Title: Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing: The 1999 Herman
Goldstein Award Winners.
Series: N/A
Author: National Institute of Justice, Office of Community Oriented
Policing Services, and Police Executive Research Forum
Published: August 2000
Subject: Problem-oriented policing and community policing
77 pages
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U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
National Institute of Justice

Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing: The 1999 Herman Goldstein
Award Winners

Police Executive Research Forum
National Institute of Justice
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services

-------------------------------

Chuck Wexler
Executive Director, Police Executive Research Forum
Project Monitor, James Burack
http://www.policeforum.org

Julie E. Samuels
Acting Director, National Institute of Justice
Project Monitor, Carolyn Peake
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij

Thomas C. Frazier
Director, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services
Project Monitor, Ellen Scrivner
http://www.usdoj.gov/cops

NCJ 182731

Opinions or points of view expressed in this document are those of the
authors and do not necessarily reflect the official position or policies of the
U.S. Department of Justice or Police Executive Research Forum

-------------------------------

The National Institute of Justice is a component of the Office of Justice
Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Assistance, the
Bureau of Justice Statistics, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention, and the Office for Victims of Crime..

-------------------------------

The 2000 Problem-Oriented Policing (POP) Conference

o Winners of the 2000 Herman Goldstein Award for excellence in POP
will present their acclaimed projects at the 11th International Conference
on Problem-Oriented Policing, held December 2-5, 2000, in San Diego,
California

o The conference brings together more than 1,000 practitioners and
researchers presenting new and innovative information and strategies that
contend effectively with crime and disorder

o Contact PERF for conference information or registration: 

on-line at:
www.policeforum.org

through fax-on-demand:
1-877-421-PERF

through Perf:
Attn: POP Conference Registration
1120 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 930
Washington, DC 20036
USA
tel: (202) 466-7820
fax: (202) 466-7826

The 2001 Herman Goldstein Award

o Nominations for the competition will be accepted until early spring 2001

o Submissions should be limited to 4,000 words of text (approximately 15
pages, double-spaced)

o Include a 300-400 word summary of the project and relevant charts,
tables, graphs, and supporting documents

o Submissions must address all four phases of the SARA model
(Scanning, Analysis, Response, and Assessment)

o Entries are judged particularly on well-presented data, especially at the
Analysis and Assessment stages

o Complete submission requirements and forms can be found:

On-line at:
www.policeforum.org

Through fax-on-demand:
1-877-421-PERF

through PERF:
Attn: Herman Goldstein Award
1120 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 930
Washington, DC 20036
USA
tel: (202) 466-7820
fax: (202) 466-7826

-------------------------------

Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing

Winners of the 1999 Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in
Problem-Oriented Policing

August 2000

-------------------------------

Contents

Introduction

Street Sweeping, Broadway Style
Green Bay Police Department, Wisconsin, Fort Howard District

Canton Middle School Truancy Abatement Program
Baltimore Police Department, Maryland, Southeastern District

A Multiagency Approach to a Countywide Problem
Fresno Police Department, California

The Hawthorne Huddle
Minneapolis Police Department, Minnesota

The Power of Partnerships
Racine Police Department, Wisconsin

Truancy Control Project
San Diego Police Department, California, Mid-City Division

Intersecting Solutions
Vancouver Police Department, Grandview Woodland Community
Policing Centre

Appendixes
Appendix A: Site Contacts
Appendix B: Judges
Appendix C: Resources

-------------------------------

Introduction

This report celebrates the excellence in problem-oriented policing (POP)
demonstrated by the winner and six finalists of the Police Executive
Research Forum's (PERF) 1999 Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence
in Problem-Oriented Policing. This award recognizes outstanding police
officers and police agencies--both in the United States and around the
world--that engage in innovative and effective problem-solving efforts and
achieve measurable success in reducing specific crime, disorder, and
public safety problems. 

PERF assembled a panel of seven judges, made up of six researchers and
one practitioner, who selected the winner and six finalists from among 76
award submissions from the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom,
and Australia. The judges considered a number of factors in their
selection, including the depth of problem analysis, the development of
clear and realistic response goals, the use of relevant measures of
effectiveness, and the involvement of citizens and other community
resources in problem resolution. 

Police agencies whose projects successfully resolve any type of recurring
community problem that results in crime or disorder are eligible to
compete for the award. Examples of problems addressed by past
applicants include drug dealing, gang activity, disorder and crime in an
apartment complex, prostitution along a major thoroughfare, drunk driving
throughout a large metropolitan region, trespassing on high school
grounds, and 911 hang-up calls. Though many previous winning projects
have focused on a problem in a specific neighborhood, PERF encourages
applicants to consider problems that are much larger in scope and impact.

The PERF award honors Herman Goldstein, professor emeritus at the
University of Wisconsin Law School in Madison, who first articulated and
later elaborated on the concept of problem solving in two seminal
publications--the first in 1979, "Improving Policing: A Problem-Oriented
Approach" (Crime and Delinquency 25: 236-258); the second in 1990,
Problem-Oriented Policing (New York: McGraw Hill). Goldstein has
continued to advance POP and to inspire police officers around the world
to identify the problems that trouble communities, to analyze a wide range
of information, and to craft and implement responses uniquely suited to
each particular problem. Goldstein has urged police to expand their
repertoire beyond arrest-oriented practices to encompass a variety of
possible responses to problems.

Importantly, Goldstein has encouraged police to evaluate the impact of
their responses to determine the effectiveness of their problem-solving
efforts. As articulated by Goldstein, police problem-solving efforts should
focus on the underlying conditions that give rise to crime and disorder. By
doing so, police can address the problem rather than simply ameliorate the
symptoms. The results of such a problem-solving focus should be more
effective and long-lasting. Indeed, improving police effectiveness is at the
center of POP. 

The concept of problem solving is best illustrated by an example. Suppose
police find themselves responding several times a day to calls from one
particular apartment complex to disperse disorderly youths and stop acts
of vandalism. But this common approach--dispatching an officer to the
scene--may do little to resolve the long-term problems of disorder and
vandalism. If, instead, police were to incorporate problem-solving
techniques into their approach, they would examine the conditions
underlying the youthful disorder and vandalism. This would likely include
collecting additional information--perhaps by surveying residents,
analyzing the time of day when incidents occur, examining school bus
routes, assessing the availability of afterschool activities, and evaluating
characteristics of environmental design and other elements of the problem.
Once examined, the findings would be used to inform a response uniquely
developed to reduce or eliminate the problem behaviors. While
enforcement might be a component of the response, it is unlikely to be the
sole response. Recurrent enforcement has often been used by police, but it
does not resolve long-standing problems. For this reason, police adopting
the problem-solving approach are encouraged to develop innovative
responses to the public safety issues in their community.

The Evolution of POP

Beginning in the late 1970's, researchers and policymakers became
increasingly interested in how to improve the effectiveness of policing.
Research during this period pointed out the limitations of random patrol,
rapid response, and follow-up criminal investigations--practices that had
been the foundation of policing for many years. These findings laid the
groundwork for the development of POP. The first test of problem solving
took place in the Newport News (Virginia) Police Department in the
mid-1980's in a PERF research study that was conceptualized as a crime
analysis study. Indeed, using analysis to inform police remains a key tenet
of problem solving today. 

Early work on POP yielded important insights:[1] 

o Police deal with a range of community problems, many of which are not
strictly criminal in nature. 

o Arrest and prosecution alone--the traditional functions of the criminal
justice system--are not always sufficient for effectively resolving
problems.

o Officers have great insight into the problems plaguing a community, and
giving them the discretion to create solutions is extremely valuable to the
problem-solving approach.

o A wide variety of methods can be used by police to redress recurrent
problems.

o The community values police involvement in noncriminal problems and
recognizes the contribution they can make to solving them.

As POP has evolved over the last two decades, researchers and
practitioners have focused on the evaluation of problems, the importance
of solid analysis, the need for pragmatism in developing responses, and the
need to tap other resources--including members of the community. Indeed,
the role of the community continues to be a subject of discussion in POP,
and problem solving is a key element in many community-policing
initiatives.

The SARA Model. The preeminent conceptual model of problem solving,
known as SARA, grew out of the POP project in Newport News. The
acronym SARA stands for scanning, analysis, response, and assessment.
This model has become the basis for many police agencies' training
curricula and problem-solving efforts. Each step in the process is
summarized below:

Scanning:

o Identify recurring problems of concern to the public and the police.

o Prioritize problems.

o Develop broad goals.

o Confirm that the problems exist. 

o Select one problem for examination.

Analysis:

o Try to identify and understand the events and conditions that precede
and accompany the problem.

o Identify the consequences of the problem for the community.
o Determine how frequently the problem occurs, why it occurs, and how
long it has been occurring.

o Identify the conditions that give rise to the problem.

o Narrow the scope of the problem as specifically as possible.

o Identify resources that may be of assistance in developing a deeper
understanding of the problem.

Response:

o Search for what others with similar problems have done.

o Brainstorm interventions.

o Choose among the alternative solutions.

o Outline the response plan and identify responsible parties.

o State the specific goals for the response plan.

o Identify relevant data to be collected.

o Carry out the planned activities.

Assessment:

o Determine whether or not the plan was implemented.

o Determine whether the goals were attained and collect qualitative and
quantitative data (pre- and postresponse).

o Identify any new strategies needed to augment the original plan.

o Conduct ongoing assessment to ensure continued effectiveness.

The 1999 Winner and Finalists

The judges selected the Green Bay (Wisconsin) Police Department as the
winner of the 1999 Herman Goldstein Award for Excellence in
Problem-Oriented Policing. Officers Bill Bongle and Steve Scully initiated
a strategy to revive the Broadway business district in Green Bay--a
high-crime area of the city troubled by people who were often intoxicated
and disorderly and living on the street and by litter and broken bottles. The
officers gave taverns a "no-serve list" of people who were habitually drunk
and disorderly or in trouble, motivated community members to pressure
city liquor license regulators to increase their oversight and enforcement,
modified the environment, targeted enforcement to specific locations, and
worked with the community and the media to educate the public about the
initiative. The result was a reduction in calls-for-service and an improved
quality of life in the neighborhood.

The judges also recognized the following finalists: 

o The Baltimore Police Department, which reduced chronic truancy by
working closely with school department officials and the courts. By
engaging parents in the effort, the department reduced truancy without
resorting to traditional legal remedies. 

o The Fresno (California) Police Department, which faced a large number
of child custody violation calls. The department focused its
problem-solving efforts on increasing awareness and utilization of an
existing family court-ordered program that provides a safe place for
parents to exchange custody of their children. In addition, the department
led a countywide effort to coordinate and improve prosecution of child
custody violations.

o The Minneapolis Police Department, which partnered with the
community to revitalize the Hawthorne neighborhood. Hawthorne was
affected by narcotics trafficking and quality-of-life offenses. The
"Hawthorne Huddle" began as a series of community meetings and
evolved into a key problem-solving forum for both the police department
and the Hawthorne community. The department combined a traditional
response of increased enforcement with the POP approach of cultivating
community involvement. The department's participation in the community
meetings ensured that the department was actively involved in facilitating
communication and assisting residents.

o The Racine (Wisconsin) Police Department, which revitalized
neighborhoods by partnering with the community, other government
agencies, and nonprofit organizations. One of the department's key
strategies was to purchase and restore run-down single-family homes in
troubled neighborhoods for use as temporary community policing
substations. The police presence served as a catalyst for positive change.
When order was restored to the neighborhoods, the homes were sold to
low-income homebuyers.

o The San Diego Police Department, which dramatically reduced school
absenteeism among the most chronic truants. Police officers conducted an
innovative needs assessment with truants and arranged for needed
services. To ensure long-term success, the officers helped to create a
mentoring program for at-risk youth.

o The Vancouver Police Department, which addressed a decline in the
quality of life in its community by restoring order at a busy urban
intersection. The department relied on the community to assist in both
problem identification and resolution. The project achieved lasting success
by altering the physical environment, making it less conducive for
criminal activity such as panhandling and squeegeeing car windows.

Each of these police agencies applied the SARA model and other lessons
learned from policing research to address substantial problems in their
communities. By working closely with other government agencies,
nonprofit groups, and residents, the police were able to develop effective
solutions to long-standing problems. Each site included enforcement in its
POP strategies. Each project also clearly demonstrated an important
principle articulated by Goldstein--rank-and-file officers have a lot of
information, and given the freedom and support to create solutions, they
can be very successful problem solvers.

Themes Among Problems and Strategies

This year's winner and finalists faced somewhat similar problems in their
communities and developed somewhat similar strategies in their
problem-solving approach. Some of these similarities, or recurring themes,
are highlighted below.

Habitual Offenders Create Disorder. Green Bay, Minneapolis, Racine, and
Vancouver all tackled complex problems that involved habitual offenders
performing the same illegal or troubling behaviors in the same places over
and over again. Over time, disorder and fear permeated the affected
neighborhoods. Police officers in each site developed solutions that took
advantage of the unique strengths and resources in their communities.
Minneapolis and Racine, struggling with these issues in residential
communities, accessed much-needed social services for neighborhood
residents. Green Bay and Vancouver worked closely with the businesses in
their commercial neighborhoods to make physical changes to the
environment.

Reliance on the Community. The key role of the community in identifying
and solving problems is well illustrated by the seven projects. Although
the departments were independently able to identify many of the problems,
it was the input of community members that helped them understand many
of the underlying causes and citizens' priorities for interventions. Officers
who led these projects spent many fruitful hours gathering information and
opinions from members of the community. Along the way, the officers
formed relationships that contributed to lasting community involvement
and empowerment. 

Value of the Line Officer's Experience. All of the sites demonstrated the
importance of using the knowledge and skills of rank-and-file officers. In
each of the sites, the impetus to begin the POP project came from line
officers. The officers recognized offense and disorder patterns during the
course of their regular duties. The officers then conducted research,
analyzed crime and social indicator data, reached out to the community
and mobilized its members, and crafted creative, lasting solutions to
complex problems.

Identification of the Underlying Causes of Problems. Through their
analyses, the officers were able to identify and focus on the underlying
causes of crime, disorder, and fear. Both Baltimore and San Diego, which
addressed truancy, examined the causes of students' school avoidance, not
just its consequences. Officers in each site worked closely with school
district officials to address the needs of truant students and their families.
The Green Bay officers identified lax liquor licensing and enforcement as
an underlying cause of problems in the Broadway area of their city.
Officers in Vancouver gained important insights into the underlying
causes of their problems when they considered "ownership" of public
space in their target intersection. In that context, solutions to the
aggressive "squeegee" person problem became much easier to identify.

Leveraging Resources. In each site, the ultimate success of the project
depended on the officers' ability to leverage the resources of other
government agencies and private-sector resources. The Racine
community-policing houses became vital to the community when public
services were offered in the houses. The houses offered
neighborhood-based services in previously underserved locations. The
provision of services increased the community's acceptance of a police
presence in the neighborhood.

Project Highlights

All of the police agencies did an exceptional job of applying the SARA
model, and it is worthwhile to highlight some of the ways in which they
incorporated each of the steps into their problem-solving process.

Scanning: Prior to analyzing the problem, the teams in both Green Bay
and Vancouver conducted a thorough and systematic assessment to
identify all relevant problems. In the process, they identified numerous
noncriminal problems that contributed to the disorder in their target areas.

Analysis: Officers working on truancy in San Diego analyzed the problem
from the perspective of the truants themselves. By conducting surveys of
and risk-assessment interviews with individual truants, officers were able
to determine what factors contributed to this complex problem. Officers
involved in the Hawthorne Huddle carefully examined potential
stakeholders and identified a number of nontraditional partners for their
problem-solving effort. Officers in Green Bay analyzed data from a variety
of sources. Officers in Fresno looked at the problem of child custody
disputes from the perspective of several different agencies.

Response: In Green Bay, officers mobilized the community to pressure the
city's Protection and Welfare Committee, which regulates liquor licenses,
to be more accountable. Racine and Vancouver identified previously
untapped community resources. The Baltimore police built a relationship
with the media and used the coercive power of the court to help make their
project a success.

Assessment: Officers in all of the sites were committed to assessing or
evaluating the impact of their responses through quantitative measures.
Using data gathered by the school district in conjunction with their own
data, the Baltimore police documented the success of their truancy
program. Officers in Fresno, armed with outcome data demonstrating the
effectiveness of their approach, led the formation of a countywide task
force to address child custody issues. The Vancouver Police Department
collected data that illustrate the lasting impact that changes in the physical
environment can have on public safety.

Evidence of POP's Effectiveness

Although the projects described in this report have not been rigorously
evaluated, numerous indicators point to the positive impact they are
having. The Green Bay officers began targeting problems in the Broadway
district in 1995. Data collected in Green Bay show a 65-percent reduction
in total police calls from 1993 to 1999 in the target area and a 91-percent
decrease in the demand for rescue squad services. From 1995 to February
2000, the Broadway business district has gained more than $8.4 million in
new public and private investment, 410 new jobs, and 33 new businesses.

Baltimore data show a 5-fold reduction in citations for truancy violations
in the target area. Incidents of daytime crime and delinquency decreased
by 26 percent, and school attendance rates are the highest ever. Fresno
estimates that the new child custody procedures implemented by the police
department save more than 3,000 officer hours annually. In the Hawthorne
neighborhood in Minneapolis, there were dramatic decreases in narcotics
violations, vandalism, and home burglaries. The Racine target
neighborhoods witnessed similar declines in crime after the department
initiated problem-solving efforts in 1992. Violent crime fell 70 percent
from 1991 to 1998, and the number of calls-for-service fell 35 percent
from 1991 to 1998. The San Diego police department documented a
20-percent reduction in Mid-City crime and a 31-percent decrease in
daytime crime in the area, compared with a 6-percent reduction in rates for
the same crimes citywide. Data from Vancouver show a decline in
calls-for-service and a reduction in public fear in the vicinity of the target
intersection.[2, 3]

The following seven chapters describe how each of the police agencies and
their officers used POP and the SARA model to address problems in their
communities. Appendix C lists resources that will be helpful to other
police agencies that seek additional problem-solving tools. 

With the widespread adoption of community policing across the Nation,
police agencies are increasingly employing problem-solving strategies to
address the concerns of the public. Indeed, problem solving is a core
component of most community policing curricula.

The practice of problem solving continues to evolve. Police increasingly
have access to technology, such as mapping and sophisticated crime
analysis techniques, that can aid in carrying out meaningful problem
analysis. Technology also provides a tool for police to learn and exchange
information--including elements of effective responses--about problems
that are quite similar. Police are building their capacity to collaborate by
identifying and working with other stakeholders who share responsibility
for many community problems.

Notes

1. Goldstein, Herman, Problem-Oriented Policing, New York: McGraw
Hill, Inc., 1990.

2. Broduer, Jean-Paul, ed., How to Recognize Good Policing: Problems
and Issues, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc., and Police
Executive Research Forum, 1998. 

3. Sampson, Rana, and Michael S. Scott, Tackling Crime and Other
Public-Safety Problems: Case Studies in Problem Solving, Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing
Services, 2000.

-------------------------------

Street Sweeping, Broadway Style

Revitalizing a Business District From the Inside Out 

Green Bay Police Department, Wisconsin, Fort Howard District

The Problem: An inner-city business district had become a high-crime area
marked by litter, broken liquor bottles, and people living on the street who
were often drunk and disorderly.

Analysis: Officers discovered a high concentration of crime compared to
the rest of the city and a disproportionate demand for police and rescue
services. Analysis of police records indicated that approximately 20 people
were involved in most of the neighborhood complaints. Furthermore,
neighborhood residents and business leaders had lost faith in the police to
respond to disorder in the area.

Response: Police spearheaded a community effort to strongly enforce
public ordinances on open intoxicants, evictions from city parks,
trespassing in city parks, and lewd and lascivious behavior. They also
worked to increase liquor license regulation, mobilize citizens to attend
city council meetings, modify the environmental design, use the court
system to link alcoholics with treatment resources, and gain the
cooperation of liquor store and tavern owners in denying alcohol to
habitually intoxicated people.

Assessment: After a problem-solving initiative began in 1995, Broadway
Street was transformed into a booming business district. From 1993, when
there were no community police officers in place, to 1999, after police
officers had been in place for 4 years, the area experienced a 65-percent
reduction in total police calls and a 91-percent decrease in the demand for
rescue squad services to handle injuries resulting from assaults. From 1995
to February 2000, the Broadway business district gained more than $8.4
million in new public and private investment, 410 new jobs, and 33 new
businesses.

Scanning

In the city of Green Bay, Wisconsin, Broadway Street had a seedy
reputation. People lived on the street, were often drunk and disorderly, and
slept on park benches outside of neglected, decaying buildings. Liquor
bottles littered the streets. For 4 decades, taverns known for the frequent
disorderly behavior of their patrons were not held accountable. 

In fact, 16 to 18 taverns--the scene of multiple shootings, stabbings, and
other violent crimes--operated in Broadway's 3-block business district.
Broadway became known as the "Wild West," and law-abiding citizens
avoided the area and most area businesses suffered financially.

Residents and business owners in the area viewed Broadway as isolated.
They felt abandoned by city government. Before 1995, there was little
growth in the Broadway business district.

Analyzing the Problem

In 1995, the Green Bay Police Department adopted the concept of
community policing. Two officers were assigned to the Fort Howard
district, which includes the Broadway business district. Green Bay's
community-policing officers (CPO's) focus on long-term problem solving
and typically are not dispatched to calls-for-service.

The newly stationed CPO's, Bill Bongle and Steve Scully, met face-to-face
with neighborhood residents, schoolteachers, children, and business
people. Within a short time, the officers learned firsthand about the
problems plaguing the Broadway area: 

o A disproportionate demand for police and rescue services compared to
the rest of the city.

o An unusually high concentration of crimes, including battery, disorderly
conduct, retail theft, property damage, public urination, prostitution, and
drug activity.

o Visibly intoxicated people in city parks and in close proximity to the
nearby elementary school engaging in inappropriate behavior (sleeping on
benches, vomiting, urinating, and defecating outdoors).

People Living on the Streets and in the Taverns

An analysis of police offense reports revealed that approximately 20
individuals, mostly habitually intoxicated people who lived on the streets
and people who had mental illnesses, were responsible for most of the
neighborhood complaints. The homeless shelter had referred many of
these individuals to the Brown County Mental Health Center's Alcohol
and Other Drug Abuse outpatient counseling. Many of the people living
on the street did not use or access these services and remained on the
street, though they would have been permitted to stay at the shelter if they
had become sober. 

Analysis of police data showed that most victims of serious crimes in the
area, such as stabbings, shootings, and assaults, were patrons of the
problem taverns. Several high-profile incidents, involving violent
behavior, drug activity, and prostitution, took place at the Broadway
taverns. In 1993, two men were shot; in 1996, detectives uncovered a child
prostitution ring; in 1997, there was a violent attack with pool sticks; in
1998, five people were stabbed in a bar fight; and in 1999, a bar manager
was arrested for selling cocaine from a Broadway bar. Repeat calls were
made to the same licensed liquor establishments for fights and other
alcohol-related problems. Victimization rates were very low for citizens in
the area who did not patronize the taverns.

Loosely Regulated Liquor Licenses

Wisconsin State law provides a judicial process for local governments to
regulate liquor licenses. Unfortunately, the Green Bay city government
rarely exercised its authority to revoke or suspend the licenses of
poorly-operated taverns. In fact, the city's Protection and Welfare
Committee, which regulates liquor licenses, often approved and renewed
licenses in the area without question. In some cases, convicted drug
dealers were granted bartender licenses. 

The progression of disciplinary action against an owner of a problem
tavern amounted to a series of warning letters issued by the Committee.
Before 1995, no liquor license had been revoked since the late 1970's. The
Committee declined to take action against a problem bar unless the police
issued the bar owner a citation. But under existing city ordinances, police
officers could not issue a citation to a bar owner if the owner was absent at
the time an incident occurred. As a result, bar management practices and
absentee owners contributed to an environment that fostered disorderly
and illegal conduct. Under the existing licensing system, it was difficult to
hold owners accountable for activities that occurred in their bar. 

Police Enforcement Lacking

The police response to alcohol-related complaints in the Broadway
business district rarely included arrests, partly due to jail policy. In the
early 1990's, the local jail refused to accept prisoners who had blood
alcohol content levels higher than .30 percent, unless they had received
medical clearances. This eliminated what was known as the "drunk tank"
and left no other practical alternative for street patrol officers. 

As a consequence of the policy, police spent their time transporting
intoxicated people who had been arrested for offenses such as disorderly
conduct to a hospital emergency room to receive medical clearance. Police
would then transport them to the Brown County Jail or the Brown County
Mental Health Center, which provided detoxification. These facilities
often released people to the community after 24 hours, where police
officers would find them in the same condition soon after their release.
Patrol officers viewed the 2 hours spent transporting arrestees from place
to place as a waste of time and taxpayer dollars.[1]

During their analysis, the CPO's learned that the neighborhood lacked faith
in the police. At meetings sponsored by the Fort Howard-Jefferson Family
Neighborhood Resource Center, a bilingual, multicultural, grassroots
organization with a commitment to strengthen the Broadway
neighborhood, CPO's listened to area business leaders and neighborhood
residents. Community members said Broadway was viewed as a dumping
ground by the rest of the city, including the police, and its business
community had long ago lost faith in the police department's response.
Citizens no longer called to report nonemergency problems to the police. 

The Green Bay Police Department's analysis showed that the police
department had not reached out to other government agencies--such as the
revenue department, park department, city attorney's office, building and
health inspection departments, and mental health services--that were
available to help them address problems in the neighborhood. 

Officers also had not been aware of the different roles that municipal and
circuit courts could play in resolving disorder problems. Officers in Green
Bay can divert offenders to circuit court, but they are encouraged to send
minor offenses to municipal court to generate fines. However, the circuit
court can order offenders into treatment while the municipal court cannot.
The officers met with the Brown County District Attorney, who agreed
that people who were habitually intoxicated should be diverted to circuit
court, which has broad sentencing authority, including alcohol treatment
and probation. 

Environmental Design Flaws 

A review of building design in the Broadway area highlighted numerous
deficiencies. Several taverns had dark alcoves and doorways facing alleys,
permitting criminals discrete, easy access to the taverns. Drug users and
sellers could quickly duck into taverns and get lost in the crowd, making it
difficult for patrol officers to make arrests. Poorly designed landscaping
created hiding places for people who were intoxicated and living on the
street. Dense undergrowth made detection of transients during routine
surveillance difficult. 

Response

The Green Bay Police Department developed a response strategy designed
to achieve the following goals:

o Eliminate illegal activity from the neighborhood.

o Reduce calls for police and rescue services.

o Bring business to the neighborhood by improving the public's perception
of the Broadway business district.

o Restore faith in the police department by building a cooperative working
relationship with the community.

To achieve these goals, the officers implemented the following five
initiatives.

No-Serve List 

The police identified and targeted a core group of individuals who
accounted for most of the problems in the area. Officers Bongle and Scully
provided liquor store and tavern owners with a list of people who were
habitually intoxicated, accompanied by a letter from the police department
requesting that licensees deny service to them. The police department
placed persons on the list if they met the following criteria:

o Had three or more arrests in a 3-month period in which intoxication was
a factor.

o Had been incapacitated by alcohol, requiring detoxification three or
more times in a 3-month period.

o Were involved in some type of behavior in the Broadway business
district that generated a complaint to the police.

The police department's letter was approved through the city attorney's
office. To gain compliance with the no-serve list, police educated liquor
retailers and tavern owners on their responsibility to decline service to
intoxicated people. The letter defined intoxication by physical
characteristics. 

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) sent a letter of complaint to
the police department, expressing concern over distribution of the no-serve
list. The ACLU argued that "Targeting some individuals to be denied legal
goods and services causes a tangible change in the legal and social status
of the affected individuals." The ACLU requested that the police
department retrieve the lists from bar owners and issue a directive to
prohibit the practice in the future. However, the Green Bay City Attorney
reviewed the ACLU's complaint and advised the police department that
the no-serve list was supported by Wisconsin statute 125.12(2)3, which
prohibits distribution of alcohol to "known habitual drunkards." The police
department continued the practice, which turned out to be one of the most
successful initiatives implemented by the Fort Howard district's CPO's.
People who at one time generated three to four calls per day to the police
now rarely have police contact. 

The officers also targeted specific bars that had a history of a high volume
of calls-for-service. In some cases, bars in the area had generated more
than 200 calls to the police in a 1-year period, compared with 11 calls
from other bars in the area. Bar owners argued, however, that targeting
bars with high call volumes would punish bar owners and employees who
made legitimate calls for help. To alleviate the concerns of bar and liquor
store owners who might become reluctant to call police when there was a
disturbance, the police and business owners agreed that calls for assistance
would not be used against the businesses. 

Operation "Hot Seat" 

For this element of their response strategy, Officers Bongle and Scully
stepped up enforcement of ordinance violations in the neighborhood.
Police issued citations and arrests for activities that would have resulted in
warnings in the past. For an offense such as disorderly conduct, the
officers used their discretion to send offenders to circuit court, which has
the authority to order alcohol treatment. Several offenders were placed on
probation, and Officers Bongle and Scully worked closely with probation
officers to enforce probation conditions. These included such restrictions
as no alcohol consumption and no visits to taverns or liquor stores. If the
officers observed a probationer violating these restrictions, they would
report the violation to probation officers, who would have the probationer
incarcerated. 

Modifying Environmental Design

During analysis, it became clear that no attention had been paid to
environmental design in the areas experiencing problems. For this element
of the strategy, the police department and other city agencies made the
following changes:

o Trimmed overgrown shrubs that concealed illegal activity.

o Modified the Broadway district's park benches to prevent people from
lying down.

o Eliminated access to an unsecured apartment building that people who
lived on the street used as a hiding place. 

o Maintained the Broadway district's park grounds, eliminating buildup of
litter and bedding generated by people who lived on the streets.

o Improved lighting in dark alcoves behind taverns and modified rear
doors to permit exit only.

Operation "Spotlight"

The police department sought media coverage for its problem-solving
efforts. Police believed the media would present a positive story if they
were approached early. 

The police department explained that arrests, liquor license hearings, and
crackdowns were part of the revitalization and improvement of the
neighborhood. The department pointed out that many crimes, such as
muggings, were rare. A strong relationship was built with the media, who
became an asset to the police department by covering the positive change
the department was making as well as the trouble businesses and
individuals. The press was a useful tool for the department to use against
businesses and individuals who did not want to be identified to the public
as problems.

Increased Regulation of Liquor Licenses 

Police felt that many citizens were unaware of the licensing regulations
governing liquor establishments. Therefore, the community-police
response included educating citizens about how they could influence the
actions of the Protection and Welfare Committee, which had the power to
issue and rescind licenses. Officers Bongle and Scully provided citizens
with dates and times of Protection and Welfare Committee meetings, the
names and telephone numbers of council members who sat on the
Committee, and the proper procedure for addressing the Committee.

Meetings once conducted in a small room in city hall had to be moved to
city council chambers in 1996 to accommodate the increased number of
citizens attending. The neighborhood's interest in the Committee's actions
increased Committee members' accountability to the public.

The police department worked with the city attorney's office to enforce
new city ordinances. Police officers now can cite bar owners even if they
are not present when offenses are committed. The city attorney's office
developed a system in which points are assessed against the liquor license
upon conviction of an alcohol-related offense. Now, the municipal court
can automatically suspend a license and close a tavern for a designated
period of time after 12 points have been accumulated.

Assessment

During the past 4 years, the health of the Broadway business district has
steadily improved. Five taverns rife with criminal activity were closed
because of the joint efforts of community-policing officers and citizens.
By pressuring council members to take action, citizens played a key role in
driving out the taverns. Community-policing efforts drove out other
trouble-some businesses, including one where illicit drugs were sold.

Improved Public Perception 

Since 1995, the Broadway business district has experienced substantial
growth in new businesses and jobs. When 'On Broadway,' a private,
nonprofit organization that promotes investment in the Broadway business
district, analyzed changes in the neighborhood from 1995-99, it discovered
the following:

o $8.4 million had been invested by both public and private interests.

o 410 new jobs had been created.

o 33 new businesses had been formed.

o A $1.8 million day care center was under construction.

o $3.1 million had been devoted to streetscape, sidewalk, and lighting
improvements by the city government.

Reduced Need for Police and Emergency Services

Computer-aided dispatch system statistics show a significant decrease in
the demand for police resources, including: 

o A 65-percent reduction in total police calls from 1993 to 1999.

o A 91-percent decrease in calls for rescue squad services from 1993 to
1999.

o An 86-percent reduction in disorderly conduct calls from 1993 to 1998.

o A 70-percent decrease in disturbance-unwanted person type calls from
1993 to 1998.

This reduction in the demand for police resources frees police officers to
assist in other areas of the city. 

Restored Public Faith in the Police

To educate and mobilize neighborhood residents, the Green Bay Police
Department built a close, cooperative working relationship with the Fort
Howard-Jefferson Family Neighborhood Resource Center, which
sponsored neighborhood meetings and handled mass notification of city
hearings. This relationship helped the Green Bay Police Department to
restore the public's faith in its ability to solve problems in the Broadway
district. Cleaning up the area of drunks, taverns, and alleys and bushes
played a part in restoring faith, as well. 

Dale Smith, owner of Dale's Millennium Motors, a Broadway district
business, notes, "Our neighborhood is easily 100 percent better because of
the beat cops and their extra efforts." Tom Perry, associate editor of the
Green Bay Press Gazette, wrote, "Forget the negative images, the news
from Broadway is mostly positive and upbeat." 

Broadway has become not a part of town that needs to be avoided, but
rather "a great place to shop," according to Larry and Ben Frye, owners of
the Broadway district's String Instrument Workshop.

Did Crime Relocate?

Although some taverns chose to relocate to other areas of the city, the
taverns ceased to pose a problem because they were no longer in the same
neighborhood with their problem patrons. However, the habitually
intoxicated people did move to areas of the city where enforcement was
less stringent. As a consequence, these neighborhoods have asked for and
received community-policing teams assigned to their districts. 

The Broadway business district now is a thriving part of downtown Green
Bay. The Green Bay police had responded to the same calls in the
Broadway business district for decades with no change. Only when the
police employed a problem-solving approach and sought the assistance of
the community did long-lasting changes take place. 

For More Information

For more information about the Green Bay Police Department's efforts,
contact Officers Bill Bongle and Steve Scully at the Fort Howard District,
Green Bay Police Department, 307 Adams Street, Green Bay, WI 54301;
phone: 920-448-3332; fax: 920-448-3333; e-mail: Bill Bongle:
beatcop@msn.com, Steve Scully: sscully@execpc.com. 

Notes

1. One individual, who had been placed at the mental health center more
than 80 times for intoxication, is estimated to have cost the city some
$96,000, as follows: The Brown County Health Center estimates the cost
of an admission for detoxification at $400 per day, with an average stay of
2 days; St. Vincent's Hospital estimates hospital emergency room costs to
average $300 to $400 for this type of visit; and the police department's
business manager estimates the cost of each call to average between $50
and $100, depending on the number of personnel hours required.

-------------------------------

Resources That Helped Broadway Succeed

Funding

The Green Bay Police Department has been assisted by funding from the
U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing
Services. A grant enables the department to pay salaries for four
community-policing officers for 3 years. Two of these officers are
assigned to the Fort Howard district.

Training

The department developed its own problem-solving training by organizing
meetings with other similarly assigned police officers from across the
State. Herman Goldstein's book, Problem-Oriented Policing (McGraw
Hill, 1990), helped the department develop problem-solving strategies.

Donations

Community members donated office space and equipment for their
community-policing officers. Office space was provided free of charge in
a housing complex for the elderly. Area businesses donated a computer, a
cellular telephone, police bicycles, and office furniture.

The Fort Howard neighborhood and area businesses conducted a
fundraising campaign in 1998 to send the two community-policing officers
to the Police Executive Research Forum's Problem-Oriented Policing
conference in San Diego, California.

-------------------------------

Canton Middle School Truancy Abatement Program

Reducing Chronic Truancy and Daytime Delinquency

Baltimore Police Department, Maryland, Southeastern District

The Problem: Chronic truancy in an inner-city middle school led to
incidents of daytime crime and delinquency in the nearby neighborhood.

Analysis: Police determined that no sanctions were taken against truant
juveniles or their parents and guardians, even though students are legally
required to be present in school. Furthermore, the Baltimore criminal
justice system did not view truancy as a high priority.

Response: Police worked with school officials to implement a strategy to
reduce chronic truancy and juvenile crime.

Assessment: Incidents of daytime crime and delinquency decreased by 26
percent, and school attendance rose to its highest point ever, topping 90
percent. The targeted school achieved the highest attendance rate in the
Baltimore public school system.

Scanning

In 1998, business and community leaders and police managers in
Baltimore, Maryland, identified juvenile crime and delinquent acts as a
major cause of social disorder in the Southeastern police district. At the
same time, the Baltimore public school system was struggling with
epidemic truancy, and the Southeastern district community's Canton
Middle School was petitioning social institutions for assistance in
addressing the suspected causes of dwindling attendance rates. 

Three out of 10 students were absent each day at Canton. Both quantitative
and anecdotal data indicated that juveniles experienced victimization at
rates disproportionate to their numbers and that they committed a large
number of the quality-of-life offenses in the district. Many of these
offenses occurred during school hours. Typical offenses included graffiti,
loitering in public places, petty theft, joy-riding, and daytime burglary.
The police department identified truant juveniles as significant
contributors to these problems. The correlation between truancy
(specifically chronic truancy) and crime and disorder in Baltimore's
Southeastern district could not be ignored. 

The problem of unsupervised, chronic truants demanded a response from
district police officers. Searching for truants had become a daily game of
"cat and mouse." Officers expended time identifying and taking custody of
truants. 

Analyzing the Problem

Baltimore City requires juveniles under the age of 16 years to be in class
each school day between the hours of 9 a.m. and 2:30 p.m. Parents are
required by law to assure that their children are supervised and in school
during these hours. Police department analysis showed that when truant
juveniles were taken into custody, they were released to a parent or
guardian with no subsequent institutional sanctions applied to either the
student or parent. Repeated infractions were common among a chronic
population. Baltimore's justice and education systems did not accord
truancy a high priority.

Southeastern district police took 2,244 juveniles into custody for "daytime
curfew violations" in 1998. During this same period, district officers
arrested 1,202 juveniles for myriad offenses. These arrests represented
approximately 16 percent of all arrests made in the district. Many
juveniles arrested were younger than 16 and were classified as truants.
Many of them lived in the Southeastern district, were students at Canton
Middle School, and were well-known problem students among school
personnel.

Canton Middle School Selected for Intervention

Canton Middle School was selected for the police department's model
intervention strategy for several reasons. First, its administrators were
willing participants in this experiment and actively petitioned the
Southeastern district to intervene on its behalf. Second, a middle-school
population (grades six through eight) seemed ideal for early intervention
in the truancy cycle because research indicates that children make
formative life decisions at the middle-school stage, as opposed to during
later high-school years.[1] The police department and middle school hoped
that an intervention targeting a middle-school population would have a
better chance for long-term success than targeting a high-school
population. Finally, the community surrounding Canton Middle School
was growing more concerned about the area's increasing rates of
delinquency and teen drug use. 

Canton Middle School is an urban school with a racially mixed population
of 746 students. Most students at Canton historically have come from
working-class families, many of whom have been adversely affected
during the last generation by economic and technological changes in the
workplace. Eight of every 10 students at Canton qualify for the federally
funded, free lunch program. Most of the students live in single-parent
homes. Canton students come to school with a wide range of emotional,
social, medical, and economic needs, all of which must be addressed for
them to achieve academic success. 

Craig E. Spilman, Canton's principal, identified poor attendance as a
primary barrier to student achievement. The year-end attendance rate for
Canton's 1996-97 academic year was 87 percent. Chronically absent
students (defined as absent 30 days or more per school year) represented
36 percent of the total student body. 

Response

In spring 1998, Canton Middle School and the Southeastern police district
forged a unique working partnership to: (1) increase school attendance
rates, (2) reduce chronic truancy, and (3) reduce juvenile-related crime and
delinquency in the area around Canton Middle School. The partners
developed a strategy of progressive interventions that they would deliver
through police contacts with families. School and police officials would
address chronic truancy in the Southeastern district with all the resources
available through the school system, social services, and the juvenile and
adult justice systems. The partners' goal was to hold parents legally
responsible for their children's school attendance.

Gathering Support

School officials from Canton Middle School and Lieutenant Carmine R.
Baratta, Jr., from the Southeastern police district, met with officials from
Baltimore's State's Attorney's Office and District Administrative Court to
garner support for the chronic truancy abatement program. The State's
Attorney for Baltimore, Patricia C. Jessamy, and District Administrative
Court Judge Mary Ellen Rinehardt committed to assisting with the effort.
In April 1998, Judge Charlotte M. Cooksey and Assistant State's Attorney
Laura Mullally agreed to help with the project. The team was taking shape.

The Intervention Begins 

Because the 1997-98 school year was in its last semester, the team decided
to target at-risk sixth and seventh graders who would be returning to
school the following year. The school prepared a rank-ordered list of the
50 most truant children based on attendance records.

Phase I: Police Serve Notice and Families Meet With Project Partners 

The project partners prepared a letter on police department letterhead
notifying parents of the 50 truant children of a mandatory meeting with
police and school officials to discuss their children's attendance. A
uniformed outreach officer delivered these letters to each target family.
One of the main purposes of the meeting, which was held toward the end
of the 1997-98 school year, was to start the next school year with a chronic
truancy abatement program in place.

Parents, police officials, school administrators, and social service
representatives attended the meeting. The police department gave parents
notice that their children were considered chronic truants and that they
were responsible for their children's attendance at school. The partners
presented the program as a life-saving mission for their children and
advised parents that now was the time to request any assistance needed
from the partners in ensuring that their children were in school. The
partners also notified parents that if they could not fulfill their obligations,
they would be required to appear in court. Forty-five of the 50 targeted
families attended the meeting, as did the local print and broadcast media.

Phase II: Parents Appear in Court, Police Conduct "Knock & Talk" Visits
With Targeted Families 

By mid-October 1998, an analysis of attendance rates showed that 28 of
the 50 targeted students had dramatically improved their attendance at
school. This time, the partners summoned the remaining 22 families to a
meeting in Judge Cooksey's courtroom. Parents, police, school officials,
and social service providers attended the meeting. Judge Cooksey
admonished the parents, giving them notice that this was their last chance
to seek assistance in improving their children's school attendance. The
judge advised parents that they would be charged as defendants if their
children did not attend school. This meeting also received media attention.

Officer Sam Hood, the Southeastern district-designated truancy abatement
officer, visited the targeted at-risk students at their homes to ensure that
they were attending school and to let them know that the police
department was monitoring them for delinquent behavior. Officer Hood
photographed targeted students with a digital camera. These students were
profiled in the district database for future reference. This procedure was
meant to deter juveniles' attempts to remain anonymous. 

Phase III: Formal Criminal Court Hearings 

Of the 22 families attending Judge Cooksey's first meeting, 10 families'
children still remained truant. Officer Hood and Assistant State's Attorney
Mullally targeted these families for prosecution and served charging
documents against the families. Criminal hearings were set before Judge
Cooksey. In early April 1999, the partners held the first of several court
appearances for truancy. All 10 families eventually were found guilty of
"Failing to Send Child to School." One parent was incarcerated for a
weekend; nine others received sentences combining probation and
community service. The hearings received local and national media
attention.

Assessment

This program is focusing on its fourth group of at-risk students. The
partners continue to assess school attendance records and police data, and
the results are promising.

Attendance Tops 90 Percent 

For the first time in Canton Middle School history, the attendance rate is
more than 90 percent. As of May 1998, the overall attendance rate was 92
percent. Canton Middle School has the highest attendance rate of any
school in Baltimore. Chronic truancy has been redefined from 30 days
absent to 20 days absent; 12 percent of the student population fits this new
profile. The number of students absent fewer than 5 days doubled during
the 1998 school year. 

Daytime Crime Drops

Police department data show that no longer are truants in the area around
Canton Middle School. From January through October 1999, 440 children
were cited with truancy violations in the Southeastern district--a 5-fold
reduction. In addition, research indicates that since the beginning of the
intervention, overall daytime crime in the neighborhood of Canton Middle
School decreased 26 percent. Specifically, larcenies dropped 26 percent
and auto thefts decreased by 30 percent. Total UCR (Uniform Crime
Report) Index crime during daytime hours dropped 20 percent. This
compares with an overall 13-percent decrease in daytime crime
districtwide. 

Minimal Resources, Big Payoff

Police and school officials have developed a working relationship with a
commitment of minimal resources. A police sector commander and an
officer work part-time with school officials on the project. The results are
encouraging, and the possibilities for replicating this project are great. 

In tandem with this project, 230 Canton Middle School students
participated in a children's bicycle rodeo organized by the Southeastern
district officers during the summer of 1998 to foster bicycle safety. The
police department also developed a mentor program that is part of the
ongoing relationship between the school and the police.

The effects of a well-publicized truancy abatement program are quite
evident in this Southeastern Canton neighborhood. Residual effects also
may be at work in other Southeastern Canton communities. Recent
ride-alongs with Sector Commander Baratta and Principal Spilman
revealed that loitering in and around these neighborhoods was virtually
nonexistent. Where once during school hours teens would congregate on
corners and loiter in front of businesses, sidewalks now are clear. The
message was out: Children belong in school--not only for their own
benefit, but also for that of the entire community. 

For More Information

For more information about the partnership between the Baltimore Police
Department and the Baltimore City Public Schools, contact Lieutenant
Carmine R. Baratta, Jr., Sector Commander, Southeastern District, 601
East Fayette Street, Baltimore, MD 21202; phone: 410-396-2422; fax:
410-396-2172; e-mail: CRBARATTA@ aol.com.

Notes

1. Humphrey, K.R., and P.R. Baker, "G.R.E.A.T. Program: Gang
Resistance Education and Training," FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin 63(9),
September 1994, 1-4.

-------------------------------

The Role of Media Attention

To communicate to the public that the police department and school were
addressing chronic truancy in a meaningful and comprehensive manner,
the partners issued press releases about their efforts. As a result, local and
national media began covering the effort, from the first meeting to the later
court hearings. In fact, reporters were so interested in the program that the
partners had to limit media access to protect the families of chronic truants
from exploitation.

On one occasion, the partners felt that some members of the media were
beginning to target individual families for media coverage. The partners'
decision to limit media access maintained their credibility with the
families and communicated that their goal was not to grandstand, but to
assist the families. And the partners learned that by communicating to the
media that they were on a "life-saving mission" to assist chronic truants
and their families, media coverage was forthcoming and generally
respectful of the partners' efforts not to disturb or humiliate the families
involved.

-------------------------------

A Multiagency Approach to a Countywide Problem

Stemming Calls-for-Service Related to Child Custody 

Fresno Police Department, California

The Problem: The Fresno Police Department was overwhelmed by
telephone calls-for-service from parents requesting assistance with child
custody disputes and exchanges. The resulting charges, in turn,
overwhelmed the Fresno County District Attorney's Office, which could
only prosecute the most serious violations.

Analysis: Project coordinators learned that most of the law enforcement
agencies in Fresno County had different procedures for reporting child
custody and court order violations. Also, attorneys and investigators felt
most of the reports they received were for minor violations.

Response: Communication among the affected agencies was enhanced,
uniform policies and procedures were implemented, and a self-reporting
system was developed to encourage people to avoid calling the police with
their custody dispute and exchange problems. A standing order was
applied to all family court orders requiring parents with recurring custody
exchange problems to work through the Child Custody Program, a private
agency that provides supervised child custody exchanges.

Assessment: Calls-for-service for child custody violations were reduced by
65 percent, and the District Attorney's Office increased the number of
dispute cases prosecuted. The police department placed more
responsibility on parents for managing their personal lives, and the
department estimates that the reduction in calls-for-services saved 776
officer hours per quarter.

Scanning

In June 1998, Fresno police officers of the Northeast POP team gathered
for a team briefing. Officers learned that one single-family residence in the
area had generated 19 calls-for-service during the month of May. Each
service response had taken about 1 hour, and all were for child
custody-related problems. This information stunned the officers. How
could one family draw so many police resources? And if one family was
generating this many calls in the Northeast district, what was happening in
the rest of the city?

Northeast district POP officers Ken Dodd, Shannon Hodson, and Sergeant
Tom Laband were charged with coordinating a project to investigate the
extent of the problem and to develop a solution. They discovered that the
Fresno, California, Police Department responded to more than 2,300
calls-for-service from July 1997 to June 1998 for violations of child
custody court orders and for assistance with child custody exchanges. The
department's telephone unit was overwhelmed. And of the 1,400 police
reports filed with the District Attorney's Office, fewer than 10 percent of
the reports were prosecuted. 

The project coordinators set about answering the following questions:
How did these types of calls affect other agencies in Fresno County? Why
were prosecution rates so low? What could be done to reduce this type of
call-for-service? Was any responsibility being placed on parents to deal
with their own problems?

Analyzing the Problem

Project coordinators began their analysis by determining which other
county agencies were affected by these issues. After contacting the
supervisor of the Fresno County Family Court division, the coordinators
were surprised to learn that, effective July 1, 1998, a new section had been
added to all family court orders that directly related to use of the police: 

In the event that law enforcement officers are called to stand by to assist
with the exchange of the child(ren) pursuant to an existing order governing
custody and visitation on two (2) or more occasions, the law enforcement
agency shall refer the matter of visitation exchange to the Child Custody
Program (CCP) or any other agreed-upon agency which provides
supervised exchange services . . . . The cost of CCP shall be shared equally
between the parents unless otherwise agreed upon by the parties. The court
shall reserve jurisdiction to later apportion the cost according to proof. The
visitation exchanges shall be under the direction of CCP, including
appointment dates, times, and conditions of visitation exchanges.[1]

According to the modified section of court orders, upon parents' second
request to a police agency for child custody exchange assistance, the
agency would no longer be required to respond and could refer parents to
the supervised exchange services offered by CCP. (See "The Child
Custody Program.") Police agencies had not been notified of this
modification, however. 

What about court orders issued before July 1998? How would other police
agencies in Fresno County comply with the new court order? No one knew
the answers to these questions. The lack of coordinated effort among law
enforcement agencies became painfully evident. 

Why Were Prosecution Rates So Low?

Officers Dodd and Hodson and Sergeant Laband met with assistant district
attorneys and district attorney investigators assigned to the child abduction
unit of the Fresno County District Attorney's Office. The attorneys' and
investigators' responsibilities included reviewing all violations of child
custody court orders and determining which cases were to be prosecuted. 

The project coordinators learned that most of the police agencies in Fresno
County put different information on their offense reports for child custody
and court order violations. The information contained in these reports was
not always sufficient or consistent. The attorneys and investigators agreed
that if the reports had sufficient information and were standardized
throughout the county, attorneys would be much more effective in
prosecuting cases. 

Attorneys and investigators felt most of the reports they received were for
minor violations or were petty in nature. Many reports were made because
children had been returned late, dirty, or sick, and many appeared to be
made to spite the other party. The child abduction unit was overwhelmed,
and attorneys were able to prosecute only the most serious violations. 

It appeared that family law attorneys had instructed their clients to make
police reports for the smallest court order violations related to child
custody issues and that parents were calling the police for the most minor
disagreements. The already overburdened system was bursting at the
seams.

Responding

The team determined that lack of coordination among city and county
police agencies, the courts, and family law attorneys contributed to the
problem. To improve coordination, they created a central coordinating
mechanism called the Law Enforcement Information Exchange. All the
actors in the criminal justice process were involved: the police, the
presiding family court judge, family court commissioners, family law
attorneys, assistant district attorneys and investigators, and representatives
from the probation department. 

The Exchange organized meetings, held in the chambers of the family
court judge, to determine ways to reduce the number of calls-for-service
for child custody violations and to place responsibility back on parents.
The group sought solutions to effectively address court orders issued
before July 1998 and to incorporate referrals to CCP.

Standing Order Issued

The project coordinators asked the presiding judge of the Fresno County
Superior Court to issue a standing order that would apply to all family
court orders regardless of when they had been issued. With a standing
order, requests for service (beyond the first request) related to court orders
issued before July 1998 also would be subject to the family court order
modification. This modification permitted referral of calls-for-service for
child custody transfer complaints to CCP.

To maximize the effectiveness of the standing order, project coordinators
developed a procedure and an Invocation of Standing Order on Custody
Exchange form that could be used countywide. The procedure is as
follows: 

1. When communications personnel receive a call-for-service requesting
an officer to stand by and assist in the exchange of children, they access a
database for the requesting party's name. This database contains the names
of people who have already been served with the Invocation of Standing
Order on Custody Exchange. 

2. If the requesting party's name has already been entered into this
database, the communications personnel advise them that officers will not
be responding and that, if they cannot resolve matters on their own, they
must use CCP. 

3. If the party's name is not in the database, officers respond to the call,
assist with the exchange of the children, and then serve both parties with
the Invocation of Standing Order on Custody Exchange. Both parties
receive a copy of the order, which contains instructions on using CCP and
a map to the center. 

Self-Reporting System 

With assistance from the District Attorney's Office and other members of
the Law Enforcement Information Exchange, the team developed a
self-reporting system for violations of court orders to further relieve the
police department and place more responsibility on the reporting parties.
When a parent wants to report a violation of a court order (excluding those
relating to domestic violence) and the report is for an event that has
already taken place, the police department advises the parent to come to
the nearest police station and file a report. The department no longer takes
reports for violations over the phone; instead, a self-reporting package is
available for parents to make their own reports. If the violation is for an
event in progress, the department dispatches officers. 

Getting the Word Out

Family law attorneys in the Law Enforcement Information Exchange also
held seats on the Family Law Association's board of directors. The board
influenced the association to train its members first to encourage their
clients to document alleged violations through the self-reports and then to
assure their clients that the self-reports would be as credible in court as
standard police reports.

Implementing this program required project coordinators to educate
department personnel. Program coordinators attended patrol,
communications, detective, and records staff briefings to explain how the
new procedures work and how to serve people with the Invocation of
Standing Order on Custody Exchange.

Assessment

The Fresno Police Department received approximately 594
calls-for-service related to child custody transfer complaints and court
order violations from January 1 to March 30, 1998, the third quarter of
fiscal year 1997-98. Police implemented this project in early January
1999. The police department's statistics indicate that from January 1 to
March 31, 1999, the department received 206 calls-for-service for child
custody complaints and court order violations, representing a 65-percent
reduction. The decline in the number of calls-for-service has continued.
From April 1 to June 30, 1999, the department responded to 241 calls,
compared to 671 during the same period the previous year--a 64-percent
reduction. The most recent data, for July 1 to September 30, 1999, indicate
there has been a 44-percent reduction from the number of calls during the
same period in 1998. For the entire year, the department has experienced a
56-percent reduction in calls-for-service for child custody disputes. 

Project coordinators invested approximately 100 hours in coordination and
implementation of the program. This investment of time has resulted in a
savings of an estimated 776 officer hours for the quarter, or 3,104 officer
hours over a year's time. 

With fewer reports to handle, the District Attorney's Office has been able
to increase its filing rate and its rate of successful prosecution of court
order violations. The police department's telephone unit has been relieved
of the heavy burden of calls related to child custody. Last, but not least,
responsibility has been placed back on parents for managing their personal
lives, giving patrol officers more time for other activities.

For More Information

For more information about the Fresno Police Department's efforts,
contact Officer Ken Dodd, Officer Shannon Hodson, and Sergeant Tom
Laband at the Fresno Police Department, 2323 Mariposa Mall, Fresno, CA
93721; fax: 559-228-6783. Officer Dodd can be reached at 559-498-4517,
Officer Hodson can be reached at 559-498-4614, and Sergeant Laband can
be reached at 559-498-4634.

Notes

1. "Invocation of Standing Order on Custody Exchange," Fresno County
Courts, CC-255 (12/98).

-------------------------------

The Child Custody Program

The Child Custody Program (CCP) in Fresno, California, is a privately
owned and operated program that provides a safe, peaceful environment
for the custody exchange process. Its emphasis is on the welfare of
children who are involved in custody exchanges.

The CCP facility was designed using CPTED (Crime Prevention Through
Environmental Design) principles. CPTED stresses controlled access to
buildings and grounds and increased security through reduced opportunity
for criminal activity. Parents use separate entrances and are never in
contact with one another. The children's waiting room is fully equipped
with toys suitable for all ages.

The setting is neutral and is well-monitored by private security guards.
The facility has never experienced a situation in which staff needed to call
the police.

There is a one-time $25 registration fee and a $5 charge for pick-ups and
drop-offs. The program receives considerable financial support from
corporations and foundations.

-------------------------------

Resources That Helped Fresno Succeed

Fresno Police Department Officers Ken Dodd and Shannon Hodson, along
with their supervisor, Sergeant Tom Laband, coordinated, developed, and
implemented this countywide project.

Funding

Implementing this project required approximately 100 hours of personnel
time. The project did not exceed the existing department budget.

Training

Project coordinators attended PERF's International Problem-Oriented
Policing Conference held in San Diego in November 1997. They followed
the SARA model to identify their department's problem and find a
solution.

-------------------------------

The Hawthorne Huddle

Motivating Residents to Reclaim a Neighborhood 

Minneapolis Police Department, Minnesota

The Problem: The Hawthorne neighborhood in North Minneapolis was
devastated by a high incidence of crime, including narcotics trafficking,
vandalism, and burglary; streets covered by litter; poor rental property
management; and a declining housing stock.

Analysis: The Minneapolis Police Department and its Community Crime
Prevention/Safety for Everyone unit of the Community Service Bureau
analyzed crime data from the neighborhood in 1996. Using police reports
and crime maps, the department identified the number, types, and location
of apparent criminal activity. The statistics confirmed the concerns
residents expressed. A rise in the number of rental properties, a decline in
housing conditions, and poor screening of tenants added to the crime
problem.

Response: A large group of people--including residents; the faith
community; the police; city, county, and Federal agencies; nonprofit
organizations; and a corporate foundation--worked together to develop a
strategy to combat crime and improve neighborhood conditions.

Assessment: The number of executed narcotics warrants dropped from 108
in 1997 to 51 in 1998; vandalism incidents dropped from 366 in 1997 to
198 in 1998; and burglary decreased from 240 in 1997 to 181 in 1998.

Scanning

Minneapolis' Hawthorne neighborhood, a 77-square-block neighborhood
in North Minneapolis, is home to approximately 7,000 residents, one-third
of whom are younger than 17. Juvenile Probation Office data indicate that
the number of juveniles on probation in the Hawthorne area is the highest
in the city. In addition, seventy-five percent of the housing stock is rental,
and almost half of the residents receive some form of Hennepin County
Economic Assistance.

In 1996, drug trafficking and vandalism had been problems for at least 5
years in the Hawthorne neighborhood, and there was no sign that the
problems would end soon. Past problem-solving efforts had been
hit-or-miss, and there was little cooperation or sense of community among
residents. Residents had no political clout with city or county government
and showed little, if any, commitment to resolving neighborhood
problems. They also expressed feelings of abandonment by city and
county services, and residents believed that city officials had made a
conscious decision to ignore the criminal element plaguing their
neighborhood. 

Drug Dealing and Other Crime

A major interstate highway that flowed along the eastern edge of the
neighborhood provided easy access to customers from the perimeters of
Hawthorne. During one community meeting, two city officials observed
more than 40 cars and a steady stream of pedestrian traffic at a drug house
over a 2-hour period. The neighborhood was plagued by an increasing
number of aggravated assaults, and random gunshots and drive-by
shootings were common.

Civil Disorder

The narcotics trade in the area spawned a variety of quality-of-life
problems, such as litter, poor housing, vandalism, loud all-night parties,
music blaring from cars and homes, and unleashed dogs barking loudly.
Everywhere one looked, streets, yards, and sidewalks were strewn with
waste paper, broken glass, discarded plastic bags of clothes, and
miscellaneous pieces of furniture. The market value of houses fell, and
some homeowners could not afford to leave: Their mortgage balances
were higher than the market value of their homes. A Neighborhood
Business Association analysis indicated that there was no economic
viability or corporate investment in the Hawthorne area. 

Residents confirmed that crime and disorder were major problems in a
1996 survey of 150 Hawthorne households conducted by the Minneapolis
Neighborhood Revitalization Program (NRP)--a neighborhood-based
planning and implementation program that supports initiatives to address
housing, economic development, crime and safety, and other
neighborhood-identified concerns. NRP and the police department also
conducted focus groups to learn about residents' concerns. According to
residents, the top concerns in the neighborhood were litter and crime,
including drug-related crime, vehicle theft, vandalism, and burglary. 

Police patrolling Hawthorne were discouraged by the magnitude of its
social disorder. An overall sense of despair prevailed among residents and
government agency staff facing the area's problems.

Analyzing the Problem

The Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) and its Community Crime
Prevention/ Safety for Everyone (CCP/SAFE) unit of the Community
Service Bureau analyzed crime data from the neighborhood in 1996. Using
police reports and crime maps, the department identified the number,
types, and location of apparent criminal activity. The statistics confirmed
the concerns residents expressed in the NRP survey. 

Narcotics Trafficking

MPD's analysis of 911 calls and citizen complaints showed that most drug
activity occurred during the time that the department's Community
Response Team (CRT), which deals with low-level street narcotics,
prostitution, and other livability issues, was not present in the
neighborhood. CRT worked a fixed schedule, usually during the work
week. Most neighborhood drug dealers were aware of the schedule, and
their busiest day of the week was Sunday. Most customers came from the
immediate or nearby neighborhoods. The neighborhood was divided into
four quadrants, and narcotics warrants issued in 1996 were equally
distributed among the four. 

The consequences for drug trafficking were not serious. A U.S. Attorney's
Office study of 40 executed search warrants showed that of the 55
individuals arrested and charged with some level of felony narcotic
behavior, 22 had 5 or more previous arrests for a variety of offenses. Of
these 22, 3 were juveniles; of the remaining 19 individuals, each had been
arrested 13 or more times. Some of these individuals had been arrested
between 38 and 41 times, and some of their violations were for repeat
narcotic felonies. Of this group, not one received active jail time. The only
risks for offenders were financial loss or the slight chance of criminal
justice system response. 

Poor Property Management 

According to city housing inspections data, as drug activity increased and
homeowners moved from the neighborhood, the number of rental
properties grew. Rental property owners became increasingly part of the
problem, allowing properties to decline while continuing to collect
voucher-paid rents from Hennepin County Economic Assistance.
Approximately 10 percent of homes had been sold to neglectful landlords,
and another 30 percent were managed by owners with little, if any,
experience. Many owners did not screen tenants and showed no interest in
improving their management skills. The Minneapolis Community
Development Agency refused to build any new housing or to reinvest in
existing housing stock because of the ongoing drug trafficking and other
problems.

Lack of Coordination Among Government Services 

The Hennepin County Department of Children and Family Services
conducted an analysis of government agency service delivery in the area
and found that agencies had overlapping clients and that there was little
coordination among the agencies to address the families' problems. It often
was the case, for example, that a family actively involved in drug dealing
was receiving county economic assistance, on juvenile probation,
receiving housing inspections complaints, and under supervision from a
county Children and Family Services case worker. However, none of these
services were coordinated. 

Response

To organize the community, the MPD's CCP/SAFE unit sponsored a
variety of neighborhood meetings and encouraged residents to participate
in block clubs. A crime prevention specialist, Hillary Freeman, a civilian
member of the MPD, attended these meetings and became actively
involved in facilitating communication among community organizations
and assisting residents and others in the neighborhood to solve
Hawthorne's problems. Freeman trained block club members on how to
use the ordinances and other tools available to the community for reducing
crime. Residents used the block club meetings to record problem addresses
and to identify next steps for action by both residents and police. Updates
were provided at the next block club meeting, allowing residents to see the
fruits of their labor.

Residents and Community Leaders Organize

As block clubs began to form, residents increasingly worked together to
define neighborhood problems and to take ownership for resolving
neighborhood issues. Residents became highly motivated to reclaim their
neighborhood and regain a sense of control over their daily lives. They
began actively to observe and record suspected criminal activity on their
blocks and to report their observations to the MPD 4th precinct CRT.
Approximately 200 residents became actively involved in the 14 block
clubs formed in the Hawthorne neighborhood.

The MPD's Freeman met with leaders of faith organizations to solicit their
assistance in problem solving. As a result, clergy from each of the
neighborhood churches created a ministerial group that continues to meet
monthly to address common concerns and to work with neighborhood
residents. 

Community members also continue to meet monthly at 7:30 a.m. in what
is called the "Hawthorne Huddle." The General Mills Foundation
originally organized the meetings in 1997 as a way to solicit feedback
about projects it had funded in the neighborhood. Over time, the meetings
expanded to address wide-ranging neighborhood concerns and now
operate as a think-tank on policy issues that affect livability in the
neighborhood. Participants include block club leaders, members of the
clergy, police and other government staff, representatives of nonprofit
organizations, and elected city and county public officials. 

The Neighborhood Strategy

The MPD worked with other government agencies and the community to
develop the following strategy to reduce crime in the Hawthorne
neighborhood:

o Increase enforcement of existing laws, including the State nuisance law,
property license laws, and weapons ownership laws.

o Establish partnerships among community residents and organizations
and other city and county agencies.

o Establish a sense of community by adopting shared community
standards and by working with corporate partners who could influence
policymaking and provide funding and volunteers for community
initiatives. 

The MPD's goal was to reduce the number of criminal narcotic arrests
executed at specific addresses, the number of vandalism incidents, and the
number of residential burglaries. 

Neighborhood residents and the faith community developed standards of
conduct for the community. The General Mills Foundation provided
funding for a community dinner, at which block club members, faith
community leaders, the MPD, and other government agencies met to agree
upon the standards and to commit resources in support of them. 

Government Agency Coordination

City and county agencies began to communicate with one another and
developed a more holistic approach to service delivery to the community.
They formed the Project Empowerment Team, whose participants
included city and county agencies, Minneapolis Legal Aid, the North
Memorial Family Practice Clinic, the Training and Employment
Assistance Program, and other interested community partners. The team's
purpose was to address family issues from an early intervention/prevention
perspective and to match needy families with appropriate resources.

Strategy Implementation

Increased Enforcement. The police did the following to increase
enforcement in the Hawthorne neighborhood:

o Used the Computer-Optimized Deployment Focus on Results, or
CODEFOR, system to focus enforcement efforts on problem locations.

o Strengthened enforcement of the Conduct on Premise ordinance, a city
housing inspection ordinance that addresses nuisance behavior--such as
loud music and parties, narcotics and weapons possession, and
prostitution--on rental property.

o Encouraged stronger enforcement of the State Nuisance Law, which is
enforced by the County Attorney's office civil division and addresses such
nuisance behavior as narcotics and weapons possession and prostitution in
or on homeowner-occupied property, businesses, shelters, and bars. 

Aggressive enforcement of the State Nuisance Law and Conduct on
Premise ordinance began January 1, 1997. As a result, enforcement action
was taken against 17 properties that had accounted for 875 police
calls-for-service within 1 year. 

Government Agency Coordination. The Project Empowerment Team
offered community resources to 55 families demonstrating problem
behaviors. Of those 55 families, only 5 were unwilling to use the
resources.

Resident Initiatives. In response to residents' community standards for the
neighborhood, Minneapolis Solid Waste and Recycling issued 300 "dirty
collection" tags. The department placed dirty collection point tags at
properties where residents did not place their garbage in proper containers
and allowed it to scatter around the yard. This enforcement had two direct
results: First, commitment to enforce the community standards was
demonstrated, and second, a clean neighborhood did help to deter crime. 

To provide young people with positive activities in their community and
to steer them away from vandalism, residents and area churches created
the Clean and Green Program, an antilitter project that offered youth a
stipend for their work on Saturday mornings to clean up their
neighborhood. The community also established a Safe House where
children could be involved in positive, supervised activities and receive
assistance with school work. Support for these initiatives also came from
NRP, General Mills, grants to block clubs, and churches. 

Rental Property Improvement Initiative. Through NRP funding, rental
property owners received rental property management training and funds
to increase and improve their security initiatives. NRP set aside $20,000,
which was matched by the rental property owners, to install fences, locks,
and lighting.

Assessment

The results of efforts to improve the Hawthorne neighborhood were
measured through the MPD's crime statistics, a second NRP survey, and
focus groups conducted with block clubs and other stakeholders. The
MPD evaluated crime statistics weekly, and twice a year, the MDP and
NRP requested feedback from residents. 

The reduction of crime in Hawthorne has been significant:

o Narcotics violation warrants declined 50 percent, from 108 in 1997 to 51
in 1998.

o Vandalism incidents showed a similar reduction: from 366 in 1997 to
198 in 1998.

o Home burglaries decreased from 240 in 1997 to 181 in 1998. 

Home burglaries declined primarily because of education: Block club
members were taught how to reduce burglaries by increasing the security
of their homes and by reducing the opportunity for becoming a victim of
crime. Also, as neighbors got to know one another, they became an extra
pair of eyes, watching one another's houses.

Initial indicators for 1999 show a decreasing trend in narcotics arrests,
vandalism, and burglary of dwellings. 

NRP conducted a survey of residents attending block club meetings in late
1998, and respondents indicated that they felt safer in their community and
that crime was decreasing. Community feedback sessions showed that the
goals of reducing crime and social disorder and organizing the community
had been successfully accomplished.

For More Information 

For more information about the Hawthorne Huddle, contact the
Minneapolis Police, Downtown Command, 29 S. 5th Street, Minneapolis,
MN 55402; phone: 612-673-3198; fax: 612-673-3940.

-------------------------------

Resources That Helped the Hawthorne Neighborhood Succeed

Organizations contributing funding and/or staff time to this effort
included:

City of Minneapolis 

o Housing Inspections

o Minneapolis Lead Program

o Minneapolis Police Department

o Minneapolis Public Schools

o Solid Waste and Recycling

o Water Department

Hennepin County

o Children and Family Services

o County Attorney's Office

o Juvenile Probation

o Sentence to Serve

o Training and Employment Services

o Welfare Fraud

Federal Government

o U.S. Attorney's Office

Nonprofit Agencies

o Accessibility

o Hawthorne Area Community Council

o Legal Aid

o Loaves and Fishes

o North Memorial Hospital

Churches

o Berean Baptist Church

o Faith Tabernacle Church

o On-Fire Ministry 

o St. Phillip's Catholic Church

o Zion Lutheran Church

Major Corporate Sponsor

o In 1994, the General Mills Foundation granted $3 million over 5 years
for new and rehabilitated housing in the Hawthorne neighborhood. In
addition, the Foundation gave $200,000 for block club initiatives.

Training

In 1997, the entire Minneapolis Police Department received 8 hours of
POP training, which was supported by a Federal grant. Also, all new
officers in the Minneapolis Police Department receive 8 hours of
community-oriented policing training during their academy experience. To
gain an appreciation for the problems of urban youth, recruits work a full
week (40 hours) in an inner-city youth organization through the
Police-Community Training Partnership program.

-------------------------------

The Power of Partnerships

Revitalizing Neighborhoods Through Community Policing Houses 

Racine Police Department, Wisconsin

The Problem: Neighborhoods troubled by crime and disorder suffered as
enforcement alone proved ineffective.

Analysis: A survey conducted by the University of Wisconsin-Parkside
found that residents were dissatisfied with their neighborhood because of
crime, litter, and rundown properties; 76 percent of the residents
questioned the police department's ability to control crime in the
neighborhood.

Response: Joint police-community partnerships developed a variety of
problem-solving approaches that involved cracking down both on gang
and drug activity and on landlords who violated the building codes. The
police department also developed a unique partnership with local business
leaders to purchase houses located near the center of criminal activity and
renovate them for use as community-policing offices.

Assessment: Statistics show that in two neighborhoods where
community-policing houses were established, crime diminished and
business owners and residents reinvested in the communities. Other areas
of Racine are successfully replicating these two initial models.

Scanning

The West 6th Street neighborhood in Racine, Wisconsin, is an older,
residential area encompassing approximately 32 square blocks in the heart
of the city. The area has little commercial activity and consists almost
completely of wood-frame, single- and multifamily residences on standard
city lots. 

Residents of Racine considered the West 6th Street neighborhood the
worst in town. Crime wasn't the only problem. Rundown and boarded-up
homes, abandoned cars, litter, and debris plagued this deteriorating, low-
to moderate-income area. Through both surveys and meetings,
neighborhood residents revealed the community's sense of frustration with
these conditions and with government agencies' lack of commitment to
address them.

Crime statistics showed that, although the area is not geographically large,
the incidence of violent and property crime was out of proportion to its
population. The West 6th Street area represented 3 percent of the city's
population, but accounted for 21 percent of the city's violent crime. Open
drug dealing and gang activity fueled both violent and property crime, and
area residents frequently were the victims. A number of large, unruly
crowd incidents turned into confrontations with the police. Rock throwing,
property damage, and injuries to citizens and officers were common
during these disturbances. 

Absentee landlords, who cared little about their tenant's quality of life or
the condition of their properties, owned a substantial portion of the area's
rental property. Building and health code violations were common. A
37-unit apartment complex in the middle of the neighborhood became a
haven for drug dealers and addicts. Property values were declining. People
were selling their homes and moving. Nonowners occupied 71 percent of
the homes in the area. 

The police department arrested dealers and raided drug houses, but once
the arrests were made and the police left, the drug dealers returned. The
police department's failure to effectively deal with the neighborhood
eroded residents' trust in and cooperation with police officers. Arrests
alone were no match for the West 6th Street area's wide variety of
problems.

Analyzing the Problem

In 1992, Chief Richard Polzin chose to implement community policing
and to analyze and resolve the myriad issues facing the West 6th Street
area. To develop lines of communication between the police department
and the community, the police department initiated meetings with
residents. At first, only a few people attended. During the early meetings,
residents recounted instances of indifference by government officials; it
was apparent that they felt government services were beyond their reach--
no government representative had ever taken a leadership role in
addressing the neighborhood's problems.

University of Wisconsin-Parkside Study

At the request of the police department, the University of Wisconsin-
Parkside conducted a baseline study of residents' attitudes, perceptions,
and concerns. Although approximately 80 percent of respondents thought
the police were respectful, helpful, and fair in their dealings with them, 76
percent expressed concern about the police department's ability to control
crime. The study revealed that residents were very dissatisfied with their
neighborhood because of the crime, litter, and rundown properties.

Response

The West 6th Street Community Policing Project's goals were to organize
neighborhood residents, maximize its own resources and those of other
city and county agencies, reduce violent and property crime, improve
residents' quality of life, and promote neighborhood reinvestment. The
problem-solving strategy consisted of:

o Developing a joint police-community problem-solving action group,
made up of community-policing officers and neighborhood residents, to
organize other area residents and direct community policing and other
neighborhood improvement efforts. 

o Developing working partnerships with other city and county agencies to
maximize resources and address specific crime and quality-of-life issues.
In the past, there had been very little cooperation between different
agencies of city government and no followup on citizen complaints.

o Gathering intelligence on area drug dealers and gang members;
establishing a highly visible police presence in the neighborhood by
assigning officers to foot patrol, bike patrol, and mounted patrol; and
targeting the primary neighborhood crime problems of gang activity and
drug dealing through a focused assault on these activities. To demonstrate
the police department's commitment to solving the neighborhood's
problems, captains and lieutenants began walking a beat twice a month in
the targeted area.

o Targeting landlords and homeowners who refused to comply with health
and building codes, organizing area residents to clean up public open
areas, assisting residents in accessing government services, and developing
strategies to promote neighborhood reinvestment.

A Community Mobilizes

The department opened the first community-policing office in the West
6th Street neighborhood in 1993. Although the police department did not
have the resources to lease an office, a neighborhood landlord with an
empty apartment provided the unit rent-free. Officers and citizens donated
furniture and other items. Chief Polzin sought officers who were interested
in community policing to volunteer for the full-time assignment of
operating the office. That officer became an advocate for the neighborhood
and set about orchestrating the delivery of government services to address
crime and other quality-of-life issues.

Area residents began to attend meetings and, reluctantly at first, began to
volunteer. The partnership evolved into the West 6th Street Association,
which has become a cohesive voice for change in the neighborhood and
the strongest neighborhood advocacy organization in the city. 

This joint effort has attracted both the interest of the business community
and the attention of the media. S.C. Johnson & Son, a major Racine-based
corporation, provided a $28,500 grant to help community policing in the
West 6th Street neighborhood and a similar initiative in the 18th and Mead
Street neighborhood. In the West 6th Street neighborhood, the funds were
used to renovate and establish the community-policing office and purchase
furniture and office supplies.

Operation Crackdown

Armed with information from neighborhood residents and surveillance
activities, officers identified and targeted drug dealers and gang members.
A joint effort of the Racine Police Department and the Wisconsin
Department of Justice Narcotics Enforcement Division, known as
Operation Crackdown, became the largest focused assault on drug activity
in Wisconsin history. At its conclusion, 92 felony arrests were made and
the principal West 6th Street drug dealers were sent to prison. The effort
broke the backs of the drug rings and gangs that had plagued the
neighborhood. 

First Community Policing House

One Halloween, James Dickert, a local realtor, donated $500 to the police
department so it could purchase Halloween candy to pass out to area
children. But city regulations required the department to appear before
three different committees and to solicit bids before it could purchase the
candy. Dickert became discouraged when he realized the length of time
and amount of resources involved before the police department could put
his donation to use. He approached Chief Polzin about his frustration.
When Chief Polzin discussed with him the department's
community-policing efforts, Dickert offered to help. He organized a group
of community business leaders to form a nonprofit organization known as
the Racine Community Outpost that would provide direct financial
assistance to the department for its community-policing efforts. 

During the course of Operation Crackdown, the owner of the house next
door to the neighborhood's primary drug house put the house up for sale.
Working with Chief Polzin, Dickert and the Racine Community Outpost
began raising money for the police department to purchase the house and
renovate it for police use. Another community group, the Racine
Community Foundation, provided an $8,000 grant; S.C. Johnson & Son
donated another $25,000. The department also received grants from the
State of Wisconsin. 

When city attorneys balked at the unprecedented idea of a police
department owning a house, the Racine Community Outpost stepped in,
bought the house, and leased it back to the police department. The city
attorneys accepted this plan. The city forgave the back taxes due on the
house, and the community-policing officers moved in next door to the
area's major drug dealers. This strategy had the desired effect: members of
the drug-dealing family who were not arrested and sentenced to prison
soon moved out of the neighborhood.

Cleaning Up the Neighborhood

Following the first year of increased police presence in the neighborhood,
the violent crime rate dropped 60 percent. Once the major crime problems
had diminished, the police and the community began to focus on the
homes in various states of disrepair, the unkempt yards, abandoned cars,
and accumulation of junk. This effort required city agencies to cooperate.
Officers organized a neighborhood cleanup, during which officers and
residents walked the public areas and vacant lots cleaning up garbage and
debris. The Department of Public Works provided dump trucks and drivers
to haul trash away. With the rest of the neighborhood cleaning up,
residents with collections of junk felt pressure to clean up their yards.
Abandoned and junk cars were removed from neighborhood streets and
private property. This effort encouraged neighbors to meet and converse
with one another, furthering a sense of community in the neighborhood. In
an area where police were once greeted with rocks and bottles, officers
could now be found sitting on porches talking to people during foot patrol.

Combating Exterior Building Code and Health Violations

Many absentee landlords who owned property in the area responded to
police and resident requests to repair their properties and bring them up to
code. But others either ignored the requests or refused to comply. City
officials cited and fined those who refused. This action brought more
landlords into compliance, but others still held out. 

Finally, the department compiled a list of the 25 worst properties in the
neighborhood, presented it to the Public Safety and Buildings Committee,
and encouraged the city to respond to building code violations. The
minutes of the committee are public record and the local newspaper
printed the list of properties with the owners' names. The list stirred
controversy among landlords, who said that the police were targeting them
unfairly and that they were not in violation of building codes. As a result,
the mayor dispatched building and health inspectors and said that if they
did not find violations, the police would be required to apologize publicly
to the landlords.

When the inspectors returned, they told the mayor there were no
violations. The police responded by recording violations in the
neighborhood on videotape. When this information was presented to a
meeting of the mayor and building and health inspectors, police learned
that the inspectors had conducted their inspections by driving down each
neighborhood block at 35 miles per hour because they were afraid to leave
their cars. As a result, inspectors teamed up with community-policing
officers to conduct inspections and issue citations. As the number of
citations increased and the fines mounted, some of the landlords gave up
and sold their properties. 

Encouraging Neighborhood Reinvestment

Another project goal was to encourage neighborhood reinvestment and
home ownership. The police department and the Racine Community
Outpost wanted to accelerate this process. After the Outpost refurbished
the former drug house next to the community-policing house, the
organization sold the house to a low-income homeowner who agreed to
occupy the residence. Since then, the Outpost has purchased several more
houses, refurbished them, and sold them to low-income families who also
agreed to occupy the houses. The Outpost uses the money earned from the
sale of each house to purchase a new house to refurbish.

Additional properties put up for sale by the troublesome landlords are
being purchased by organizations that cooperate with the U.S. Department
of Housing and Urban Development and various city and State programs
to offer low-cost loans and promote home ownership in the neighborhood.
The sale and renovation of the properties have led to visible improvements
in the condition of neighborhood housing stock. 

One major problem remained. Though the police had driven the drug
dealers and addicts from the 37-unit apartment complex in the heart of the
neighborhood, the building remained a rundown eyesore. After a local
newspaper ran a story about the once-elegant building, several developers
inquired about renovating it. Chief Polzin reassured developers that
community policing was a long-term effort in the West 6th Street area.
Developers purchased and renovated the apartment complex at a cost of
nearly $2 million. Today, there is a waiting list for apartments in the
building.

Empowering Residents

The West 6th Street Association's focus turned to improving residents'
accessibility to government services. The police department offered space
in its community-policing house to a number of social service agencies.
The response was enthusiastic. Among the organizations that used the
facilities at the West 6th Street community-policing house were:

o Children and Family Resources, a child health and social services
program that became so widely relied upon it eventually moved into its
own house two doors away.

o Racine County Human Services Department.

o Racine Health Department.

o Lutheran Social Services.

o Probation and Parole Division of the Wisconsin Department of
Corrections. Probation and parole officers used the house to meet with
clients during the day, before afterschool programs began.

o Reading tutoring services for children and adults during afterschool and
evening hours.

The service organizations encouraged neighborhood residents to drop in,
and the house eventually became an unofficial community center, helping
to further solidify the neighborhood.

Once area residents and the police department are satisfied with the
progress and stability of the area, neighborhood reinvestment plans
include selling the West 6th Street community-policing house to a
low-income owner-occupant. Proceeds from the sale will be used to
establish another community-policing house in another area of the city. 

Assessment

How well did community policing work as a catalyst for change in the
West 6th Street community?

o Violent crime (homicides, sexual assaults, robbery, and aggravated
assaults) fell 70 percent from 1991 to 1998.

o Property crime (burglary, theft, auto theft, and arson) fell 59 percent
from 1991 to 1998.

o Part 2 offenses (crimes not listed above) fell 32 percent from 1991 to
1998.

o Calls-for-service dropped 35 percent from 1991 to 1998.

In the same time period in the city as a whole, violent crime dropped 28
percent, property crime dropped 28 percent, and calls-for-service dropped
19 percent.

The number of owner-occupied homes in the West 6th Street area has
increased. Additional reinvestment in the neighborhood, similar to the
$2-million apartment house renovation, has occurred. The physical
appearance of many neighborhood properties has improved.

Follow-Up Study

The United Way conducted a survey in 1996 and asked 250 West 6th
Street residents to name the leaders in their neighborhood and the
organizations that had been most helpful to themselves or to their families.
Many respondents listed police officers as valued leaders (second only to
Family Resource and Health Department home visitors). The
community-policing house and the Racine Police Department, combined,
were listed as the leading resource organization in the neighborhood.

The police department has established three additional
community-policing houses in the Racine neighborhoods of Mead Street,
Geneva Street, and 10th Street, the latter of which opened its doors on
December 1, 1999. (See "Replicating Efforts at Mead Street" and
"Successes Build More Support.") Racine's experiences show that over
time, continued attention will be needed to sustain positive results in these
once-struggling communities. The residents of these communities are
unwilling to lose what they have fought so hard to gain.

For More Information

For more information about the Racine Police Department's
problem-solving efforts, contact Chief Richard Polzin, Chief of Police,
Safety Building-730 Center Street, Racine, WI 53403; phone: 414-635-
7704; fax: 414-636-9332.

-------------------------------

Replicating Efforts at Mead Street

A year after efforts began in the West 6th Street neighborhood, the police
department introduced community policing to Racine's Mead Street area.
This area suffered from problems similar to those that plagued West 6th
Street. The community is similar to West 6th Street in size, population
density, housing stock, and economic standing. It had more business
activity than the West 6th Street area, but the neighborhood was composed
mostly of single- and multifamily residences.

The department followed the West 6th Street area model, using the same
tools to evaluate the area and a similar problem-solving approach. The
police and community partnered together in the 2nd District Coalition, an
organization that became a powerful influence in neighborhood affairs.

The police chose to build a house for community-policing efforts on a
vacant city lot directly across the street from a park that was at the heart of
the community's problems. Gangs had taken over the park, and drug deals
were conducted out in the open. Residents regularly dove for cover from
gunfire between rival gang members.

A three-bedroom ranch house cost approximately $55,000. Chief Polzin
made fundraising presentations at every possible community function and
to private foundations. In the end, the Racine Community Foundation
provided $35,000; the department obtained the remaining funds from a
variety of other sources. The Outpost again managed the funds.

In early 1996, the new community-policing house became a reality. The
Mead Street house, like West 6th Street, became a combined police
station, neighborhood gathering center, and outreach location for many of
the same agencies that used the West 6th Street office.

Mead Street Assessment

The following patterns are emerging in the Mead Street area:

o Violent crime (homicides, sexual assaults, robbery, and aggravated
assaults) fell 53 percent from 1991 to 1998. 

o Property crime (burglary, theft, auto theft, and arson) fell 48 percent
from 1991 to 1998.

o Part 2 offenses (crimes not listed above) decreased 4.5 percent from
1991 to 1998. 

o Calls-for-service dropped 15 percent from 1991 to 1998.

Neighborhood pride is becoming more evident as housing improvements
are made. Reinvestment already has begun, as owners have reopened and
renovated previously boarded-up buildings. The park is now the site of
Boy Scout campouts and other child-related activities, rather than a
gathering place for gangs and drug dealers. The Mead Street community-
policing house will some day be sold to a low-to-moderate income family,
and the proceeds used to build another community-policing house
elsewhere.

-------------------------------

Successes Build More Support

The number of requests for a community policing presence in other city
neighborhoods has exceeded available resources. Chief Polzin approached
the Racine City Council, requesting that a surcharge be added to city
ordinance fines to help pay for community policing activities. The city
granted the request and also gave the police department part of an
$810,000 settlement paid by a local company to use for Weed and Seed
efforts.

Geneva Street Area

The police department selected the Geneva Street area, on Racine's north
side, for its third community-policing house. For many years, the only new
structure that had been built in this neighborhood had been a prison. With
a combination of funding sources, the effort proceeded much the same
way the Mead Street project did. A local community group adopted the
project, providing all the labor to landscape the yard. The Geneva Street
community-policing house opened its doors in 1998, providing a variety
of services to area residents. Crime rates are down after the first full year
of operation, and other neighborhood improvement efforts are progressing.

Stepp Builders, the company that built the Geneva Street house, decided
that the successes associated with the Racine Police Department's
approach to community policing deserved support. Stepp representatives
championed the community-policing effort at a meeting of Racine and
Kenosha, Wisconsin, builders. To date, that group has donated more than
$100,000 in labor and materials toward building more
community-policing houses.

-------------------------------

Truancy Control Project

Removing Attendance Barriers Lessens Daytime Crime 

San Diego Police Department, California, Mid-City Division

The Problem: High rates of daytime juvenile crime focused attention on
chronic truancy in the Mid-City Division of the San Diego Police
Department.

Analysis: A survey of 25 truant juveniles showed that 73 percent
committed crimes other than truancy while not at school, and 87 percent
reported being victimized while they were truant. Sixty percent of the
students also responded that stricter enforcement would deter truancy, and
the majority of the juveniles agreed that more personal attention would
increase their attendance at school.

Response: Police officers formed strong relationships with school
attendance officers and identified the most chronic truants; they then
targeted these students with personal attention and actively helped them
and their families remove barriers to school attendance.

Assessment: Before implementing the project, chronically truant students
were absent for an average of 43 percent of the school days. After
implementation, these students (excluding the most serious offenders, who
required court intervention) were absent for 11 percent of the school days.
Initial assessments of crime statistics show a 20-percent reduction in
Mid-City crime since project implementation, with a 31-percent reduction
in daytime crime during the fall 1998 semester. During the same period,
the average reduction in rates for those same crimes citywide was 6
percent. 

Scanning

Every day, Shane Lynn sat in Mira Mesa High School listening to kids
openly discuss ditching classes to buy, sell, and use illegal drugs. Lynn,
too, cut classes to buy drugs. The difference between Lynn and the other
students was that he was an undercover San Diego police officer
investigating illegal drug sales. Officer Lynn became convinced that
rampant truancy was contributing to the drug problem at Mira Mesa. Most
drug transactions occurred during the time students were truant. 

When Lynn's assignment was over, he debriefed school administrators and
police managers, who agreed that truancy was an overwhelming problem.
Lynn and his beat patrol partner, Scott Barnes, decided they would
examine the problem of truancy in their patrol area and, with the
permission of their sergeant, William Nemec, devise a strategy to combat
it.

Lynn and Barnes began a process of problem verification by speaking with
more than 40 education administrators, justice system representatives, and
social service providers. Each stakeholder verified the problem's severity,
and some said it was even worse than it appeared because the linkage of
funding to school attendance rates gave school administrators a
disincentive to document the problem accurately. 

Although juvenile service providers were concerned about the truancy
problem, most felt overwhelmed by the volume of truancy cases and the
difficulty of tracking down families whose addresses frequently changed.
All of these service providers--the School Attendance Review Board
(SARB), which reviews truancy cases; the Community Assessment Team;
Child Protective Services; Juvenile Probation; the Juvenile District
Attorney; and Juvenile Court--realized the significance of the problem, but
their efforts to address it were not coordinated. Disciplinary responses to
individual truants were not timely or consistent. As a result, truants did not
expect repercussions for their behavior. 

Analyzing the Problem

Guided by Sergeant Andrew Mills, Officers Lynn and Barnes examined
juvenile crime statistics in Mid-City and found the following:

o 60 percent of the thefts, 43 percent of the burglaries, and 29 percent of
the robberies in Mid-City in which juveniles were the suspects occurred
during school hours.

o 59 percent of juvenile victimization (excluding child molestation)
occurred during school hours.

Officers Lynn and Barnes also learned that biweekly juvenile truancy
sweeps netted an average of 40 students--mostly high-school students--per
sweep in the Mid-City police jurisdiction.

Truants Survey

To gain an understanding of the nature of truancy and its link to juvenile
crime in their jurisdiction, the officers conducted a survey of 25 juveniles
who had been apprehended for truancy. The officers learned the following:

o 73 percent of the juveniles surveyed admitted to committing crimes
other than truancy, such as using drugs (53 percent), buying drugs (33
percent), stealing from a store (33 percent), vandalizing property (33
percent), and committing robbery (27 percent) and burglary (27 percent). 

o 87 percent said they had been victimized. 

o 53 percent said they skipped school with friends, although 100 percent
of survey respondents had been apprehended with friends.

o Motivations for skipping school included being tired, bored, too far
behind, and disliking their teachers. None of the students surveyed said
they skipped school because they feared other students at school.

o The most frequently cited times for skipping school were the beginning
of the day, lunchtime, or the last period.

o 53 percent of the students said they hung out in their neighborhood, 33
percent went to stores, and 14 percent stayed on the school campus. 

o 60 percent of the surveyed truants said tighter controls, including police
enforcement and juvenile hall, would deter them from skipping school.

o Most of the truants said personal attention was an important element in
resolving their barriers to attending school.

Officer Lynn's original interpretation of the problem was that truancy and
drug sales and use were closely linked and that to reduce drug activity
among students, it was necessary to reduce truancy. However, through
their analysis, Lynn and Barnes discovered that the problem was much
broader and that truancy was a gateway both to criminal behavior and to
victimization. Based on students' responses, the officers concluded that
each child had a personal reason for skipping school, that many lacked
clear direction and experienced negative influences that were steering
them in the wrong direction, and that students knew they would not be
held accountable for being truant. The officers developed a response
strategy based on these findings. 

Response 

With support from Sergeant Mills, Barnes and Lynn started a pilot
program called the Juvenile Enforcement Team (JET) in six schools and
devised the following short-term strategy to combat truancy:

o Establish strong working relationships with school attendance officers
and administrators.

o Compile a list of the 65 most chronic truants and target these students
for strict enforcement. 

o Identify primary barriers to each child's attendance by meeting with the
families of students who do not respond to initial enforcement efforts and
assess whether there are problems that create barriers to school attendance.
Where appropriate, facilitate access to social services to help the family
address these problems.

The officers' long-term goals were to create a new process of holding
students and their families accountable for attending school, use existing
laws to enforce school attendance, and create a new law to tighten truancy
enforcement. The officers also hoped to offer alternative, positive
influences to students through a mentoring program. 

Building Relationships, Removing Barriers to Attendance

Barnes and Lynn, the two JET officers, met with attendance officers at
each school. Most were receptive and cooperative. Barnes and Lynn
arranged to call the schools each day at 8:30 a.m. to learn which of the 65
most chronic students were absent. The officers followed up with as many
of these students as possible. Strong communication and cooperation
between school attendance personnel and the JET officers were critical.
The most cooperative schools phoned officers immediately to let them
know which students on the JET list were absent.

Before long, the officers learned which students might benefit from
intervention and which probably would not. Each day, an hour before
school started, officers visited an average of five students they felt needed
special attention. In some cases, parents lacked sufficient control over their
children to get them to school. Officers obtained written consent from
some of these frustrated parents to come into the house to encourage these
children out of bed. 

Barnes and Lynn met with each of the 65 students and their families in
their homes and administered a risk-factor questionnaire to assess possible
barriers to each child's school attendance. They learned that many
chronically truant children wanted to attend school but were not permitted
to due to medical conditions such as lice. They also learned that some
parents did not understand correspondence regarding their children's
school absences and had difficulty accessing the services they needed to
help get their children back in school. (In the six schools with which the
JET officers worked, students live in a large immigrant community where
40 different languages are spoken.) Another significant barrier was lack of
parental concern about students missing school. Whatever the barrier, the
officers contacted the appropriate community resource and, when
necessary, requested assistance from translators to address the problem. 

In one case, a mother and her boyfriend were both parolees on the run who
were addicted to rock cocaine. The mother had been arrested for
prostitution, drug possession, and burglary. She abandoned her four
children, ages 3 through 12, for fear of police intervention and was
roaming the streets. The children avoided the police out of fear and hid
anytime an officer came to see why they weren't in school. Officers
Lynn and Barnes finally forced entry into the home and found the children
living in squalor, supervised by the 12-year-old. Officers tracked down the
children's legal guardian, a grandmother in Utah, and received permission
to send them to her. Officers networked with a nonprofit organization,
which provided money for the children's airline fare to Utah.

Another case involved two brothers, the older of whom was chronically
truant, a runaway, and a gang member. When the younger brother began
following in his older brother's footsteps of truancy, Lynn and Barnes
intervened. They learned that the younger brother had been sent home
from school because he had lice. After the officers helped the child's
parents access services to address the lice problem, the younger brother
began attending school regularly. The older brother, however, did not
respond to the officers and served jail time on a probation violation.

When the officers' initial efforts to remove a barrier failed to increase
students' attendance, they sought the help of the Health and Human
Services Department to enforce a newly enacted California law that
requires welfare monies to be withheld from parents whose children are
chronically truant. This typically motivated parents to address their
problems and get their children back in school. 

Holding Hard-Core Truants Accountable

The JET officers singled out truly recalcitrant truants for enforcement
actions. In these cases, officers were assigned to monitor and follow up
with individual students. Officers visited these students' homes daily
during their before-school rounds to check for compliance. If students
complied for a 1-month period, they were placed on a monitoring status.
Noncompliant students were referred to SARB, the District Attorney's
Office, or the Probation Department. For a variety of reasons, the JET
officers had limited success with these noncompliant students. 

A New Municipal Code

The officers discovered a legal gap between the chronic truancy State
statute and the municipal ordinance for daytime loitering. Daytime
loiterers were cited to traffic court, while chronic truants were under the
jurisdiction of SARB, whose backlog of cases was so large that it could
take 6 months for the board to address a student's case. Once a student was
referred to the board, he or she was unlikely to be subject to timely or
serious disciplinary action: During the 1997 school year, of the 560
chronic truants referred to SARB, only 9 received a subpoena to appear in
court. Officers Lynn and Barnes drafted a new municipal code to address
this gap. The City Attorney is reviewing the draft.

Mentoring Program

After the JET officers discovered that not all of the children's needs were
being met, they worked with Bill Arnsparger, a retired NFL football
coach, to establish a volunteer mentoring program. The program
coordinates volunteers to work with children the officers identified as
willing to improve, but needing special assistance and direction.
Arnsparger modeled the program after the Washington, D.C., mentoring
program described in the book, "Triumphs of Joseph."[1] At the time of
this writing, it was too early to assess the success of the mentoring
program in increasing school attendance.

Assessment

Officers Lynn and Barnes have assessed the impact of their efforts on
baseline juvenile crime, on the truancy rates of chronic offenders, and on
individual students.

From August to December 1998, statistics indicate a 20-percent
reduction in crime in Mid-City, with a 31-percent reduction in daytime
crime. Citywide rates for those same crimes dropped an average of 6
percent. 

School attendance data show that before the team began enforcing truancy
violations, the average student on the target list was absent for 43 percent
of the school days. This rate dropped to 18 percent in the school semester
following increased enforcement. When the officers excluded offenders
requiring court intervention, the rate for time absent for students on this
list dropped to 11 percent of the school days.

Several children who were on the JET list now not only attend school, but
also excel academically. Others are at least beginning to catch up to their
peers. A few have required juvenile justice system intervention. Anecdotal
evidence suggests the JET officers' enforcement and intervention worked.
Mike George, Dean of Students at Monroe Clark Middle School, says, "I
wish I had a hundred of these officers. This program works."[2] 

For More Information

For more information about the San Diego Police Department's efforts to
reduce truancy, contact Captain John Madigan and Sergeant Andrew Mills
of the San Diego Police Department's Mid-City Division, 4310 Landis
Street, San Diego, CA 92105; phone: 619-516-3000; fax: 619-516-3058.

Notes

1. Woodson, Robert. The Triumphs of Joseph, New York: Free Press,
1997.

2. Officers Lynn and Barnes returned to their original beat in January
1999. The program is now managed by officers involved in the
department's Drug Abuse Resistance Education (D.A.R.E.) efforts. At the
time of this writing, it was too early to assess whether the program is
having the same impact as it had under the JET officers.

-------------------------------

Intersecting Solutions

Restoring Order to an Urban Intersection 

Vancouver Police Department, Grandview Woodland Community
Policing Centre

The Problem: Public drunkenness, panhandlers, "squeegee people," litter,
and graffiti in an urban intersection caused a steep decline in the quality of
life.

Analysis: A community survey showed increasing dissatisfaction with
neighborhood problems. Students from Simon Fraser University examined
the neighborhood's environmental design and identified structures and
foliage that were facilitating disorderly behavior. An analysis of 911 calls
showed that patrol officers were frequently called to one intersection to
deal with aggressive panhandlers, squeegee activity, and public
drunkenness.

Response: Police implemented the Intersection Project, a
community-policing initiative that focused on community partnerships,
consistent police enforcement, and improved environmental design.

Assessment: Calls to 911 and to the Grandview Woodland Community
Policing Centre (GWCPC) declined as the need for emergency services to
the area lessened. Graffiti and litter have been removed, and the quality of
life has improved.

Scanning

The intersection at 1st Avenue and Commercial Drive in Vancouver's
Grandview Woodland community was a focal point of complaints to
Vancouver's 911 system. The area was plagued by aggressive panhandlers,
people who solicited money to wash car windows at traffic lights (known
by the community as "squeegee people"), and habitually intoxicated
people who lived on the streets. Littered streets and graffiti-covered public
property contributed to a depressed environment, and structures in the area
facilitated nuisance activity. 

The Vancouver Police Department (VPD) partnered with the Grandview
Woodland Community Policing Centre (GWCPC) to resolve problems in
the community. VPD Constable Jean Prince is assigned to this unique,
community-managed office, which responds to the problems reported by
citizens. (See "The GWCPC.") 

Reports to the GWCPC indicated that a variety of disorder issues at the
central intersection of 1st Avenue and Commercial Drive were causing a
decline in the quality of life for residents and neighboring businesses and
their employees. Citizens were afraid to use bank machines, to shop in the
area, and to walk or drive through the intersection. Business owners
complained of reduced business, and employees were concerned about
their safety when arriving to or leaving from work.

Analyzing the Problem

Preliminary attempts to identify specific problems at the intersection of 1st
Avenue and Commercial Drive, begun in the summer of 1997, included:

o A community survey.

o Dissemination of GWCPC posters for business owners to display.

o An analysis of 911 calls and GWCPC calls-for-service.

o An assessment of the environmental design of the neighborhood.

During the summer of 1997, GWCPC conducted an extensive survey to
determine the limits of citizens' tolerance for nuisance behaviors and to
examine community standards for maintaining property in the area.
Researchers tried to include in the survey all members of the community,
including car window washers, or "squeegee people," panhandlers,
intoxicated people, local business owners, employees, residents, and
visitors. Interviewers found that, although respondents generally tolerated
the "street people," the cumulative effect of the disorderly behavior, the
litter, and the graffiti was becoming unacceptable. 

In September 1997, GWCPC conducted a public awareness campaign by
disseminating posters to area businesses for display in their windows. The
posters, which listed Constable Prince as a contact and the Centre's phone
number, elevated visibility and public use of GWCPC. This project
resulted in a 150-percent increase in the number of citizen calls to
GWCPC. The poster project was inspired by a similar project developed
by the New York City Police Department. 

An analysis of 911 calls showed that patrol officers frequently were called
to one intersection to deal with aggressive panhandlers, squeegee activity,
and public drunkenness. In fact, 18 of 32 calls concerned those three
specific problems in May 1998, before the Intersection Project was
implemented.

During the summer and fall semesters of 1997, 20 Simon Fraser
University (SFU) criminology students, under the supervision of Professor
Patricia Brantingham, examined how the principles of Crime Prevention
Through Environmental Design (CPTED) could be implemented in the
area.[1] The students identified various structures and foliage that
facilitated criminal activities. The students' observations were particularly
valuable to GWCPC because only two of them lived in the neighborhood.
The students' perspective was, therefore, considered more objective than
that of residents, many of whom had become desensitized to neighborhood
conditions. The students brought to light the cumulative effects of the
disorderly behavior, combined with the graffiti and litter, on the area.

Territorial Conflict

By spring 1998, a territorial conflict began to develop between the people
who lived on the street and the business owners, employees, motorists, and
visitors who used the intersection. An increase in the number of people
who lived on the street and worked the intersection resulted in:

o A proliferation of territorial graffiti.

o Growing occupation of public property, such as public benches, by
inebriated people.

o Claims to street space by squeegee people and aggressive panhandlers.

o An increase in litter, including used syringes.

Other areas of the community began complaining about the spillover
effects from problems at the 1st Avenue and Commercial Drive
intersection. People were sleeping in building alcoves within a one-block
radius and urinating and defecating in the back alley staircases of
surrounding buildings. Squeegee people populated Grandview Park,
located four blocks away, and were drinking, sleeping, making excessive
noise at night, and visibly using drugs in the park.

Tension between the street group and local residents intensified, as did the
volume of calls to GWCPC. The community was beginning to lose
confidence in the police, whom they perceived as not addressing the
problems at the intersection.

Response

Together, GWCPC staff member Valerie Spicer (who has since become a
VPD constable), volunteers (including SFU students, local residents, and
business owners), area VPD patrol officers, and staff from community
agencies and the Neighborhood Integrated Services Team (NIST)
cooperated to examine area problems from a variety of angles.[2] By the
early summer of 1998, the community, NIST, and GWCPC had mobilized
and committed itself to: 

o Restore a better quality of life to the area.

o Increase public confidence in the police.

o Reduce calls to 911 and GWCPC.

o Reduce criminal activity.

o Eliminate repercussions for other areas of the neighborhood.

o Encourage community pride and ownership.

Stepped-Up Enforcement

Constable Prince developed a list of repeat squeegee offenders and a list of
Motor Vehicle Act and city bylaw charging sections, which were
distributed to patrol officers. Aggressive panhandlers were asked to move
on, and criminal code charges were made when appropriate. Public
drunkenness was no longer tolerated, and offenders were taken to a
detoxification center. 

Patrol officers, who often only responded to 911 calls, were asked to
respond to problem behavior whenever they saw it, preventing the
common perception among people who lived on the street that officers
who drove by them were condoning their behavior.

Area gas station owners, from whom squeegee people stole
windshield-washing equipment, engraved their windshield squeegees so
that people who were discovered with them could be charged with
stealing. Constable Prince developed a Squeegee Impact Statement that
was submitted with reports to Crown Counsel, the prosecutor. This
outlined the costs incurred by the gas stations and the effects on the
community. The impact statement resulted in a 7-day jail sentence for
people found in possession of a stolen squeegee. This type of sentence
usually is resolved through probation or community service hours. 

The Community Modifies the Environment

The community began modifying the environment to help control area
problems. SFU students established that a bench on the northeast side of
1st Avenue and Commercial Drive was the site of disputes between
various groups of drinkers. Intoxicated people almost always occupied the
bench, which was adjacent to a bank machine, and patrol officers
frequently were dispatched to the site. Drinkers and squeegee people used
newspaper boxes behind the bench to hide their bottles and squeegees.
Panhandlers also used this spot as a resting place.

In response, GWCPC and NIST had the bench removed and the newspaper
boxes relocated to the edge of the curb. Public drunkenness calls decreased
from 24 in 4 months in 1997 to 5 in the same 4-month period of 1998. 

The Royal Bank altered alcoves that provided shelter to panhandlers on
the southwest corner of the intersection. By installing a slanted structure in
the alcoves, the bank made it impossible for panhandlers to sit down. By
installing a glass window, the bank eliminated a hiding place on a ledge
near the entrance of the bank where squeegee people hid squeegees.
Finally, the bank removed a large bush and paved the area to eliminate
another spot people used for cover when police drove by. The manager of
the Royal Bank informed the police that when the bank removed the bush,
workers found 60 discarded needles. 

Vancity Credit Union, located on the northwest corner of the intersection,
gated an alcove closest to the corner and its ATM machine. Prior to
installation of the gate, two to five squeegee people at any given time
could be found hiding in this alcove while they waited for the next red
light, and intoxicated people and panhandlers used the alcove as a shelter
from the rain.

Area Beautification

The final component of the Intersection Project was beautification. The
Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, which shared the intersection with
Vancity Credit Union and Royal Bank, became actively involved, hiring a
company to remove graffiti within 24 hours of its application. Vancity
already had a graffiti removal program, where its maintenance staff
removed graffiti immediately and regularly cleaned the area around its
exterior. 

The Royal Bank, however, did not have a consistent policy to deal with
graffiti and was approached by GWCPC. Following a collaborative effort
involving the GWCPC coordinator, the assigned constable, and volunteers,
the Royal Bank instituted a graffiti removal program. GWCPC had a
'Welcome to Commercial Drive' mural painted on the retaining wall and
coated it with an antigraffiti coating donated by Goodbye Graffiti. This
mural has since only been "tagged" three times by graffiti, which the bank
quickly cleaned. 

GWCPC also approached the owner of a building on the southeast corner
with a mural proposal. Community volunteers painted the mural using a
local artist's original design and covered it with antigraffiti coating. The
mural, which is maintained by a GWCPC volunteer, has only been tagged
three times in 1 year, and each tag was quickly removed. Both murals
were inspired by the community survey, which indicated that respondents
felt murals would improve Commercial Drive's ambience. 

Finally, GWCPC, through NIST, approached city hall to obtain more
garbage receptacles and more frequent litter removal. 

Assessment

To determine whether the Intersection Project has been successful,
GWCPC has analyzed the 911 call load and police resource costs, visually
assessed the environment, and monitored the types of calls it receives
about the intersection. 

911 Call Analysis

The 911 call-load analysis showed that the three primary problem
behaviors--public drunkenness, squeegee activity, and aggressive
panhandling--dramatically decreased after the project was initiated (see
figure 1). 

During May 1998, 18 of 32 calls were for these three behaviors, compared
to 4 of 22 in August 1998, representing a 38-percent drop. A 54-percent
reduction occurred during the months of June to August 1997 when
compared with the same months in 1998--calls during those time periods
for these behaviors dropped from 153 to 83. 

Police Resources

The GWCPC constable and coordinator estimated the costs of police time
spent addressing problems at the intersection based on analysis of 911
calls. These costs are based only on police wages and do not include other
associated costs, such as equipment, dispatching, ambulance services,
volunteer detoxification transportation, or the costs to businesses and
individual citizens. The cost analysis indicates that an initial investment of
time during June 1998, when the project was first implemented, resulted in
a significant cost reduction (see figure 2).

GWCPC anticipates that the call analysis for May to August 1999 also
will show the project's success. The initial time investment during June
1998 will not have to be repeated. GWCPC anticipates minimal
enforcement for these behaviors during the summer of 1999. A new sense
of community ownership of the intersection has been created and the
environment is no longer conducive to nuisance behavior. 

Visual Assessment and Calls to GWCPC 

Regular patrols by Constable Prince allow visual assessment and
monitoring of the intersection. Calls to GWCPC corroborate the
constable's observations. Since implementing the project, GWCPC has not
received any calls complaining about the intersection. In a conversation
with Constable Prince, a squeegee person stated that he no longer feels
comfortable "squeegeeing" at 1st Avenue and Commercial Drive.

Territorial behavior by squeegee people in Grandview Park was addressed
through a separate project focusing on problems specific to the park. The
problem of people sleeping in building alcoves within a one-block radius
of the intersection also was addressed through a collaborative effort of
GWCPC, the community, and city enforcement agencies. The goal is to
help neighboring buildings make CPTED improvements that will reduce
problematic behaviors. 

Success Elements

Active enforcement and community involvement have been the keys to
success for this project. If the "broken windows" theory of neighborhood
decline is correct, this intersection and the surrounding area, left
unattended, would have deteriorated even further.[3] Instead, business
owners and community members have taken ownership, continuing to
maintain the intersection and to carry out antigraffiti programs. Overall,
service calls to 911 about the intersection have declined significantly,
community fear has been reduced, and confidence in the police has been
restored.

For More Information

For more information about the Vancouver Police Department's activities,
contact Constables Jean Prince and Valerie Spicer at 312 Main Street,
Vancouver, BC V6A 2T2, Canada; phone: 604-717-3349, extension 1676
for Cst. Prince or extension 1905 for Cst. Spicer; e-mail:
jean_prince@city.vancouver.bc.ca or
valerie_spicer@city.vancouver.bc.ca.

Notes

1. The basic principles of Crime Prevention Through Environmental
Design (CPTED) include target hardening (controlling access to
neighborhoods and buildings and conducting surveillance on specific areas
to reduce opportunities for crime to occur) and territorial reinforcement
(increasing the sense of security in settings where people live and work
through activities that encourage informal control of the environment).
CPTED directly supports community policing because of its emphasis on
the systematic analysis of crime in a particular location and on crime
prevention strategies tailored to solve specific problems. Wherever the
principles of CPTED are applied to the design and management of the
physical environment of buildings, residential neighborhoods, and
business areas, public safety is increased and the fear of crime is reduced.

2. Every neighborhood in Vancouver has a NIST, which is a group of city
enforcement agencies (fire, police, permits and licenses, social services,
environmental health, and Parks Board) that meets monthly to discuss and
work on community problems.

3. Kelling, George L., and Catherine M. Coles, Fixing Broken Windows:
Restoring Order and Reducing Crime in Our Communities, New York:

Free Press, 1996.

-------------------------------

The GWCPC

The Grandview Woodland Community Policing Centre (GWCPC) is
unique in that the impetus for opening the office came directly from the
community. A group of residents perceived the need for this type of police
service and approached the police department with an implementation
plan. Community members have entered into an equal partnership with the
police department, and this active collaboration is implicit in every project
GWCPC undertakes. 

In 1995, GWCPC opened in Vancouver's Grandview Woodland
neighborhood in direct response to the community's request to partner with
VPD. The Centre is housed inside the neighborhood's Britannia
Community Centre.

GWCPC acts as a resource for both the community and the police
department. Its board of directors consists of local residents, business
owners, and people who work in the area. GWCPC receives funding from
the city of Vancouver and the British Columbia Attorney General's Office.
VPD assigns a constable, provides two phone lines, and a computer linkup
to the VPD systems. The Britannia Community Centre provides free
space.

A paid civilian coordinator staffs the office and manages a variety of
programs. A constable assigned to GWCPC acts as liaison between VPD
and the community. The constable's primary function is to collaborate
with various community and government agencies and with the GWCPC's
board and staff to develop and implement problem-oriented projects
targeting issues or concerns identified by the community.

GWCPC identifies community problems through reports from concerned
citizens. Most complaints involve ongoing, repetitive problems that cannot
be solved through arrests only. In response to citizen reports, GWCPC
gathers information, proposes a comprehensive solution, reviews and
implements the solution, and assesses the results. This process has resulted
in many successful projects.

-------------------------------

Enabling Problem-Oriented Policing

Constable Jean Prince, the Vancouver Police Department liaison officer
assigned to GWCPC, undertook the intersection cleanup initiative. At the
time of the project, Valerie Spicer was the paid civilian staff member of
GWCPC. VPD has since hired Spicer as a constable.

GWCPC contributed a significant number of resources to this project,
including:

o 63 staff hours and 350 volunteer hours in 1997 and 1998 for the poster
project.

o $850 in printed and display materials. 

o 15 staff hours and 15 volunteer hours during 1997 and 1998 for mural
painting. Paint and antigraffiti coating were donated.

-------------------------------

Appendixes

Appendix A: Site Contacts

Baltimore
Lieutenant Carmine R. Baratta, Jr.
Sector Commander, Southeastern District
601 East Fayette Street
Baltimore, MD 21202
410-396-2422
410-396-2172 (fax)
CRBARATTA@aol.com

Fresno

Fresno Police Department
2323 Mariposa Mall
Fresno, CA 93721
559-498-4517 (Officer Dodd)
559-498-4614 (Officer Hodson)
559-498-4634 (Sergeant Laband)
559-228-6783 (fax)

Green Bay

Officers Bill Bongle and Steve Scully 
Fort Howard District, Green Bay Police Department
307 Adams Street
Green Bay, WI 54301
920-448-3332
920-448-3333 (fax)
beatcop@msn.com (Officer Bongle)
sscully@execpc.com (Officer Scully)

Minneapolis

Minneapolis Police, Downtown Command
29 South 5th Street
Minneapolis, MN 55402
612-673-3198
612-673-3940 (fax)

Racine

Chief Richard Polzin
Chief of Police
Safety Building-730 Center Street
Racine, WI 53403
414-635-7704
414-636-9332 (fax)

San Diego

Captain John Madigan and Sergeant Andrew Mills 
San Diego Police Department, Mid-City Division
4310 Landis Street
San Diego, CA 92105
619-516-3000
619-516-3058 (fax)

Vancouver

Constables Jean Prince and Valerie Spicer
312 Main Street
Vancouver, BC V6A 2T2
Canada
604-717-3349, x1676 (Cst. Prince)
604-717-3349, x1905 (Cst. Spicer)
jean_prince@city.vancouver.bc.ca (Cst. Prince)
valerie_spicer@city.vancouver.bc.ca (Cst. Spicer)

-------------------------------

Appendix B: Judges

Ronald Clarke
Professor, School of Criminal Justice
Rutgers University
15 Washington Street
Newark, NJ 07102
973-353-1154
973-353-5896 (fax)
rvgclarke@aol.com

Gary Cordner
Dean, College of Law Enforcement
Eastern Kentucky University
354 Stratton Building
Richmond, KY 40475-3131
606-622-2344
606-622-6561 (fax)
cordner@eku.edu

Ronald Glensor
Deputy Chief
Reno Police Department
P.O. Box 1900
455 East 2nd Street
Reno, NV 89501
702-334-3860
702-334-2157 (fax) 
glensor@ci.reno.nv.us

Nancy LaVigne
National Institute of Justice
U.S. Department of Justice
810 7th Street, NW
Washington, DC 20531
202-616-4531
202-616-0275 (fax)
lavigne@ojp.usdoj.gov

Rana Sampson
Founder 
Community Policing Associates
4817 Canterbury Drive
San Diego, CA 92116
619-282-8006 
619-282-8007 (fax)
rana@gateway.net

Greg Saville
School of Public Safety and Professional Development
University of New Haven
New Haven, CT 06516
203-932-7460
gsaville@gateway.net

Michael Scott
Police Research and Management Consultant
421 Abercorn Street
Savannah, GA 31401
912-236-4720
912-231-8119 (fax)
mscott7225@aol.com

Coordinator, Jim Burack
Counsel and Director of Operations
Police Executive Research Forum
1120 Connecticut Avenue, NW Suite #930
Washington, DC 20036
202-466-7820, extension 276
202-466-7826 (fax)
jburack@PoliceForum.org

-------------------------------

Appendix C: Resources

In recent years, numerous books and reports have become available about
problem solving and community policing. Many are available from the
Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) and from the U.S. Department
of Justice through its National Criminal Justice Reference Service
(NCJRS).

Listed below are selected materials available from PERF and NCJRS. 

o Visit PERF at http://www.policeforum.org, 1120 Connecticut Avenue
NW., Suite 930, Washington, DC 20036, 202-466-7820. PERF documents
can be ordered online. 

o Visit NCJRS at http://www.ncjrs.org, P.O. Box 6000, Rockville, MD
20849-6000, 1-800-851-3420.

o Visit NIJ at http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij, 810 7th Street NW.,
Washington, DC 20531, 202-307-2942.

o Visit the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) at
http://www.usdoj.gov/cops, 1100 Vermont Avenue NW., Washington, DC
20531, 202-514-2058. 

Publications Available From PERF

Citizen Involvement: How Community Factors Affect Progressive Policy,
Correia, Mark, Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum, 124
pages, 2000 (Product Number 842).

Crime Mapping Case Studies: Successes in the Field (Volume 1),
LaVigne, Nancy, and Julie Wartell, eds., Washington, D.C.: Police
Executive Research Forum, 144 pages, 1998 (Product Number 834) (NCJ
178051).

Crime Mapping Case Studies: Successes in the Field (Volume 2),
LaVigne, Nancy, and Julie Wartell, eds., Washington, D.C.: Police
Executive Research Forum, 140 pages, 2000 (Product Number 841).

Crime in the Schools: Reducing Fear and Disorder With Student Problem
Solving, Kenney, Dennis J., and T. Steuart Watson, Washington, D.C.:
Police Executive Research Forum, 236 pages, 1998 (Product Number 830)
(NCJ 174193).

Dispute Resolution and Policing: A Collaborative Approach Toward
Effective Problem Solving, Glensor, Ron, and Alissa Stern, Washington,
D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum, 16 pages, 1995 (Product Number
007) (NCJ 155237).

How to Recognize Good Policing: Problems and Issues, Brodeur,
Jean-Paul, ed., Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum, 272
pages, 1998 (Product Number 833).

Information Management and Crime Analysis: Practitioners' Recipes for
Success, Reuland, Melissa Miller, ed., Washington, D.C.: Police
Executive Research Forum, 152 pages, 1997 (Product Number 819) (NCJ
165619).

Managing Innovation in Policing: The Untapped Potential of the Middle
Manager, Geller, William A., and Guy Swanger, Washington, D.C.: Police
Executive Research Forum, 204 pages, 1995 (Product Number 803) (NCJ
158518).

Problem-Oriented Policing, Goldstein, Herman, New York: McGraw-Hill,
180 pages, 1990 (Product Number 181) (NCJ 122899).

Problem-Oriented Policing: Crime-Specific Problems, Critical Issues and
Making POP Work, Volume 1, Shelley, Tara O'Conner, and Anne C.
Grant, eds., Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum, 442
pages, 1998 (Product Number 831) (NCJ 176142). 

Problem-Oriented Policing: Crime-Specific Problems, Critical Issues and
Making POP Work, Volume 2, Brito, Corina Sole, and Tracy Allan, eds.,
Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum, 412 pages, 1999
(Product Number 840).

Problem Solving: Problem-Oriented Policing in Newport News, Eck, John
E., William Spelman et al., Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research
Forum, 150 pages, 1987 (Product Number 085) (NCJ 111964).

Themes and Variations in Community Policing: Case Studies in
Community Policing, Police Executive Research Forum, Washington,
D.C.: Police Executive Research Forum, 92 pages, 1996 (Product Number
809) (NCJ 161284).

Using Research: A Primer for Law Enforcement Managers, Eck, John E.,
and Nancy LaVigne, Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research
Forum, 180 pages, 1994 (Product Number 045) (NCJ 155291). 

Why Police Organizations Change: A Study of Community-Oriented
Policing, Zhao, Jihong, Washington, D.C.: Police Executive Research
Forum, 140 pages, 1996 (Product Number 811) (NCJ 161231).

Publications Available From NCJRS

Addressing Community Gang Problems: A Model for Problem Solving,
Police Executive Research Forum, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of
Justice, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 53 pages, 1997 (NCJ 156059).

Broken Windows and Police Discretion, Kelling, George L., Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, 62 pages,
1999 (NCJ 178259).

Community Policing, Community Justice, and Restorative Justice:
Exploring the Links for the Delivery of a Balanced Approach to Public
Safety, Nicholl, Caroline G., Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of
Justice, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 216 pages, 2000 (NCJ 181245).

Crime Prevention and Community Policing: A Vital Partnership,
Monograph, National Crime Prevention Council, Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 27 pages, September
1997 (NCJ 166819).

Looking at Crime From the Street Level: Plenary Papers of the 1999
Conference on Criminal Justice Research and Evaluation; Enhancing
Policy and Practice Through Research, Volume 1, Venkatesh, Sudhir,
Richard Curtis, and Charles H. Ramsey, Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, 36 pages, November
1999 (NCJ 178260).

Mapping Crime: Principle and Practice Research Report, Harries, Keith,
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of
Justice, 206 pages, December 1999 (NCJ 178919).

Measuring What Matters, Part One: Measures of Crime, Fear, and
Disorder, Brady, T.V., Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice,
National Institute of Justice, 16 pages, December 1996 (NCJ 162205).

Measuring What Matters, Part Two: Developing Measures of What the
Police Do, Brady, T.V., Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice,
National Institute of Justice, 16 pages, 1997 (NCJ 167255).

One Hundred Promising Crime Prevention Programs From Across the
World, Gauthier, Lily-Ann, David Hicks, Daniel Sansfacon, and Leanne
Salel, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice
Assistance, 167 pages, 1999 (NCJ 179025).

Problem-Oriented Policing in Public Housing: Final Report of the Jersey
City Project, Mazerolle, Lorraine G., Justin Ready, Bill Terrill, and Frank
Gajewski, Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, National
Institute of Justice, 83 pages, 1998 (NCJ 179985).

Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems: Case Studies in
Problem-Solving, Sampson, Rana, and Michael S. Scott, Washington,
D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing
Services, 187 pages, 2000 (NCJ 181243).

-------------------------------

U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
810 Seventh Street N.W.
Washington, DC 20531

Janet Reno
Attorney General

Daniel Marcus
Acting Associate Attorney General

Mary Lou Leary
Acting Assistant Attorney General

Julie E. Samuels
Acting Director, National Institute of Justice

Office of Justice Programs
World Wide Web Site
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov

National Institute of Justice
World Wide Web Site
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij

Opinions or points of view expressed in this document do not necessarily
reflect the official position of the U.S. Department of Justice.

-------------------------------

The National Institute of Justice is a component of the Office of Justice
Programs, which also includes the Bureau of Justice Assistance, Bureau of
Justice Statistics, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention, and the Office for Victims of Crime.

-------------------------------

NCJ 182731