half a century, in the prophetia words of Alexander Hamilton, ''ultimately squintnig at South America."
I do not desire annexation by an unrighteous war, or by any species of injustice ; for, in the providence of God, there surely comes retribU'-tive punishment for all iniquity, individual, or national. But, I do wish to see my country fulfil her destiny, by spreading the blessings of liberty andof the Constitution peacefully over the American continents, placing her beyond the power, of any monarchical combinations, with irnesiotible ability for good, and no motive for evil or aggression. When that day shall have arrived, as come it 6urely will, if we are true to ottrselves, may we not hope, that, under the moral influence of our example and success, all other nations will ultimately enjoy the blessings of constitutional liberty and self-goyermjienE. These views are entertained in no spirit of aggression, but, because it is clear, that, whilst such a result would confer countless blessings upon-my own country, it would also advance the interests and promote the happiness of the whole brotherhood of man.
Yet, essential as was* the extension policy to our welfare, if not to our existence as an independent nation, the vaVious lawB and treaties^ by which we enlarged our boundaries, were fiercely contested, and often escaped defeat by small majorities. Our firsj and greatest acquisition was Louisiana, much more than doubling the area of the Republic; yet, the opposition was violent and powerful, and Mr. Jefferson was ridiguled, denounced, and lampooned in prose and veree, (worse thaa Mr. Sewardj) for making this treaty. Yet, what American would now surrender Louisiana, with its million of square miles, and its numerous States and Territories ? But, in this "case, as in all others, the anti-annexation policy, though powerful at the time, was always ultimately condemned with great unanimity by the people. Scarcely was the annexation accomplished, a3 regards all our acquisitions, When the multiplied piopbEcies of evil all vanished, and countless blessings and benefits flowed In upon the whole people of the United States.
We have seen, that, when the Constitution was framed in 17^7, this same anti-annexation party endeavored to confine our limits within our then existing territory, but was defeated through the instrumentality of Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, and Madison. In June, 1797, Alexander Hamilton addressed a letter to Dr. McHenry, then Secretary of War, in which he said, " Besides eventual security against invasion, we ought to look certainly to the possession of rhe FLoridas and Louisiana, and we ought to equint at South America."
This original letter, au in the handwriting of Mr. Hamilton, obtained from the family of Dr. McHenry, was handed to me in 1845 by, Alexander Hamilton, the 6on of the great statesman, and was first read by me in February, 1845^in the debate in the Senate of the United States on the annexation of Texas. When Louisiana was acquiied, Mr, Jefferson was President of the United States, James Madison was Secretary of State, James Monroe Minister to France. Thu, we have ^een, that the patriots of the. Revolution, and the fathers and founders of this Republic, were nearly all extensionists. They looked forward, as we have seen, to the period, when. both the continents of America and all the dependent isles should be embraced within the boundaries of the Union. Wve have seen how fierce was the opposition to the annexation of Louisiana, Texas, and Floiida; yet, when they, together with the South, attempted to secede, we expended, during the late rebellion, billions of treasure, and sacrificed thousands of lives, to retain them all in the Union.
A few feeble utterances were then indeed heard in the North, saying, 7<tf them go^ BHt the Amarican people would not consent to disintegrate* the Republic, to let Florida or any of the Southern States secede, or dismember fhe Valley of the West. No; where our flag ia once unfurled, there it must float fdrever.
We have had two antagonistic principles, constantly at work, 6ince and during the war of the Revolution. These were disintegration, -secession, and disunion on the one hand, and the maintenance, perpetuation, and extension of the Union on the other. The expansion and limitation of the area of the Union had their first struggle, as we have seen; in framing the Articles of Confederation in i778. The second was when our boundaries were fixed by  the treaty of 1,783; the third was in 1787, when the Constitution was formed and ratified. The same antagonism was again exhibited In 1803, when Louisiana was acquired; agaio, ia Ib21, when we purchased Floiida, but relinquished Texas; and in 1845, when Texas was again received into the Union; in 1848, When California was ceded to us with a vast adjacent territory, but with the unfortunate abandonment of the rest of Mexico, which we had conquered and occupied, and should have retained; and, finally, in Arzona in 1854. There, before the ratification ot the treaty, the Senate amended it by striking from i^ most unfortunately, all that most important portion of the Territory to be acquired, bprdering for a great distance upon the ^Gulf of California, leaving Lower California a broken wing to Mexiio.   On every occasion, the"*, when we