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Log onto the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing web site 
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 Web-enhanced versions of all currently available Guides 
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Supported by the Office of Community Oriented Policing 
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Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 
Problem-Specific Guides Series 
Guide No. 17 

Acquaintance Rape of 
College Students 

Rana Sampson 

This project was supported by cooperative agreement 
#99-CK-WX-K004 by the Office of Community Oriented Policing 
Services, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions contained herein 
are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the official 
position of the U.S. Department of Justice. 

www.cops.usdoj.gov 

ISBN: 1-932582-00-2 

August 2003 


About the Problem-Specific Guides Series 

The Response Guides are one of three series of the Problem-
Oriented Guides for Police. The other two are the Problem-
Specific Guides and Problem-Solving Tools. 

The Problem-Oriented Guides for Police summarize knowledge 
about how police can reduce the harm caused by 
specific crime and disorder problems. They are guides 
to preventing problems and improving overall incident 
response, not to investigating offenses or handling specific 
incidents. Neither do they cover all of the technical details 
about how to implement specific responses. The guides 
are written for policeof whatever rank or assignment 
who must address the specific problems the guides cover. 
The guides will be most useful to officers who: 

 understand basic problem-oriented policing principles and 
methods 
 can look at problems in depth 
 are willing to consider new ways of doing police business, 
 understand the value and the limits of research knowledge 
 are willing to work with other community agencies to find 
effective solutions to problems. 

The Response Guides summarize knowledge about whether 
police should use certain responses to address various 
crime and disorder problems, and about what effects they 
might expect. Each guide: 


 describes the response 
 discusses the various ways police might apply the response 
 explains how the response is designed to reduce crime and 
disorder 
 examines the research knowledge about the response 



 addresses potential criticisms and negative consequences 
that might flow from use of the response 
 describes how police have applied the response to specific 
crime and disorder problems, and with what effect. 


The Response Guides are intended to be used differently 
from the Problem-Specific Guides. Ideally, police should 
begin all strategic decision-making by first analyzing the 
specific crime and disorder problems they are confronting, 
and then using the analysis results to devise particular 
responses. But certain responses are so commonly 
considered and have such potential to help address a range 
of specific crime and disorder problems that it makes 
sense for police to learn more about what results they 
might expect from them. 

Readers are cautioned that the Response Guides are designed 
to supplement problem analysis, not to replace it. Police 
should analyze all crime and disorder problems in their 
local context before implementing responses. Even if 
research knowledge suggests that a particular response 
has proved effective elsewhere, that does not mean the 
response will be effective everywhere. Local factors matter 
a lot in choosing which responses to use. 

Research and practice have further demonstrated that, 
in most cases, the most effective overall approach to 
a problem is one that incorporates several different 
responses. So a single response guide is unlikely to provide 
you with sufficient information on which to base a 
coherent plan for addressing crime and disorder problems. 
Some combinations of responses work better than others. 
Thus, how effective a particular response is depends 
partly on what other responses police use to address the 
problem. 


These guides emphasize effectiveness and fairness as the 
main considerations police should take into account in 
choosing responses, but recognize that they are not the only 
considerations. Police use particular responses for reasons 
other than, or in addition to, whether or not they will 
work, and whether or not they are deemed fair. Community 
attitudes and values, and the personalities of key decision-
makers, sometimes mandate different approaches to 
addressing crime and disorder problems. Some communities 
and individuals prefer enforcement-oriented responses, 
whereas others prefer collaborative, community-oriented, 
or harm-reduction approaches. These guides will not 
necessarily alter those preferences, but are intended to 
better inform them. 

The COPS Office defines community policing as a policing 
philosophy that promotes and supports organizational 
strategies to address the causes and reduce the fear of crime 
and social disorder through problem-solving tactics and 
police-community partnerships. These guides emphasize 
problem-solving and police-community partnerships in the context 
of addressing specific public safety problems. For the 
most part, the organizational strategies that can facilitate 
problem-solving and police-community partnerships vary 
considerably and discussion of them is beyond the scope of 
these guides. 

These guides have drawn on research findings and police 
practices in the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, 
Australia, New Zealand, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia. 
Even though laws, customs and police practices vary from 
country to country, it is apparent that the police everywhere 
experience common problems. In a world that is becoming 
increasingly interconnected, it is important that police be 
aware of research and successful practices beyond the 
borders of their own countries. 


Each guide is informed by a thorough review of the 
research literature and reported police practice and is 
anonymously peer-reviewed by line police officers, police 
executives and researchers prior to publication. 

The COPS Office and the authors encourage you to 
provide feedback on this guide and to report on your 
own agencys experiences dealing with a similar problem. 
Your agency may have effectively addressed a problem 
using responses not considered in these guides and your 
experiences and knowledge could benefit others. This 
information will be used to update the guides. If you wish 
to provide feedback and share your experiences it should 
be sent via e-mail to cops_pubs@usdoj.gov 

For more information about problem-oriented policing, 
visit the Center for Problem-Oriented Policing online at 
www.popcenter.org. This website offers free online access 
to: 

 the Problem-Specific Guides series 
 the companion Response Guides and Problem-Solving Tools 
series 
 instructional information about problem-oriented policing 
and related topics 
 an interactive problem-oriented policing training exercise, 
 an interactive Problem Analysis Module 
 a manual for crime analysts 
 online access to important police research and practices 
 information about problem-oriented policing conferences 
and award programs. 



Acknowledgments 

The Problem-Oriented Guides for Police are produced by the 
Center for Problem-Oriented Policing, whose officers are 
Michael S. Scott (Director), Ronald V. Clarke (Associate 
Director) and Graeme R. Newman (Associate Director). 
While each guide has a primary author, other project 
team members, COPS Office staff and anonymous peer 
reviewers contributed to each guide by proposing text, 
recommending research and offering suggestions on 
matters of format and style. 

The project team that developed the guide series 
comprised Herman Goldstein (University of Wisconsin 
Law School), Ronald V. Clarke (Rutgers University), 
John E. Eck (University of Cincinnati), Michael S. Scott 
(University of Wisconsin Law School), Rana Sampson 
(Police Consultant), and Deborah Lamm Weisel (North 
Carolina State University.) 

Members of the San Diego; National City, California; and 
Savannah, Georgia police departments provided feedback 
on the guides format and style in the early stages of the 
project. 

Cynthia E. Pappas oversaw the project for the COPS 
Office. Research for the guide was conducted at the 
Criminal Justice Library at Rutgers University under the 
direction of Phyllis Schultze. Suzanne Fregly edited this 
guide. 


Contents 

About the Problem-Specific Guides Series ......i
Acknowledgments ........v
The Problem of Acquaintance Rape of College Students ........1
Related Problems .......1
Scope of the Problem .......2
Victim Underreporting ........4
Types o fAcquaintance Rape ........6
Temporal Patterns ..........7
Geographic Patterns ...7
Victim Injuries ..........7
Victim Resistance .......8
Fear of Rape ..............8
Psychological Harm to Victims .................8
Societal Attitudes About Acquaintance Rape ..............9
Risk Factors Associated With Acquaintance Rape .......10
Repeat Victimization .........10
Repeat Offending ..........11
Why Some College Men Rape......11
Alcohol's Role in Acquaintance Rape ..........13
Athletic Teams, Fraternities and Acquaintance Rape.......14
Legal Obligations of Colleges ..........15
Understanding Your Local Problem .......17
Asking the Right Questions .............17
Victims .............17
Locations/Times ..........18
Offenders ..............19
Current Responses .........20



Measuring Your Effectiveness...... 21
Process Measures ....... 21
Impact Measures ..... 22
Responses to the Problem of Acquaintance Rape of College Students . . . . . 23 
General Considerations About Acquaintance Rape Prevention Programs . . . . 23 
Mixed-Gender, Gender-Specific and Peer-Delivered Programs . . . . . . . . 24 
ProgramTiming ........... 24 
KeyResponses ......... 25 
ResponsesWithLimitedEffectiveness ............ 30
Appendix: Summary of Responses to Acquaintance Rape of College Students . . . . . . 33
Endnotes........... 37
References ........ 41
AbouttheAuthor ...... 47
RecommendedReadings .......... 49
OtherProblem-OrientedGuidesforPolice.... 53



The Problem of Acquaintance Rape of 
College Students 

Rape is the most common violent crime on American 
college campuses today.1 This guide describes the problem 
of acquaintance rape of college students, addressing 
its scope, causes and contributing factors; methods for 
analyzing it on a particular campus; tested responses; and 
measures for assessing response effectiveness. With this 
information, police and public safety officers can more 
effectively prevent the problem. 

Researchers believe that college rape prevention programs, 
including the most widely used ones, are insufficient. 
Most rapes are unreported, perhaps giving campus 
administrators and police the false impression that current 
efforts are adequate. In addition, campus police may be 
influenced by college administrators who fear that too 
strong an emphasis on the problem may lead potential 
students and their parents to believe that rape occurs more 
often at their college than at others. 

Related Problems 

Acquaintance rape is but one aspect of the larger set of 
problems related to sexual assault of college students, 
and a coherent college strategy should address all aspects 
of these problems. This guide is limited to addressing 
acquaintance rape. Other related problems not directly 
addressed by this guide include: 


 

 stranger rape 
 drug-induced rape 
 sexual assault other than rape (e.g., sexual battery) 
 use of verbal coercion to obtain sexual intercourse 
 indecent exposure in college libraries 
 "peeping Toms" on college campuses 
 obscene phone calls made to college students 
 sexual harassment 
 abuse in college dating relationships (including violence 
other than sexual victimization) 
 stalking of college students. 


Scope of the Problem 

"Women ages 16 to 24 experience rape at rates four times 
higher than the assault rate of all women,"2 making the 
college (and high school) years the most vulnerable for 
women. College women are more at risk for rape and 
other forms of sexual assault than women the same age 
but not in college.3 It is estimated that almost 25 percent 
of college women have been victims of rape or attempted 
rape since the age of 14.4 

Rape rates vary to some extent by school, type of school 
and region, suggesting that certain schools and certain 
places within schools are more rape-prone than others. 
Some features of the college environmentfrequent 
unsupervised parties, easy access to alcohol, single students 
living on their own, and the availability of private rooms 
may contribute to high rape rates of women college 
students. 

 There is no data on the number 
of college students raped after 
unknowingly ingesting Rohypnol, 
GHB or similar drugs; most 
information is anecdotal. Additional 
information is available from the 
National Institute on Drug Abuse's 
website, www.nida.nih.gov. 

 For instance, private colleges 
and major universities have higher 
than national average rates, while 
religiously affiliated institutions 
have lower than average rates 
(Sanday 1996). Also, students at 
two-year institutions (15.6%) were 
significantly more likely than those 
at four-year institutions (11.1%) 
to report they had been forced 
during their lifetime to have sexual 
intercourse (Centers for Disease 
Control and Prevention 1995).


College women are raped at significantly higher rates 
than college men. College men are more likely to 
report experiencing unwanted kissing or fondling than 
intercourse.College men who are raped are usually 
raped by other men. However, since so few men report, 6
information is limited about the extent of the problem.
Even current national data collection systems fail to 
capture information about rape of men; the FBI's 
Uniform Crime Report (UCR) does not provide data on 
male rape victims. Researchers have begun to fill this 
information gap with survey data, which suggest that up 
to 10 percent of acquaintance rape victims on campus 
are men.7 Since so little information is available about 
acquaintance rape of college men, this guide focuses on 
college women. 

The most recent large-scale study, including students at 
both two-and four-year colleges, found 35 rapes per 1,000 
female students over seven months8 (rape was defined as 
"unwanted completed penetration by force or threat of 
force"). Based on this study, a college with 10,000 women 
students could experience 350 rapes a year. This conflicts 
with official college data. In 1999, reported forcible and 
nonforcible sexual offenses totaled 2,469 incidents for all 

U.S. college campuses combined,9 underscoring the low 
levels of rape reporting. 

Stranger rape of college students is less common than 
acquaintance rape. Ninety percent of college women 
who are victims of rape or attempted rape know their 
assailant.10 The attacker is usually a classmate, friend, 
boyfriend, ex-boyfriend, or other acquaintance (in that 
order).11, Most acquaintance rapes do not occur on 
dates; rather they occur when two people are otherwise 
in the same place (e.g., at a party, studying together in a 

 Women are also the victims in the 
vast majority of rapes not involving 
college students. 

 FBI data also do not capture most 
acquaintance rapes of women since 
the FBI only requires reporting of 
rapes that involve force or fear. 

 Congress enacted the Student 
Right-to-Know and Campus Security 
Act of 1990 [U.S.C. 1092(f)(1)], 
covering all colleges and universities 
receiving federal funds, and a 1992 
amendment to the act requires 
campuses to spell out rape victims' 
rights and to annually publish 
information on prevention programs. 
A 1998 amendment added reporting 
obligations and renamed the act the 
Jeanne Cleary Disclosure of Campus 
Security Policy and Campus Crime 
Statistics Act. Jeanne Cleary's rape 
and murder on a college campus 
brought to light some of the 
inadequacies both in knowledge of 
the problem and in college reporting 
of crime. 

 The most recent survey on 
college rape "did not find that 
college professors committed any 
of the rapes or sexual coercions; 
however, they were involved in a 
small percentage of the unwanted 
sexual touching" (Fisher, Cullen and 
Turner 2000). 


 

dorm room). Thus, "date rape" (rape that occurs during 
or at the end of a date) is not the appropriate term to 
describe the majority of acquaintance rapes of college 
women, as date rapes account for only 13 percent of 
college rapes (although they make up 35 percent of 
attempted rapes).12 Gang rape of college women (multiple 
men taking turns raping a woman) is also a problem, 
although to a lesser extent than even date rape.13 

Victim Underreporting 

Fewer than 5 percent of college women who are victims 
of rape or attempted rape report it to police.14 However, 
about two-thirds of the victims tell someone, often a friend 
(but usually not a family member or college official). In 
one study, over 40 percent of those raped who did not 
report the incident said they did not do so because they 
feared reprisal by the assailant or others.15 In addition, 
some rape victims may fear the emotional trauma of the 
legal process itself. Low reporting, however, ensures that 
few victims receive adequate help, most offenders are 
neither confronted nor prosecuted, and colleges are left in 
the dark about the extent of the problem.16 

Many acquaintance rape victims (using the legal definition 
of rape) do not label their assault as rape. Perhaps it 
seems unimaginable that an acquaintance would rape 
them, and victims often initially blame themselves. 
Acquaintance rape victims offer a range of reasons for 
not reporting the rape to authorities:17 

 One of the largest studies of the 
problem found that in nearly half 
the incidents legally categorized as 
completed rapes, the women did not 
consider the incident to be a rape 
(Fisher, Cullen and Turner 2000).


 embarrassment and shame 
 fear of publicity 
 fear of reprisal from assailant 
 fear of social isolation from the assailant's friends 
 fear that the police will not believe them 
 fear that the prosecutor will not believe them or will 
not bring charges 
 self-blame for drinking or using drugs before the rape 
 self-blame for being alone with the assailant, perhaps in 
one's own or the assailant's residence 
 mistrust of the campus judicial system 
 fear that their family will find out. 

Some police officers believe that there is an unusually 
high rate of false rape reports (by both college students 
and the general population of women). The FBI does 
not separately track false reports; it tracks only the 
total number of unfounded reports. The category of 
"unfounded" consists of both baseless casesin which 
the elements of the crime were never metand false 
reports. In 1998, unfounded rape reports accounted for 8 
percent of total reported rapes; however, this number is 
questionable. Some police officers incorrectly think that 
a rape report is unfounded or false if any or all of the 
following conditions apply: 


 the victim has a prior relationship with the offender 
(including having previously been intimate with him) 
 the victim used alcohol or drugs at the time of the 
assault 
 there is no visible evidence of injury 
 the victim delays disclosure to the police and/or others 
and does not undergo a rape medical exam 
 the victim fails to immediately label her assault as rape 
and/or blames herself. 


 For more detailed information 
about unfounded allegations and 
the need for accurate training on 
this subject, see www.vaw.umn. 
edu/FinalDocuments/Investigate/ 
acquaintSA.asp. 


 

Types of Acquaintance Rape 

In examining the problem of acquaintance rape of college 
students (which, as noted, accounts for 90 percent of 
college rapes), it is important to define the subproblems 
for analysis, investigation and prevention purposes. 
Among them are: 

 party rape (can also include gang rape) 
 date rape (usually takes place in the victim's or 
offender's residence or in a car after the date) 
 rape in a non-party and non-date situation (e.g., while 
studying together) 
 rape by a former intimate 
 rape by a current intimate. 


In each case, the offender's behavior before the attack 
and the contributing environmental factors during the 
attack may be different. For instance, the typical party 
rape occurs at an off-campus house or on-or off-campus 
fraternity and involves the offender's plying a woman with 
alcohol or targeting an intoxicated woman. Environmental 
factors that could facilitate the rape include easy access 
to alcohol, availability of a private room, loud music that 
drowns out the woman's calls, and, potentially, a cover-
up by the house's residents, who may choose to maintain 
group secrecy over reporting the rape. By contrast, a date 
rape typically involves two people who are just becoming 
acquainted, and the offender rapes the woman in a car 
or residence after the date. [Stranger rapes tend to occur 
in isolated areas of campus (e.g., parking lots or campus 
garages) or in the woman's dorm room. In these cases, the 
victim usually has not drunk any alcohol, and there is no 
prior relationship or even acquaintance between the victim 
and the rapist.] 

 For a discussion of the need to 
study different types of acquaintance 
rape, see Koss and Cleveland (1996).


Refining recordkeeping to include subtypes of acquaintance 
rape allows police to better understand the dynamics of 
rape, design prevention around the subtypes, and improve 
rape investigations within the subtypes. 

In addition, there are patterns regarding time (temporal), 
place (geographic), victim injuries, victim resistance, fear 
of rape, psychological harm to victims, and attitudes about 
acquaintance rape. These patterns are outlined below. 

Temporal Patterns 

College students are the most vulnerable to rape during the 
first few weeks of the freshman and sophomore years.18 In 
fact, the first few days of the freshman year are the riskiest, 
limiting the value of any rape prevention programs that 
begin after that. Research has shown that rapes of college 
women tend to occur after 6 p.m., and the majority occur 
after midnight.19 

Geographic Patterns 

Thirty-four percent of completed rapes and 45 percent of 
attempted rapes take place on campus.20 Almost 60 percent 
of the completed campus rapes that take place on campus 
occur in the victim's residence, 31 percent occur in another 
residence, and 10 percent occur in a fraternity.21 

Victim Injuries 

Only 20 percent of college rape victims have additional 
injuries, most often bruises, black eyes, cuts, swelling, 
or chipped teeth.22 Thus, investigative practices should 
be modified to obtain more subtle evidence of lack of 
consent, rather than just use of force. 

 Although this guide does not focus 
on investigation, it is important to 
mention that the defendant generally 
does not claim consent as a defense 
in a stranger rape case. Thus, 
the investigation need not focus 
intensely on disproving consent. 
However, in an acquaintance rape 
case, consent is the most likely 
defense. Disproving consent 
becomes the most important part 
of the investigation. It also follows 
that evidence of nonconsent in a 
party rape will differ from that of 
nonconsent for a date rape that 
occurred in a car. 

 

Some of the research covers data 
for both acquaintance and stranger 
rape of college students. Since nearly 
90 percent of the time, college rape 
victims know their assailant, these 
temporal, geographic and victim 
resistance patterns would likely 
apply to college acquaintance rape, 
although perhaps with some slight 
variations. 


Victim Resistance 

Slightly more than 50 percent of college rape and 
attempted rape victims use force against their assailant, 
and 50 percent tell the person to stop. Most victims 
try to stop a rape by doing one of the following: using 
force, telling the assailant to stop, screaming, begging, or 
running away.23 

Fear of Rape 

The fear of rape is widespread among college women, 
although they fear stranger rape more than acquaintance 
rape, even though the latter is much more common.24 
College womeneven those aware of acquaintance 
rape's pervasivenesstake more precautions to guard 
against stranger rapeeven if they have been a victim of 
acquaintance rape.25 

Psychological Harm to Victims 

Acquaintance rape victims suffer the same psychological 
harms as stranger-rape victims: shock, humiliation, anxiety, 
depression, substance abuse, suicidal thoughts, loss of 
self-esteem, social isolation, anger, distrust of others, 
fear of AIDS, guilt, and sexual dysfunction.26 College 
acquaintance rape victims face additional consequences. 
Many drop out of school27 because, if they stay, they 
might regularly face their attacker in class, in their dorm, 
in the dining hall, or at campus functions and events. 
Since most victims do not report, colleges cannot 
intervene to protect them from reencountering their 
attackers. 


Societal Attitudes About Acquaintance Rape 

During the 1990s, researchers found that attitudes 
about acquaintance rape victims improved. However, in 
general, college students, campus administrators, police, 
prosecutors, judges, and juries still overwhelmingly view 
and treat acquaintance rape less seriously than stranger 
rape, sustaining the myth that stranger rape is "real rape," 
while acquaintance rape is less serious and less harmful. 
College studies still find that many on campus, both men 
and women, have little understanding of acquaintance rape 
because, as discussed below, it is a much more complex 
crime than stranger rape: 

Rape myths allow us to believe that a "real rape" is 
one in which a victim is raped by a stranger who 
jumps out of the bushes with a weapon, and in which 
she fought back, was beaten and bruised, reported 
the event to the police, and had medical evidence 
collected immediately. In a "real rape," the victim has 
never had sex with the assailant before, is preferably 
a virgin, was not intoxicated, was not wearing seductive 
clothing, and has a good reputation.Unfortunately, 
acquaintance sexual assaults contain few, if any, of
those elements. In many acquaintance rape situations, 
the victim had been drinking, did voluntarily go with 
the man to his apartment or room, was not threatened 
with a weapon, did not fight back, did not report the 
event to the police immediately, did not have medical 
evidence collected, and may have even had sex with 
the assailant voluntarily before.28



Risk Factors Associated With Acquaintance Rape 

Understanding the factors that contribute to your problem 
will help you frame your own local analysis questions, 
determine good effectiveness measures, recognize key 
intervention points, and select appropriate responses. 

Acquaintance rape is less random and more preventable 
than stranger rape.29 A woman's condition or behavior 
does not cause rape, but certain factors appear to increase 
a woman's vulnerability to it: 

 frequently drinking enough to get drunk30 
 drinking to the point of being unable to resist forceful 
sexual advances31 
 using drugs and/or drinking (both the victim and the 
assailant)32 
 having previously been the victim of sexual assault, 
before the start of the school year33 
 being single34 
 engaging in social activities with sexually predatory men35 
 being at an isolated site36 
 miscommunicating about sex37 
 holding less conservative attitudes about sexual 
behavior.38 


Repeat Victimization 

Numerous studies of campus rape have found that a small 
number of victims are repeat victims.39 One of the largest 
studies to date found that 22.8 percent of college rape 
victims had been victimized before.40 


College women most at risk of rape are those who 
were previously victims of childhood or teen sexual 
assault.41 Prior victims are nearly twice as likely to be 
raped in college than those with no previous history of 
sexual assault.42 "Adolescent/ young adult victimization 
is the most robust risk factor for victimization in the 
college years, and victimization in one semester predicts 
victimization in the following semester."43 Some 
researchers believe that college men can sense out women 
who are less able to defend themselves, or target women 
whose behavior (e.g., binge drinking) weakens their 
credibility.44 

Repeat Offending 

It is unknown how many college rapists are repeat 
offenders. Most college acquaintance rapists go 
unpunished (in part because reporting is so low), so the 
number of serial offenses are difficult to determine. 
However, one study found that 96 college men accounted 
for 187 rapes,45 suggesting that further research may 
establish that serial rapists are a common component 
of the acquaintance rape problem. Lack of reporting 
complicates the problem, since it may prevent colleges 
from identifying and ridding themselves of their most 
dangerous students. 

Why Some College Men Rape 

In studies in the early 1980s and 1990s, approximately 
one-third of college men reported they would rape a 
woman if they knew they would not get caught.46 Given 
the number of college women raped, researchers have 
tried to explain the problem's prevalence: 


 
Some men have stereotypic views of women's 
sexual behavior. In light of the high number of 
rapes, researchers believe that rape is not the product 
of psychopathic behavior; rather it is the product 
of mainstream beliefs about women's role in sexual 
situations.47 For example, many men are socialized to 
believe that women initially resist sexual advances to 
preserve their reputation and, because of this, prefer 
to be overcome sexually. If a woman says no, a man is 
to proceed as if she said yes. In addition, some men 
believe that if a woman is a "tease" or "loose," she is 
asking for sex. If she then claims rape, she changed 
her mind after the fact. Such men generally believe that 
most rapes are false reports. 

 
Some college men have sexist attitudes and seek 
sexual conquests. Some men simply do not care about 
women's feelings. "They have learned that what counts, 
in the popular sports term invariably adoptedis that 
they 'score.'"48 

 
Some men see alcohol as a tool for sexual conquest. 
While alcohol use does not cause rape, "alcohol abuse 
is strongly related to abuse of women."49 In addition, 
many college men may be unaware that having sex with 
someone who is drunk is rape. 

 
Some men receive peer support for sexually abusive 
behavior. Sexually abusive men often are friends with 
and loyal to other sexually abusive men and get peer 
support for their behavior, fostering and legitimizing 
it.50 During the 1980s and 1990s, a series of rapes 
in fraternity houses, and subsequent cover-ups by 
fraternity members, suggested to researchers that 
certain all-male living arrangements foster unhealthy 
environments conducive to rape.51 



Alcohol's Role in Acquaintance Rape 

Alcohol appears to play a large role in acquaintance rape, 
although it is not the cause. Research indicates that in over 
three-quarters of college rapes, the offender, the victim 
or both had been drinking.52 Researchers provide several 
explanations for alcohol's presence in so many rapes:53 

 
Men expect to become more sexualized when 
drinking. "Men view the world in a more sexualized 
manner than women do and, consequently, are more 
likely than women to interpret ambiguous cues as 
evidence of sexual intent." 

 
Alcohol increases misperceptions because it 
reduces a person's capacity to analyze complex 
stimuli. Alcohol (and drug) use increases the risk that 
men and women will misinterpret messages between 
them. 

 
Some men believe in stereotypes about women and 
drinking. Some men believe that women who drink are 
more sexually available than those who do not.54 

 
Some men use alcohol as a justification or an 
excuse. Some men use alcohol to justify or excuse 
acting out, misbehaving or committing a crime. 

 
Alcohol causes poor sending and receiving of 
friendly and sexual cues. "While drinking alcohol, a 
woman may not notice her date's persistent attempts 
to get her into an isolated location or encourage her to 
consume even more alcohol."55 In one study, "three
quarters of the acknowledged date rapists interviewed 
said that they sometimes got women drunk in order 
to increase the likelihood of having sex with them." 

 
Alcohol decreases women's ability to resist rape. 
Alcohol slows motor functions, reducing the likelihood 
that a woman can verbally or physically resist a rapist. 


 Some studies have found that men 
(more so than women) view certain 
cues as evidence that a woman is 
interested in having sex, such as her 
wearing revealing clothing, agreeing 
to a secluded date location such 
as the man's room or the beach, 
drinking alcohol, complimenting the 
man during the date, and tickling the 
man (Abbey 1991). 

 In one study, researchers found 
that women did not see being 
alone with a man and drinking 
as putting them at risk. Women 
tended to appropriately estimate 
the risk to others, but not to 
themselves, perhaps because on prior 
occasions, being alone with a man 
and drinking did not result in rape. 
The researchers found that women 
drinkers believed they could drink a 
lot before being at increased risk for 
sexual aggression (Norris, Nurius 
and Graham 1999). 


Research has found that when alcohol or drugs are 
involved in acquaintance rapewhich is frequently the 
 casepeers tend to hold women more responsible for the 
Humphrey and Kahn (2000) rape, and men less responsible for it. 

found that college women correctly 
identify the campus fraternities and 
athletic teams that are high risk and Athletic Teams, 
Fraternities and Acquaintance Rape 
low risk for rape, based on the type 
of parties they have had. 

College athletes are disproportionately reported to campus 
judicial officers for acquaintance rape.56 It is unclear 
whether they actually offend more, or whether students 
tend to report them more (perhaps angered by athletes' 
esteemed and privileged status). On some campuses, 
revenue-generating athletes (usually football and basketball 
players) may believe they are immune to campus rules (and 
sometimes are), and take advantage of "groupies" or other 
women they perceive as sexually interested in them.57 

As for fraternities, a disproportionate number of 
documented gang rapes involve fraternity members. 
Research on reported gang rapes committed by college 
students from 1980 to 1990 found that fraternity members 
committed 55 percent of them.58 Fraternities often have 
a unique place on campus; they are typically housed in 
private residences (with many private rooms) and hold 
large unsupervised parties, often with free-flowing alcohol. 
Some fraternity members approve of getting a woman 
drunk to have sex. This, combined with some fraternities' 
emphasis on loyalty above identifying members who rape, 
has put fraternities in the center of controversy because a 
disproportionate number of reported rapes occur on their 
property. A number of researchers believe that certain 
fraternities, because of their practices, are more rape-
prone than others, placing sorority members (and other 
frequent women attendees at fraternity parties) at greater 
risk of rape. Some researchers also believe that binge 
drinking makes certain fraternities high risk for rape. Many 


national Greek organizations now require education for 
their local chapters concerning sexual assault and alcohol 
consumption, and some now mandate "dry" houses. 


Legal Obligations of Colleges 

The more that acquaintance rape remains a hidden crime, 
the less incentive that schools have to invest sufficiently 
in its prevention. Stranger rape results in dramatic and 
unwelcome publicity for colleges. Administrators try to 
prevent such victimization by putting cameras in parking 
garages, running late-night student escort and/or shuttle 
services, deploying student patrols, placing emergency 
telephones throughout campus, locking buildings to 
prevent strangers from entering, trimming obstructive 
foliage, and improving the lighting in dark or less-traveled 
areas. The costs of these prevention initiatives far exceed 
the dollars spent on acquaintance rape prevention, 
even though acquaintance rape is a much more likely 
occurrence. Increased reportingeven anonymous 
reportingmay push colleges to further invest in more 
effective acquaintance rape prevention. 

Colleges have a legal duty to warn students of known 
risks and to provide reasonable protection.59 If a crime 
is foreseeable, then a college can be held liable for not 
sufficiently protecting against it. As noted, acquaintance 
rape is the most common violent crime on college 
campuses.60 If "acquaintance rape(s) occur at predictable 
times and places, the school must make reasonable efforts 
to prevent a recurrence; the school may be liable if it 
fails to deal effectively with repeat student offenders, 
including rapists, whose conduct eventually results in more 
damage."61 


UnderstandingYour Local Problem 

The information provided is only a generalized 
description of acquaintance rape of college students. 
You must combine the basic facts with a more specific 
understanding of your local problem. Analyzing the local 
problem carefully will help you design a more effective 
response strategy. 

Asking the Right Questions 

The following are some critical questions you should ask 
in analyzing your particular acquaintance rape problem, 
even if the answers are not always readily available. Your 
answers to these and other questions will help you choose 
the most appropriate set of responses later on. 

Victims 

 How many reported rape victims does the college have? 
 What percentage are women? What percentage are 
men? 
 What percentage of the reported incidents are 
acquaintance rapes? 
 What percentage of female victims are raped by college 
students? 
 What percentage of male victims are raped by college 
students? 
 How many of the college's students have been 
acquaintance rape victims in the past two years, but did 
not report? A two-year period can provide useful trend 
data. A victimization survey may be the best means 
to capture this information. It may also be valuable in 
revealing reasons for not reporting. 


 Campus and municipal police may 
find that certain faculty members 
(trained in research methods) and 
their students would be willing to 
conduct such surveys, perhaps as 
part of a sociology class or seminar 
project. 


 Were the victims previously raped during college? If 
so, where and when? Were the victims previously 
raped before attending college? Police should also ask 
college counselors to pose these questions to all rape 
victims who come to their attention, and to track this 
information each year in order to tailor rape prevention 
programs. 
 What is the offenders' relationship to the victims 
(e.g., boyfriend, ex-boyfriend, dorm mate, classmate, 
stranger)? 
 Did the acquaintance rape victims drink alcohol or use 
drugs before the assaults? If so, what kind and how 
much? Did they do so at the offenders' insistence or 
encouragement? 
 What reasons do the victims give for the rapes? A 
survey may include optional answers such as those 
listed below, allowing the victim to check all that apply: 
-He did not listen to me.
-He did not respect my wishes.
-We were both drunk.
-He kept giving me drinks.
-He drugged me.


 Did the victims attend any rape prevention programs 
before the assaults? 
 Does the college conduct exit interviews of 
nonreturning students that include questions about, 
among other things, whether the students were raped? 


Locations/Times 

 Where did the acquaintance rapes occur? The 
victimization survey may be the best way to get this 
information. Possible answers should be listed and 


might include the offender's residence hall room, 
the victim's residence hall room, a fraternity house 
bedroom, a fraternity house bathroom, a sorority house, 
a car, a college-sponsored party, a nonstudent party, etc.


 Who owns the premises or locations where the rapes 
occurred? 
 Do certain campus fraternities have reputations as 
places where rapes occur? If so, why? 
 What specific event preceded the rapes (e.g., fraternity 
party, intercollegiate athletic party or game, college-
sponsored party, residence hall party, date, drinking at a 
bar)? 
 At what times and on what days did most of the rapes 
occur? 
 Based on the victimization survey, when do the rapes 
cluster (e.g., the first week of school; the first month 
of school, but not the first week; the first semester 
of school, but not the first month; spring break; the 
beginning of the sophomore year)? 


Offenders 

 Who are the offenders (e.g., freshmen, sophomores, 
nonstudents, fraternity members, athletes)? 
 Are rape prevention programs targeted, tailored and 
timely enough to address the offender group(s)? 
 Are certain campus fraternities or athletic teams 
thought to have parties that are high or low risk for 
rape? A survey of the college's women may help to 
identify high-risk groups. 
 Have the high-risk groups attended rape prevention 
programs? 
 Are the sanctions against potential offenders 
sufficiently publicized to reach the targeted group(s)? 



Current Responses 

 How much money has the college invested in 
preventing stranger rape compared with preventing 
acquaintance rape? 
 Does the college or do campus police have a security 
role at any of the places or functions (on or off 
campus) where acquaintance rapes have occurred? 
 Are current investigative methods designed to counter 
the most predictable defense in acquaintance rape: 
consent? 
 Does the rape prevention program provided by the 
college or by campus or municipal police specifically 
address that college's problem? Does the curriculum 
contain valid information? Is the curriculum designed 
to focus on behavioral change? Has the program 
reduced the number of reported and unreported 
acquaintance rapes? Has the program been evaluated? 
 Are the right people attending the program? 
 Is the program timely enough to prevent most 
acquaintance rapes? Is the information provided 
sufficient to stop the different types of acquaintance 
rape from occurring? 
 Does the curriculum provide potential victims with 
skills to deal with a variety of risky situations (e.g., 
at parties, in cars at the end of dates, in encounters 
in an apartment, when the man or woman is drinking 
heavily)? 
 Do the college's rules effectively address acquaintance 
rape? Does the college enforce the rules? 
 Are the people who make disciplinary decisions 
about acquaintance rape educated about the problem, 
including the temporal, geographic, victimization, and 
offending patterns for the college? 
 Are police and college public safety officers adequately 
educated about the exact nature of the problem at the 
college? 



 Are college officials and public safety officers trained 
concerning the UCR's unfounded category, and 
do they understand that certain conditions (e.g., the 
victim's intoxication or prior intimate relationship with 
the offender) do not allow for unfounding a case? Do 
campus judiciary decisions in acquaintance rape cases 
properly reflect this? 
 Are those arrested for acquaintance rape prosecuted? If 
not, why? If so, what is the typical sentence? 


Measuring Your Effectiveness 

You should take measures of your problem before you 
implement responses, to determine how serious the 
problem is, and after you implement them, to determine 
whether they have been effective. Measurement allows you 
to determine to what degree your efforts have succeeded, 
and suggests how you might modify your responses if 
they are not producing the intended results. (For more 
detailed guidance on measuring effectiveness, see the 
companion guide to this series, Assessing Responses to 
Problems: An Introductory Guide for Police Problem-Solvers.) 

The following are potentially useful measures of the 
effectiveness of responses to acquaintance rape of college 
students. 

Process Measures 

The following process measures assess whether responses 
designed to reduce acquaintance rape were implemented: 

 
increased percentage of victims reporting acquaintance 
rape 
 
increased percentage of victims reporting attempted 
acquaintance rape 



 
increased percentage of men who are knowledgeable 
about the issue of consent; 
 
increased percentage of freshman and sophomore 
women who are knowledgeable about risk factors 
associated with acquaintance rape; 
 
increased percentage of rape cases investigated by the 
police that result in prosecutions and convictions and/ 
or appropriate campus judicial sanctions; 
 
increased willingness of college administrators to make 
training mandatory and ongoing; 
 
increased percentage of female students who recognize 
that they are more at risk for acquaintance rape than 
stranger rape; and 
 
increased percentage of women who take preventive 
measures against acquaintance rape. 


Impact Measures 

The following impact measures might indicate that 
acquaintance rape has decreased: 

 
reduced number of acquaintance rapes, tracked by 
type (e.g., party rape, date rape, non-party rape, rape 
by a former intimate) and time of year (e.g., freshmen 
orientation week, first semester) 
 
reduced number of repeat victims 
 
reduced number of repeat offenders. 



Responses to the Problem of 
Acquaintance Rape of College Students 

Researchers suggest that educational programs are the 
most effective acquaintance rape prevention approach. At 
this point, there is no research to suggest whether other 
interventions, such as having only single-sex residence 
halls, enforcing residence halls visitation rules, placing 
anti-acquaintance rape educational posters in residence 
halls, or banning alcohol on campus, are effective in 
preventing acquaintance rape. 

General Considerations About Acquaintance Rape 
Prevention Programs 

Because acquaintance rape of college students often 
involves conflicting accounts of what occurred and, 
without the help of witnesses, determining which account 
is more credible, tailored prevention is the primary 
approach police, especially campus police, should use. 
Typically, the campus police role in rape prevention 
consists of providing self-defense training, doing 
environmental assessments of outdoor areas vulnerable 
to rape, and recommending the installation of cameras, 
lights, locks, etc. There is a strong argument that these 
approaches do not focus on preventing the most prevalent 
type of campus rape: acquaintance rape. If campus police 
predominantly invest in such approaches, the message to 
students is that real rape is stranger rape, and that is 
what police prevent, while acquaintance rape prevention is 
left to other campus departments or student organizations. 

Educational programs should involve multiple intervention 
efforts, with repeated and reinforced exposure to the 
issue.62 Police and other trained professionals should 



conduct the programs before the most high-risk times, 
and again at later intervals, tailoring them to high-risk 
groups. Programs should focus on changing behavior, not just attitudes, 
and program evaluations must be done to determine if the various 
components are effective for your particular population. 

 For a full discussion of evaluating 
rape prevention programs, see 
Chapter 6 in Finn (1995), and 
for a thorough discussion of the 
effectiveness of typical college rape 
prevention programs, see Yeater and 
O'Donohue (1999).

Generally, researchers suggest that most college rape 63 
prevention programs suffer from several weaknesses:

 
a lack of clear goals 
 
a focus on changing attitudes, rather than behavior 
 
lack of distinct programming for those at highest risk, 
including prior sexual assault victims 
 
a lack of follow-up assessment. 


Mixed-Gender, Gender-Specific and Peer-Delivered Programs 

Mixed-gender programs show uneven results in changing 64 
rape-supportive attitudes.Consequently, a number of 
researchers advocate separate programs for men and 
women to address gender-specific issues. Such programs 
may also remove the fear of discussing rape in front of 
peers of the opposite sex. Some colleges use trained 
students to conduct programs; however, the use of 
peer educators, male or female, remains unexamined 65 
empirically.In addition, there is no evidence that student 
role-playing is more effective than a combined lecture/ 
video approach.66

Program Timing 

As noted earlier, the risk of rape is highest during the 
freshman year, beginning with the first day of school. 
If police or college administrators cannot provide rape 
prevention programs on the first day of freshman 
orientation, they can mail letters to students and parents 


before freshman fall classes start, addressing rape and the 
relevant rules, laws and consequences; the letters should 
also stress the importance of parents' educating students 
about acceptable conduct. 


Key Responses 

Outlined below are key elements of acquaintance rape 
prevention responses targeting different campus groups. 

1. Conducting acquaintance rape prevention programs 
for college men in general. Programs for men 
should focus on rape reduction. Attendance should be 
mandatory, both at the initial program and at follow-up 
programs during the freshman year and at the start of the 
sophomore year. Key program elements should include 
the following: 

 
A preprogram survey of the men's knowledge of and 
behavior concerning acquaintance rape. 
 
The provision of accurate definitions of stranger, 
acquaintance, party, gang, and date rape, and 
information about related state laws and sanctions, 
as well as college rules and sanctions. Each state has 
different rape laws; in many states, the use of physical 
force is no longer a requirement for a rape to have 
occurred. 
 
The use of realistic scenarios to illustrate risky 
situations in which men may find themselves. 
 
A comparison of the frequency of acquaintance rape 
with that of stranger rape. 
 
A discussion of the relationship between rape and 
alcohol use. 


 Letters to parents may be effective 
in widening interest in the problem. 
One university asked the parents of 
incoming freshmen to speak with 
their son or daughter about rape 
(as well as several other problems 
that are significant for freshmen 
such as binge drinking and hate 
crimes). At another university, after 
a gang rape at a fraternity party, the 
campus police sent a letter warning 
parents of incoming freshmen, as 
well as insurance carriers, about 
fraternities in violation of alcohol 
laws (Bernstein 1996). 

 One campus public safety 
director collaborated with the 
municipal police department to 
create a scenario-based brochure 
to educate male students about 
sexual assault and rape reduction. 
They also developed a scenario-
based brochure tailored to women 
college students. These are available 
from Rana Sampson via e-mail at 
ranasampson@aol.com. 

 Researchers agree about the 
importance of combining rape 
prevention programs for college 
students with substance abuse 
prevention programs, especially 
regarding binge drinking. Typically, 
substance abuse prevention 
programs focus on risks such as 
drunken driving, fistfights and 
vandalism, but the main emphases 
should be on the risks of sexual 
miscommunication and rape (Abbey 
et al. 1996). 


 
A discussion about consent, including the use of 
consent scenarios to show what is required. Men cannot 
legally engage in intercourse without explicit consent. 
State laws require consent, and in most states, it cannot 
be obtained if the person is drunk. 
 
A discussion of commonly held misconceptions about 
a man's right to sex (e.g., if the man has paid for 
dinner, if the woman is dressed seductively, if the man 
thinks the woman is a tease or flirt, if the man thinks 
the woman has a crush on him). 
 
A discussion about scoring and how it devalues 
women by treating them as objects of conquest. 
 
An emphasis that the harm acquaintance rape victims 
suffer is the same as that suffered by stranger-rape 
victims. 
 
A discussion of counseling services for men who want 
to change their behavior. 
 
A discussion of men's role in stopping acquaintance 
rape. 
 
A review of the investigative and disciplinary processes 
for rape cases, and of the consequences for rape and 
for seeking reprisal against the victim. 
 
A follow-up survey several months after the programs 
to assess knowledge retention and behavioral change. 


2. Conducting acquaintance rape risk-reduction 
programs for college women. Even though the vast 
majority of college rapes entail men raping women, 
interventions geared toward changing only men's behavior 
will not be 100 percent effective. It is also important to 
provide risk reduction programs for women. Outlined below 
are program elements researchers suggest: 


 
A preprogram survey of women's knowledge of 
acquaintance rape, risk factors and risk reduction 
techniques. 
 
The provision of accurate definitions of stranger, 
acquaintance, party, gang, and date rape, and 
information about related state laws and sanctions, as 
well as college rules and sanctions. 
 
The use of realistic scenarios to illustrate risky 
situations in which college women may find themselves. 
 
A comparison of the frequency of acquaintance rape 
with that of stranger rape. Research suggests that many 
women are in denial about their risk for acquaintance 
rape. Although some women are knowledgeable about 
acquaintance rape, they think it is more likely to happen 
to others than to themselves.67 
 
An emphasis that the harm acquaintance rape victims 
suffer is the same as that suffered by stranger-rape 
victims. 
 
A discussion of the need for explicit consent. 
 
A discussion of accurate labeling of rape. 
Acknowledging when an assault occurs and the 
importance of reporting in stemming repeat offending. 
 
A discussion of risk factors, including the potential for 
repeat victimization. 
 
A discussion of how friends can help and support 
acquaintance rape victims. 
 
A review of the investigative and disciplinary processes 
for rape cases. 
 
A discussion of counseling services for rape victims. 
 
A follow-up survey several months after the programs 
to assess knowledge retention and behavioral change. 




Research has found that comprehensive programs with 
these key components can reduce sexual victimization of 
college women by up to half, but only for those women 
who have not previously been raped or experienced 
attempted rape. 

 Hanson and Gidycz (1993). 
For a discussion of the need for 
different training for rape victims 
and attempted rape victims, see 
Breitenbecher and Scarce (1999). 


3. 
Developing risk reduction plans to prevent repeat 
victimization. Police must develop specific programs for 
women raped prior to college, as researchers have found 
that the programs described above do not reduce their 
risk for repeat victimization.68 It is theorized that women 
who have previously been raped require additional training 
to accurately assess risky situations.69 Police should enlist 
campus counselors to develop tailored risk recognition 
and reduction plans for prior victims. Counselors should 
intermittently recontact the women to determine if the 
plans have been effective, and to track repeat victimization 
in order to improve programs and safety plans. 

 Representatives from campus 
counseling services should attend 
rape education programs and offer 
to meet privately with victims, 
helping them design individualized 
safety plans to reduce their risk of 
repeat victimization. 

4. 
Educating police about acquaintance rape of 
college students. Educating police about the extent 
of acquaintance rape (compared with stranger rape) of 
college students, and about the patterns related to it, can 
provide them with an important background context. The 
training should cover the research on high-risk times and 
high-risk groups, the elements of effective rape prevention 
programs, and the need for police involvement in the 
programs. Police involvement can help assure students 
that the college takes acquaintance rape seriously. 

 Although this guide does 
not address investigative issues, 
it is important to note that 
police training for acquaintance 
rape investigations must include 
components on evidence gathering 
when the offender will likely claim 
consent. For information about 
the different investigative methods 
for acquaintance vs. stranger rape 
cases, see material published by the 
National Center for Women and 
Policing. 


5. 
Conducting acquaintance rape prevention 
programs for college administrators, campus judicial 
officers and other key campus personnel. Top campus 
administrators should be called upon to clear the way for 
police to provide education and prevention programming 



in residence halls, fraternities and sororities, to athletic 
teams, and incoming students during orientation.70 It 
is also necessary to educate all campus healthcare staff, 
residence directors and assistants, and Greek advisors 
about rape, as well as advise counseling personnel about 
the need to track anonymous reporting, ask students about 
prior rapes, and develop safety plans for prior victims. In 
addition, police must educate athletic coaches about rape 
prevention. Some coaches will not need much persuading, 
others may be convinced of its importance as a means 
of keeping their athletes from jeopardizing their own 
or their team's reputation. Since coach support of rape 
prevention programs is crucial for success, police may 
want to advocate that coaches' active participation in the 
programs be used as one measure in coaches' performance 
evaluations. 

6. Conducting acquaintance rape prevention programs 
geared toward campus athletes and fraternity 
members. Acquaintance rape prevention programs should 
be tailored to focus on the specific risks for athletes and 
fraternity members. Program elements researchers suggest 
include the following: 

 
A preprogram survey of athletes' and fraternity 
members' knowledge of and behavior concerning 
acquaintance rape. 
 
An emphasis on athletes' using aggression only on the 
field. 
 
A discussion stressing that athletes' prominent status 
on campus does not entitle them to sex. Women must 
freely give consent. 


 Police should ask those in college 
counseling services to develop in-
depth interview protocols for rape 
victims, including questions about 
prior victimization. Counselors 
should develop safety plans with 
victims that help them more 
accurately assess risky situations. 

 It is also wise to provide adequate 
information to faculty, particularly 
those whom rape victims are likely to 
approach because their courses cover 
rape (e.g., psychology, sociology, 
women's studies, criminology, and 
criminal justice faculty). Police 
can also recruit faculty to conduct 
or participate in rape prevention 
programs. 

 If athletes are educated about 
rape only after an incident occurs, 
they may perceive it a punishment 
rather than a proactive rape 
prevention effort. 

 Many of the gang rape charges 
involving athletes seem to involve 
members of such contact team 
sports as football, basketball and 
lacrosse, rather than athletes from 
such individual nonaggressive sports 
as tennis and golf  (Parrot et al. 
1994). 


 
A discussion stressing that athletes should not equate 
the behavior of some women fans with that of all 
women, and that a fan's perceived interest in an athlete 
does not constitute consent. 
 
A discussion of the increased risk of rape when all-male 
groups (such as athletes and fraternity members) live 
together in houses with private rooms, where parties are 
frequent, and where alcohol is available. 
 
Realistic approaches athletes and fraternity members 
can use to counter any group think supporting male 
sexual dominance of females and the myth that women 
secretly want to be sexually overtaken. 
 
Approaches for resisting pressure to participate in 
group sex acts. 
 
An emphasis on the importance of intervening in and 
reporting rape, despite team or fraternity pressure to 
maintain secrecy. 
 
Follow-up assessments to determine behavioral change. 


Responses With Limited Effectiveness 

7. Providing student escort and/or shuttle services. 

Many colleges have student escort and/or shuttle services 
so that women do not have to walk alone on campus late 
at night. These services may reduce the risk of stranger 
rape, but not of acquaintance rape; they do not take the 
place of adequate acquaintance rape prevention. 

8. Providing rape aggression defense training. Many 
college public safety departments offer women students 
rape aggression defense training to increase their ability to 
fend off would-be rapists. Police now commonly include 
such training in acquaintance rape prevention programs, 


no longer focusing only on stranger rape. Researchers find 
that this training is: 


 
too limited to cause significant reductions in 
acquaintance rape 
 
not sufficiently focused on the most prevalent types of 
campus rape 
 
inadequate for causing any behavioral change in male 
students.71 


Colleges may choose to include the training in their 
stranger rape reduction efforts; however, it is unlikely to 
reduce acquaintance rape. 


Appendix 

Summary of Responses to Acquaintance 
Rape of College Students 

The table below summarizes the responses to acquaintance 
rape of college students, the mechanism by which they 
are intended to work, the conditions under which they 
ought to work best, and some factors you should consider 
before implementing a particular response. It is critical 
that you tailor responses to local circumstances, and that 
you can justify each response based on reliable analysis. In 
most cases, an effective strategy will involve implementing 
several different responses. Law enforcement responses 
alone are seldom effective in reducing or solving the 
problem. 

Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It 
Works 
Works 
Best If 
Considerations 
Key Responses 
1. 25 Conducting 
acquaintance 
rape prevention 
programs for 
college men in 
general 
Removes excuses 
for rape by 
increasing men's 
knowledge 
programs 
are designed to 
change behavior, 
not just attitudes, 
and coincide with 
high-risk times 
Finding 
adequate time 
for programs 
before or during 
high-risk times; 
researchers 
recommend 
combining the 
programs with 
prevention 
programming 
targeting other 
forms of sexual 
assault and also 
with substance 
abuse prevention 
programs 


Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It 
Works 
Works 
Best If 
Considerations 
2. 26 Conductingacquaintance rape 
risk-reduction 
programs for 
college women 
Increases the 
effort offenders 
must make to 
commit rape 
and increases 
offenders' risk 
that they will be 
identified 
programs 
are designed to 
change behavior, 
not just increase 
knowledge 
It is the victim's 
choice whether 
to report a rape 
and identify the 
offender; however, 
colleges should 
strongly support 
reporting, even 
anonymousreporting 
3. 28 Developing risk 
reduction plans 
to prevent repeat 
victimization 
Increases the 
effort offenders 
must make 
college 
counseling 
personnel work 
with prior 
victimswithout 
blaming them
to develop 
individualized 
risk reduction 
plans 
May be difficult 
to identify prior 
victims; victims 
must choose to 
come forward and 
may do so only ifthey think more 
good than harm 
will come from it 
4. 28 Educatingpolice about 
acquaintancerape of college 
students 
Increases the 
likelihood that 
police will 
participate in 
developing 
appropriate 
rape reduction 
initiatives for 
police are 
trained before 
classes start 
Often requires 
police to examine 
their prevention 
and investigation 
approaches to 
acquaintance rape 
students 
5. 28 Conductingacquaintancerape prevention 
programs 
for college 
administrators, 
campus judicial 
officers and 
other key campus 
personnel 
Increases 
campus 
personnel's 
knowledge 
and enables 
personnel to 
appropriately 
deal with victims 
and offenders 
programs 
are completed 
before classes 
start 
Requires extensive 
coordination, open 
access to campus 
personnel, and 
school leaders' 
commitment 
to support rape 
prevention efforts 


Response 
No. 
Page No. Response How It 
Works 
Works 
Best If 
Considerations 
6. 29 Conductingacquaintancerape prevention 
programs 
geared toward 
campus athletes 
and fraternity 
members 
Removes excuses 
for rape by 
changing men's 
attitudes toward 
women and 
setting explicit 
rules 
coaches, 
fraternity leaders 
and fraternity 
alumni leaders 
support the 
programs 
Programs should 
be presented as a 
means to prevent 
harm, not as a 
punishment 
Responses With Limited Effectiveness 
7. 30 Providing student 
escort and/or 
shuttle services 
Reduces the risk 
of stranger rape 
combined with 
comprehensive 
efforts to reduce 
Campus women's 
groups often 
advocate these 
services 
8. 30 Providing rape 
aggression 
defense training 
Increases the 
effort stranger 
rapists must make 
acquaintance rape 
combined with 
comprehensive 
efforts to reduce 
acquaintance rape, 
in particular 
Campus women's 
groups often 
advocate this 
training 


Endnotes 

1 
Finn (1995); Weitzman, DeJong and Finn (n.d.). 

2 
Humphrey and Kahn (2000). 

3 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

4 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000), based on the extrapolation of a six-month data 
set. Also see Koss, Gidycz and Wisniewski (1987) for similar results. 

5 
Waldner-Haugrud and Magruder (1995). 

6 
Abbey (1991). 

7 
Benson, Charton and Goodhart (1992). 

8 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

9 
U.S. Department of Education (2001). 

10 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

11 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

12 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

13 
Bohmer and Parrot (1993). 

14 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

15 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

16 
Benson, Charton and Goodhart (1992). 

17 
Bohmer and Parrot (1993). 

18 
Ostrander and Schwartz (1994); Schwartz and DeKeseredy (1997). 

19 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

20 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

21 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

22 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

23 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

24 
Hickman and Muehlenhard (1997). 

25 
Hickman and Muehlenhard (1997). 

26 
Yeater and O'Donohue (1999). 

27 
Finn (1995). 

28 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

29 
Himelein (1995). 

30 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

31 
Schwartz and DeKeseredy (1997). 

32 
See Hanson and Gidycz (1993) for a discussion of the research on risk factors. 

33 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000); Himelein (1995). See Hanson and Gidycz (1993) 
for a discussion of the research on this subject. 

34 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 


35 
Schwartz and Pitts (1995). 

36 
See Hanson and Gidycz (1993) for a discussion of the research on risk factors. 

37 
See Hanson and Gidycz (1993) for a discussion of the research on risk factors. 

38 
Himelein (1995). 

39 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000); Hanson and Gidycz (1993). Also see Schwartz 
and DeKeseredy (1997) for a discussion of research on sexual assault repeat 
victimization. 

40 
Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

41 
Hanson and Gidycz (1993); Fisher, Cullen and Turner (2000). 

42 
Hanson and Gidycz (1993), reporting on research by Gidycz. 

43 
Greene and Navarro (1998). 

44 
Greene and Navarro (1998). 

45 
For a discussion of college male repeat rape offending see Schwartz and 
DeKeseredy (1997). 

46 
Fisher and Sloan (1995). 

47 
Earle (1996). 

48 
Schwartz and DeKeseredy (1997). 

49 
Schwartz and DeKeseredy (1997). 

50 
Schwartz and DeKeseredy (1997). 

51 
Schwartz and DeKeseredy (1997). 

52 
Abbey et al. (1996). 

53 
Abbey (1991). For recent research on college binge drinking, binge drinking rates 
for athletes and fraternity members, and the increased risk of rape, see Wechsler 
(2000), at http://www.hsph.harvard.edu/cas/Documents/monograph_2000/ cas_ 
mono_2000.pdf 

54 
Abbey (1991). 

55 
See Abbey (1991) for a general discussion of the research on this subject. 

56 
Koss and Cleveland (1996). 

57 
Fisher and Sloan (1995); Koss and Gaines (1993). 

58 
Bohmer and Parrot (1993). 

59 
Finn (1995). 

60 
Finn (1995); Weitzman, DeJong and Finn (n.d.). 

61 
Finn (1995). 

62 
Finn (1995). 

63 
Lonsway (1996). 

64 Lonsway (1996). See Earle (1996) for a discussion of programs for first-year male 
students. 
65 
66 Lonsway (1996). 
Forst, Lightfoot and Burrichter (1996). 


Endnotes 

67 Hickman and Muehlenhard (1997)
.
68 Hanson and Gidycz (1993)
.
69 Norris, Nurius and Graham (1999)
.
70 Finn (1995)
. 
71 Lonsway (1996)
.



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Consumption on College Campuses: How Are They 
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Abbey, A., L. Thomson Ross, D. McDuggie, and P. 
McAuslan (1996). Alcohol and Dating Risk Factors for 
Sexual Assault Among College Women. Psychology of 
Women Quarterly 20:147169. 

Benson, D., C. Charton and F. Goodhart (1992). 
Acquaintance Rape on Campus: A Literature Review. 
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Bernstein, N. (1996). Behind Some Fraternity Walls, 
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Bohmer, C., and A. Parrot (1993). Sexual Assault on 
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Breitenbecher, K., and M. Scarce (1999). A Longitudinal 
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Cook, S. (1995). Acceptance and Expectation of Sexual 
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Cummings, N. (1992). Self-Defense Training for College 
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Earle, J. (1996). Acquaintance Rape Workshops: Their 
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Finn, P. (1995). Preventing Alcohol-Related Problems 
on Campus: Acquaintance RapeA Guide for Program 
Coordinators. Newton, Mass.: Higher Education Center 
for Alcohol and Other Drug Prevention. www.edc.org/ 
hec/pubs/acqrape.html 

Fisher, B., F. Cullen and M. Turner (2000). The Sexual 
Victimization of College Women. Washington, D.C.: U.S. 
Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice and 
Bureau of Justice Statistics. 

Fisher, B., and J. Sloan III (1995). Campus Crime: Legal, 
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C. Thomas. 

Forst, L., J. Lightfoot and A. Burrichter (1996). 
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12(1):2844. 

Greene, D., and R. Navarro (1998). Situation-Specific 
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Hannon, R., T. Kuntz, S. Van Laar, J. Williams, and D. 
Hall (1996). College Students' Judgments Regarding 
Sexual Aggression During a Date. Sex Roles 
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Hickman, S., and C. Muehlenhard (1997). College 
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Himelein, M. (1995). Risk Factors for Sexual 
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Humphrey, S., and A. Kahn (2000). Fraternities, 
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Koss, M., and H. Cleveland III (1996). Athletic 
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Koss, M., and J. Gaines (1993). The Prediction of Sexual 
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Koss, M., C. Gidycz and N. Wisniewski (1987). The 
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Lonsway, K. (1996). Preventing Acquaintance Rape 
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Norris, J., P. Nurius and T. Graham (1999). When a Date 
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Parrot, A., N. Cummings, T. Marchell, and J. Hofher 
(1994). A Rape Awareness and Prevention Model 
for Male Athletes. Journal of American College Health 
42(4):179184. 

Sanday, P. (1996). Rape-Prone Versus Rape-Free Campus 
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Schwartz, M., and V. Pitts (1995). Exploring a Feminist 
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Schwartz, M., and W. DeKeseredy (1997). Sexual Assault 
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Schwartz, M., and C. Nogrady (1996). Fraternity 
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College Campus. Violence Against Women 2(2):148162. 

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Crime on the Campuses of U.S. Postsecondary Educational 
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offices/OPE/PPI/ReportToCongress.pdf. 

Waldner-Haugrud, L., and B. Magruder (1995). Male and 
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References 

Wechsler, H. (2000). Binge Drinking on America's College 
Campuses: Findings From the Harvard School of Public 
Health College Alcohol Study. www.hsph.harvard.edu/cas/ 
Documents/monograph_2000/cas_mono_2000.pdf 

Weitzman, E., W. DeJong and P. Finn (n.d.). Alcohol and 
Acquaintance Rape: Strategies To Protect Yourself and Each 
Other. Newton (Massachusetts): Higher Education 
Center for Alcohol and Other Drug Prevention. 

Yeater, E., and W. O'Donohue (1999). Sexual Assault 
Prevention Programs: Current Issues, Future Directions 
and the Potential Efficacy of Interventions With 
Women. Clinical Psychology Review 19(7):739771. 


About the Author 

Rana Sampson 

Rana Sampson is a national problem-oriented policing 
consultant and the former director of public safety for 
the University of San Diego. She was previously a White 
House Fellow; National Institute of Justice Fellow; 
senior researcher and trainer at the Police Executive 
Research Forum; attorney; and patrol officer, undercover 
narcotics officer and patrol sergeant with the New 
York City Police Department, where she was awarded 
several commendations of merit and won the National 
Improvement of Justice Award. She is the coauthor (with 
Michael Scott) of Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety 
Problems: Case Studies in Problem-Solving, which documents 
high-quality crime control efforts from around the United 
States, Canada and Europe. She is a judge for the Herman 
Goldstein Award for Excellence in Problem-Oriented 
Policing, a former judge for the police Fulbright awards, 
and a commissioner with California's Commission on 
Peace Officer Standards and Training. Sampson holds a 
law degree from Harvard and a bachelor's degree from 
Barnard College, Columbia University. 


Recommended Readings 

 
A Police Guide to Surveying Citizens and Their 
Environments, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 1993. This 
guide offers a practical introduction for police practitioners 
to two types of surveys that police find useful: surveying 
public opinion and surveying the physical environment. It 
provides guidance on whether and how to conduct cost-
effective surveys. 
 
Assessing Responses to Problems: An 
Introductory Guide for Police Problem-Solvers, 


by John E. Eck (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of 
Community Oriented Policing Services, 2001). This guide 
is a companion to the Problem-Oriented Guides for Police series. 
It provides basic guidance to measuring and assessing 
problem-oriented policing efforts. 

 
Conducting Community Surveys, by Deborah Weisel 
(Bureau of Justice Statistics and Office of Community 
Oriented Policing Services, 1999). This guide, along with 
accompanying computer software, provides practical, basic 
pointers for police in conducting community surveys. The 
document is also available at www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs. 
 
Crime Prevention Studies, edited by Ronald V. Clarke 
(Criminal Justice Press, 1993, et seq.). This is a series of 
volumes of applied and theoretical research on reducing 
opportunities for crime. Many chapters are evaluations of 
initiatives to reduce specific crime and disorder problems. 





 
Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing:The 
1999 Herman Goldstein Award Winners. This 
document produced by the National Institute of Justice 
in collaboration with the Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services and the Police Executive Research Forum 
provides detailed reports of the best submissions to the 
annual award program that recognizes exemplary problem-
oriented responses to various community problems. A 
similar publication is available for the award winners from 
subsequent years. The documents are also available at 
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij. 
 
Not Rocket Science? Problem-Solving and Crime 
Reduction, by Tim Read and Nick Tilley (Home Office 
Crime Reduction Research Series, 2000). Identifies and 
describes the factors that make problem-solving effective 
or ineffective as it is being practiced in police forces in 
England and Wales. 
 
Opportunity Makes the Thief: Practical Theory 
for Crime Prevention, by Marcus Felson and Ronald V. 
Clarke (Home Office Police Research Series, Paper No. 98, 
1998). Explains how crime theories such as routine activity 
theory, rational choice theory and crime pattern theory 
have practical implications for the police in their efforts to 
prevent crime. 
 
Problem Analysis in Policing, by Rachel Boba (Police 
Foundation, 2003). Introduces and defines problem 
analysis and provides guidance on how problem analysis 
can be integrated and institutionalized into modern 
policing practices. 








 
Problem-Oriented Policing, by Herman Goldstein 
(McGraw-Hill, 1990, and Temple University Press, 1990). 
Explains the principles and methods of problem-oriented 
policing, provides examples of it in practice, and discusses 
how a police agency can implement the concept. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing and Crime Prevention, 
by Anthony A. Braga (Criminal Justice Press, 2003). 
Provides a thorough review of significant policing research 
about problem places, high-activity offenders, and repeat 
victims, with a focus on the applicability of those findings 
to problem-oriented policing. Explains how police 
departments can facilitate problem-oriented policing by 
improving crime analysis, measuring performance, and 
securing productive partnerships. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the 
First 20 Years, by Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of 
Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 
2000). Describes how the most critical elements of 
Herman Goldstein's problem-oriented policing model have 
developed in practice over its 20-year history, and proposes 
future directions for problem-oriented policing. The report 
is also available at www.cops.usdoj.gov. 
 
Problem-Solving: Problem-Oriented Policing in 
Newport News, by John E. Eck and William Spelman 
(Police Executive Research Forum, 1987). Explains the 
rationale behind problem-oriented policing and the 
problem-solving process, and provides examples of 
effective problem-solving in one agency. 




 
Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing 
Crime and Disorder Through Problem-Solving 
Partnerships by Karin Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott 
Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and Meg Townsend. (U.S. 
Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, 1998) (also available at www.cops.usdoj. 
gov). Provides a brief introduction to problem-solving, 
basic information on the SARA model and detailed 
suggestions about the problem-solving process. 
 
Situational Crime Prevention: Successful Case 
Studies, Second Edition, edited by Ronald V. Clarke 
(Harrow and Heston, 1997). Explains the principles and 
methods of situational crime prevention, and presents over 
20 case studies of effective crime prevention initiatives. 
 
Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety 
Problems: Case Studies in Problem-Solving, by 
Rana Sampson and Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of 
Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 
2000) (also available at www.cops.usdoj.gov). Presents case 
studies of effective police problem-solving on 18 types of 
crime and disorder problems. 
 
Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook 
for Law Enforcement, by Timothy S. Bynum (U.S. 
Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, 2001). Provides an introduction for 
police to analyzing problems within the context of 
problem-oriented policing. 
 
Using Research: A Primer for Law Enforcement 
Managers, Second Edition, by John E. Eck and Nancy G. 
LaVigne (Police Executive Research Forum, 1994). Explains 
many of the basics of research as it applies to police 
management and problem-solving. 



Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides series: 

1. 
Assaults in and Around Bars. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-00-2 
2. 
Street Prostitution. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-01-0 
3. 
Speeding in Residential Areas. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-02-9 
4. 
Drug Dealing in Privately Owned Apartment Complexes. 
Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-03-7 
5. 
False Burglar Alarms. Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-04-5 
6. 
Disorderly Youth in Public Places. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-05-3 
7. 
Loud Car Stereos. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-06-1 
8. 
Robbery at Automated Teller Machines. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-07-X 
9. 
Graffiti. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-08-8 
10. 
Thefts of and From Cars in Parking Facilities. Ronald V. 
Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-09-6 
11. 
Shoplifting. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-10-X 
12. 
Bullying in Schools. Rana Sampson. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-11-8 
13. 
Panhandling. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-12-6 
14. 
Rave Parties. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-13-4 
15. 
Burglary of Retail Establishments. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-14-2 
16. 
Clandestine Drug Labs. Michael S. Scott. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-15-0 
17. 
Acquaintance Rape of College Students. Rana Sampson. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-16-9 
18. 
Burglary of Single-Family Houses. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 
2002. ISBN: 1-932582-17-7 
19. 
Misuse and Abuse of 911. Rana Sampson. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-18-5 



20. Financial Crimes Against the Elderly. 

Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-22-3 

21. 
Check and Card Fraud. Graeme R. Newman. 2003. 
ISBN: 1-932582-27-4 
22. 
Stalking. The National Center for Victims of Crime. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-30-4 
23. 
Gun Violence Among Serious Young Offenders. Anthony A. 
Braga. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-31-2 
24. 
Prescription Fraud. Julie Wartell and Nancy G. La Vigne. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-33-9 
25. 
Identity Theft. Graeme R. Newman. 2004 ISBN: 1-932582-35-3 
26. 
Crimes Against Tourists. Ronald W. Glesnor and Kenneth J. Peak. 
2004 ISBN: 1-932582-36-3 


27. 
Underage Drinking. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2004 ISBN: 1-932582-39-8 
28. 
Street Racing. Kenneth J. Peak and Ronald W. Glensor. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-42-8 
29. 
Cruising. Kenneth J. Peak and Ronald W. Glensor. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-43-6 


30. 
Disorder at Budget Motels. Karin Schmerler. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-932582-41-X 
31. 
Drug Dealing in Open-Air Markets. Alex Harocopos and Mike 
Hough. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-45-2 
32. 
Bomb Threats in Schools. Graeme R. Newman. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-932582-46-0 
33. 
Illicit Sexual Activity in Public Places. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-932582-47-9 
34. 
Robbery of Taxi Drivers. Martha J. Smith. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-50-9 
35. 
School Vandalism and Break-Ins. Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2005. 
ISBN: 1-9325802-51-7 
36. 
Drunk Driving. Michael S. Scott, Nina J. Emerson, Louis B. 
Antonacci, and Joel B. Plant. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-57-6 
37. 
Juvenile Runaways. Kelly Dedel. 2006. ISBN: 1932582-56-8 
38. 
The Exploitation of Trafficked Women. Graeme R. Newman. 
2006. ISBN: 1-932582-59-2 
39. 
Student Party Riots. Tamara D. Madensen and John E. Eck. 
2006. ISBN: 1-932582-60-6 



40. 
People with Mental Illness. Gary Cordner. 2006. 
ISBN: 1-932582-63-0 
41. 
Child Pornography on the Internet. Richard Wortley 
and Stephen Smallbone. 2006. ISBN: 1-932582-65-7 
42. 
Witness Intimidation. Kelly Dedel. 2006. 
ISBN: 1-932582-67-3 


Response Guides series: 

 
The Benefits and Consequences of Police 
Crackdowns. Michael S. Scott. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-24-X 
 
Closing Streets and Alleys to Reduce Crime: Should 
You Go Down This Road? Ronald V. Clarke. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-41-X 
 
Crime Prevention Publicity Campaigns. 


Emmanuel Barthe. 2006 ISBN: 1-932582-66-5 

 
Shifting and Sharing Responsibility for Public Safety 
Problems. Michael S. Scott and Herman Goldstein. 
2005. ISBN: 1-932582-55-X 
 
Video Surveillance of Public Places. Jerry Ratcliffe. 
2006 ISBN: 1-932582-58-4 
Problem-Solving Tools series: 


 
Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory 
Guide for Police Problem-Solvers. John E. Eck. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-19-3 
 
Researching a Problem. Ronald V. Clarke and Phyllis A. 
Schultz. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-48-7 
 
Using Offender Interviews to Inform Police Problem 
Solving. Scott H. Decker. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-49-5 
 
Analyzing Repeat Victimization. Deborah Lamm 
Weisel. 2005. ISBN: 1-932582-54-1 



Upcoming Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides 
Domestic Violence 
Bank Robbery 
Drive-by Shootings 
Disorder at Day Laborer Sites 
Crowd Control at Stadiums and Other Entertainment Venues 
Traffic Congestion Around Schools 
Theft from Construction Sites of Single Family Houses 
Robbery of Convenience Stores 
Theft from Cars on Streets 

Problem-Solving Tools 
Risky Facilities 
Implementing Responses to Problems 
Designing a Problem Analysis System 

Response Guides 
Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design 

For more information about the Problem-Oriented Guides for 
Police series and other COPS Office publications, please call 
the COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770 or visit 
COPS Online at www.cops.usdoj.gov. 


For More InForMatIon: 

U.S. Department of Justice 
Office of Community Oriented Policing Services 

1100 Vermont Avenue, N.W. 
Washington, DC 20530 

To obtain details on COPS programs, call the 
COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770 

Visit COPS Online at the address listed below. 

e07063411 Updated: July 24, 2006 
ISBN: 1-932582-00-2 

DOJ Seal
www.cops.usdoj.gov