald W. Glensor and Kenneth J. Peak. 
2004. ISBN: 1-932582-36-3 
27. 
Underage Drinking. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-39-8 
28. 
Street Racing. Kenneth J. Peak and Ronald W. Glensor. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-42-8 
29. 
Cruising. Kenneth J. Peak and Ronald W. Glensor. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-43-6 
30. 
Disorder at Budget Motels. Karin Schmerler. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-932582-41-X 
31. 
Drug Dealing in Open-Air Markets. Alex Harocopos and Mike 
Hough. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-45-2 
32. 
Bomb Threats in Schools. Graeme R. Newman. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-932582-46-0 
33. 
Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-932582-47-9 


Response Guides series: 

 The Benefits and Consequences of Police Crackdowns. 

Michael S. Scott. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-24-X 

 Closing Streets and Alleys to Reduce Crime: Should You Go 
Down This Road? Ronald V. Clarke. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-41-X 


Problem-Solving Tools series: 

 Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory 
Guide for Police Problem-Solvers. John E. Eck. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-19-3 

Upcoming Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides 
Domestic Violence 
Mentally Ill Persons 
Robbery of Taxi Drivers 
Student Party Disturbances on College Campuses 
Vandalism and Break-Ins at Schools 
Drunk Driving 
Bank Robbery 
Witness Intimidation 
Drive-by Shootings 
Runaway Juveniles 
Exploitation of Trafficked Women 
Disorderly Day Laborers in Public Places 
Child Pornography 
Crowd Control at Stadiums and Other Entertainment Venues 
Traffic Congestion Around Schools 

Problem-Solving Tools 
Analyzing Repeat Victimization 
Forming and Sustaining Problem-Solving Partnerships with 

Businesses 
Using Offender Interviews to Inform Police Problem-Solving 
Researching a Problem 
Risky Facilities 


Response Guides 
Crime Prevention Publicity Campaigns 
Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design 
Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety Problems 
Video Surveillance of Public Places 

Other Related COPS Office Publications 

 
Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook 
for Law Enforcement. Timothy S. Bynum. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the First 
20 Years. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
 
Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems: 
Case Studies in Problem-Solving. Rana Sampson and 
Michael S. Scott. 2000. 
 
Community Policing, Community Justice, and 
Restorative Justice: Exploring the Links for the 
Delivery of a Balanced Approach to Public Safety. 


Caroline G. Nicholl. 1999. 

 
Toolbox for Implementing Restorative Justice and 
Advancing Community Policing. Caroline G. Nicholl. 
2000. 
 
Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing 
Crime and Disorder Through Problem-Solving 
Partnerships. Karin Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott 
Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and Meg Townsend. 1998. 
 
Bringing Victims into Community Policing. The 
National Center for Victims of Crime and the Police 
Foundation. 2002. 
 
Call Management and Community Policing. Tom 
McEwen, Deborah Spence, Russell Wolff, Julie Wartell 
and Barbara Webster. 2003. 



Appendix 

 
Crime Analysis in America. Timothy C. OShea and 
Keith Nicholls. 2003. 
 
Problem Analysis in Policing. Rachel Boba. 2003. 
 
Reducing Theft at Construction Sites: Lessons 
From a Problem-Oriented Project. Ronald V. Clarke 
and Herman Goldstein. 2003. 
 
The COPS Collaboration Toolkit: How to Build, 
Fix, and Sustain Productive Partnerships. Gwen O. 
Briscoe, Anna T. Laszlo and Tammy A. Rinehart. 
2001. 
 
The Law Enforcement Tech Guide: How to plan, 
purchase and manage technology (successfully!). 


Kelly J. Harris and William H. Romesburg. 2002. 

 Theft From Cars in Center City Parking 
Facilities - A Case Study. Ronald V. Clarke and 
Herman Goldstein. 2003. 

For more information about the Problem-Oriented Guides for 
Police series and other COPS Office publications, please call 
the COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770 or visit 
COPS Online at www.cops.usdoj.gov. 


FOR MORE INFORMATION: 

U.S. Department of JusticeOffice of Community Oriented Policing Services 

1100 Vermont Avenue, N.W. 
Washington, D.C. 20530 

To obtain details on COPS programs, call the 
COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770 

Visit COPS Online at the address listed below.