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                                Overview
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   "Why do we seek to know the condition of education?  In the
     answer to this question will be found the reasons for the
     elaborate statistical record which forms a feature of all
     official school reports.  We take an account of education so
     that we may know whether it is sufficient in amount and good
     in quality."

        Henry Barnard
        First Commissioner of Education

Introduction

During the 1980s, the country became increasingly aware of a range of
critical national issues facing education.  These issues included
concerns that not all children have an equal opportunity to receive a
high quality education, general low academic performance, drug use and
violence in the schools, unacceptably high dropout rates, the high
cost of a college education, and the skills of workers lagging behind
technological changes in the workplace.  These concerns continue to
have serious implications, not only for schools and colleges, but for
the future of individual citizens, U.S. economic competitiveness, and
ultimately the structure and cohesiveness of American society and
culture.

The Condition of Education provides a means to report where progress
is being made in education and where it is not, to draw attention to
emerging issues, and to inform the ongoing policy debate.

The Structure of The Condition of Education

A quick tour of the volume may help the reader make the best use of
it.  The core of the volume consists of 60 indicators.  Each indicator
is presented on two pages, with findings summarized in textual,
tabular, and graphical formats.  Also included in the back of the
volume are supplemental tables providing additional details, and
sometimes an explanatory note on a technical or data-related issue.

The 60 indicators are organized into six sections:

o  Access, Participation, and Progress;
o  Achievement, Attainment, and Curriculum;
o  Economic and Other Outcomes of Education;
o  Size, Growth, and Output of Educational Institutions;
o  Climate, Classrooms, and Diversity in Educational Institutions; and
o  Human and Financial Resources of Educational Institutions.

Instead of separating elementary and secondary education from
postsecondary education indicators, the volume integrates issues
ranging from early childhood education to postsecondary education into
each of the six sections.

One can find information on an issue either by using the table of
contents, which lists the 60 indicators, or by using the index, which
references not only the indicators but also the supplemental tables.
When an updated indicator is not available in this volume, the index
references the indicator number and edition of The Condition of
Education that last published an indicator on that topic.

Each of the six sections of indicators is introduced with a 2 page
review that interprets and summarizes some of the results that are
found in the indicators in that section as they relate to an important
issue. In addition, the overview pulls together results from
throughout the volume as they relate to particular issues that cut
across the sections of the report.

At the bottom of each of the two indicator pages is the source of the
data for the indicator.  A description of the sources is provided
starting on page 380.  Sometimes more knowledge about the type of
survey used to calculate the indicator can give the reader insights
into interpreting the data presented.  Some of the terms used in this
report may not be familiar to all readers.  Thus, a glossary is
provided starting on page 414.

In the remainder of the overview, we pull together evidence from both
the 60 indicators and from other sources on selected issues:

o    A review of the educational status of high school students 10
     years after the publication of A Nation at Risk;
o    A discussion of teachers as an educational resource;
o    Progress in the achievement and attainment of black students
     relative to whites; and
o    A description of the sub-baccalaureate sector of postsecondary
     education.

These issues were selected, first because of their importance to
current policy discussions, and second because a substantial amount of
new information on these issues has been included in this volume and
other recent NCES publications.   References to indicators and tables
are given in parentheses.  The tables referred to are the supplemental
tables starting on page 166.  Occasionally, indicators in a previous
edition of The Condition of Education are also referred to and can be
recognized by the year added to the reference.  References to sources
other than The Condition of Education are footnoted.

What is the educational status of high school students 10 years after
the publication of A Nation at Risk?

On August 26, 1981 Secretary of Education T. H. Bell created the
National Commission on Excellence in Education, directing it to
examine and report on the quality of education in the United States.
The commission responded in 1983 with a report declaring:

     Our Nation is at risk.  Our once unchallenged preeminence in
     commerce, industry, science, and technological innovation is 
     being overtaken by competitors throughout the world. . . .  We
     report to the American people that while we take justifiable
     pride in what our schools and colleges have historically
     accomplished and contributed to the United States and the
     well-being of its people, the educational foundations of our
     society are presently being eroded by a rising tide of mediocrity
     that threatens our very future as a Nation and a people (A Nation
     at Risk p. 5).

The Commission developed a series of recommendations designed to
improve the quantity and quality of education, including improvements
to the curricular content and to the use of instructional time.  The
goal of these recommendations was to raise the standards and
expectations of the Nation's educational system, to improve the
preparation of teachers, and to raise the level of reward and respect
for the teaching profession.

In describing the condition of education in this volume, it seems
appropriate that we apply newly available data to assess how the
quantity and quality of education in American high schools has changed
over the decade since the publication of A Nation at Risk.  Below, the
educational advances of American high school students are highlighted,
along with a discussion of changes in their aspirations for and
continuation in further education.

What have been the curricular changes since the publication of A
Nation at Risk?

High school graduates are taking more courses overall, particularly
academic courses (Indicator 23).  The percentage of graduates taking
the core curriculum recommended by the National Commission on
Excellence in Education (4 units of English, 3 units of science, 3
units of social studies, and 3 units of mathematics) increased more
than 30 percentage points over the decade, from 13 percent in 1982 to
47 percent in 1992 (Indicator 24)./1

  [Figure: The percentage of high school graduates taking the core
  curriculum recommended in A Nation At Risk has increased             
  dramatically over the last decade.

      SOURCE: [Indicator 24]

More students are taking algebra, geometry, trigonometry, and
calculus; and more are taking advanced science courses, including
chemistry and physics (Indicator 25).  Both university-bound students
and those who aspired to less than a 4-year college degree as high
school sophomores are taking more foreign language courses than their
counterparts did a decade before (Indicator 26).  Furthermore, 42 of
the 50 states have raised course requirements for high school
graduation since the publication of A Nation at Risk, and 47 states
have mandated student testing standards./2

Has the increase in participation in academic courses "watered down"
the curriculum or affected the achievement of advanced students?

One measure of the quality of advanced students is the percentage
receiving college level credit for their high school coursework. 
Since 1984, the number of students taking Advanced Placement (AP)
examinations has more than doubled. Fifty-seven Advanced Placement
examinations per 1000 11th- and 12th-graders were taken in 1992
compared to 24 per 1000 in 1984.  Generally, about two-thirds of all
11th and 12th grade AP examinees received a score of 3 or higher, a
score which usually qualifies for college credit (Indicator 27,
Condition 1993).

Another way to assess the impact of increased participation in
academic courses on the achievement of advanced students is to look at
how the NAEP scores of the highest performing 17-year-olds have
changed since the early 1980s.  The science proficiency of the highest
performing 17-year-old students increased between 1982 and 1992 (table
15-3). Specifically, the 90th percentile score in science (the score
that 90 percent of students score below and 10 percent of students
score above) increased by 8 points for 17-year-olds.  The reading and
mathematics proficiency of the highest performing 17-year-old students
has remained relatively stable since the early 1980s (tables 12-3 and
14-3).

Furthermore, even though the number of Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT)
examinees as a percentage of high school graduates has increased since
the publication of A Nation at Risk (41 percent in 1993 compared to 33
percent in 1983), the percentage of students with scores above 600 on
the subsections did not decline.  A higher percentage of students are
scoring at 600 or above on the mathematics section (an increase from
16 to 19 percent) and the percentage scoring above 600 on the verbal
has remained stable (7 percent) (table 19-1).

Have students with lower abilities suffered because of the reforms
instituted since the publication of A Nation at Risk?

For the most part, students with lower abilities have shown no ill
effects as a result of the reforms, either with respect to achievement
or dropping out.  In fact, fewer high school graduates are taking
remedial mathematics courses:  17 percent compared to 33 percent
(Indicator 25) and the mathematics and science proficiencies of the
lowest performing students (as measured by NAEP) have increased
(tables 14-3 and 15-3).  For example, between 1982 and 1992, the 10th
percentile score (the score that 10 percent of students score below)
increased for 9-, 13-, and 17-year-olds in mathematics (12, 8, and 11
points respectively).  The reading and writing proficiency of the
lowest performing students remained relatively stable between 1984 and
1992 (tables 12-3 and 13-3).

Furthermore, fewer students are dropping out of high school between
10th and 12th grade today than a decade ago.  Eleven percent of the
sophomores in 1980 left school without completing high school or its
equivalent by the spring of 1982, while the comparable rate for the
sophomore cohort of 1990 was 6 percent, a 5 percentage point decline
in the dropout rate over the decade./3

The dropout news is not so encouraging for younger students, however.
Although all states mandate compulsory schooling through the age of
16, a sizeable number of students drop out of school before completing
the 10th grade./4  Of the members of the 8th-grade class of 1988,
nearly 7 percent had dropped out of school by the spring of their
sophomore year. Over half of the students left because they "did not
like school," while about 40 percent left because they were failing
school.  Almost one-third of females who dropped out between 8th and
10th grade reported that they left school because they were
pregnant./5

If students are taking more academic and advanced courses in
preparation for college, are they learning more?

Mathematics proficiency scores on the National Assessment for
Educational Progress (NAEP) increased between 1982 and 1992 for 9-,
13-, and 17-year-olds (11, 4, and 9 points respectively) (Indicator
14).  To get an idea of the magnitude of these increases, we can look
at the difference in proficiency scores across ages in 1992.  A 9
point gain in NAEP on the mathematics assessment corresponds to about
one-quarter of the difference between the average scores of 13- and
17-year-olds in 1992.  In other words, the increase in the mathematics
proficiency of 17-year-olds between 1982 and 1992 appears to be
roughly equivalent to about one year of schooling.

Science scores also increased for all three age groups between 1982
and 1992 10, 8, and 9 points respectively (Indicator 15).  Reading
scores, however, are essentially unchanged since 1984 (Indicator 12),
though in 1991, U.S. 14-year-olds did compare relatively well with
their international peers in reading literacy (Indicator 16).

What is motivating students to take more advanced courses?

In addition to increases in graduation requirements, one possible
factor is the increasing educational aspirations of high school
students. The percentage of high school sophomores aspiring to no more
than a high school diploma fell from 27 percent in 1980 to 10 percent
in 1990./6 Along with students' own heightened aspirations, more
parents, guidance counselors, and teachers are advising students to
attend college.  The percentage of sophomores reporting that their
mothers recommended that they attend college rose from 65 percent in
1980 to 83 percent in 1990. The percentage of sophomores receiving
advice to attend college from teachers more than doubled over the
decade, from 32 percent in 1980 to 65 percent in 1990.  Even
low-achieving students are being advised to go to college.  In 1990,
57 percent of sophomores scoring in the lowest test quartile on an
achievement test of reading, vocabulary, and mathematics had received
advice to attend college from a teacher (Indicator 7).

Are students acting on these aspirations?

The percentage of students making the immediate transition from high
school to college continues to rise.  Since most college students
enroll immediately after high school, the percentage of high school
graduates enrolled in college in the October following graduation is a
leading indicator of the proportion of graduates who will eventually
enroll. The percentage of graduates making the immediate transition to
college has risen 11 percentage points since 1982, to 62 percent in
1992, with 39 percent going on to 4-year and 23 percent going to
2-year institutions (Indicator 9).

Dramatic cost increases did not deter students from attending college
in the decade between 1982 and 1992.  At public institutions, tuition,
room, and board increased from 11 percent of median family income in
1982 to 14 percent in 1992.  For those at the 25th percentile of
family income, public college costs increased from 20 percent of their
income in 1982 to 25 percent in 1992; at the 75th percentile, the
figures were 8 and 9 percent in 1982 and 1992, respectively (table
8-1).

What do the parallel increases in the academic proficiency of 17-year-
olds and the percentage of high school graduates going to college
imply about changes in the learned abilities of college freshman?

The picture is mixed.  Mathematics scores on the SAT increased by 10
points between 1983 and 1993, while verbal scores decreased by 1 point
(Indicator 19).  So even though more high school graduates are taking
the SAT, the learned ability of the average test-taker has generally
not fallen over the decade.  American College Testing Program (ACT)
scores between 1983 and 1992 show a similar pattern./7

On the other hand, the percentage of colleges offering remedial
instruction or tutoring grew during the 1980s, from 79 percent of
4-year colleges in 1980 to 89 percent in 1992, and from 84 percent of
2-year colleges in 1981 to 91 percent in 1992./8  Furthermore, many
postsecondary institutions do not have competitive admissions.  For
example, in 1990, a quarter of the students enrolled in public
community colleges were enrolled in institutions that did not require
a high school diploma or GED for admission./9

What is the incentive for students to attend college?

Jobs in manufacturing declined in the 1980s, although there was growth
in comparatively lower paying service jobs.  The market for unskilled
and semi-skilled workers shrunk during the 1980s and American workers
with limited skills were increasingly in competition with low wage
workers in poorer countries./10  Furthermore, the 1980s were
characterized by a growing gap in earnings between those with high
school diplomas and those with college degrees. For example, between
1982 and 1992, the earnings advantage of having a bachelor's degree
over a high school diploma increased from 30 percent to 55 percent for
white males 25 to 34 years old.   The earnings advantage of completing
college increased even more for white females, black females, and
black males (Indicator 34).

In summary, since the publication of A Nation at Risk, more high
school students are taking core courses and are more frequently taking
high-level courses in those subjects.  More high school students are
taking advanced placement examinations and fewer are dropping out
between 10th and 12th grade.  Mathematics and science achievement has
increased since the early 1980s and more students are both aspiring to
and attending college after they graduate.

Teachers as an Educational Resource

Most of what we consider formal childhood education takes place in
classrooms through interactions among teachers and students.  Teachers
are one conduit through which education and societal values are
passed. Because good teachers are central to education and teacher
salaries are a major portion of the elementary and secondary education
budget, the state of the teaching profession is of continuous concern
to policymakers and education administrators.

The National Commission on Excellence in Education found that not
enough "academically able" students were being attracted to teaching
as a career option; that teacher preparation focused on courses in
educational methods at the expense of courses in the subjects to be
taught; and that teacher salaries were low and teachers had little
influence in decision making.  Because of the critical importance of
having qualified teachers in the education process, we will examine
the current state of the teaching profession and how certain aspects
of it have changed since the publication of A Nation at Risk.

Have the demographic characteristics of teachers changed?

Demographic characteristics of teachers have changed substantially in
the last few years.  A greater proportion of teachers were female in
1991 than in 1981 (72 percent compared to 67 percent).  The teaching
force became considerably older, with a median age of 42 in 1991, up
from 37 in 1981.  It has also become more ethnically diverse, with
more Hispanics, Asians, and Native Americans making up the teaching
pool./11

Has the size of the teaching force changed?

Growth in the teacher workforce since 1981 has outpaced increases in
elementary and secondary student enrollments.  Between 1981 and 1991,
the number of teachers per 100 students increased from 5.3 to 5.8
(Indicator 57, Condition 1993).  The number of principals, assistant
principals, and school district administrators per 100 students
remained stable over the decade.

This increase in the ratio of teachers per 100 students corresponded
to a slight drop in average class size for public elementary teachers
between 1981 and 1991.  However, the average class size for public
secondary school teachers increased from 23 to 26 students over the
same time period./12  This apparent contradiction may correspond to
growth in the number of special education, compensatory education, and
bilingual education teachers in the workforce who often work with
smaller classes or as resource teachers. In 1991, 5 percent of
secondary school teachers reported that they spent the largest
fraction of their time teaching special education students, a 3
percentage point increase from 1981.

Where are newly hired teachers coming from?

When hiring a new teacher, principals weigh the relative cost of an
applicant's starting salary versus the amount of prior teaching
experience that person can bring to the job.  Former teachers
returning to teaching offer more teaching experience but at higher
salaries than first-time teachers.  First-time teachers, on the other
hand, have high rates of attrition from the profession.  The mix of
first-time and reentering teachers has implications for school
budgets, teacher recruitment, and teacher retention.

In 1991, 42 percent of newly hired teachers in public school districts
held regular teaching positions for the first time, while about a
third were transfers from other districts and about a quarter were
reentrants. Between 1988 and 1991, there was a shift in sources of
supply of newly hired teachers as both public and private schools
hired more first-time teachers and fewer reentrants.  A substantial
number of new hires in both sectors worked as substitute teachers in
the previous year (Indicator 58).

Have teacher salaries changed since the publication of A Nation at
Risk?

Between 1980 and 1993, average overall public school teacher salaries
adjusted for inflation increased by 21 percent, from $29,319 to
$35,334. The salaries of teachers in some regions of the country
increased more than those in other regions.  Percentage increases in
teacher salaries between 1981 and 1993 ranged from a high of 54
percent in New England to a low of 10 percent in the Rocky Mountain
states.  Between 1980 and 1993, average beginning teacher salaries
increased 17 percent, from $20,504 to $23,969 (Indicator 56).

Part of this rise in salaries is due to increases in both the
education and experience levels in the teacher workforce.  Between
1981 and 1991, the median number of years of teaching experience among
public school teachers increased from 12 to 15 years./13

Although teacher salaries are based on a 9- or 10-month contract, the
annual salaries of some white collar professionals are more than 20 to
25 percent higher than the salaries of teachers.  For example, in 1992
lawyers earned nearly double the average teacher salary and chemists
and engineers 50 to 60 percent more.  Auditors and accountants,
however, earned only about 10 to 20 percent more than teachers./14

Are teachers better educated than they were a decade ago?

A higher percentage of today's teachers have advanced degrees.  The
percentage of teachers with a master's degree or higher rose from 49
to 53 percent between 1981 and 1991./15
The minimum requirements to become a teacher are strikingly similar
across countries.  Overall, teachers in the United States, Canada,
Japan, Australia, and the United Kingdom receive similar amounts of
basic teacher training as measured by minimal years of schooling 4
years of college or teacher training programs in universities./16

How do the college course-taking patterns of new teachers compare to
those of other college graduates?

Generally, the course-taking patterns for new teachers graduating in
1985-86 were not markedly different from those of all bachelor's
degree recipients that year.  A smaller percentage of new teachers
took calculus and economics and a larger percentage took geography and
history than did graduates as a whole (Indicators 28 and 60, Condition
1993).

How well are teachers trained in the subjects that they teach?

A Nation at Risk suggested that half of the newly employed
mathematics, science, and English teachers were not qualified to teach
these subjects and that fewer than one-third of U.S. high schools
offered physics taught by qualified teachers.  Although qualified is a
subjective term, several measures exist to determine how well-matched
teachers are to their main and additional teaching assignment fields.

In 1990-91, only 5 percent of full-time public secondary school
teachers were not certified to teach in their main assignment field,
that is, the field in which they taught the most classes.  However, 36
percent of teachers with a an additional assignment field were not
certified to teach in that field.  While 83 percent of teachers with a
main assignment in English or humanities had college majors matching
that assignment field, only 75 percent of mathematics and 62 percent
of science teachers had an appropriate match (Indicator 59).  Only 35
percent of teachers who taught mathematics as an additional field, in
addition to courses in their main assignment field, had majored or
minored in mathematics or mathematics education (table 59-1).

Are current teachers updating their skills?

About 15 percent of public and private school teachers in school year
1991-92 reported pursuing a new degree or completing a degree program
within the last year.

Besides working on a formal degree, teachers can attend school or
district-sponsored workshops to further develop their skills. 
Sixty-one percent of public school teachers and 49 percent of private
school teachers reported participating in teacher workshops or
in-service training requiring 30 or more hours of class attendance at
some time in their careers; over 85 percent of these teachers said
that the training was relevant to their main assignment field
(Indicator 60).

Are teachers influencing the decision-making processes in schools?

One aspect bearing on the climate and responsiveness of a school is
the extent to which teachers participate in making decisions
concerning important school policies and issues.  A Nation at Risk
found that "individual teachers had little influence in such critical
professional decisions as, for example, textbook selection."

Relatively few secondary teachers in 1991 reported that faculty in
their schools had a great deal of influence over school policies,
including: determining discipline policy (10 percent), determining
content of faculty training programs (12 percent), grouping students
by ability (8 percent), and establishing curriculum (14 percent)
(Indicator 47, Condition 1993).

A third of secondary school teachers indicated they had considerable
influence over decisions for their classroom about selecting
textbooks, selecting course content and topics, and disciplining
students.  They were far more likely to indicate they had considerable
influence over decisions concerning instructional procedures within
their classroom, such as selecting teaching techniques (62 percent),
grading students (62 percent), and determining the amount of homework
(68 percent).

How much of a problem is teacher attrition?

There has been considerable policy discussion regarding the ability of
schools to attract and keep qualified teachers, both in general and in
specific subject areas such as mathematics and science.  In general,
teacher attrition in public elementary and secondary schools is low.
Only 5 percent of full-time public school teachers left the teaching
profession between 1987-88 and 1988-89.  Keeping mathematics and
science teachers is not as big a problem as was once suggested.  The
percentage of teachers in public secondary schools in 1987-88 who left
the teaching profession in the next year was no higher in mathematics
and science than in other teaching fields (table 58-1, Condition
1992).

How do school districts respond to shortages in particular teaching
fields?

Fifteen percent of all schools reported having teaching vacancies in
1990-91 that could not be filled with a teacher qualified in the
course or grade level to be taught./  More than one method of covering
an unfilled vacancy may be used by a school district.  For example,
almost half of school district administrators reported that they used
substitute teachers to cover vacancies; 26 percent hired less
qualified teachers; 23 percent assigned other teachers; 11 percent
increased class sizes; 10 percent increased teaching loads of other
teachers; 10 percent used part-time or itinerant teachers; and 7
percent canceled classes./17

When there were teacher shortages in particular subject areas, 10
percent of public school districts and 16 percent of private schools
provided free retraining to prepare staff to teach in these subjects.
In the case of any one specific field, relatively few public school
districts provided free retraining (2 to 5 percent, depending on the
field).  However, more districts provided free retraining for special
education than for any other field except mathematics./18

Pay incentives, however, are not generally used to recruit or retrain
teachers in fields of shortage.  In 1987-88, 3 percent of public
school districts offered increases in the salary schedule to recruit
or retain teachers where a shortage existed; and fewer offered cash
bonuses or other pay incentives./19

Have teachers' attitudes toward teaching changed over the decade?

Teachers seem to be happier about their choice of profession.  In
1981, 46 percent of teachers said that they would be willing to teach
again. In 1991, this percentage had increased to 59 percent./20

In summary, the teacher workforce has changed over the decade.  The
teacher workforce has grown faster than enrollments over the decade,
though average class size has generally not fallen.  Almost all
teachers are certified to teach in their main assignment field. 
However, one-quarter to one-third of teachers with a main assignment
in mathematics or science neither majored nor minored in those
subjects.  A higher percentage of teachers had master's degrees in
1991 than in 1981 and the college course-taking patterns of new
teachers are generally comparable to those of other college graduates. 
Teacher salaries have risen and the teacher workforce is more
experienced in terms of the number of years of teaching experience. 
Teacher attrition is not particularly high, though some schools have
difficulty finding qualified teachers to fill vacancies.  Few
districts, however, provide salary incentives or bonuses to recruit or
retrain teachers where there is a shortage.

Progress in the Achievement and Attainment of Black Students

Attaining a high quality education has always been seen as a way to
improve one's prospects.  This is especially true for those who are
socially and economically disadvantaged.  Black children are at an
educational disadvantage relative to whites because of several
factors, including:  lower average levels of parental education, a
greater likelihood of living with only one parent, and different
community characteristics deriving from income-based residential
segregation.  Furthermore, black children are much more likely to
experience poverty than white children.  In 1992, 46 percent of
black children compared to 16 percent of white children lived in
families with an income level below the poverty line (Indicator 47).

In many regards, blacks continue to trail whites with respect to
educational access, achievement, and attainment, though many of these
differences have narrowed over time.  Outlined below are some examples
of the educational differences between blacks and whites with respect
to preschool attendance, grade retention, academic achievement,
dropout rates, parental involvement, school climate, course-taking
patterns, educational aspirations, college attendance and completion,
labor market outcomes, and adult literacy levels.  Although many of
these differences remain large, some of the gap between blacks and
whites has decreased over time.

Do black children start elementary school with less preschool
experience than white children?

There are differences in participation in education before
kindergarten among black and white children.  Several federal
programs, such as Head Start, a popular program for disadvantaged
preschoolers, were begun to give children from low income families an
early start in education. Yet, even though these programs exist, fewer
black children are enrolled in preschool than white children, and the
gap has widened.  In 1991, 31 percent of black 3- and 4-year-olds were
in nursery school programs compared to 40 percent of white children. 
However, during the middle 1970s, white and black enrollment rates
were similar, around 25 percent. While there has been an increase in
the proportion of both white and black 3- and 4-year-olds attending
nursery school, the proportion for whites has increased at a faster
rate.  Black 3- and 4-year-olds, however, are more likely than whites
to be enrolled in kindergarten, 8 and 4 percent respectively
(Indicator 2).

Since the provision of preprimary education is not mandatory, it is
usually not offered in public schools whereas kindergarten typically
is. Limited financial resources may make it difficult for many black
families to afford private preschool tuition.  Differences, then, in
black and white enrollment rates in preschool may be due to a lack of
available low-cost nursery schools.  In 1991, a far lower proportion
of black preschool students (29 percent) were enrolled in private
preschools than white preschool students (68 percent) (table 3-2).

Do black children progress through school more slowly than white
children?

Since the mid-1970s the percentage of 8- and 13-year-old children who
were one or more years below the modal (most common) grade for their
age has risen for all children (Indicator 3, Condition 1992).//21 
More black than white children were behind at age 13 than at age 9,
however./22  In 1989, 27 percent of black 8-year-old boys were in
second grade or below, about the same as their white counterparts,
while 49 percent of black 13-year-olds were in seventh grade or below,
compared to 32 percent of their white counterparts.

Studies have shown that students who have repeated at least one grade
are more likely to become dropouts,/23 so differential retention rates
for blacks and whites may be associated with differential dropout
rates. In 1992, 18 percent of black 16- to 24-year-olds had repeated
one or more grades compared to 11 percent of their white counterparts. 
On the other hand, of the young adults who had been retained, blacks
were no more likely than whites to drop out before completing 12th
grade.  Among those who had not been retained, however, blacks had
twice the dropout rate as whites, 12 and 6 percent respectively
(Indicator 4).

Does the academic performance of white and black students differ in
the early grades?

As early as age 9 there are differences in the academic performance of
black and white students.  Academic proficiency in reading,
mathematics, and science, as measured at age 9 by the National
Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), is lower for black children
than for white children.

  [Figure: The achievement gap between blacks and whites at age 9
   remains large, though it has narrowed over the past two decades

   SOURCE: [Indicators 12 and 14]

The black-white achievement gap narrowed in the 1970s and early 1980s,
but has not narrowed further.  In 1992, black 9-year-olds were 33
scale points behind whites in reading, compared to 44 scale points
behind in 1971 (Indicator 12); 27 points behind whites in mathematics,
compared to 35 points in 1973 (Indicator 14); and 39 points behind in
science, compared to 57 points behind in 1970 (Indicator 15).  The
black-white achievement gaps for 13-year-olds show similar patterns.

Although the gap between the proficiency scores of black and white
students has narrowed, it remains large.  For example, the average
reading proficiency scores of black 13-year-olds (238 in 1992) fell
about midway between the average proficiency scores of white 9- and
13-year-olds (218 and 266 respectively).

This gap suggests that black children may be reading on average at a
level as much as 2 years behind their white peers by age 13, a
deficiency that they will carry with them into high school.

Does the gap in achievement that we see between whites and blacks at
age 13 persist in high school?

When tested again near the end of high school, the NAEP scores for 17-
year-old blacks again indicate a large, but narrowing, gap in
achievement between whites and blacks.  Since the early 1970s, the
proficiency scores for blacks have improved relative to those of
whites in reading, mathematics, and science.  For example, in 1971
average reading proficiency among 17-year-old blacks was well below
(52 scale points) that of 17-year-old whites and also below (22
points) that of 13-year-old whites; in 1992, the proficiency of
17-year-old blacks was closer (36 points) to that of 17-year-old
whites, and about the same as that of 13-year-old whites (Indicator
12).  In 1973, average mathematics proficiency among 17-year-old
blacks was 40 scale points behind that of their white counterparts and
about the same as that of 13-year-old whites; in 1992, it was 26
points behind that of 17-year-old whites, and 7 points above that of
13-year-old whites (Indicator 14).

Even though the black-white achievement gap has closed somewhat over
time, the gap persists across ages.  In 1992, the black-white
differences in mathematics at ages 9, 13, and 17 are remarkably
similar (27, 29, and 26 points respectively).  In other words, the
achievement gap that exits at age 9 persists though age 17, though it
does not widen.

  [Figure: The gap between the mathematics proficiency of blacks and
   whites does not narrow with age, though it does not widen either

   SOURCE: [Indicator 14]

Do the learned abilities of college-bound blacks differ on average
than those of college-bound whites?

While blacks made substantial gains on the SAT between 1976 and 1993,
a gap remains between the performance of blacks and whites.  In 1993,
average scores of blacks were 91 points lower than those of whites on
the verbal component of the SAT and 106 points lower on the
mathematics component; in 1976 they had been 119 and 139 points lower,
respectively (Indicator 19).

Are fewer black students dropping out of high school now than
previously?

Fewer black teenagers are dropping out of high school before
graduating. Although the dropout rate is still considered too high by
many educators, the 10th- to 12th-grade rate among blacks (7.9
percent) was substantially lower in 1992 than it was a decade earlier
(12.6 percent)/24 and the gap between black and white dropout rates
has been closing./25  However, the difference in black-white dropout
rates is still large in earlier grades.  Blacks in the 8th grade class
of 1988 were almost twice as likely as whites to drop out between 8th
and 10th grade: 10.2 and 5.2 percent respectively (Indicator 6).

Many dropouts later complete their high school education, either by
returning to school to earn a diploma or by obtaining a GED.  Although
blacks in the sophomore class of 1980 were less likely than their
white classmates to complete high school by June 1982 (79 percent
compared to 86 percent), they were equally likely to have completed by
1992 (Indicator 6).

With fewer black students dropping out, the high school completion
rate for blacks has increased.  In 1991, 73 percent of black 19- to
20-year-olds had graduated from high school compared to 66 percent in
1972 (Indicator 20, Condition 1993).  The completion rate for whites
was higher (87 percent) than for blacks, but it was largely unchanged
over the same period.

How does the learning environment of black and white students differ?

A student's achievement can be affected by the degree to which a safe
and orderly environment is maintained in their school.  Black
sophomores are more likely than white sophomores to report that
disruptions by other students interfere with their learning (51
percent compared to 37 percent) and that other students often disrupt
their classes (76 percent compared to 70 percent).  Blacks are also
less likely than whites to feel that students get along well with
teachers at their school (63 percent compared to 77 percent). 
Furthermore, in 1990, black sophomores were almost twice as likely as
whites to report that they did not feel safe at their school (13
percent compared to 7 percent)./26

Between 1976 and 1991, blacks were both more likely to be threatened
with and more likely to be injured with a weapon in school than
whites. In 1991, for example, about 1 in 10 black compared to 1 in 19
white high school seniors reported being injured with a weapon at
school.  However, there were few other differences in the in-school
victimization rates for black and white high school seniors over this
period (Indicator 50, Condition 1993).

Are the parents of black students more or less likely than those of
whites to be involved in their children's education?

The degree to which parents are involved in their children's education
is another factor linked to effective schooling.  Although the vast
majority of eighth grade students report that they talk to their
parents about school, black eighth-graders were slightly less likely
than whites to talk with their parents about selecting their courses
(80 percent compared to 87 percent).  However, blacks were just as
likely as whites to talk to their parents about their classes or have
their parents check their homework, limit their television viewing,
and limit their going out with friends.  And black eighth-graders were
more likely than their white counterparts to report that their parents
had spoken with a teacher or guidance counselor and visited their
classes (Indicator 43).

Are the course-taking patterns of white high school graduates
different than those of black graduates?

The total number of courses taken and the type of curriculum followed
appear not to vary by race.  In 1992, black and white high school
graduates on average earned a similar number of total course units (23
and 24 respectively) and academic units (17 and 18) (Indicator 23). 
And there was no measurable difference in 1992 between the percentage
of black and white graduates who had taken the core curriculum (4
units of English, 3 units of science, 3 units of social science, and 3
units of mathematics) recommended in A Nation at Risk (Indicator 24).

However, black graduates were less likely than their white
counterparts to take the higher level mathematics, science, and
foreign language courses.  In 1992, black graduates were twice as
likely as white graduates to have taken remedial mathematics and were
less likely to have taken algebra II, geometry, or trigonometry than
white graduates (table 25-2).  Although black graduates were about as
likely as whites to have taken biology, they were less likely to have
taken chemistry, physics, or the combination of biology, chemistry,
and physics (table 25-2).  Furthermore, black college-bound graduates
were far less likely than whites to have taken at least 2 years of a
foreign language in high school (60 percent and 75 percent
respectively), which could affect their eligibility to attend
selective colleges (Indicator 26).

Do the educational aspirations of white and black students differ?

The educational aspirations of black and white students are very
similar.  In 1990, 11 percent of black sophomores aspired to a high
school diploma or less, compared to 9 percent of whites.  Fifty-nine
percent of black sophomores aspired to a bachelor's degree or higher,
compared to 61 percent of whites./27

Black sophomores were more likely than whites to have teachers
recommend college attendance, and just as likely as whites to receive
advice on college attendance from guidance counselors.  However, black
sophomores were less likely to be advised to attend college by their
parents than their white counterparts (Indicator 7).

How are the gains made by blacks in elementary and secondary education
reflected in higher education enrollments?

Gains made by blacks in higher education are not as dramatic as those
in elementary and secondary education.  The percentage of blacks
enrolling in college in the fall following high school graduation was
47 percent in 1991, about the same as it was in 1978.  Since 1988, the
enrollment rate for white high school graduates has been rising while
for blacks it appears to have leveled off, which increased the
white-black enrollment difference to 17 percentage points in 1991
(Indicator 9).  Some of the difference in enrollment rates may be made
up by delayed entry, as blacks are more likely than whites to enroll
in college after a delay (Indicator 2:2, Condition 1991).

Overall, about 30 percent of black high school graduates 16-24 years
old were enrolled in college as undergraduates during the late 1980s,
about the same as during the last half of the 1970s.  In contrast, in
1990, about 38 percent of their white counterparts were enrolled in
college, up from 30 percent a decade earlier (Indicator 9, Condition
1992).

Do black and white students study different subjects in college?

The distribution of fields of study of black degree recipients does
differ from those of whites at both the associate's and bachelor's
degree levels, but these differences have narrowed over time.  In
1991, at the associate's degree level, black men were less likely than
white men to major in the trade and industrial fields, but more likely
to major in business.  Black women were also more likely than white
women to earn associate's degrees in business, but less likely to earn
degrees in health-related fields.  Differences in the fields studied
at the associate's degree level by black and white men narrowed
between 1987 and 1991, while the differences between black and white
women remained about the same (Indicator 29).

Among 1985-86 bachelor's degree recipients, blacks were less likely
than whites to have taken courses in the physical sciences and
calculus, but were more likely to have taken courses in area and
ethnic studies and psychology (Indicator 28).

At the bachelor's degree level, in 1991 blacks were more likely than
whites to major in business and management and in computer and
information sciences and less likely to major in engineering, the
humanities, education, and health sciences.  Overall, differences have
narrowed since 1977 (Indicator 30).

How do differential higher education enrollment rates influence the
educational attainment levels of young black adults relative to young
white adults?

Although the persistence rates of first-time students pursuing
vocational certificates, associate's degrees, and bachelor's degrees
are generally similar for blacks and whites (Indicator 10), higher
education attainment among blacks is far lower than among whites.  In
1991, 41 percent of black high school graduates 25 to 29 years old had
completed 1 or more years of college, compared to 55 percent of their
white counterparts.  In addition, 14 percent of black high school
graduates in this age category had completed 4 or more years of
college compared to 30 percent of whites.  During the 1970s, the
percentage of both white and black high school graduates completing 1
or more or 4 or more years of college grew; during the 1980s, however,
there was little change in these college attainment rates (Indicator
22, Condition 1992).

Blacks who do complete college on average take longer than whites.  Of
1990 college graduates, 65 percent of black students completed in 5 or
fewer years compared to 72 percent of white students.  Taking longer
to graduate may result from changing schools or majors, stopping out,
or taking a reduced course load for financial, academic, or social
reasons. The additional time in college can be costly to the
individual, as it delays entrance into the full-time labor market
(Indicator 6, Condition 1993).

Black women earn substantially more bachelor's degrees than black men
and the difference in the number of degrees earned by black men and
women doubled between 1977 and 1991.  Following a period of decline,
the number of degrees earned by black men increased between 1989 and
1991, approaching the level attained a decade earlier.  Between 1981
and 1991, the number of bachelor's degrees earned by white women
increased faster than those earned by black women and the number
earned by white men has been stable (Indicator 31).

Does the relationship between education and labor market outcomes
differ for blacks and whites?

Among both blacks and whites, those with more education have better
employment and earnings outcomes.  In 1991, only a quarter of blacks
who dropped out of high school between 1990 and 1991 were employed. 
Among black recent high school graduates who did not enroll in
college, about one-third were employed (Indicator 32).  However, for
the period between 1973 and 1992, white high school dropouts were more
likely to be employed than black high school graduates not enrolled in
college.

Earnings among 25- to 34-year-old blacks, particularly black women,
show that the incentive to pursue additional education is sizeable. 
For example, in 1992, black males with 9-11 years of schooling earned
35 percent less than black high school graduates; those with
bachelor's degree earned 83 percent more.  Black females with 9-11
years of schooling earned 32 percent less than those with a high
school diploma; those with a bachelor's degree earned 113 percent
more.  Between 1974 and 1992, the earnings advantage of completing
college increased for black males and females as well as for white
males and females (Indicator 34).  However, black-white earnings
differentials exist at each level of educational attainment.  For
example, white college graduates 25 to 34 years old earned 23 percent
more in 1992 than black college graduates of the same age (table
34-3).

How do the literacy levels of blacks and whites differ in the
population?

Large gaps between the literacy skills of blacks and whites exist both
within and across levels of education.  On the National Adult Literacy
Survey, blacks scored at levels similar to whites with less education.
For example, blacks with a high school diploma or a GED have literacy
levels similar to whites who completed 9 to 12 years of high school
but did not receive a diploma.  The difference in prose literacy
between black and white college graduates is 40 points, eight-tenths
of the difference between the scores of white high school and college
graduates (50 points).  However, the gap in literacy between blacks
and whites is less for 16- to 24-year-olds than for 40- to
64-year-olds (Indicator 20).  The differences in the labor market
opportunities of blacks relative to whites noted above may be related
to the differences in the literacy levels of blacks and whites at
similar levels of educational attainment.

In summary, black children are less likely to be enrolled in
preprimary education and are more likely to be below modal grade for
their age. Gaps in reading, mathematics, and science achievement
appear at age 9, and do not narrow with age.  Black students are more
likely to drop out of school than whites, although this gap has closed
over time.  Black students are no less likely than whites to have
their parents involved in their schooling, although black students are
more likely to face a disorderly school environment than their white
peers.  Blacks are less likely to take advanced science and
mathematics courses or foreign languages in high school.  Even though
they have similar educational aspirations and take a similar number of
academic courses as whites, blacks are less likely than whites to make
the immediate transition from high school to college.  Educational
attainment is positively associated with employment and earnings for
blacks, although earnings and employment rates are lower for blacks
than for whites with the same amount of education.  Blacks have lower
literacy levels than whites, both in general and at similar levels of
educational attainment.

Sub-baccalaureate Postsecondary Education

Lifelong learning is at the core of goal 5 of the National Education
Goals adopted by President Bush and the governors in 1990 and included
in the Educate America Act submitted by President Clinton to the
Congress in 1993.  Goal 5 states: "By the year 2000, every adult
American will be literate and will possess the knowledge and skills
necessary to compete in a global economy and exercise the rights and
responsibilities of citizenship."

High school graduates seeking occupational and technical training to
help them prepare for a career may enroll in sub-baccalaureate
postsecondary education programs.  Also, people who have been in the
labor market for some time and want to upgrade their skills in order
to advance in their careers or to change careers may enroll in these
programs.  This sector of education, which is characterized by
diversity in its programs, institutions, and students, is a very
important resource to people who want to learn throughout their lives.

What is sub-baccalaureate education?

Traditional higher education is usually imagined as enrollment in a 4-
year college soon after high school graduation and continuation
through the award of a bachelor's degree in an academic field. 
However, this educational path is only one of many after high school. 
Much of postsecondary education is occupationally specific./28  Many
postsecondary institutions offer less-than-4-year or less-than-2-year
programs, and many students in postsecondary education do not pursue
bachelor's or more advanced degrees and enroll years after completing
high school or without completing high school.  The description below
of the sub-baccalaureate sector of education is partly of
less-than-4-year institutions, partly of postsecondary vocational
education, and partly of students who do not attain bachelor's or more
advanced degrees.  This sector of education is diverse and there are
no clear dividing lines between it and traditional higher education. 
In fact, many students in this sector are preparing to go on to a
4-year institution to pursue a bachelor's degree.

Students.  In 1993, about half of the population aged 25 to 49
reported they had attained a level of education beyond high school. 
About half of these had earned a bachelor's or more advanced degree. 
The remaining half had attended "some college" but had no degree or
had earned an associate's degree (Indicator 21).  Many of these people
may have pursued occupational-technical programs of short duration. 
Others, however, may have dropped out of programs leading to a
bachelor's or associate's degree.

Institutions.  Postsecondary institutions that do not offer bachelor's
or more advanced degrees (less-than-4-year) are of two major types: 1)
community and junior colleges and 2) vocational and technical
education institutions.  Public community and junior colleges, which
are higher education institutions, enroll 86 percent of all students
at less-than- 4-year institutions and offer both occupationally
specific training and the opportunity to complete the first 2 years of
a bachelor's degree program./29  Vocational and technical
institutions, which are noncollegiate postsecondary institutions,
almost exclusively offer training programs designed to prepare
students for specific occupations and careers.  Typically,
vocational-technical institutes differ from public 2-year institutions
in that they do not award associate's degrees and are more likely to
provide programs lasting 1 year or less. Proprietary (private,
for-profit) schools, which enroll over half the students at less than
1-year institutions, offer a variety of vocational programs ranging
from very short programs in truck driving to 2-year associate's degree
programs in business, allied health, or other subjects.

Programs.  Less-than-4-year programs vary considerably in length and
type.  Programs leading to an associate's degree typically take 2
years. However, there are many programs that lead to certificates,
licenses, and other awards.  Some are as short as 6 weeks, while
others can take almost 4 years.  Most of these programs are offered in
less than 4-year institutions but some are offered in 4-year
institutions.  For example, 14 percent of all associate's degrees and
2 percent of less-than-4-year awards (certificates) were conferred by
4-year institutions in 1990-91./30

Fields.  Associate's degree programs include vocational programs to
equip students with skills for the workforce and more academic
programs to prepare students to transfer to 4-year institutions to
pursue a bachelor's degree.  Two out of every three students receiving
an associate's degree in 1990 specialized in technical/professional
fields.  The remainder pursued the arts and sciences fields, mainly
liberal/general studies./31  Among those in technical/professional
fields, the most popular programs were business and management,
business administrative support, nursing, and engineering
technologies.  These four fields made up 38 percent of all associate's
degrees awarded in 1990.

How many students participate in the sub-baccalaureate sector of
education?

The sub-baccalaureate sector of postsecondary education is large in
terms of the number of institutions, the number of students, and the
number of credentials conferred.  In 1989, almost 7,800 postsecondary
institutions offered occupational and technical programs leading to
sub-baccalaureate awards. Five thousand of these were private
proprietary schools.  In addition, 1,000 public 2-year institutions,
756 private nonprofit less-than-4-year institutions, 315 4-year
institutions (both public and private nonprofit), and 282 public
vocational-technical institutions offered vocational education
programs./32

Almost all states support at least some form of postsecondary
vocational education, although the number and type of institutions
vary across the states.  With the exception of Wyoming, in 1989 every
state provided vocational education in both public and private 4-year
and public 2-year institutions.  California had the largest number of
public 2-year institutions (102), followed by Texas (65) and North
Carolina (60).  Of the 5.4 million students enrolled in public 2-year
institutions in 1991, 24 percent were in California alone.  California
also had the largest number of proprietary schools (644), followed by
Illinois (284) and Pennsylvania (280).  However, Arkansas, Florida,
Ohio, and Tennessee have the largest systems of public
vocational-technical institutes. Only 12 states and the District of
Columbia reported having no vocational-technical institutes./33

Enrollment in less-than-4-year institutions is extensive.  In 1991,
5.4 million students were enrolled in public 2-year institutions,
compared to 8.7 million undergraduate and graduate students in 4-year
colleges and universities.  Not all of these students are in degree
programs, however.  Many are taking specific courses to acquire
specific skills or to pursue hobbies.  Enrollment in the
less-than-2-year sector was 924,000 with over half of the students
enrolled in proprietary institutions and the remainder in public (31
percent) and private nonprofit (17 percent) institutions./34

Enrollment at public 2-year institutions increased from 2.6 million
students in 1972 to 5.5 million students in 1992 and the share of all
students in higher education increased from 29 percent in 1972 to 38
percent in 1992 (Indicator 39).

Institutions in the sub-baccalaureate sector confer many associate's
degrees and other awards, primarily vocational certificates, each
year. In 1990-91, 507,000 associate's degrees were awarded./35  Most
of these (363,000) were awarded by public 2-year colleges.  In
addition, 912,000 certificates were awarded that year.  The majority
of these (538,000) were awarded by less-than-2-year proprietary
schools.  By comparison, about 1 million bachelor's degrees were
conferred that year.

What are the characteristics of students who participate in the sub-
baccalaureate sector?

The characteristics of students in less-than-4-year institutions
differ from those of students in 4-year institutions.  Overall, the
students at less-than-4-year institutions are more likely to be over
24 years old, married, living off campus, and attending part-time than
those in 4-year institutions.  Also, the students at less-than-4-year
institutions are more likely to have parents with, at most, a high
school education. However, there are some important differences within
the less-than-4- year sector (Indicator 51).

o    At public 2-year institutions, 70 percent of students attended 
     part-time in 1989-90 compared to 29 and 17 percent at
     private not-for-profit and private for-profit less-than-4-year
     institutions, respectively.

o    At public 2-year institutions, 70 percent of students attended
     part-time in 1989-90 compared to 29 and 17 percent at private
     not-for-profit and private for-profit less-than-4-year
     institutions, respectively.

o    Students enrolled in public 2-year colleges are very likely to be
     attending part-time (70 percent), however, those enrolled at 
     private not-for-profit and private for-profit less-than-4-year
     are very unlikely to be doing so (29 and 17 percent,
     respectively).

o    The parents of students attending proprietary institutions have
     less education than the parents of students attending 2-year
     colleges.

o    Financially dependent students at proprietary institutions are 
     more likely to be from low and lower middle income families (64
     percent) than dependent students at public 2-year colleges (44
     percent).

What is the cost of enrolling in sub-baccalaureate programs and how
much financial aid do students receive?

The cost of attending less-than-4-year postsecondary institutions
varies.  At public 2-year institutions the cost is low.  Average (in-
state) tuition and fees were just over $1,000 in 1992-93, compared to
$2,600 at public universities and $13,000 at private universities./37
Average tuition charges also have risen more slowly at public 2-year
colleges than at universities.  Between 1980 and 1991, tuition
charges, in constant dollars, grew 21 percent at public 2-year
colleges, compared to 36 percent at public universities and 53 percent
at private universities (Indicator 55).

At proprietary schools, tuition charges are higher.  In 1989-90, the
average tuition students paid was $4,900 at propriety institutions
compared to $577 at public 2-year institutions./38  These amounts are
for the number of terms and number of courses students were actually
enrolled.  The average tuition charges for full-year full-time
students would have been higher./39

Overall, 37 percent of students at less-than-4-year institutions
received financial aid compared to 50 percent at 4-year-institutions.
The average amount received was $2,800 for students at
less-than-4-year institutions compared to $4,300 for those at 4-year
institutions./40 Because students attending less than half time are
less likely to receive financial aid than those attending at least
half time and because students attending public institutions receive
on average less financial aid than those attending private or
proprietary institutions, the figures above are determined in large
part by the proportion of students in each sector who attend less than
half time and who attend public institutions./41

Within the less-than-4-year sector, there is a great deal of variation
in the percentage of students receiving financial aid and the average
amount of this aid.  For example, 28 percent of public 2-year college
students received aid compared to 82 percent of students at
proprietary less-than-2-year institutions. The average for public
2-year college students receiving aid was $2,000 compared to $4,100
for their counterparts at proprietary less-than-2-year
institutions./42

How much do institutions that offer sub-baccalaureate programs spend?

Expenditures per pupil at public 2-year colleges were less than at
universities.  In 1990-91, public 2-year colleges spent $5,800 per
full-time-equivalent student, compared to $12,300 at public
universities and $21,900 at private universities./43  Expenditures
also grew more slowly at public 2-year colleges than at universities. 
Between 1980 and 1991, expenditures per full-time-equivalent student
increased 8 percent at public 2-year colleges, compared to 20 percent
at public universities and 37 percent at private universities
(Indicator 55).

Faculty at public 2-year institutions are more likely to be part-time
and earn lower average salaries than their counterparts at 4-year
institutions.  In the fall of 1989, 61 percent of faculty at public 2-
year institutions were part-time compared to 21 percent at public
4-year institutions and 36 percent at private 4-year institutions./44 
Average salaries for faculty at public 2-year colleges are lower than
for those at 4-year institutions, particularly for those with higher
academic rank.  In 1992, full-time professors at public 2-year
colleges earned an average salary of $48,100 compared to $59,800 at
public 4-year colleges.  However, full-time assistant professors
earned an average salary of $34,900 at 2-year colleges compared to
$37,700 for those at public 4-year colleges (Indicator 57).

How many students who begin sub-baccalaureate programs persist to
completion of the program?

A large percentage of students pursuing sub-baccalaureate degrees do
not complete those programs.  Among students seeking an associate's
degree in 1989-90, by spring 1992 only 12 percent completed it, while
19 percent were continuously enrolled and 23 percent had re-enrolled
at least once (after an interruption).  Nevertheless, close to half
(46 percent) had left school without reenrolling (Indicator 10).

Among associate's degree students, not delaying entry into
postsecondary education, being single without children, and being
employed were associated with higher completion rates and lower
interrupted enrollment (without re-enrollment) rates (table 10-1). 
For example, those who started postsecondary education within 12
months of high school graduation (no delay) were more likely to
complete the program than those who started more than 12 months after
high school graduation (delay), 16 percent and 5 percent,
respectively.  Similarly, a smaller percentage of the students who did
not delay entry had an interruption in their enrollment (without
reenrollment) (38 percent), compared with those who delayed entry (60
percent).  On the other hand, the average number of hours worked per
week while in school was not associated with the likelihood of
completion or interrupting their enrollment. 

Among first-time postsecondary students in the 1989-90 academic year
whose degree objective was a vocational certificate, only 1 in 3
received one by early 1992, and most of these were in very short
programs of 1 month or less (Indicator 10). However, some of these
students were more likely to finish than others.  For example, those
who started postsecondary education within 12 months of high school
graduation were less likely to complete the certificate program than
those who started more than 12 months after high school graduation.

How common is it for students to move from the sub-baccalaureate to
the baccalaureate sector, that is, from 2-year to 4-year colleges?

Students can use community and junior colleges as a stepping stone to
a bachelor's degree program at a 4-year-college or university.  About
one-quarter of the senior class of 1980 who enrolled in public 2-year
institutions within 4 years of high school graduation had transferred
to another postsecondary institution by 1984.  Of those who
transferred, 54 percent went on to public 4-year institutions and 18
percent went to private 4-year institutions./45

In summary, the sub-baccalaureate sector is made up of a variety of
institutions (ranging from proprietary schools to community colleges)
and offers a variety of programs, though most are vocational in
nature. Less-than-4-year institutions make up a large part of
postsecondary education in terms of the number of institutions, size
of enrollments, and number of degrees and certificates conferred. 
Students in this sector differ from those of traditional 4-year
college students. They are more likely to be over 24, married, living
off campus, attending part-time, and from lower income families. 
Completion rates of vocational certificate and associate's degree
seekers are generally low, though a small portion do go on to 4-year
institutions.  In the late 1980s and early 1990s, enrollment in
community colleges and universities grew faster than in 4-year
institutions.

Conclusion

The preceding discussion has highlighted only a few of the issues
treated by the 60 indicators in this volume.  The Condition of
Education presents data and analyses on a wide variety of issues in
education. The reader is encouraged to read the overviews to each
section for discussion of other issues, to peruse the indicators of
interest, and to use the tables for additional details.

NOTES:

1.  The panel's recommendation of 0.5 units in computer science is not
included in this description; however, it is included in supplemental
tables 24-1 and 24-2.

2.  R. Coley and M. E. Goetz.  Educational Standards in the Fifty
States:  1990.  Princeton, N.J.: Educational Testing Service and  U.S.
Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics.
Overview and Inventory of State Requirements for School Coursework and
Attendance.  Washington, D.C.: 1992.

3.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics. Dropout Rates in the United States: 1992, Washington,
D.C.: 1993, table 21, based on High School and Beyond (Base Year
Survey) and National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First
Follow-up Survey).

4.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993. Washington, D.C.:
1993 table 150. (footnote about Montana)

5.  Dropout Rates in the United States: 1992, table 19, based on the
National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (Base Year, First
Follow-up, and Second Follow-up Surveys) and Dropout Rates in the
United States: 1991, Washington, D.C.: 1992, table 18, based on the
National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up
Survey).

6.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics.  America's High School Sophomores:  A Ten Year Comparison.
Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 6.1, based on High School and Beyond
(Base Year Survey) and the National Educational Longitudinal Study of
1988 (First Follow-up Survey) .

7.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 132.

8.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 300.

9.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics.  National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990.  Data
Analysis System.

10.  Harvard Education Letter, IX(1) January, 1993.

11.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 68, based on 
National Education Association, Status of the American Public School
Teacher, 1990-91.

12.  Ibid.

13.  Ibid.

14.  F. H. Nelson and T. O'Brien.  How U.S. Teachers Measure Up
Internationally:  A Comparative Study of Teacher Pay, Training, and
Conditions of Service.  American Federation of Teachers, Washington,
D.C.: 1993, table II-1.

15.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 68.

16.  F. H. Nelson.  Survey and Analysis of Salary Trends, 1993.
American Federation of Teachers, Washington, D.C.: 1993, table II-4.

17.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics.  Schools and Staffing in the United States:  A Statistical
Profile, 1990-91.  Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 7.2, based on 
Schools and Staffing Survey: 1990-91 (School Questionnaire).

18.  Schools and Staffing: 1990-91. table 7.5, based on  Schools and
Staffing Survey: 1990-91 (Private School and Teacher Demand and
Shortage Questionnaire).

19.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics.  America's Teachers:  Profile of a Profession. 
Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 3.12, based on  Schools and Staffing
Survey: 1987-88 (Teacher Demand and Shortage Questionnaire).

20. Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 68.

21.  This trend may be due to a variety of factors, including 1)
parents being increasingly willing to have their children repeat
kindergarten or start first grade late, 2) schools being increasingly
less willing to let parents start their children in school early, and
3) a decline in the practice of "social promotion" or promoting
academically unprepared children to the next grade for social reasons.

22.  Most 8-year-olds are in third grade and most 13-year-olds are in
the eighth grade.  Many 8-year-olds who are in first or second grade
did not start school until they were 7.  This is particularly true for
boys who are often less mature than girls at ages 5 and 6.  However,
the percentage of students below the modal (most common) grade for
their age generally increases with age.  The increase is an indication
of the practice of parents and teachers deciding to hold a student in
a grade who they believe is not ready for the next grade.  The
increase, which was larger for black than for white boys, is an
indication that parents and teachers were for frequently holding black
boys back compared to white boys.  This difference, in turn, is an
indication that black boys were falling behind white boys
academically.

23.  See  Dropout Rates in the United States: 1988 and School
Dropouts: Patterns and Policies, ed. G. Natriello (New York, NY:
Teachers College Press. 1989) for a discussion of the relationship
between grade retention and dropping out of school.

24.  Dropout Rates in the United States: 1992, table 21, based on High
School and Beyond (Base Year Survey) and National Educational
Longitudinal Study of 1988 (First Follow-up Survey).

25.  Differences in family income may account for most of the
differences in dropout rates between racial/ethnic groups.  When
comparisons are drawn across racial/ethnic groups within an income
level, there were no differences in status dropout rates of white and
black 16- to 24-year-olds in 1991 (Dropout Rates in the United States:
1991,  table 10, based on the October Current Population Survey).

26.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 140, based on the
National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (Base Year and First
Follow-up Surveys).

27.  America's High School Sophomores:  A Ten Year Comparison, table
6.2, based on the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988
(First Follow-up Survey).

28.  The Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Applied Technology Act of 1990
defines vocational education as programs that prepare students for
paid or unpaid employment requiring other than a baccalaureate or
advanced degree.  These types of occupational-technical programs are
offered in a wide variety of institutions, including some that also
offer academic education.

29.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 166.

30.  Ibid.

31.  The Condition of Education, 1993, Indicator 29, 1993.

32.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics.  Vocational Education in the United States: 1969-1990.
Washington, D.C.: 1993, table 31.

33.  Ibid.

34.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 166.

35.  Ibid.

36.  National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990.  Data Analysis
System.

37.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 300.

38.  U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education
Statistics.  Financing Undergraduate Education: 1990. Washington,
D.C.: 1993, tables 3.6a and 3.6c.

39.  For example, in 1989-90 at public 2-year institutions, tuition
charges paid varied from $277 for a part-time part-year student, to
$867 for a full-time full-year student.  The National Postsecondary
Student Aid Study, 1990.  Data Analysis System.

40.  National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990.  Data Analysis
System.

41.  In 1989-90, 40 percent of students at less-than-4-year
institutions attended part-time compared to 74 percent at 4-year
institutions. Whereas 57 percent of full-time students received
financial aid, only 30 percent of half-time students and 21 percent of
less than half-time students received aid.  In addition, 81 percent of
students at less- than-4-year institutions were at public institutions
compared to 69 percent of students at 4-year institutions.  At public
institutions 34 percent of students received some financial aid
compared to 63 percent of those at private nonprofit institutions and
81 percent of those at private proprietary institutions.
42.  National Postsecondary Student Aid Study, 1990.  Data Analysis
System.

43.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 326.

44.  Digest of Education Statistics, 1993, table 217.

45.  Vocational Education in the United States: 1969-1992, figure 47.

                ***last update 3/28/95 (cschmitt)***