13

CONSENSUS STATEMENTS

Introduction

Workshop participants were given the charge of reaching some consensus regarding the
effects of pornography on the public health of citizens, expecially children and

adolescents. The list of consensus statements that emerged was intended to provide a
reasoned, rather than a partisan, summary of what social science can say with con-
fidence about the effects of pornography. Each of the five consensus statements that
follows relates to a circumscribed effect of pornography that is supported by directly
relevant social science data and is tenable in light of demonstrated theory in related
areas of inquiry.

   There have been many claims other than those listed here regarding the effects
of various forms of pornography.  What are listed here are conclusions that have, in
the opinion of the participants, been demonstrated with a required degree of social
science accuracy. This is not to say that other purported effects of pornography have
been examined and found to be false. Presently, however, the state of the evidence in
this area appears to substantiate only the following limited conclusions.

Consensus Statements

Children and adolescents who participate
in the production of pornography
expkknce adverse, enduring effects.

Involvement of children in the production of pornography is a form of sexual
exploitation, victimizing vulnerable children and leaving them with the aftermath of

this involvement.  Sexual exploitation has been linked to a variety of adverse
emotional, behavioral, and somatic consequences in children as well as adults who
were exploited as children. Incidents of sexual exploitation are not easily put aside by
a child, but instead appear to re-emerge as a variety of difficulties (for a review, see
Finkelhor & Browne, 1986).


14

   Several aspects of the process of sexual exploitation are theorized to be im-
portant contributors to the emergence of adverse effects. Finkelhor and Browne
(1985) have theorized that these effects can be caused by several factors: traumatic
sexualization, betrayal, powerlessness, and stigmatization. Traumatic sexualization is
a result of the child being involved in, and rewarded for, developmentally inappro-
priate sexual behavior. This can produce an obsession with or adversion to sexuality,
and may be seen behaviorally in childhood and/or adulthood as a preoccupation with
sexual activity, sexual dysfunction, or phobic reactions to intimacy. Betrayal results
from the child being manipulated by a trusted adult. Effects can be depression, de-
pendency, mistrust, and hostility, and behavioral consequences can include isolation,
vulnerability to other abuse, and conduct problems.  Powerlessness results from a
sense of vulnerability felt because of repeated invasion of the child's body and the
inability of the child to stop the abuse. Effects include anxiety, fear, self-perception
as a victim, and identification with the abuser.  Behavioral consequences include
somatic difficulties, sleep disturbances, school phobias, and delinquency.  Finally,
stigmatization can occur as a result of the child blaming his or herself for the abuse or
being blamed for the sexual activity by the abuser, the child's family, or others.
Effects of this process are thought to be guilt and lowered self-esteem. Possible
behavioral consequences include isolation, drug use, criminal activity and self-
destructive behavior.

  Involvement with pornography does seem to have a place in the dynamics of
sexually exploiting children. Pornography has been used by adults to teach children
how to perform sexual acts and to legitimize the children's participation by showing
pictures of other children who are "enjoying" the activity. In some cases involvement
in the production of pornography has led to other sexual activity; in others, pornog-
raphy involvement has followed sexual activity.

  Since most children and adolescents involved with pornography are also
involved in prostitution or other sexual activity with adults (Burgess et al., 19841, and
since many come from homes where they experienced neglect and abuse (Silbert &
Pines, 1984), the specific effects of involvement with pornography cannot be isolated
cleanly. Involvement with pornography is one of many influences operating in the
lives of these youth, and discussion of the effects of participation in the production of
pornography must be understood in terms of the combined effect of this influence with
previous negative life experiences.  There is no reason to believe, however, that
involvement with pornography is less traumatizing than other forms of sexual
exploitation of children. There is even some suggestion that it may produce a unique
form of trauma since the child knows that there is a permanent record of his or her
participation.


   Evidence about the role and effects of pornography in sexually exploiting
children necessarily comes exclusively from clinical studies.  Burgess et al. (1984)
completed extensive interviews with 62 children referred by law enforcement agencies
when their participation in sex and pornography rings was discovered. Although one of
the most extensive investigations of its kind, the authors noted several possible
limitations to the generalizability of the results of the interviews to all children
involved in such activity. Most notably, the sample might not have been representa-
tive of all such children since only those referred by law enforcement agencies were
interviewed and 14 children who could have participated were not permitted by their
parents to do so.  Also, the children's emotional and behavioral patterns may not
reflect those found in children whose participation had not been disclosed.
   Difficulties reported by the children as occurring during their association with
the sex rings included somatic complaints, sleep disturbances, withdrawal from peer
and adult contact, and acting-out behaviors.  Disclosure of the children's involvement
in the rings produced new symptoms in 49 of the children and caused the exacerbation
and solidification of existing symptoms in many others. Data analysis indicated that
those involved in a sex ring for more than one year and those involved in the produc-
tion of pornography (34 children) were more likely to exhibit more severe symptomol-
ogy. Unfortunately, the specific contribution that each of these two conditions made
to the symptomology is unclear.
   From structured interviews with hundreds of children, adolescents, and young
adults, Silbert (1986) compiled a list of symptoms exhibited by those involved with
pornography. Those involved with pornography at the time of the interview were seen
as uncommunicative, withdrawn, inattentive, and fearfuL Long-term consequences of
those who had been involved earlier were characterized by the internalization of those
behaviors. That is, the adolescent personalities of previously involved youth were best
characterized as withdrawn, anxious, and paranoid. Only five of the subjects inter-
viewed had previously disclosed their involvement with pornography. For the two
whose disclosure met' with support by those in their environment, a time of initial
heightened turmoil was followed by a more healthy resolution. For the others who
were met with disbelief or punitive reactions, the disclosure meant an exacerbation of
their negative reactions.
   In a contradictory report, Inciardi (1984) interviewed nine girls between the
ages of 8 and 12 who were involved in prostitution and pornography and found few
overt signs of disorder. All of the girls had been introduced into the sexual activity by
parental figures, all of whom were already involved in prostitution or pornography.
None of the girls' activities had been disclosed to law enforcement or social service


16

agencies, and their involvement in sexual activity was ongoing. Four of the girls re-
ported that they did not use drugs, and Inciardi stated that the others' drug use did not
seem to be directly related to their sexual activities.

   While these findings are counter to the previously cited investigations and the
more generally accepted notion of the grave impact of such activities on children,
several aspects of the group of girls interviewed must be considered as possible fac-
tors producing these results. First, the sample was small and not `necessarily repre-
sentative of all girls in similar circumstances.  The girls' parents encouraged their
sexual activity and the appearance of the activity as more normal may have mitigated
the effects reported by other children. Second, the girls were still quite young. As
Inciardi noted, these girls had the same trouble expressing affect as do other children
their age, and this limitation may have produced an underreporting of symptoms in the
short interview used.  Moreover, many effects of sexual exploitation may not appear
until the occurrence of significant life events involving sexuality or intimacy (Gelinas,
1983).  `The lack of current symptoms, therefore, does not preclude later problems
around dating, intimate relationships, or childbearing. Finally, the sexual activity had
not been disclosed. Recalling that symptoms can increase in severity after disclosure
(Burgess et al., 19841, there is the possibility that these girls may have presented (or
may yet present) a different clinical picture after the possibly traumatic experience
of disclosure.

   Although it is impossible to isolate the effects of participation in the
production of pornography from the effects of the other forms of sexual exploitation
that are often experienced by those involved in pornography, clinical evidence
indicates almost unequivocally that the effects of such involvement are adverse and
enduring. Whether or not we can generalize from the reported effects to all those
involved in the production of pornography has not been shown, yet it is clear that
harmful effects are experienced by many.  While some evidence is available of minor
effects when participation is encouraged by parental figures, this evidence is not
overwhelming. In the end, it is fair to conclude that pornography plays a clear role in
the sexual exploitation of children, and that this exploitation produces damaged
children and adults.


17

Prolonged use of pornography
inereasas belie&
that less common sexual practices

are more common.

The basis for this conclusion comes mainly from the work of Zillmann and Bryant
(1982) and the application of recent theoretically relevant findings from cognitive
psychology research. The theme of this conclusion is that repeated exposure to por-
nography is likely to alter one's estimates of the frequency of people engaging in
behaviors similar to those depicted. While there is only one direct experimental test
of this premise, these results match other studies of human judgment processes using
materials other than pornography as content. The research study can thus be seen as a
demonstration that an observed, theoretically sound psychological mechanism appears
to be operating when individuals are repeatedly exposed to pornography.

   Zillmann and Bryant (1982) exposed a group of male and female undergraduates
to varying amounts of pornographic ftims.  `The massive exposure group watched six
different eight-minute sexually explicit films during each of six weekly sessions, the
intermediate exposure group watched three erotic and three nonerotic films, and the
no exposure group watched six nonerotic films. All of the erotic films contained only
consenting heterosexual activities of fellatio, cunnilingus, coition, and anal inter-

course.

   Three weeks after the end of the film presentations the subjects completed
several questionnaires, one of which asked them to estimate the percentages of adults
in the United States that engaged in various common and uncommon sexual practices.
Those in the intermediate and massive exposure groups, compared to the no exposure
and no prior treatment groups, estimated that significantly higher numbers of adults
engaged in fellatio, cunnilingus, and anal intercourse.  Comparison with data from
broadly based sexual surveys indicated that the estimates of the intermediate and
massive exposure groups were actually more accurate than the no exposure and no
prior treatment groups, which underestimated the prevalence of these behaviors. Of
particular interest was the additional finding that estimates of the prevalence of
group sex, sadomasochism, and bestiality were higher for the massively exposed group
than the other groups, even though none of the pornographic material to which they
were exposed included these types of activities. Those in the massive exposure groups
significantly overestimated the reported prevalence of these activities.


18

   This study indicated that those viewing intermediate or massive amounts of
more commonly accepted pornography over a six-week period believed that these
forms of sexual behavior occur more frequently in the general population than those
with no exposure to pornography during the same time. Also, those who viewed more
massive amounts of pornography believed that less common forms of sexual behavior
which were not included in the materials seen also occur more frequently. In short,
the perceptions of the subjects regarding the prevalence of sexual practices were
affected by the amount of pornography that they viewed. However, the implications
of this change in perception toward attitudes of tolerance for the material or the less
common sexual practices were not and have not been investigated.
   This single study would not be as convicing if its results were not so predictable
in light of other research. Recent work in cognitive psychology has consistently found
a set of processes that appear to drive human judgment under conditions of uncertain-
ty (see Kahneman, Slavic & Tversky, 1982). When confronted with problems requiring
estimates of the likelihood of an event occurring, people appear to perform a selective
search of the outcomes of representative situations that they have encountered, and
rely heavily on their recollection of the outcome of the most cognitively available
incidents for representations. The availability of these cognitive reference points is
influenced by the recency of a person's contact with the given material or the dra-
matic salience of the materiaL

   Since pornography is a primary means by which many people (especially
children and adolescents) learn about the sexual behavior of couples, and since there is
seldom any corrective, more accurate information available, it is easy to see how this
material can affect perceptions about how common certain behaviors are. Exposure
could logically provide a heuristic of couple's sexual behavior in which less common
acts are regular occurrences. Moreover, regular exposure could help to make these
representations highly available as reference points. While more research is obviously
required to gain a full picture of how repeated exposure to pornography affects
perceptions, it presently appears that exposure to this content material operates in a
way consistent with what would be expected.


19

Pomogmphy that portrays serual aggmsion
as pleasnrable for the victim
incm the acceptance of fhe use of coercion
in SexnaI rehtions

This statement is based on experimental findings, the fact that these findings are
congruent with theoretical notions of attitude formation, and clinical reports from
samples of sex offenders. None of the available data sources taken alone are suffi-
cient to posit an effect of violent pornography of a particular type on attitudes.
Taken together, however, there appears to be a convincingly clear picture of attitudes
toward the acceptability of sexual coercion being substantially altered by exposure to
particular types of violent pornography.

   Since the 1970 Commission on Obscenity and Pornography, a number of re-
searchers have explored the possibility of distinct effects related to exposure to vio-
lent pornography. These studies have been undertaken primarily because of the per-
ceived increase in the availability of violent sexual materials (MaIamuth & Spinner,
1980; Dietz & Evans, 1982) and the fact that the Commission only tangentially con-
sidered the possibility that these materials could exert an influence unique from erotic
pornography.  As part of this line of laboratory studies, attitudes have been investi-
gated as possible factors potentially increasing or decreasing any behavioral effects
produced by exposure to violent sexual materials. Attitudes in these studies have been
measured using a variety of paper and pencil scales, with measures of the same type
also used to gauge the individual's pre-existing, self-assessed "proclivity" toward
rape. These investigations have been and continue to be classical, social psychological
laboratory studies, almost exclusively using undergraduates as subjects and question-
naires or simulated tasks as outcome measures.

   Two studies using this approach (Malamuth, Haber & Feshbach, 1980; Malamuth
& Check, 1980) have shown that exposure to pornographic rape scenes in which the as-
sault resulted in the female victim's sexual arousal altered males' assessments of a
later rape depiction. These studies compared the effects of materials in which the
victim was aroused by the attack, the victim abhorred the attack, or two people were
involved in a mutually consenting act. Those viewing a scene in which the victim was
aroused by the attack saw the victim of the later rape depiction as having suffered
less.


20

   Another study (Malamuth, Reisen h Spinner, 1979) failed to show similar ef-
fects regarding a later rape depiction, however. In this study, exposure to aggressive
pornography films showed no effects on an immediate assessment of an interview with
a rape victim or on attitude survey responses regarding the seriousness of rape ob-
tained three weeks later.  What is striking about this study, however, is that the
materials used did not show the victim becoming aroused by the attack, but were in-
stead merely pictures of sadomasochism and rape.  Unwittingly, these researchers
provided verification of one of the conditions of, the other studies, testing for the
presence of an effect using violent materials without depictions of victim arousaL
The fact that there were no effects thus lends credence to the supposition that the
portrayal of victim enjoyment or repulsion is an important determinant of any attitude
effects produced by violent pornographic materials.

   Another investigation using a slighly different methodology provides confirming
evidence. Malamuth and Check (1981) compared three groups of male and female un-
dergraduates regarding changes in their acceptance of rape myths (e.g., that women
actually want to be attacked) and their attitudes toward the acceptability of violence
in sexual relations (as measured using three scales developed by Burt, 1980) as the
result of their exposure to violent sexual materials. Under the guise of examining the
movie rating process, these researchers had one group of students see two movies
showing a favorable victim response to rape and another group see two neutral movies
without violent sexual content. Both groups saw the movies in a theater as part of a
regularly scheduled film series rather than being exposed to them in a laboratory
setting.  Males, but not females, showed significantly higher acceptance of inter
personal violence and an increase in rape myths when tested several days later as part
of an apparently unrelated general attitude survey given in class.

   An interesting and important secondary finding of this study was that the
greater proportion of the shift in attitudes in the group that was exposed to the
materials showing the aroused victim was produced by individuals who reported a
higher likelihood to rape. These resarchers asked subjects to indicate the likelihood
that they would rape a woman if it could be guaranteed that they would not be
caught. This "likelihood to rape" (LR) scale had been used in previous research and
shown to have adequate validity for distinguishing individuals with pre-existing
favorable attitudes toward violent sexuality (see Malamuth, 1984, for a discussion of
the development of this scale). Subjects scoring high on this scale were more likely to
show attitude changes as the result of exposure to materials in which the victim
showed arousal.

    Whether the victim becomes aroused as the result of a violent sexual attack has
also been shown to be a significant factor related to the arousal patterns of males.


As might be expected, nonrapists have shown higher arousal (as measured by penile
tumescence) to depictions of consenting sex than rape. Convicted rapists, meanwhile,
have shown high and about equal arousal to depictions of consenting sex and depictions
of rape. However, rapists have also shown higher arousal to rape depictions that con-
tained greater aggression than to rape depictions with less aggression (Abel, Barlow,
Blanchard & Guild, 1977; Abel, Blanchard, Becker & Djenderedjian, 1978; Barbaree,
Marshall & Lanthier, 1979; Abel, Becker 13 Skinner, 1980; Quinsey, Chaplin h Varney,
1981; Quinsey, Chaplin & Upfold, 1984).
   An interesting further finding of this line of research is that the sexual arousal
of nonrapists to rape depictions can be inhibited by previous exposure to depictions
that clearly emphasize the victim's suffering and repulsion (Malmuth h Check, 1980;
Malamuth, Heim & Feshbach, 1980). When nonrapists were presented with depictions
that differed on the victim's reaction, their self reported arousal and arousal measured
by penile tumescence to later rape depictions differed significantly. Those who orig-
inally viewed the repulsed victim showed lower arousal than those who viewed the
aroused victim.
   It is also worth noting that, judging from clinical reports, the perception of the
victim as having been willing or eventually sexually aroused by their assault appears to
be a common theme among sex offenders regarding incidents of sexual assault which
they committed. Gager and Shurr (1976) and Clark and Lewis (1977) have reported
that many rapists have justifications or excuses for their actions, and are often able to
portray their actions as understandable in light of the situations in which they found
themselves. Investigating this justification process further, Scully and Marolla (1984)
interviewed 114 convicted, incarcerated rapists and found that a sizable proportion
maintained that the victim enjoyed being raped, even in cases where considerable doc-
umented harm to the victim could be found. Obviously, these reports must be inter-
preted with a great deal of caution, especially given the retrospective, qualitative
research designs used. Whether the theme of victim arousal is an indicator of a pos-
sibly socially acceptable post-hoc justification or an attitudinal precursor to action
cannot be determined. These reports are worth noting here only because they show the
consistency with which the theme of victim arousal arises as a key factor qualifying
the vicious nature of sexual assault.
  Finally, it is important to emphasize that the findings regarding the salience of
victim arousal for sexual arousal and the demonstrated effect of this factor in altering
attitudes toward rape corresponds to psychological theory. Relying on theories of
judgmental processes (Higgins, Rholes & Jones, 1977; Wyer & Sroll, 1981; Kahneman,
Slavic EC Tversky, 19821, it is possible to see how perceptions of victim's reactions


22

could become highly influential in the formation of thinking patterns about the
acceptability of sexual coercion.  Presentation of sexual violence as a precipitant of
victim arousal could either serve as the groundwork for a reorientation of sexual
attitudes or as a reference belief that becomes influential in certain situations.

  `Ihe first potential process of attitude reorientation is rather straightforward.
Depictions of sexually coercive scenes have the capacity to be arousing to a variety of
individuals, but this arousal sequence can be inhibited in many by the perception that
such incidents are really more harmful than sexually arousing to the victim. The
perceived outcome of any social action is a powerful factor in determining whether an
individual might consider himself likely to engage in that behavior.  As a result,
portrayal of sexual coercion as producing positive outcomes (in the form of sexual
satisfaction for both parties) could negate possible inhibitory influences and instead
produce a powerful conditioned pairing of sexual aggressive content and sexual
arousal Once this pattern of arousal has been established repeatedly, it is likely that
an individual wlV alter the inhibitory attitudes to justify the existence of the link
between his own perceived behavior (his arousal) and his processing of sexually violent
materiaL In short, he will begin to believe that women actually get enjoyment out of
sexual victimization because it is consistent with his own newly acquired arousal

patterns,

  A second possibility is that the portrayal of victims becoming aroused as the
result of sexually violent coercion serves as a reference point that is easily accessed
when situations similar to the ones portrayed are depicted or occur. In this formu-
lation, an individual uses this general rule about victim reaction as an economical way
of assessing the likely outcome of a situation in which there are several possibilities of
uncertain probability. The scenes of sexual victims receiving pleasure may serve as an
available orientation point when judging sexually coercive situations. Regardless of
the factual or logical accuracy, what has been seen can become something to be
weighed in any formulation of the likely outcome of future events. This easily
accessible piece of memory could thus become influential in the expression of
attitudes about these situations.

   The line of research on attitude change regarding the acceptability of sexual
coercion is a convincing one when place in its theoretical context. It is important to
remain aware, however, that the observed attitude changes are generally restricted to
exposure using depictions of sexually violent incidents in which the victim becomes
aroused as a result of the attack. Attitude changes from exposure to violence or
sexually elrplicit behavior alone are not consistently observed. In addition, the effects
of such materials on women's attitudes is relatively unexplored, and the few studies


23

that do exist (e.g., Krafka, 1985) seem to point toward potentially different patterns
of effects.

   For reasons mentioned earlier, the effects of exposure to these materials on
the attitudes of children and adolescents is an empirically open question. It is
certainly reasonable to speculate, however, that the results of such exposure on less
socially mature individuals with less real world experience to counteract any influ-
ences of this material would be equally (or more) powerful than those seen in college
students. Attitude formation in childhood is a matter of exploration and "trying on" of
potential world views. Being exposed to one in which sexual coercion produces posi-
tive results could likely influence adoption of attitudes condoning the use of sexual
force as a reasonable alternative in intimate relationships.

Acceptance of coercive sexuality
appears to be reIated
to sexual aggredon

`Ihis conchsion is based on primarily correlational (but some laboratory based and
longitudinal) evidence of a link between attitudes indicating an acceptance of sexual
coercion and the presence of sexually aggressive behavior patterns. `Ihe association
between attitudes and behavior in this area is one of the most difficult to comment
upon conclusively from social science evidence, but it is obviously a lynchpin of
informed policy regarding the effects of exposure to pornography. At the present
time, it appears that there is evidence that attitudes indicating acceptance of coer-
cive sexuality are, along with a number of other variables, related to sexually ag-
gressive behavior. While there is the possibility that these attitudes are causally
related to the development of this behavior, it cannot be said presently that these
attitudes are causally related to this behavior. Moreover, it is not clear that exposure
to pornography is the most significant factor in the development of these attitudes. A
review of the types of available evidence on this question should illustrate why this is
a question that requires such cautious interpretation.

   There are a limited number of ways that one can examine the relationship of
certain attitudes to certain behaviors. First, people who have demonstrated a certain
behavior can be assessed regarding their attitudes relative to other individuals who
have not demonstrated the behavior. In the case of attitudes and behavior regarding


24

sexual aggression, this has mainly meant comparing the attitudes of rapists to those of
nonrapists.  An alternative strategy along this line has been to compare the attitudes
of those who report having engaged in sexually coercive behavior to those who report
no such involvement, regardless of whether such involvement resulted in an arrest. A
second approach is to test whether these attitudes are related to specific expressions
of aggression toward women in a controlled, Laboratory setting. Third, and ideally,
one can look at the development of attitudes and behaviors related to sexual aggres-
sion in the same individuals over time. In this way, the question otwhether attitudes
precede and/or help predict sexually aggressive behavior can be addressed.

   The largest amount of information about the relationship of sexually coercive
attitudes to sexually aggressive behavior has been collected using the first strategy;
that of comparing the attitudes of groups with reported or demonstrated differences
in behavior. As alluded to earlier, considerable clinical evidence exists that convicted
rapists express beliefs that women are at least partially responsible for being raped or
that a large number of women actually enjoy the experience (Gebhard, Gagnon, Pom-
eroy & Christensen, 1965; Gager & Schurr, 1976; Clark & Lewis, 1977; Wolf & Baker,
1980; Scully & Marolla, 1984). This difference is apparently not totally consistent,
however, with some investigators reporting that rapists in their samples expressed
views that were different from, but not dramatically at odds with, those expressed by
convicted felons or members of the general population (Feild, 1978; Burt, 1978).

   This lack of congruence of the above findings can probably be attributed to the
different methodologies used in these investigations (qualitative analyses of interviews
in the first set versus differences on questionnaires in the second set) and the effect
of sample bias concerning the characteristics of incarcerated rapists. There is little
reason to think that arrest for a sexual offense necessarily implies the presence of a
homogeneous set of attitudes, and it is equally likely that such status implies a set of
other social and personality characteristics (Koss & Leonard, 1984). Moreover, given
the underreporting of sexual coercion, it is likely that any sample of normal subjects
would be likely to contain a number of individuals who had engaged in some sexual
aggression.  As a result, differences in attitudes about the acceptability of sexual
coercion could be masked in any examination of groups drawn with arrest as the pri-
mary selection criterion.

   Other researchers, therefore, have looked at the relationship of attitudes about
the acceptability of sexual coercion to self reported sexual aggression. Generally,
these studies have administered scales assessing attitudes regarding rape myths or


25

sexual coercion to males (usually college students) and related these scores to either
self reported likelihood to rape or self reported involvement in sexual aggression. A
series of investigations (Malamuth, Haber & Feshbach, 1980; Malamuth, 1981; Tieger,
1981; Briere & Malamuth, 1983,) have shown a consistent relationship between a sub-
ject's attitudes toward the acceptability of the use of coercion in sexual relationships
and the self reported likelihood to commit rape.  These studies have thus demon-
strated that the measures used to assess attitudes regarding acceptance of sexual
coercion appear to have some validity when compared to another measure of an indi-
vidual's overall view of the acceptability of sexual coercion.

   Of more direct interest, however, are studies that have shown a relationship
between' attitudes about the acceptability of sexual coercion and self reported
behavior regarding involvement in sexual aggression. For example, Koss, Leonard,
Bee&y & Oros (1985) found that attitudes toward sexual coercion and demographics
provided a statistically significant model that predicted group membership between
subjects classified as sexually assaultive, sexually abusive, sexually coercive, and
sexually nonaggressive based on a sexual experiences survey. Similarly, Mosher &
Anderson (1986) found significant correlations between components of a scale meas-
uring what they termed a "macho" personality orientation (e.g., seeing danger as
exciting or woman as submissive) and self reported activities of the use of force in
sexual relations. Finally, in an elaborate test of several possible precursors to sexual
aggression, Malamuth (1986) has shown that attitudes toward the acceptability of
interpersonal violence toward women, hostility, and dominance interact with arousal
variables and sexual experience variables to predict a subject's self reported sexual
aggressiveness. Each measure alone did an unimpressive job of predicting the self
reported activity, but a statistically significant model was constructed using the
variables in an interactive fashion.  Given the consistency of the results in these
studies, it see'ms that favorable attitudes toward the use of sexual coercion are
related to self reported likelihood of engaging in or having engaged in sexually
aggressive behavior. As mentioned earlier, however, an unresolved issue is whether
these attitudes led to different behavior patterns or whether the attitudes were
adopted after the subject's behavior patterns were already established.

   Another bit of evidence that bears on the relationship of attitudes and behavior
regarding sexual aggression comes from laboratory studies that have examined the be-
havioral effects of exposure to sexually violent materials. Malamuth (1983) admin-
istered both the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale and the Attitude toward Interpersonal
Violence Scale (Burt, 1978) and measured the sexual arousal to a rape depiction in a
group of 42 male undergraduates. He later tested the aggressive behavior of these


26

males (using an aversive noise task) toward a female confederate as part of an inde-
pendent experiment ostensibly related to ESP transmission. In the later phase of the
experiment, subjects were angered deliberately by the confederate in order to pre-
cipitate aggression. Structural modeling of the results showed that a model predicting
separate contributions for both arousal and attitudes best reflected the regularities
seen in the data. Taken together, arousal and attitude scores accounted for 43% of
the variance in the aggression measure. Malamuth and Check 0982) report that these
results have been replicated and that a General Attitude toward Violence scale did not
contribute significantly to the overall solution, leading these investigators to posit
that attitudes specific to the use of coercion with women accounts for the observed
Iaboratory aggression.

   Another study that has shown an association between attitudes about the ac-
ceptability of violence toward women and the expression of aggressive behavior in a
laboratory has been done by Donnerstein (reported in Malamuth & Donnerstein, 1984).
In this investigation, male undergraduates were a.1 either angered or treated in a
neutral manner by a female accomplice, b.) exposed to either erotic, aggressive, or
sexually violent films, c.) tested for their attitudes regarding their willingness to use
force in sexual relations, their willingness to commit rape if they would not get
caught, and their acceptance of mpe myths (using the Bape Myth Acceptance scale),
and d.) finally given the opportunity to aggress against the female confederate in a
laboratory task involving the administration of shock to promote learning. Both atti-
tudes and aggressive behavior were shown to be most affected by the exposure to the
sexually violent film, less affected by the aggressive film, and least affected by the
solely erotic film. This investigation demonstrated that similar effects for attitudes
and behavior appear to occur from exposure to films of a sexual and violent nature.

   Up to this point, evidence has been presented that attitudes about the accept-
ability of sexual coercion appear to be rather prevalant in individuals who have either
been convicted of rape or admit to incidents of sexual aggression, and that these
attitudes appear to be positively related to statements about the likelihood of engag-
ing in rape and the expression of aggressive behavior toward women in a laboratory
setting. What is missing from this picture is clear evidence that these attitudes cause
the behaviors of interest. In order to be confident that attitudes are precursors rather
than results of sexually aggressive behaviors, we would have to see the development of
these attitudes precede the expression of these behaviors in the same individuals.

  Longitudinal research on this issue is sparse, however, and offers little in the
way of clarification of this critical issue. In a study done by Alder (19851, attitudes
legitimizing sexual agression toward women were found to be one of three factors


27

(including presence of sexually aggressive friends and service in Vietnam) that
significantly predicted self reported sexual aggression. These data were taken from a
longitudinal study of 239 randomly sampled youth in one county in the Pacific
Northwest, but the data linking attitudes and self reported aggression were all taken
at the last sampling time when the subjects were 31 years old. Although this study is
from a longitudinal investigation, the results regarding the relationship of attitudes
and behavior are contemporaneous. As a result, it must be stated that these findings
only show that attitudes and behavior tend to coexist; a verification of earlier
research but not a causal finding.

   The only study that appears to have been able to actually assess the relation-
ship of attitudes and naturalistic sexual aggression over time is that of Ageton
(1983).  Using several hundred youth from the National Youth Survey of self reported
delinquency, Ageton isolated a sample of males who reported incidents of sexual ag-
gression and analyzed responses to particular questions-regarding sexual attitudes and
behavior over the five year time frame of data collection. In these analyses, in-
volvement in a delinquent peer group appeared consistently as the most powerful
factor related to reported sexual aggression.  In one analysis in which previous
attitudes, behaviors, and reported group involvement were tested for their ability to
discriminate later sexually assaultive behavior, attitudes toward rape and acceptance
of interpersonal violence toward women did emerge as a statistically significant addi-
tion to the discriminant function.  In other words, presence of these attitudes did
appear somewhat related to the expression of sexually aggressive behavior two years
later.

   It is important to note,however, how marginally distinctive the contribution of
this attitude factor really was. Involvement with delinquent peers alone was able to
account for 76% of the variance in the self reported later sexual aggression, and
inclusion of the three other factors (of which attitudes was one) accounted for an
additional 1% of the variance. As Ageton (1983, p.119) was forced to conclude...

"The idea that sexual-assault offenders are influenced strongly by stereotypic
views of rape and sexual assault, traditional sex-role attitudes, and liberal
beliefs about the use of violence was not borne out in these analyses. None of
these variables consistently differentiated the offenders and the nonoffenders in
the annual comparisons. Furthermore, in the initial discriminant analyses, only
the measure of rape attitudes contributed to the separation of the groups.
Clearly it is not a critical factor, however, since its absence in the discriminant
analysis involving just delinquency variables had little effect on the accuracy of


28

the classification.  Although we do not deny that the constellation of beliefs
about male and female roles, behavior, and sexuality may influence sexual acts,
the data do not indicate that such attitudes play a major role in predicting sexual
assault."

In the end, the clarity of the causal Iink between pre-existing attitudes and later
sexual aggression has yet to be demonstrated.

   The fact that this direct link has not yet been demonstrated can be seen as at
least partially the result of the difficulty isolating the effects of attitudes clearly in
any longitudinal or cross-sectional research design. In the Ageton study, for example,
it is very difficult to determine where the effect for peer association ends and the one
for attitude begins. Attitudes are obviously related to one's choice of friends inan
intricate fashion, and disentangling these two constructs is difficult within one study.
There is some longitudinal evidence from related areas that attitudes can be impor-
tant interactive variables combining with identification with television characters in
producing pee-elated aggression in children (e.g., Huesmann, Eron, Klein, Brice, &
Fischer, 1983) or with personality and behavioral characteristics in producing anti-
social behavior in adolescents (e.g., Jessor h Jessor, 1977). However, in these cases,
as in the case of the effects of pornography, the independent effect of attitudes has
not been shown to be large or direct.

   Although there is an association between acceptance of coercive sexuality and
sexual aggression, the difficulty comes when we attempt to assign a strict causal
interpretation to this association.  From one perspective, it is quite logical that
favorable attitudes toward sexual coercion should be more prevalant in individuals
judged to be more sexually aggressive if we expect one's attitudes to be consistent
with one's behavior.  At present, however, it cannot be stated conclusively that
attitudes favorable to sexual coercion produce sexual aggressiveness.  These two
appear together, and the exact mechanisms of causation and strength of relationship
between them has yet to be determined.

hlabomto?ystlldks
fnw short term effe!cts,
fzxpoeetoviolent~
incream punitive behavior toward women

An increase in aggressive behavior toward women has been proposed often as one like-


29

ly effect of exposure to pornography, but there does not seem to be sufficient sci-
entific support for a generalized statement regarding the presence of this effect.
There is no paucity of hypotheses about how exposure to pornogmphy and aggression
against women may be related. For example, men predisposed to aggression who are
aroused by pornography may translate this increased arousal into targeted aggression;
attitudes or restraints toward aggression might be changed in pornography viewers,
increasing the chance that they would act aggressively; or, certain behaviors of the
film victims (e.g., saying "no") might take on cue properties for aggression, promoting
aggressive behavior in men toward women who display these behaviors. The limited
statement above, however, reflects the circumscribed links between exposure to por-
nography and aggression toward women that have been scientifically demonstrated.
   Testing for this effect in a natural setting is clearly impossible. It would be
unethical to expose persons to pornography and then observe their level of aggression
toward those encountered outside of the laboratory. A series of investigations have
been done in the laboratory, however, that examined this effect in analogue situa-
tions. The first experiments found that sexually aggressive films caused more punitive
behavior than sexual nonaggressive films.  Further investigations indicated that the
outcome depicted in the sexually aggressive films created different levels of punitive
behavior. In order to tease apart the effects that the aggressive and sexual themes of
the films had, investigations into the effects of nonsexual aggressive films were then
pursued.

   Aggression in recent laboratory studies is usually represented by the "Buss
paradigm" (Burs, 1961). Subjects am told that they and a second subject (actually a
confederate of the experimenter) will be involved in a learning experiment. After
exposure to the pornographic material, the subject is instructed to choose and
administer one of several possible levels of shock or aversive noise when the con-
federate (who is out of the sight of the subject) makes an incorrect answer. Higher
levels of shock are taken to represent higher levels of punitiveness or aggressiveness.
In some experiments, the confederate angers the subject before exposure to the por-
nogmphy by the reacting derisively to an opinion expressed by the subject.

   This pamdigm as an analogue for aggression outside of the labomtory has been
criticized on several grounds. Ihe most general criticism has been that the lab task is
not an appropriate representation of aggression. However, there has been some (albeit
circuitous) evidence for behavior in the Buss paradigm as an adequate analogue of
sexual aggression: Subjects who report higher levels of sexually coercive behaviors
also score higher on scales designed to measure beliefs in rape myths and acceptance
of sexually coercive behavior (e.g., Briere & Malamuth, 1983; Tieger, 19811, and sub-
jects scoring higher on these scales have provided higher levels of shock In the Buss


30

pamdigm (Malamuth, 1983). These results indicate that there may be a link between
aggression on the Buss paradigm and reported likelihood to act in a sexually coercive

manner.  How well this lab task and actual aggression, rather than attitudes, are
related is still an open question.

   Two other criticisms regarding this design are common to many lab studies.
The first is that the subjects provide shocks because they believe that the experi-
menter wants them to do so.  The assumed effect of this belief is that the subjects
appear more aggressive in the laboratory than they are outside. A final criticism is
that the responses allowed the subject are more limited than, and not representative
of, those that are available outside of the labomtory. Some experimenters allow other
responses (such as rewarding the other person), yet even then the subject's choices are
unrealistically constrained. While these two criticisms may be valid when genemlizing
from behavior within to that outside .of the laboratory, they do not appear to account
for differences between groups within the laboratory (see Kmfka, 1985, for a more
detailed critique).

   Several studies have used this general approach to aggression research to
examine the effects of sexualXy aggressive fiIms, nonsexual aggressive films, and
sexual nonaggressive films on laboratory behavior.  In the first of two experiments,
Donnerstein and Berkowitz (1981) first had a male or female confedemte anger a male
undergraduate, and then showed these subjects a film of either a neutral talk show, an
erotic nonaggressive scene, a sexually aggressive scene in which the female finally
enjoys being aggressed against, or the same sexually aggressive scene with the woman
continuing to abhor the aggression she experiences. Immediately after the films, the
subjects administered shocks or rewards to the confederate who had angered them
earlier.

   The amount of punitive behavior exhibited by those paired with a male con-
federate did not change significantly regardless of the type of film seen. Those paired
with a female confederate, however, provided more punishment after viewing either
of the sexually aggressive films compared to the erotic or the neutral film, even
though the erotic and sexuatiy aggressive films were equally arousing. There was no
difference in punitive levels between those viewing the erotic film and the neutral
film. The results paralleled an earlier study by Donnerstein (1980).

   This experiment showed that punitive behavior is increased in angered subjects
after watching sexually aggressive films.  `The authors concluded that it was the
modeling effects of the association of the female confederate with the female victim
in the film, rather than heightened arousal, that caused aggression against the female
and not the male confederate. This conclusion is strengthened by an earlier study by
Donnerstein and Hallam (1978) in which nonsexual violent films that consisted of male


31

to male violence caused more punitive behavior toward male than female confeder-
ates. The authors also concluded that the aggression depicted in the film lowered the
subjects' inhibitions against aggressive responses. Since the erotic nonaggressive film
did not show the aggression toward a female, it did not lower inhibitions and therefore
did not increase punitive responses after viewing.

  The finding of no difference in punitive behavior for the different types of sex-
ually aggressive films did not seem logical to these investigators. Previous attitude
research (see Malamuth, 1984) had shown a differential effect for depictions in which
the victim was aroused versus those in which the victim was not aroused, and it
seemed that this factor might also be influential in experiments with punitive behavior
as an outcome.  A second study was thus undertaken to explore this possibility
further. The procedures were the same as in the first experiment, except that all of
the confederates in this experiment were female and only half of the subjects were
angered. This allowed for a test of the intemction between the anger manipulation
and the type of film seen. As before, the neutral and erotic films were followed by
similar levels of punishment. Those previously angered provided significantly higher
punishment following both sexually aggressive films, while those not previously ang-
ered provided significantly higher punishment only to the sexually aggressive film in
which the woman portrayed a positive outcome.

  However, this experiment also showed that the outcome of the sexually aggres-
sive films (i.e., whether the victim is aroused) interacts with the emotional state of
the viewer in the production of punitive behavior. For angered subjects, both sexually
violent films had the same (increased) effect on punitive behavior. For the non-
angered subjects, only the film with the aroused subject resulted in higher punitive
behavior. The authors concluded that all those watching the sexually aggressive film
with the aroused victim had their inhibitions lowered by seeing the males' sexually
aggressive behavior in the fiim eventually result in a positive outcome for both the
attacker and the victim. The aggression of those watching the aggressive film with
the repulsed victim, however, was affected by their previous angering. Those who
were previously angered were predisposed to hurt timeone and consequently reacted
to the pain cues of the victim with heightened aggression; those who had not been
angered did not react to the pain cues of the victim, nor were they less inhibited since
the outcome of the film indicated a negative outcome of the male's aggression. An
untested implication of this conclusion may be that those who fiid the negative
outcome of these films (i.e., a victim's pain) to be pleasurable would be more
aggressive following the film.

  In two later studies, Donnerstein (1983,1984) investigated the unique effects of
the aggressive and sexual components of sexually aggressive films using a nonsexual
aggressive film, a sexually aggressive film, an erotic nonaggressive film, and a neu-


32

tral film. As had been shown earlier, with male confederates, the type of film did not
affect the intensity of the shocks that previously angered male undergraduates deliv-
ered. The levels of shock intensity delivered to the female confederates were similar
following the neutral and nonagressive erotic films, were significantly higher following
the nonsexual aggressive film, and were highest following the sexually aggressive film.
The study shed light on the role of arousal in producing laboratory aggression. The
nonsexual aggressive film was less arousing than either of the sexual films, but pro-
duced aggressive behavior. The highest level of aggressive behavior, however, was
produced by the sexually aggressive film.  Arousal, therefore, did not appear to be a
necessary condition for the production of aggression, but when paired with exposure to
aggression (as in the sexually aggressive film), the arousal appeared to add signficantly
to the level of lab aggression produced.

  As a group, these studies consistently indicate a relationship between type of
film and the intensity of shocks delivered immediately after the film is viewed. Films
that contain aggression or sexual aggression are associated with higher levels of shock
to a confederate of the same sex as the person aggressed against in the film. These
results consistently show that nonaggressive sexual films are associated with similar
levels of shock as nonsexual-nonaggressive neutral films.

   It should be noted, however, that the fiidings about sexual nonaggressive films
in these studies are not consistent with earlier studies where previously angered
subjects reacted punitively foIlowing sexually explict, nonaggressive films (e.g.,
Meyer, 1972; Jaffe, Malalmuth, Feingold h Feshbach, 1974; Donnerstein & Barrett,
1978; Donnerstein & Hallam, 1978). Donnerstein and Hallam (1978), however, found
that male subjects rated erotic fflms chased for their nonaggressive content as 2.5 on
a S-point aggression scale. This suggested that the subjugation of the women in the
film may have been interpreted as aggression, facilitating later aggression from the
subjects. It may be, then, that the perceived aggressive content of the nonaggressive
erotic films was varied across these studies, thus producing contradictory results.

   Other studies have investigated the effects of variables that might mitigate the
effects that sexually aggressive fllms have on punitive behavior, and the length of the
effects that sexually aggressive films may have on punitive behavior.  Malamuth
(1978), for example, had male undergraduates read passages containing either aggres-
sive pornography, nonaggressive pornography, or neutral stimuli. After being angered
by a female confederate, subjects were given the chance to aggress against her using
electric shocks.  Before delivering the shocks, half of the subjects read a passage
designed to make them more self-conscious about delivering the shocks (an inhibiting
communication), while the other half read a passage suggesting that it was permissible
to give as strong shocks as they wished (a disinhbitlng communication). Shock inten-
sities delivered were similar for all males who read the inhibiting communication,


33

regardless of the pornographic passage read.  More intense shocks were given fol-
lowing the aggressive than the nonagressive pornography in the group who read the
disinhibiting communication. In contrast to other studies, however, the levels of shock
intensity given after the neutral film were between those of the two pornographic
films, and were not significantly different from either. Malamuth offered no explana-
tion for this conflicting result, but did state that the results indicated that internal
states or external situational variables can have a significant effect on behavior
following exposure to pornography.

   One important influence may be previous exposure to pornography. As part of
a larger project, Zillmann and Bryant (1984) assigned male and female undergraduates
to see varying amounts of nonaggressive pornography one day a week for six weeks.
At the end of the exposure period, members of each group saw one 8 minute film of
either nonagggressive sexually explicit material, sadomasochistic material, bestiality,
or were included as a no-exposure control subject.  Subjects were then allowed the
opportunity to inflict pain via a blood pressure check, upon a confederate who had just
inflicted pain upon them in the same way. Those watching the sadomasochistic and
bestiality material inflicted more pain than those watching the erotic matrial, who
inflicted more pain than those in the no-exposure control group. However, for those
with the massive previous exposure to nonaggressive pornography there was no differ
ence in aggression across the four final stimulus conditions. It appeared that the prior
exposure mitigated the effects of viewing the fiial films.
   Malamuth and Ceniti (1986) investigated the length of these behavioral effects.
They exposed male undergraduates to either sexually aggressive pornography, nonag-
gressive pornography, or a control condition of no exposure. Each of the exposure
subjects saw two full-length films each week for three weeks, and were then given two
book chapters portraying sexual activity to read during the fourth week. One week
after the exposure period the subjects were involved in an ostensibly separate experi-
ment purporting to measure the effects of punishment on an ESP task. The results
indicated that there were no significant differences in punitive behavior related to
type of film exposure.

   These findings may indicate that the behavioral effects found by Donnerstein
following sexually aggressive films do not last for a week. However, study differences
regarding type of learning task presented to induce aggressive behavior may aIso ex-
plain the differences in results.  While Donnerstein's experiments involved the
confederate learning material independently of the subject, Malamuth and Ceniti had
the subject "send" the message to the confederate. A lack of punitive behavior on the
part of the subject may have been at least partially influenced by doubt that he had
been successful in his part of the task. Also, Malamuth and Ceniti did not question the


34

no exposure control group about any sexually aggressive or erotic films that they saw
on their own during the exposure phase of the experiment, and the overall film viewing
of the three groups may have actually been quite similar even though the experimental
exposure conditions were different.  Because of these differences, it is difficult to
draw conclusions about the length of any effect on behavior produced by these experi-
mental manipulations. At present, it is known that these effects can be produced in
the lab, but how long they last is still in question.

   In summary, published studies have consistently indicated that punitive behav-
ior can be produced within the confines of the laboratory by the viewing of sexually
aggressive and aggressive films.  This observed pattern of results fits well with
previously tested psychological theory concerning the effects of modeling, with
heightened aggressive behavior seen foLIowing the modeling of such behavior in films.
The more closely the confederate in the experiment is aligned with the victim in the
aggressive film, the more aggressive the behavior toward the confederate is. Of equal
interest is the fact that arousal also appears to be an influential element in producing
this behavior, having both a separate and combined influence with modeling. Sexual
aggressive films produce more aggression than do less arousing nonsexual aggressive
films. In addition, previously angered subjects (i.e., more aroused) show more aggres-
sive behavior than nonangered subjects.

   Several questions about the widespread nature of this phenomenon remain. For
example, the relative effects of modeling and arousal across individuals has yet to be
explored.  Also, the duration of these effects for producing aggressive behavior is
unknown and it is important to remember that only immediate effects have been

shown.  Similarly, the effects on behavior outside of the laboratory, where behavioral
choices are much more varied and where there are additional inhibiting and facili-
tating factors on behavior, are unknown. '

   On one hand, these data could be viewed with concern, since they show changes
from LittIe exposure; after one exposure to a sexualry violent film, men are more
aggressive to women.  On the other hand, there is no evidence that those viewing
sexually aggressive films under more normal circumstances have become more aggres-
sive immediately after the films are viewed. Reports of this causal relationship being
a noticeable one in the real world have not emerged consistently (Byrne & Kelly,
1984). In sum, these experiments should heighten concern that aggressive behavior
toward women may be increased by viewing aggressive and sexually aggressive films,
but presently this effect has only been seen in controlled and potentially artificial
laboratory settings.


35

Summary of Consensus Statements

The preceding statements reflect what the Workshop participants believe can con-
fidently be said regarding the effects of pornography. Pornography has been consis-
tently linked to changes in some perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors. These links,
however, are circumscribed, few in number, and generally laboratory-based. To say
that this means that any observed effects are artifactual, however, would be an error.
Pornography does have effects; it is just not yet known how widespread or powerful
they really are. `There is a clear lack of extensive knowledge or unifying theory, and
global statements about the effect of exposure to pornography have not yet been
substantiated. Currently we have bits of knowledge about the effects of pornography;
future research is required to unite these bits into a more comprehensive statement.
   While convincing evidence exists about the effects of pornography on
perceptions, attitudes, and behavior, it is important to remember that the rela-
tionships between measured perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors themselves are un-
clear. They are not necessarily linked in a straight causal pathway. For instance,
while it is a common belief that attitude changes lead to behavioral changes, research
has consistently shown otherwise.  Behaviors are as likely to influence attitudes as
attitudes are to influence behavior. As a consequence, conclusive statements about
the extent to which attitude or perceptual changes brought about by pornography are
ever reflected in changed behavior are not currently possible. This absence of clear
information does not argue for dismissa of the hypotheses that perceptions about the
frequency of uncommon acts influences attitudes or that attitudes toward sexual
coercion promote sexually coercive behavior; it only argues that there is not a clear
causal link yet demonstrated. Indeed, the evidence of the coexistence of the very
attitudes that are shown to be affected by sexually violent pornography and self-
reported or verified sexual aggression is an association that warrants concern and
continued investigation.

   There is substantiation for the basic concern that sexually violent material has
more consistent and marked effects than nonviolent erotic pornography. Attitudes
condoning sexual coercion have been fostered by materials combining sex and vio-
lence, particularly those in which sexual assault eventually produces arousal in the
victim. Increases in punitive behavior toward women in a laboratory setting have also


36

been observed after exposure to sexually violent materiaL Although the findings re-
garding the unique effects contributed by the violent and the erotic material have not
been fully elaborated, their combination has repeatedly brought about attitudes and
behaviors which are considered to be antithetical to the aspirations of our society.

   There is clear evidence that youth involved in the production of pornography
are adversely affected by their participation.  It is unreasonable and contrary to
reported experience to think that such sexual victimization will not leave its mark on
these children as they attempt to forge a social image of themselves. Programs to
stop the production of child pornography and to intervene with the children involved in
its production are clearly needed to forestall these consequences.

Summary of Effects on Children

As has been noted throughout this report, because of ethical concerns it is impossible
to directly test for effects of pornography on children and adolescents. As a result,
research on effects of exposure has been done almost exclusively on college students
in late adolescence. Estimating the extent to which these effects can be generalized
to children and young adolescents is a complex process, requiring interpretation and
integration of knowledge regarding child development. This task is beyond the scope
of this section, but a few caveats could be helpfuL

   As children mature they develop new cognitive and emotional skills, and their
interests shift. As a result of these changes in basic understanding and orientations,
the message that an 8- or 12- or 16year+ld would get from a certain pornographic
movie may be quite different from that of an 18year+ld. In addition, relationships to
family and peers undergo considerable change in the ten years between 8 and 18,
meaning that the mediating factors on any effects will also shift during this develop-
mental period. Finally, there is the likelihood of a "cohort effect" interacting with
normal patterns of development.  Growing up in the 80'9 is different than growing up
in the 60'3, and so&historical changes can affect the rates of many things from
juvenile crime to views of interpersonal relationships.

   These simultaneously changing factors make it extremely difficult to predict
the exact effects of particular influences on children. Reasonable prediction can
really only be done regarding influences that would be so powerful as to exert marked
negative or positive effects in spite of shifts in other influences. Repeated physical


37

abuse of a child, for example, could clearly be stated to produce significant negative
effects regardless of shifts in other factors in the child's life. It is likely, however,
that exposure to pornography is in that vast grey area of influences that will probably
not be shown to act so strongly as to be consistently harmful independent of changes
in the child and the social situation.

   There are certain changes in the child, however, that are rather predictable and
probably important in mediating the effects of exposure to pornography.  Many
developmental psychologists believe that around the age of 12 or 13, children aquire
many of the basic thinking processes that they will use, with refinements brought
about through experience, throughout the rest of their lives (e.g., Colby, Kohlberg,
Gibbs & Leiberman, 1983). Usually by this age, children are able to understand social
causation and the i&a of reciprocity in interpersonal and social relationships. If this
is the case, one might expect that the effects of pornography 6n those 12 years or
older would be generally similar in quality to those seen in 18yearolds.

   A host of other factors, however, could magnify or reduce these effects. For
example, it is possible that the effects could be magnified in those who are 12 years
old since they do not have the number of life experiences against which they can
compare the contents of pornography in order to determine its accuracy. On the other
hand, young adolescents may not be as interested in the sexual activity of the por-
nography as older adolescents, and their resulting lowered attention may reduce the
effects of viewing the pornography. Unfortunately, the exact direction or magnitude
of differences resulting from factors such as these between young and old adolescents
is largely a matter of speculation.  What does seem worthwhile speculating further
upon and investigating, however, is the general question of the effects of cognitive
level and an adolescent's attributional framework regarding social relationships as
mediators that increase or decrease susceptibility to pornography exposure.

   Speculating about the effects on children less than 12 years of age is even more
of a problem. Younger children think in a qualitatively different manner from those
on whom research regarding the effects of pornography are done. In addition, the
focus of interest may be quite different in those who have not completed the emotion-
al and physical changes that accompany puberty. The fear of some ls that the sexual
and emotional patterns to be followed by these children when they are grown will be
"imprinted" on them by seeing pornography at a younger age. Others believe that
young children are less affected since they do not have the cognitive or emotional
capacities needed to comprehend the messages of much pornographic materiaL Again,
though, we really do not know which of these statements is more accurate, and each
of them may be accurate for specific individual children.


38

   A final factor that makes extrapolation of these results to children troublesome
is that the susceptibility of children to a variety of influences has been shown to vary
widely.  Children bring individual temperments and adaptive skills to situations, and
the predictability of how particular influences will affect a child is lower than we
might expect.  Children are amazingly resilient to a number of influences, and the
exact causes of this resilience are not clear (Kagan, 1985).

   In the end, then, it ia really rather difficult to say much definitive about the
possible effects of exposure to pornography on children. The direct research is not
present, and probably never will be. `There are reasons to believe that the effects seen
in older adolescents would probably generalize to younger adolescents as well, but we
know little about the possible mediators of these effects that may be different in
younger adolescents. Finally; effects on younger children are very difficult to
determine, given their malleable and adaptive natures.