Overview
--------

"Why do we seek to know the condition of education? In the answer
to this question will be found the reasons for the elaborate
statistical record which forms a feature of all official school
reports.  We take an account of education so that we may know
whether it is sufficient in amount and good in quality."

                                  Henry Barnard
                                  First Commissioner of Education

Introduction

During the 1980s, the country became increasingly aware of the
range of critical issues facing education.  These issues were
nationwide in scope, and included inequality of opportunity for a
good education for all segments of the population, general low
academic performance, drug use and violence in the schools,
unacceptably high dropout rates, high cost of a college
education, and slowing productivity growth of workers.  These
concerns continue to have serious implications, not only for
schools and colleges, but for the future of individual citizens,
U.S. economic competitiveness, and ultimately the structure and
cohesiveness of American society and culture.

The Condition of Education provides a means to report where
progress is being made and where it is not, to draw attention to
emerging issues, and to inform the ongoing policy debate.

The Structure of the Condition of Education

A quick tour of the volume may help the reader make the best use
of it.  The core of the volume consists of 60 indicators.  Each
indicator is presented on two pages.  However, included in the
back of the volume are supplemental tables providing additional
details, and sometimes an explanatory note on a technical or
data-related issue.

The 60 indicators are organized into 6 sections.  The 6 sections
are: 1) Access, Participation, and Progress; 2) Achievement,
Attainment, and Curriculum; 3) Economic and Other Outcomes of
Education; 4) Size, Growth, and Output of Educational
Institutions; 5) Climate, Classrooms, and Diversity in
Educational Institutions; and 6) Human and Financial Resources of
Educational Institutions.  Instead of separating elementary and
secondary education from postsecondary education indicators, this
edition integrates elementary, secondary, and postsecondary
education into each of the six sections.  One can find
information on an issue either by using the table of contents
which lists the 60 indicators or by using the index which
references not only the indicators but also the supplemental
tables.  When an updated indicator is not available in this
volume, the index references the indicator number and edition of
the Condition of Education which last published the indicator.

Each of the 6 sections of indicators is introduced with a short
essay which interprets and summarizes some of the results that
are found in the indicators as they relate to an important issue. 
In addition, the results from throughout the volume as they
relate to particular issues that cut across the sections of the
report are pulled together below.

At the bottom of each of the two indicator pages is the source of
the data for the indicator.  A description of the sources is
provided starting on page 375.  Sometimes more knowledge about
the type of survey used to calculate the indicator can give the
reader insights into interpreting the indicator.  Some of the
terms used in this report may not be familiar to all readers. 
Thus, a glossary is provided starting on page 401.

An indicator is not the same as a statistic because it is
carefully designed to allow comparison, either over time, across
countries, between groups, between sectors of education, and so
forth.  For this reason, the same data may be used to construct
several indicators.  For example, Indicator 8 uses data on
enrollment in college to calculate the percentage of high school
graduates enrolled in college.  This percentage is the rate at
which a specific population group participates in higher
education.  This indicator is informative about opportunities
available or pursued, and it can be compared over time and
between age groups.  Indicator 47 also uses data on enrollment to
calculate the percentage of students who are of certain ages. 
This indicator is informative about the changing age composition
of students, and it can be compared over time and between sectors
of higher education.

In the remainder of the overview, we gather some of the disparate
pieces of evidence on selected issues: math and science education
with an emphasis on differences between males and females, the
education of minority groups including blacks and Hispanics, and
the education of women.  References to indicators and tables are
given in parentheses.  The table references are to the
supplemental tables starting on page 157.  Occasionally,
references to indicators in a previous edition of The Condition
of Education are given and can be recognized by the year added to
the reference. 

Math and Science

The President and the governors set a goal that U.S. students be
first in the world in math and science achievement by the year
2000.  By both highlighting the importance of math and science
and setting a high standard for U.S. students to achieve, the
hope is to stimulate efforts of schools and teachers to improve
math and science education and to encourage more students to
study math and science and take pride in doing well.  In
particular, policymakers hope to increase participation in math
and science among women, blacks, Hispanics, and students from low
income families.  To excel in math and science, possibly more
than in other subjects, requires early interest, participation,
and achievement, so the indicators range from math and science
achievement of 9-year-olds to the fields of conferred doctor's
degrees.  The results outlined below highlight differences
between males and females.

Achievement of girls compared to boys

The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) has been
reporting the performance of students in reading, writing,
science, mathematics, and other subjects for the past 20 years. 
At age 9, there was no difference between boys and girls in
average math proficiency from 1973 to 1990.  In science, the same
general conclusion holds but is weaker.  By age 17, girls seem to
have fallen a little behind.  In 1990, the average mathematics
proficiency of 17-year-old men and women were similar, but in
earlier years 17-year-old men were a little more proficient than
women (Indicator 14).  However, among college-bound men and women
who take the SAT women on average score 45 points lower on the
math component (Table 18-9).  In science, the differences were
larger, but there is some evidence it has been shrinking
(Indicator 15).  In 1990, a greater percentage of eighth-grade
girls than boys reported that they never used computers or wrote
reports or projects in their math classes (Indicator 42).

International comparisons show that patterns of differences
between boys and girls in math and science achievement are
similar in the United States and other countries.  In most of the
countries participating in the 1991 International Assessment of
Educational Progress (IAEP), 9-year-old boys and girls performed
equally well on the mathematics assessment, but, in several
countries, girls did slightly less well than boys at age 13
(Indicator 16).  Korea was an exception: there, girls scores'
were slightly lower than boys' at age 9 but appeared to catch up
to them by age 13.  In science, 9-year-old girls already were
performing poorer than boys in most countries, except for the
United States, and by age 13 were behind in even more countries,
including the United States (Indicator 17).  Taiwan was an
exception: there, girls scored lower than boys at age 9 but
scored equally well at age 13.

However, girls in the United States seem to fall behind their
counterparts in other countries between the ages of 9 and 13.  In
math, at age 9, girls were already behind their counterparts in
Korea, the former Soviet Union, and Taiwan; by age 13 they had
also fallen behind their counterparts in Canada.  In science, at
age 9, girls scored comparably to their counterparts in Korea,
Taiwan, and Canada and higher than their counterparts in the
Soviet Union; by 13 they had fallen behind their counterparts in
Korea, the Soviet Union, and Taiwan (Indicator 17).

Course-taking

In the high school class of 1987, women took slightly more of
their credits in academic subjects than men, but slightly fewer
credits in math (2.92 v. 3.03) and science (2.53 v. 2.66). 
Although women were more likely than men to take algebra I and
algebra II and as likely to take geometry, they were less likely
to take trigonometry, analysis, or calculus.  Although women were
more likely than men to take biology, they were less likely to
take chemistry, and much less likely to take physics. (1/)

The differences between men and women in math and science course-
taking that have begun to appear in high school become larger in
college.  In addition, a background in math and science in high
school can be important for studying other subjects in college,
such as computer science and engineering.  In 1990, women were
less likely than white men to major in the natural sciences as
undergraduates.  Asian women were an exception-they were
substantially more likely than white men to major in the natural
sciences (Indicator 26).  However, differences between men and
women have been narrowing since the early 1970s.  Women were much
less likely than men to major in computer science or engineering
as undergraduates.  The situation has changed, however, because
women in the 1980s were more likely to choose these fields than
they had been in the 1970s (Table 2:10-2, 1991).

At the graduate level, men still are even more likely than women
to major in the natural sciences than at the undergraduate level. 
In 1990, at the master's degree level men were 75 percent more
likely than women and at the doctorate level were 53 percent more
likely than women to major in the natural sciences.  Men were
five times more likely than women to major in computer science
and engineering at the graduate level, about the same as they
were at the bachelor's level  (Indicator 27).

Postsecondary degrees

Change in the number of higher education degrees conferred in
math, science, and engineering fields is an indication of the
supply of new talent.  However, the growth or decline in the
number of degrees conferred may not be indicative of an
oversupply or shortage of scientists and engineers.  A shortage
would be indicated if graduates in these fields were finding an
increasing number of job offers and if the salaries being offered
were rising.

The number of bachelor's degrees conferred in the natural
sciences has fallen since 1975.  While the number of bachelor's
degrees in all fields increased between 1975 and 1990, the number
in the natural sciences fell.  Fewer college graduates are
choosing to study physical and life sciences (Table 28-1).  The
number of degrees conferred in engineering rose then fell during
this period-from 46,900 in 1975, to 96,100 in 1985, and down to
82,100 in 1990.  On the other hand, the number of college
students earning bachelor's degrees in computer and information
sciences increased from 5,000 bachelor's degrees in 1975 to
27,400 in 1990 (Table 28-3).  Although there have been shifts in
the number of degrees in specific science and engineering fields,
the total number of bachelor's degrees in these fields fell
significantly between 1986 and 1990-from 214,400 to 177,400
degrees.

At the graduate level, the patterns were generally of stable or
falling numbers during the last half of the 1970s and of stable
or rising numbers during the 1980s.  The total number of science
and engineering master's degrees was stable during the last half
of the 1970s and grew during the 1980s.  The growth was almost
entirely in computer science and engineering fields.  At the
doctorate level the pattern was similar for the total number of
science and engineering, but the number of natural science
degrees grew 17 percent in the 1980s.  It should be noted that a
substantial number of graduate level degrees in science and
engineering fields are awarded to non-U.S. citizens most of whom
do not have definite postgraduate plans in the United States
(Indicator 2:21 and Table 2:21-5, 1991

Minorities

Getting a high quality education is one of the means available to
blacks and Hispanics to fight their economic disadvantages. 
Black and Hispanic children are much more likely to live below
the  Hispanic children compared to 15 percent of white children
lived in families with income below the poverty line (Indicator
39).  The size of the differences and the change over time in
differences in educational achievement between blacks and
Hispanics on the one hand and whites on the other are outlined
below.

Blacks

Starting disadvantaged children in education early is the
philosophy behind Head Start, a popular program for disadvantaged
preschool children.  However, differences in access to education
between black and white children start before kindergarten.  In
1989, 30 percent of black 3- and 4-year-olds were in a nursery
school program compared to 40 percent of whites.  While there has
been an increase in the proportion of both white and black 3- and
4-year-olds attending nursery school, the proportion for whites
has increased at a faster rate.  On the other hand, in 1989, 78
percent of black 5-year-olds were in kindergarten, similar to the
rate (81 percent) for whites (Indicator 2).  

Elementary school.  Since the mid-1970s the percentage of 8- and
13-year-old children who were "behind", that is, one or more
years below the modal (most common) grade for their age, has
risen for all children (Indicator 3).  (2/)
However, more black than white children fall behind between ages
8 and 13.  (3/)  In 1989, 27 percent of black 8-year-old boys were
in 2nd grade or below, about the same as their white
counterparts.  However, 49 percent of black 13-year-olds were in
7th grade or below, compared to 32 percent of their white
counterparts.  Though girls in general are less likely than boys
to be below the modal grade for their age, 8-year-old black girls
were already behind their white counterparts.  

As early as age 9, academic proficiency in reading, math, and
science as measured by the National Assessment of Educational
Progress (NAEP) is lower for black children than for their white
counterparts.  However, in recent years the gap was narrower than
it was two decades ago.  In 1990, black 9-year-olds were 35 scale
points behind whites in reading, compared to 44 scale points
behind in 1970  (Indicator 12); 27 points behind whites in math,
compared to 35 points behind in 1973 (Indicator 14); and 42
points behind in science, compared to 57 points behind in 1970
(Indicator 15).  The patterns for 13-year-olds were similar.  As
a basis for comparison, consider that, in 1990, the increase per
year of age in average proficiency between age 9 and 13 in
reading, math, and science was 10, 12, and 7 scale points,
respectively.

Secondary school.  Black teenagers have substantially increased
their efforts in high school.  Despite more black 13-year-olds
being one or more years below modal grade, fewer black teenagers
are dropping out of high school before graduating.  Between 1989
and 1990, 5 percent of black high school students 15 or older in
grades 10-12 dropped out of school compared to 3.3 percent of
whites.  Although still considered too high by many educators,
the rate among blacks (5 percent) was substantially lower than it
was 2 decades earlier (9.9 percent, Indicator 5).  In 1990, 78
percent of black 19- to 20-year-olds had graduated from high
school compared to 68 percent in 1973 (Indicator 20).  The
completion rate for whites was higher (87 percent) but largely
unchanged over the same period, so the black-white differential
narrowed considerably.

Near the end of high school, NAEP again gives evidence that there
is a large but narrowing gap in achievement between blacks and
whites.  Blacks have improved relative to whites in reading,
mathematics, and science.  For example, in 1971 average reading
proficiency among 17-year-old blacks was well below (52 scale
points) 17-year-old whites and also below (22 points) 13-year-old
whites; in 1990, the proficiency of 17-year-old blacks was closer
(22 points) to that of 17-year-old whites, and slightly higher
than 13-year-old whites.  In 1970, average mathematics
proficiency among 17-year-old blacks was 40 scale points behind
their white counterparts and about the same as 13-year-old
whites; in 1990, it was 21 points behind 17-year-old whites, and
13 points above 13-year-old whites.

The Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) provides corroborating
evidence of the gains made by blacks.  In 1991, average black
scores were 90 points lower than whites' on the verbal component
of the SAT and 104 points lower on the math component; in 1976
they had been 119 and 139 points lower, respectively (Tables 18-8
and 18-9).  The conclusion is the same-blacks are behind their
white counterparts but catching up.

Higher education.  Gains made by blacks in higher education are
not as dramatic as those in elementary and secondary education. 
The percentage of blacks enrolling in college in the fall
following high school graduation was near 50 percent in the late
1980s, about the same as it was in 1978 (an earlier high point
for this indicator).  The percentage of blacks going immediately
on to college has increased since 1983, as has the rate for
whites, so the gap remains at about 14 percentage points
(Indicator 7).  Some of the difference may be made up by delayed
entry, as blacks are more likely than whites to enroll in college
after a delay (Indicator 2:2, 1991).  Overall, about 30 percent
of black high school graduates 16-24 years old were enrolled in
college as undergraduates during the late 1980s, about the same
as were during the last half of the 1970s.  In contrast, in 1990,
about 38 percent of their white counterparts were enrolled in
college, up from 30 percent a decade earlier (Indicator 9).

College attainment among blacks is far lower than it is for
whites.  In 1991, 41 percent of black high school graduates 25 to
29 years old had completed 1 or more years of college, compared
to 55 percent of their white counterparts.  In addition, only 14
percent of black high school graduates old had completed 4 or
more years of college compared to 30 percent of their white
counterparts.  During the 1970s, the percentage of both white and
black high school graduates completing 1 or more or 4 or more
years of college grew; during the 1980s, however, there was
little change in these college attainment rates (Indicator 22).  

Using information on the number of bachelor's degrees awarded,
the pattern of change in degrees earned between 1977 and 1990 was
different for black men and women.  The number earned by men
declined each year except for the most recent one, whereas the
number earned by women fluctuated up and down.  In contrast, the
number of bachelor's degrees earned by white women increased each
year and, after 1979, the number earned by white men remained
stable despite a decline in the number of whites graduating from
high school early in the decade (Indicator 24).

The fields of study of black degree recipients often differ from
those of whites at both the undergraduate and graduate levels,
but these differences have narrowed over time.  In 1990, at the
bachelor's degree level, black men were less likely than white
men to major in the natural sciences but more likely to major in
technical/professional fields (other than education and
business).  At the doctorate level, black men were much less
likely than white men to major in the natural sciences or in the
computer sciences and engineering, but much more likely to major
in education.  Among women, blacks were less likely than whites
to major in education at the bachelor's level, but more likely to
do so at the doctor's level (Indicator 26).

Although blacks generally earn less than whites, among both
blacks and whites those with more education have better
employment and earnings outcomes.  In 1990, only 31 percent of
blacks who dropped out of high school between 1989 and 1990 were
employed.  Among blacks who completed high school but did not
enroll in college, 45 percent were employed-higher but still very
low (Indicator 29).  Earnings among 25- to 34-year-old blacks,
particularly black women, show that the incentive to pursue
additional education is sizeable.  In 1990, black males with 9-11
years of schooling earned 28 percent less than those with 12
years of schooling; those with 4 or more years of college earned
66 percent more.  Black females with 9-11 years of schooling
earned 56 percent less than those with 12 years of schooling;
those with 4 or more years of college earned 109 percent more. 
Between 1974 and 1990, for blacks the earnings advantage of
completing college increased (Indicator 31).

Hispanics

Hispanics, as a minority group in the United States, have had a
very different history than blacks.  There is a great deal of
diversity among Hispanics.  The three largest Hispanic subgroups
are Mexican-Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans.  Recent
immigrants from Central and South America are a fourth group. 
They live in different parts of the United States, their economic
circumstances vary, and their periods of immigraton are
different.  Still, all share the Spanish language in their
cultural heritage.  Of course, a much higher proportion of
Hispanics than non-Hispanics are foreign born.  As a result,
Hispanic children are more likely not to hear or speak English at
home and are more likely to have limited English proficiency. 
(4/)  As mentioned earlier, in 1990, 38 percent of Hispanic
children lived in families with income below the poverty line,
compared to 15 percent of white children (Indicator 39). 
Although the source of their disadvantages are different, the
effects on their performance in the education system are not
unlike blacks.  Highlighted below are noteworthy differences in
the education of Hispanics on the one hand, from blacks and
whites on the other.

Hispanics, like Asians, are a growing minority group in the
United States; the percentage of students who are Hispanic has
increased substantially.  In 1989, 20 percent of students in
public schools in the central cities of metropolitan areas were
Hispanic, up from 11 percent in 1972.  In public schools in other
parts of metropolitan areas 10 percent of the student body were
Hispanic; in private schools, 7 percent were Hispanic (Indicator
37).

Most racial/ethnic groups reported a similar percentage of
occurrence of most types of criminal activity in their school in
1989.  One exception was that Hispanics were much more likely to
report the presence of street gangs in their schools-32 percent,
compared to 12 percent of whites and 20 percent of blacks
(Indicator 43).

Preprimary.  Hispanic 3- and 4-year-olds were less likely than
both black and white children to attend nursery school-in 1989,
that rate was 20 percent compared to 30 percent of black children
and 40 percent of white children.  The gap between Hispanics and
whites has grown over time-the proportion of white children
attending nursery school increased from 22 percent in 1974 to 40
percent in 1990, while for Hispanics it increased from 16 percent
in 1974 to only 20 percent in 1990.  On the other hand, in 1990,
78 percent of Hispanic 5-year-olds attended kindergarten,
comparable to the rate (81 percent) for white 5-year-olds
(Indicator 2).

Elementary school.  Like black children, Hispanic 13-year-old
students generally were more likely to be below the modal grade
for their age than their white counterparts.  Also, the gap
between Hispanics and whites in the proportion of 13-year-old
boys below grade level was greater in recent years than it had
been in the mid-1970s.  The disparity between Hispanic and white
13-year-old girls is large but has not increased over the 1974-
1989 period (Indicator 3).

Secondary school.  The gains blacks have made in their high
school education have not been shared by Hispanics.  The number
of credits in academic subjects has increased for Hispanics. 
Hispanics in the high school class of 1987 took 15 credits in
academic subjects, up from 13 in 1969 (Table 25-1).  On the other
hand, improvements in average proficiency in reading, math, and
science were not as prevalent among Hispanics as they were among
blacks (Indicators 12, 14, and 15).  The school persistence rate
for Hispanics has been near 90 percent for most of the past two
decades, whereas for blacks it has gradually increased (Indicator
5).  Fewer Hispanics have completed high school.  In 1991, 56
percent of Hispanics 25- to 29-years-old had completed high
school, compared to 81 percent of blacks and 90 percent of
whites.  The high school completion rate of Hispanics has
remained fairly stable (fluctuating between 55 and 63 percent)
since the mid-1970s while the rate for blacks has increased (from
69 percent in 1975 to 81 percent in 1991, Indicator 22).

Higher education.  Hispanics who go on to college are more likely
to enroll in a 2-year college than blacks.  In the fall of 1990,
55 percent of Hispanic college students were enrolled in 2-year
colleges compared to 37 percent of white students and 42 percent
of black students. (supplemental table 38-1).

While the percentage of Hispanic high school graduates 25 to 29
years old who have completed 4 or more years of college has not
increased over the past 2 decades, the percentage with some
college has increased, from 25 percent in 1971 to 43 percent in
1978; since then, it's been fairly stable (Indicator 22).

Data of another type are more encouraging.  The number of
bachelor's degrees conferred to Hispanics increased substantially
during the 1980s, particularly for women.  In 1990, 62 percent
more bachelor's degrees were awarded to Hispanic women than in
1981; 38 percent more were awarded to Hispanic men.  These
increases appear to be larger than the increase in the number of
Hispanics graduating from high school.  The number of advanced
degrees awarded to Hispanics has also increased, but not as much. 
In 1990, 21 and 43 percent more advanced degrees were awarded to
Hispanic men and women, respectively, than in 1981 (Indicator
24).

Fields of study.  The fields Hispanics chose to study for their
bachelor's degrees are largely similar to those whites selected. 
Hispanics are somewhat more likely than whites to major in the
humanities and social/behavioral sciences and somewhat less
likely to major in education (Indicator 26).

Labor market outcomes.  While the employment rate is low both for
Hispanics who have graduated from high school but not enrolled in
college and for Hispanics who have left high school without
graduating (dropouts), there is some evidence that Hispanic
dropouts find it somewhat easier than black dropouts to get work
(Indicator 29).

Females

Over the last two decades women have made important advances in
their education that puts them on a par with men in many areas. 
Below are summarized some of the differences between boys and
girls, as well as men and women on education indicators and where
there has been change over time.

Generally girls start school ahead of boys and are less likely to
be behind.  For example, 22 percent of 8-year-old girls versus 28
percent of boys were in grade 2 or below in October 1989.  By age
13 the disparity was larger-26 percent of girls versus 36 percent
of boys were in grade 7 or below (Indicator 3).  In the high
school class of 1987, girls took more credits in academic
subjects than boys (16.0 v. 15.3), whereas in the class of 1969
boys and girls took about the same number (14.9, Indicator 25). 
Girls exhibit higher average proficiency in reading and writing
than boys at ages 9, 13, and 17 (Indicators 12 and 13).  However,
among college-bound men and women who take the SAT exam, women
have scores about 10 points lower than men on the verbal
component (Table 18-8).  Girls were more likely than boys to
finish high school on time, and among dropouts, girls were as
likely as boys to return and finish later (Indicator 6).

From 1976 to 1987, women and men were equally likely to enroll in
college in October following graduation, but in the late 1980s
women were slightly more likely than men to do so (Indicator 7). 
Women under the age of 25 who have completed high school are
somewhat less likely than men to be enrolled in a 4-year college
(Indicator 8).  However, the number of bachelor's degrees
conferred on women has increased more rapidly than it has for men
(Indicator 24).  

The college attainment of women has caught up to that of men.  In
the early 1970s, among high school graduates, about 40 percent of
women compared to 50 percent of men 25 to 29 years old had
completed 1 or more years of college; in the late 1980s, about 52
percent of both women and men had done so (Table 22-2).  In the
early 1970s, among high school graduates about 20 percent of
women compared to 27 percent of men 25 to 29 years old had
completed 4 or more years of college; in the late 1980s, about 27
percent of both women and men had done so (Table 22-3).

Data on the number of degrees conferred demonstrate more clearly
the educational progress of women.  In 1990, more associate's,
bachelor's, and master's degrees were awarded to white women than
to their male counterparts, whereas in 1977 the reverse was true. 
Though fewer doctor's degrees were awarded to white women than to
white men, the gap has closed considerably.  In 1977, almost 3
times as many doctorate degrees were awarded to white men as to
white women; in 1990 men were awarded only 41 percent more. 
Among Hispanics the patterns were similar.  Among blacks, women
were awarded more of each degree than men in both 1977 and 1990
with the exception of doctor's degrees in 1977.  Among Asians the
pattern is reversed-women earned fewer of each degree than men in
both 1977 and 1990 with the exception of associate's degrees
(Tale 24-1).

The fields that women and men study in college remain very
different despite narrowing of differences at the undergraduate
level and in some fields at the graduate level.  At the
bachelor's level, women were more than 3 times as likely as men
to major in education in 1989, but that was down from what it had
been in 1971 (Indicator 2:10, 1991).  A notable exception is
Asian women who were less likely than white men but more likely
than Asian men to major in education (Indicator 26).  At the
master's degree level, however, women were 2.8 times as likely as
men to major in education, which was up substantially from 1971
(Indicator 27).  On the other hand, women are increasingly likely
to major in business at the master's level-whereas, women were
less than one-tenth as likely as men to major in business in
1971, they were half as likely by 1990.

Despite the lagging achievement of girls in the United States in
math and science compared to their counterparts in other
countries cited above, women in the United States generally have
higher educational attainment than their counterparts in other
countries.  For example, in 1987 among U.S. women 25-64 years
old, 82 percent had completed high school-far more than their
counterparts in countries such as Japan, West Germany, the United
Kingdom, France, and Canada.  Also, 21 percent had completed 4 or
more years of college, again far more than their counterparts in
other countries (Table 23-1).

In a few countries the educational attainment of younger
generations of women has improved rapidly.  This is evident in
the fact that the attainment of women 25-34 years old was
substantially higher than for all women.  The result is that the
gap is closing between the educational attainment of women in
these countries and in the United States.  For example, in Japan
92 percent of women 25-34 years old had finished secondary
education, and in West Germany 88 percent had done so, compared
to 87 percent in the United States.  Nevertheless, women 25-34
years old in the United States were still much more likely to
complete higher education than their counterparts in Japan and
West Germany (Indicator 23).  In addition, the percentage of
women graduating in the science fields (including health
sciences) was much higher in the U.S. than in Japan or West
Germany (Indicator 2:8, 1991).

The labor force participation rates of women rose steadily
throughout the 1970s and 1980s for those with a high school
education or better.  By 1991, for women 25-34 years old who had
completed college, the percentage employed was about 9 percentage
points lower than for men-83 versus 92 percent, in contrast to a
36 point gap in 1971 (Indicator 30).  Women college graduates
shared in the growth in earnings for all college graduates in the
1980s.  Although women college graduates earn less on average
then men college graduates, the earnings advantage women who are
college graduates enjoy over their counterparts with only a high
school education is greater than that enjoyed by men (Indicator
31).

Conclusion

The preceding discussion has highlighted only a few of the issues
treated by the 60 indicators in this volume.  The Condition of
Education presents data and analyses on a wide variety of issues
in education.  The reader is encouraged to read the overviews to
each section for discussion of other issues, to peruse the
indicators of interest, and to use the tables for additional
details.  Finally, included in the back of the volume is a user
comment form.  Your comments will help make future editions of
The Condition more useful.

NOTES:

(1/)  Kolstad, Andrew and Judy Thorpe, "Changes in High School
      Course Work from 1982 to 1987: Evidence from Two National
      Surveys," paper presented to the annual meetings of the
      American Educational Research Association, March 1989.

(2/)  This trend may be due to a variety of factors including 1)
      parents being increasingly willing to have their children
      repeat kindergarten or start 1st grade late, 2) schools
      being increasingly less willing to let parents start their
      children in school early, and 3) a decline in the practice
      of "social promotion" or promoting children to the next
      grade for social reason who are academically unprepared.
  
(3/)  Most 8-year-olds are in 3rd grade and most 13-year-olds are
      in the 8th grade.  Many 8-year-olds who are in 1st or 2nd
      grades did not start school until they were 7.  This is
      particularly true for boys who are often less mature than
      girls at ages 5 and 6.  However, the percentage of students
      below the modal (most common) grade for their age generally
      increases with age.  The increase is an indication of the
      practice of parents and teachers deciding to hold a student
      in a grade who they believe is not ready for the next grade.
      The increase, which was larger for black than for white boys,
      is an indication that parents and teachers were more
      frequently holding black boys back compared to white boys.
      This difference, in turn, is an indication that black boys
      were falling behind white boys academically.

(4/)  U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, November
      Current Population Survey, 1979 and 1989, unpublished
      tabulations.