Rave Parties
Problem-Oriented Guides for Police Problem-Specific Guides Series number 14
Center for Problem-Oriented Policing
www.PopCenter.org

 Web-enhanced versions of all currently available Guides 
 Interactive training exercises 
 On-line access to research and police practices 

Designed for police and those who work with them to 
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Supported by the Office of Community Oriented Policing 
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Rave Parties

Michael S. Scott 

This project was supported by cooperative agreement #99-
CK-WX-K004 by the Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, U.S. Department of Justice. The opinions 
contained herein are those of the author(s) and do not 
necessarily represent the official position of the U.S. 
Department of Justice. 

www.cops.usdoj.gov 

ISBN: 1-932582-13-4 

August 2004 


About the Problem-Specific Guides Series 

The Problem-Specific Guides summarize knowledge about 
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 Are willing to work with other community agencies 
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Acknowledgments 

The Problem-Oriented Guides for Police are very much a 
collaborative effort. While each guide has a primary 
author, other project team members, COPS Office staff 
and anonymous peer reviewers contributed to each guide 
by proposing text, recommending research and offering 
suggestions on matters of format and style. 

The principal project team developing the guide series 
comprised Herman Goldstein, professor emeritus, 
University of Wisconsin Law School; Ronald V. Clarke, 
professor of criminal justice, Rutgers University; John E. 
Eck, associate professor of criminal justice, University of 
Cincinnati; Michael S. Scott, clinical assistant professor, 
University of Wisconsin Law School; Rana Sampson, 
police consultant, San Diego; and Deborah Lamm Weisel, 
director of police research, North Carolina State 
University. 

Karin Schmerler, Rita Varano and Nancy Leach oversaw 
the project for the COPS Office. Suzanne Fregly edited 
the guides. Research for the guides was conducted at the 
Criminal Justice Library at Rutgers University under the 
direction of Phyllis Schultze. 

The project team also wishes to acknowledge the members 
of the San Diego, National City and Savannah police 
departments who provided feedback on the guides' format 
and style in the early stages of the project, as well as the 
line police officers, police executives and researchers who 
peer reviewed each guide. 


Contents 

About the Problem-Specific Guides Series i
Acknowledgments v
The Problem of Rave Parties 1
Related Problems 3 
Factors Contributing to Rave Party Problems 3
Rave Culture and the Rave Scene 3
Rave-Related Drugs 6 
Harms Caused by Rave-Related Drugs and Raves 8 
Rave-Related Drug Trafficking 11
Environmental Risk Factors at Raves 12
Understanding Your Local Problem 13 
Asking the Right Questions 1
3Rave-Related Incidents 13
Rave-Related Drug Trafficking 14
Rave Location and Management 14
Current Responses 15
Measuring Your Effectiveness 16
Responses to the Problem of Rave Parties 19 
General Considerations for an Effective Strategy 19
Specific Responses To Address Rave Party Problems 21
Responses With Limited Effectiveness 26
Appendix A: Summary of Responses to the Problem of Rave Parties 29
Appendix B: Common Rave-Related Drugs 33Endnotes 35
References 39
About the Author 45
Recommended Readings 47
Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 51


The Problem of Rave Parties 

This guide addresses problems associated with rave parties. 
Rave partiesor, more simply, ravesare dance parties that 
feature fast-paced, repetitive electronic music and 
accompanying light shows. Raves are the focus of rave 
culture, a youth-oriented subculture that blends music, art and 
social ideals (e.g., peace, love, unity, respect, tolerance, 
happiness). Rave culture also entails the use of a range of licit 
and illicit drugs. Drug use is intended to enhance ravers' 
sensations and boost their energy so they can dance for long 
periods. 

Rave party problems will be familiar to many police officers 
working in communities where raves have been held; they will 
be unfamiliar to many other officers who have never 
experienced raves or, perhaps, even heard of them. In many 
jurisdictions, the first time a young person dies while or after 
attending a rave and using rave-related drugs sparks media, 
public and political pressure on police to take action.1 

In some respects, rave party problems are unique; they 
combine a particular blend of attitudes, drugs and behavior 
not found in other forms of youth culture. In other respects, 
rave party problems are but the latest variation in an ongoing 
history of problems associated with youth entertainment, 
experimentation, rebellion, and self-discovery.2 

Dealing appropriately with raves is difficult for police. On the 
one hand, police often face substantial pressure from 
mainstream society to put an end to raves, usually through 
aggressive law enforcement. On the other hand, raves are 
enormously popular among a significant minority of 
teenagers and young adults, most of whom are generally law


abiding and responsible. Strict enforcement efforts can 
alienate a key segment of this population from government in 
general, and the police in particular. To be sure, raves can 
pose genuine risks, but those risks are frequently exaggerated 
in the public's mind. It is important that police recognize that 
most rave-related harms happen to the ravers themselves, and 
while ravers are not wholly responsible for those harms, they 
willingly assume much of the risk for them. Accordingly, rave 
party problems are at least as much public health problems as 
they are crime and disorder problems. It is critical that you 
establish a solid base of facts about rave-related harms in 
your community, facts from which you can intelligently 
develop local policies and responses. 

The principal rave-related concerns for police are: 

 drug overdoses and associated medical hazards; 
 drug trafficking and the potential for violence associated 
with it; 
 noise (from rave music, crowds and traffic); 
 driving under the influence; and 
 traffic control and parking congestion. 

Bob Morris 

picture of police stopping rave party
Police must balance some public pressure to stop raves 
altogether and protect young people from harm without 
completely alienating them. 


Related Problems 

Rave party problems are only one set of problems relating to 
youth, large crowds and illegal drugs, problems police are 
partially responsible for addressing. Other problems not 
directly addressed in this guide include: 

 problems associated with crowds at music clubs (e.g., hip-
hop clubs), and at concerts and other big events; 
 assaults in and around bars;
 thefts ofand from cars in parking facilities; 
 disorderly youth in public places; 
 graffiti; 
 street-level drug dealing; 
 clandestine drug labs; 
 high-level trafficking in rave-related drugs; and 
 use ofillicit drugs in acquaintance rape. 

Factors Contributing to Rave Party Problems 

Understanding the factors that contribute to your problem 
will help you frame your own local analysis questions, 
determine good effectiveness measures, recognize key 
intervention points, and select appropriate responses. 

Rave Culture and the Rave Scene 

Although only a little more than a decade old, rave culture 
and the rave scene have evolved into different forms, with 
variations in music styles, settings, drugs used, and ravers' 
ages. The rave scene is variously referred to in the literature as 
the "club scene" or "dance scene" (and the drugs variously 
referred to as "rave drugs," "club drugs" or "dance drugs"). 
Here we provide only a brief and general history and 
description of rave culture and the rave scene; the culture and 
scene may vary somewhat from community to community. 

The Problem of Rave Parties 

 For descriptions of the history and 
evolution of rave culture, see 
Measham, Parker and Aldridge 
(1998); Presdee (2000); Van de 
Wijngaart et al. (1999); Morel (1999); 
Critcher (2000); Farley (2000); and 
National Drug Intelligence Center 
(2001). 


 

Raves emerged in U.K. youth culture in the late 1980s, having 
started amidst the party atmosphere of Ibiza, a Mediterranean 
island frequented by British youth on vacation.3 Rave music 
originated in the United States, mainly in Detroit, Chicago and 
New York. 4, The rave scene soon spread to other European 
and North American countries, to Australia, to New Zealand, 
and elsewhere around the world. Raves, especially those held 
in large clubs, have been prominent in such North American 
cities as Toronto, Dallas, New Orleans, Atlanta, and Tampa 
and Orlando, Fla.; and in British cities such as Manchester, 
Liverpool and London.5 

 Among the variations of rave 
music styles are those known as 
house (or garage), acid house, 
ambient, hardcore, happy hardcore, 
techno, trance, progressive trance, 
cybertrance, drum 'n' bass, techstep, 
big beat, and jungle music.

Raves vary in size: some draw a few hundred people, while 
others draw tens of thousands. Raves are commonly 
advertised in flyers distributed in clubs and music stores, and 
on Internet websites. Oftentimes, the flyer or website lists 
only the city, the date, the rave title, and a telephone number. 
Those who call the number are given directions to the rave or 
to another location where they can find out where the rave is. 

Bob Morris 
picture of mentholated vapor rub used to enhance ectasy's effects
Some ravers inhale mentholated vapor rub to enhance 
ecstasy's effects.

Raves usually start late at night and continue into the 
morning. A well-known disk jockey is often the rave's main 
attraction. Ravers often wear or carry glow sticks or other 

 


brightly lit accessories, and eat lollipops and candy necklaces. 
Some wear painters' masks with mentholated vapor rub 
applied to the inside to enhance ecstasy's effects. 

Rave culture has become increasingly commercialized since its 
early days, and today accounts for a large part of the youth 
entertainment industry.6 Regular ravers spend around $50 to 
$75 (35 to 50) a week just on admission, drugs and drinks.7 
So-called "energy drinks" (nonalcoholic beverages laced with 
amino acids) are often heavily marketed at rave clubs. Bottled 
water is also prevalent at ravesravers drink a lot of water to 
try to keep their bodies hydrated and their body temperatures 
down. Selling bottled water at raves can be highly profitable. 
There are large profits to be made selling anything associated 
with raves, from clothing to accessories to beverages. 

In the early years, most raves were unlicensed, unregulated 
events held in clandestine locationsusually in remote sites 
like open fields, caves or tunnels, and sometimes indoors in 
empty warehouses, airplane hangars or barns. Rave locations 
were kept secret until the day of the event: ticket holders 
called special telephone numbers to learn where to go. Largely 
due to police crackdowns on these unlicensed and unregulated 
clandestine raves, the rave scene moved to large clubs in 
urban and suburban areas. 

Raves predictably attract a young crowdas young as 13 at 
unlicensed raves, but more typically in the 17-to-early-20s 
range in licensed clubs. Younger ravers are sometimes called 
"candy ravers": they are more likely to wear costumes. Ravers 
come from diverse socioeconomic backgrounds, though most 
are white.8 Most are employed, which is not surprising given 
the costs of regular rave attendance.9 Slightly more males 
than females attend raves.10 Different clubs that promote 
different types of rave music attract different races and sexual 
orientations. Regular ravers appear to derive great pleasure 

 Outdoor raves have effectively 
been banned entirely in the United 
Kingdom under the Criminal Justice 
and Public Order Act of 1994, a 
national law passed specifically in 
response to raves (Presdee 2000; 
Shapiro 1999). The law gives police 
broad powers to detain people 
traveling to raves, seize electronic 
equipment and shut raves down, 
powers that would likely be seen as 
overbroad in the United States. 

 Ravers' ages depend partly on 
local laws regulating the ages at 
which people can be admitted to 
clubs. 



from their involvement in the rave scene, and are committed 
to it in spite of the risks and costs.11 

Rave-Related Drugs 

Although ravers might use any number of legal and illegal 
drugs, certain drugs are most commonly associated with the 
rave scene. Among them are: 

 ecstasy (or MDMA), 

 MDMA is only one of perhaps over 
200 analogues to the chemical MDA 
(3,4 - methylenedioxyamphetamine) 
(Spruit 1999). 

 Ketamine, 

 Because Ketamine is used as a 
veterinary anesthetic, trafficking in it is 
often connected to burglaries of 
veterinary clinics and pharmacies (U.S. 
Office of National Drug Control 
Policy 2001). 

 LSD (or "acid"),
 Rohypnol, and 
 GHB (see Appendix B for more information on these 
drugs). 

Ravers also use amphetamines, methamphetamine, cannabis, 
alcohol, and cocaine, but such use transcends involvement in 
the rave culture. Crack and heroin are not yet prominent in 
rave culture, but heroin use appears to be increasing among 
ravers in some jurisdictions.12 

Other drugs associated with rave culture include: 

 MDEA (or "Eve") (3,4-methylenedioxyethylamphetamine); 
 MMDA (3-methoxy-4,5-methylenediosyamphetamine); 
 PMA (paramethoxyamphetamine); 

 PMA has been connected with 
several deaths in recent years in the 
United States, Canada and Australia 
(DanceSafe 2001; National Institute on 
Drug Abuse 2001). 

 fentanyl;
 PCP (or "angel dust") (phencyclidine); 
 psilocybin (or "magic mushrooms"); 
 methaqualone;
 DMT (dimethyltryptamine); 
 over-the-counter drugs such as pseudoephedrine, ephedra, 
caffeine, menthol inhalants, and vaporizing ointments; 
 prescription drugs such as Viagra, Prozac and DXM 
(dextromethorphan, a cough elixir); and 
 legal substances such as nitrous oxide (or "laughing gas" or 
"whippets"). 



Drug use patterns can vary significantly across regions and 
countries, so while one drug might be popular in one 
jurisdiction, it might be unknown in others.13 Because most of 
the drugs are illegal and therefore not subject to quality 
control, users do not necessarily know exactly what chemicals 
they are ingesting. 

Ecstasy is the drug most closely associated with the rave scene, 
and an increasingly popular one.14 Drug control officials are 
concerned that its use has spread from the smaller rave culture 
to the mainstream youth culture, as drug use becomes 
increasingly normalized among the current generation.15 
Ecstasy use has been expanding from primarily white, middle-
class, suburban youth to minority and urban youth.16 

Two of ecstasy's common side effects are jaw-clenching and 
teeth-grinding. Ecstasy users at raves often suck on baby 
pacifiers to cope with these effects. Ecstasy users typically take 
one to two tablets per rave session.17 Because many rave-
related drugs are manufactured illegally, users cannot be sure of 
the exact chemical contents of what they take. What is sold as 
ecstasy, for example, may actually be a different drug, or a 
mixture of ecstasy and other active drugs or adulterants.18 

Bob Morris 
picture of pacifier used by raver to deal with drug side-effects
Ecstasy users at raves often suck on baby pacifiers to cope 
with the drug's jaw-clenching and teeth-grinding side effects. 


Traditionally, alcohol has not been associated with the rave 
scene because many ravers have felt it promotes aggression 
and undermines the peace ideal at raves.19 But as the rave 
scene has moved to licensed clubs, and as alcohol distributors 
have sought to profit from rave culture, alcohol has become 
more heavily used at raves, and more heavily marketed to 
appeal to the rave audience.20 Alcohol can alter the effects of 
other drugs taken, in unpredictable and dangerous ways. 

As noted, heroin and crack use is also less common among 
ravers, although about one-fifth to one-third of ravers have 
tried heroin.21 

While it is true that not everyone who attends raves uses 
illegal drugs, and not everyone who uses illegal drugs attends 
raves, there is substantial evidence that rave attendance and 
certain patterns of drug use are closely linked.22 People who 
attend raves tend to have more drug experience than those 
who do not, and people who use the drugs associated with 
raves are more likely to attend raves.23 

Harms Caused by Rave-Related Drugs and Raves 

The use of rave-related drugs has not been strongly linked to 
other crimes, as has been the case with other drugs such as 
cocaine and heroin.24 And unlike other youth events or other 
types of concerts, raves do not typically involve much 
assault.25 The few reports of rave-related violence are usually 
attributable to clashes between ravers and police when police 
try to shut raves down.26 Even these confrontations are rare. 
There has been some violence in British clubs where 
organized drug gangs have tried to control the drug 
distribution and private security markets.27 At raves to which 
most people have traveled by car, there will also likely be 
problems such as thefts from and of cars, vandalism and 
graffiti, but these problems are not unique to raves. 


There are some concerns that people who take certain rave-
related drugs are more vulnerable to sexual assault, but there 
is little published literature indicating that rave-related sexual 
assaults are prevalent. In fact, the evidence of rave-related 
drugs' effects on sexual activity is mixed: rave culture 
discourages sexual aggressiveness, and while some drugs do  
lower sexual inhibitions, they also can inhibit sexual  
performance. So in some respects, raves are safer places for 
young people, especially women, than conventional bars and 
clubs.28

 Some scholars have noted that 
warnings about young women's 
sexual vulnerability are frequently
connected to emerging drug use, to
generate public support for official 
crackdowns (Rietveld 1993; Jenkins
1999).

As a whole, those ravers who use rave-related drugs seem to
manage their drug use, not letting it seriously disrupt other
facets of their liveswork, school and personal relationships29
although this is clearly not the case for all ravers.30 Few rave-
related drug users get seriously addicted to the drugs, and few
turn to crime to finance their drug use.31 To the extent that
regular rave attendance and rave-related drug use do create
other life-management problems, those problems tend to be
worse for younger and female ravers, and for those who use
combinations or excessive doses of drugs.32

Common unpleasant after effects of rave attendance include
fatigue, insomnia, exhaustion, muscle aches, numbness,
profuse sweating, listlessness, depression, amnesia, paranoia,
and excessive mood swings.33 Some people also experience
anxiety or panic attacks, blurred vision, dizziness, appetite and
weight problems, nausea, headaches, stomach pains, vomiting,
skin problems, irregular menstrual periods, and passing out.
These effects are undoubtedly caused by a combination of
overexertion and drug use. Some ravers try to medicate
themselves to manage the aftereffects of drug use.34 The
long-term effects of some of the drugs are not yet fully
understood, but there is evidence that chronic ecstasy use can
cause permanent brain damage.35



Most of the deaths that have been linked to raves have been 
caused not by the toxicity of the drugs per se, but by the 
effects they have on key bodily functions.36 Many deaths are 
attributed to the users' bodies overheating (hyperthermia), 
dehydrating or losing blood sodium (hyponatraemia). These 
effects occur because some drugs, ecstasy in particular, inhibit 
the body's temperature-regulating mechanisms, and body 
temperatures can rise to fatal levels. This effect is 
compounded by users' overexertion through dancing and by 
the loss of bodily fluids from sweating or vomiting. Many 
ecstasy users drink a lot of water to prevent dehydration, but 
unless they are dancing and sweating, drinking too much 
water can prove equally dangerous because it can cause kidney 
failure. Ecstasy use can impair the kidneys' capacity to 
produce urine.37 Several studies of ecstasy users reveal that 
many of them only vaguely understand the risks of 
hyperthermia and hyponatraemia, and how to prevent them.38 

While rave-related drug deaths are, of course, tragic, and 
taking rave-related drugs increases the risk of death or serious 
illness, deaths and medical emergencies remain relatively rare.39 
Rave-related drugs are not yet showing up in large numbers in 
emergency room mentions, but they are increasingly being 
noted.40 Some deaths and medical emergencies can be 
attributed to users' ingesting a combination of drugs or a 
combination of drugs and alcohol (referred to as potentiation 
effects).41 Yet others can be attributed to users' allergic 
reactions or hypersensitivity to rave-related drugs, or to the 
drugs' triggering some other preexisting medical condition.42 
Treatment is sometimes complicated because users often do 
not know exactly what chemicals they have ingested, or they 
have ingested combinations of chemicals. 

 Tests in the Netherlands and 
Canada of drugs that users believed 
to be ecstasy revealed that only about 
one-fourth to one-third of the drugs 
actually contained MDMA (Spruit 
1999; Royal Canadian Mounted 
Police 2000).


Rave-Related Drug Trafficking 

Although this guide does not directly address large-scale 
trafficking in rave-related drugs, a few points about drug 
dealing at raves are in order. Most ravers obtain and use illegal 
drugs before arriving at the venue.43 This is so for several 
reasons: 

 as rave operators increasingly search ravers for drugs upon 
entry, drug users avoid having their drugs confiscated by 
taking them before they arrive; 
 some rave-related drugs take an hour or more to take effect, 
so users want them to be working when they get to the 
venue; and 
 experienced drug users prefer to get drugs from a dealer 
they know and trust, rather than risk getting bad drugs from 
an unknown dealer at a venue (where they will also 
probably pay more). 

So while some drug dealing does occur at rave venues, they 
are not the predominant location for rave-related drug 
distribution. A considerable amount of drug dealing may 
occur in the area around the rave venue, particularly if rave 
operators are effective at keeping drug dealers and drugs out 
of the venue. One of the potential unintended consequences 
of searching ravers for drugs upon entry is that it encourages 
some ravers to take large doses of drugs before they arrive, to 
prolong the effects throughout the rave.44 

Drug dealing operations in clubs can be elaborate, with 
different people playing different roles: primary dealer, floor 
dealer, referrer, spotter/protector.45 To varying degrees, rave 
operators, disk jockeys and security staff are sometimes 


involved in drug trafficking. Their involvement may range 
from turning a blind eye to it (sometimes because they are 
intimidated by dealers), to taking payments from dealers to 
allow dealing, to actually dealing themselves.46 

Environmental Risk Factors at Raves 

Certain environmental conditions common to raves create 
health and safety risks for ravers. Chief among them are heat, 
humidity and loud music. The heat and humidity are 
generated by large crowds of people whose body 
temperatures rise due to strenuous dancing and the chemical 
effects of some rave-related drugs. Where heat and humidity 
are not compensated for through good ventilation, air 
conditioning and ready access to cool drinking water, the risks 
are compounded. Prolonged exposure to loud music can 
cause temporary or permanent hearing loss: sound levels at 
many raves average around 135 decibels, well above the level 
that can cause hearing loss.47 


Understanding Your Local Problem 

The information provided above is only a generalized 
description of rave party problems. You must combine the
basic facts with a more specific understanding of your local  
problem. Analyzing the local problem carefully will help you 
design a more effective response strategy. 

Asking the Right Questions 

The following are some critical questions you should ask in 
analyzing your particular rave party problems, even if the 
answers are not always readily available. Your answers to these 
and other questions will help you choose the most 
appropriate set of responses later on. 

You may answer some of these questions by referring to 
police or health authority statistics. However, talks with ravers, 
club owners and others associated with raves will also be 
necessary. Further, covert and overt surveillance of clubs and 
exterior areas is essential for getting a firsthand picture of 
how raves operate. 

Rave-Related Incidents 

 How many medical emergencies are attributable to raves? 
(Emergency room and emergency medical service records, 
raver surveys and police records are sources for this 
information.) 

  DAWN surveys provide 
emergency room data for selected 
U.S. sites.

 What are the particular medical conditions (e.g., dehydration, 
hyperthermia, hyponatraemia)? 
 Which drugs appear to cause or contribute to these 
conditions? 

 Do rave staff appropriately call emergency medical 
personnel for rave-related medical emergencies? (Some staff 
may be reluctant to call for fear that such emergencies will 
be used as evidence to support enforcement actions against 
rave promoters.) 


 Does noise from rave venues disturb people? If so, what, 
specifically, is the source of the noise (rave music, vehicles, 
patrons outside the venue)? 

 How many traffic crashes involve drivers traveling to and 
from raves? Are drivers under the influence when the 
crashes occur? 

 Are traffic congestion and parking a problem around rave 
venues? 

 Have any assaults (sexual or nonsexual) occurred at, or been 
connected to, raves? If so, what, precisely, has been the 
connection? 

 To what extent do problems such as thefts from cars, 
vandalism and graffiti occur in the area around rave venues 
during raves? 

Rave-Related Drug Trafficking 

 How much drug trafficking occurs inside rave venues? In 
the area around the venues during or before the raves? 

 How organized and of what scale are the drug dealing 
operations? 

 Are any ofthe rave staff (disk jockeys, security personnel, 
promoters) involved in drug dealing? If so, what is their 
involvement? 

 Which rave-related drugs are most popular in your 
jurisdiction? 

Rave Location and Management 

 Do raves occur in licensed or unlicensed venues? In what 
specific types of venues (clubs, warehouses, open fields, 
caves, hangars, etc.)? 

 Who owns and/or controls access to the property where 
raves occur? Is there a legally binding agreement between 
the property owner and rave operator governing property 
use? If so, what are its provisions regarding safety, security 
and liability? 

 What are the particular problems associated with licensed 
and unlicensed venues, respectively? 

 Where have raves occurred in the past in the jurisdiction? 


 Is alcohol served at raves? 

 Are minors admitted to raves? If so, what problems, if any, 
does this cause? 

 How many people typically attend a rave? Is crowding a 
problem in the venue or in the line waiting to enter the 
venue? 

 Where do ravers live in relation to the raves? Are most local, 
or have they traveled far to attend? 

 What is your jurisdiction's reputation among ravers? Do they 
see your jurisdiction as a desirable place to attend a rave? 
(Monitoring Internet chat rooms and interviewing ravers 
might provide some answers to these questions.) 

 How profitable are raves for rave operators and property 
owners? (Understanding the business aspects of raves can 
help you influence the actions of operators and owners.) 

 Are commodities essential to ravers' health, such as water, 
sold at exorbitant prices in venues? 

 Are ravers properly screened and/or searched for illegal 
drugs and weapons before they enter venues? Are all ravers 
properly screened, or are some allowed in unchecked? 

 Are ravers allowed to leave and reenter venues? If so, do 
they have to pay an additional admission charge? 

 Are tickets sold at remote sites before the rave, or only at 
the door on the day of the rave? 

Current Responses 

 How do police learn of upcoming raves? By monitoring 
websites and flyers? By interviewing young people? How 
often are police unaware of raves until they take place? 

 Do any laws regulate raves? If so, do the regulations apply 
to the particular rave party problems in your jurisdiction? 

 Which agencies are responsible for enforcing the 
regulations? Do they enforce them adequately? 

 Are there multidisciplinary groups to plan and monitor 
raves? 

 What security staff, if any, work at raves? Do police provide 
security at raves? If there are private security staff, are they 
adequately screened and trained? Who screens and trains 
them? Is there an adequate ratio of staff to ravers? 


 Are the safety measures commonly recommended forrunning raves in place? 
(See response 1 for a list of 
common safety recommendations.) 

 What is the police department policy with respect to 
enforcing drug laws at raves? Is personal use of rave-related 
drugs tolerated, or are all applicable laws strictly enforced? 
How does the official department policy compare with 
actual enforcement practice? 

 Is anonymous drug testing conducted at raves? If so, do 
police endorse it? 

Measuring Your Effectiveness 

Measurement allows you to determine to what degree your 
efforts have succeeded, and suggests how you might modify 
your responses if they are not producing the intended results. 
You should take measures of your problem before you 
implement responses, to determine how serious the problem 
is, and after you implement them, to determine whether they 
have been effective. All measures should be taken in both the 
target area and the surrounding area. (For more detailed 
guidance on measuring effectiveness, see the companion guide 
to this series, Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory 
Guide for Police Problem-Solvers.) 

The following are potentially useful measures of the 
effectiveness of responses to rave party problems: 

 number of rave-related medical emergencies; 

 severity of rave-related medical emergencies; 

 number of complaints about noise, traffic and other rave-
related nuisances; 

 number and severity of offenses such as thefts from cars, 
vandalism and graffiti that occur around rave venues during 
raves; and 

 number and severity of traffic crashes and amount of traffic 
congestion associated with raves. 


The volume of rave-related drugs police seize is not a direct 
measure of your effectiveness, although it may provide you 
with some insights into drug trafficking and drug use in the 
jurisdiction. You should also be alert to any evidence that 
raves have been displaced to another jurisdiction as a result of 
your efforts, or conversely, that they have been displaced to 
your jurisdiction from another jurisdiction. 


Responses to the Problem of Rave Parties 

Your analysis of your local problem should give you a better  
understanding of the factors contributing to it. Once you 
have analyzed your local problem and established a baseline  
for measuring effectiveness, you should consider possible  
responses to address the problem.  

The following response strategies provide a foundation of  
ideas for addressing your particular problem. These strategies 
are drawn from a variety of research studies and police 
reports. Several of these strategies may apply to your 
community's problem. It is critical that you tailor responses to 
local circumstances, and that you can justify each response 
based on reliable analysis. In most cases, an effective strategy 
will involve implementing several different responses. Law 
enforcement responses alone are seldom effective in reducing 
or solving the problem. Do not limit yourself to considering 
what police can do: give careful consideration to who else in 
your community shares responsibility for the problem and can 
help police better respond to it. Also, give careful 
consideration to involving others in developing responses, 
especially people immersed in the rave culture. 

General Considerations for an Effective Strategy 

There are two general approaches to addressing rave party 
problems. One is prohibitionstrictly enforcing all drug laws 
and banning raves (either directly or through intensive 
regulation). The other is harm reductionacknowledging that 
some illegal drug use and raves are inevitable, and trying to 
minimize the harms that can occur to drug users and ravers. 

 For arguments favoring harm
reduction policies, see Parker,
Aldridge and Measham (1998);
Measham, Aldridge and Parker
(2001); Jenkins (1999); Spruit (1999); 
Branigan and Wellings (1999); Adlaf
and Smart (1997); Weir (2000);
Toronto Dance Safety Committee 
(2000); and Akram and Galt (1999).

Many jurisdictions blend enforcement with harm reduction 



approaches. Whatever approach you ultimately adopt, it 
should at least be coherent and consistent. For example, if 
you choose to emphasize harm reduction, it would be 
inconsistent to then use rave operators' adoption of harm 
reduction strategies, such as hiring private emergency medical 
staff, stocking bottled water or establishing rest areas ("chill 
out" areas), as evidence that they are condoning and 
promoting illicit drug use. Conversely, if you adopt a strict 
drug prohibition approach, it would be inconsistent to permit, 
for example, anonymous drug testing at raves. 

Local public and political attitudes, as well as police policies 
regarding similar problems, will influence the general stance 
your agency takes. It is important to consider how the public, 
and the various communities within it, will perceive the police 
response to rave party problems, particularly as that response 
is compared with police responses to similar problems. In 
some communities, the police have been criticized for taking a 
different stance on enforcement at raves, which are 
predominantly attended by white youth, than they have been 
perceived to take at events that are predominantly attended by 
minority youth. 

To some extent, police and other regulators are forced to 
choose between the lesser of the harms arising from raves 
held in licensed venues and those held in unlicensed, 
clandestine venues. (This has some similarities to the public 
policy choices governing indoor vs. outdoor prostitution.) 
Shutting down all rave clubs would probably move raves and 
their associated problems back to outdoor, unlicensed and 
clandestine locations. Perhaps the biggest drawback to moving 
raves to indoor licensed venues is that it increasingly makes 
alcohol more available to ravers, increasing the medical risks 
from combining alcohol and rave-related drugs. 

 British police and legislative 
policies have been effective in 
moving raves to licensed indoor 
venues (Critcher 2000). 


Specific Responses To Address Rave Party Problems 

1. Regulating rave venues to ensure basic health and 
safety measures are in place. The basic measures widely 
deemed necessary for ravers' health and safety are: 

 keeping the venue well-ventilated and controlling heat and 
humidity; 

providing a rest area where ravers can rest and cool off; 

 having trained emergency medical staff readily accessible to 
ravers, especially for drug-related ailments; 

 making drinking water readily available to ravers (sometimes 
requiring that it be provided for free); 

 hiring properly trained and screened private security staff, 
primarily to search ravers for illegal drugs and to monitor 
drug sales and use inside the venue; 

 providing reliable and credible information to ravers about 
the effects of rave-related drugs and harm prevention 
measures (see response 6 below); 

 posting and advertising policies prohibiting illegal drugs in 
the venue; 

 ensuring there is adequate transportation to and from 
venues, especially for those who might be impaired by drugs 
and alcohol; 

 keeping ravers away from hazardous areas (such as off of 
loudspeakers that might topple over); and 

 keeping noise levels outside the venue tolerable and 
providing earplugs for ravers.48 

Regulations also commonly include requiring rave promoters 
to obtain special permits from the local jurisdiction, 
applications for which must be filed sufficiently early to allow 
officials to check the backgrounds of promoters and their 


staff. Stricter U.K. laws allow police to call for a review of a 
club's license up to seven times a year, rather than the 
previous annual review.49 A national U.K. law authorizes local 
governments to close clubs where there is evidence that drugs 
are being sold or used on the premises.50 Enforcement of fire 
safety codes, licensing ordinances and other health and safety 
regulations has also been part of some jurisdictions' response 
strategies.51 

Some venues, in cooperation with police, have placed so-
called "amnesty boxes" at the entrances to rave venues. Ravers 
are encouraged to put any weapons and illegal drugs in these 
secured boxes, without threat of arrest. Security staff also put 
any contraband they find in the boxes. Police later seize the 
contents.52 

In some jurisdictions, these sorts of measures are required by 
local law; elsewhere, they are merely promoted as good 
practice. Either way, police should work closely with venue 
management to identify emerging problems, develop mutually 
agreed-upon responses, and determine the relative 
responsibilities and commitments of venue management and 
police.53 

Where adequate regulations already are in place, police and 
other agencies may merely need to give special attention to 
enforcing those regulations. Where they do not exist, police 
and others may need to develop and advocate new 
regulations. 

2. Encouraging and supporting property owners in 
exercising control over raves. For raves held in leased 
properties other than licensed nightclubs, police can 


encourage and support property owners in their efforts to 
control those raves. Some owners may not appreciate what 
raves are when they agree to lease their properties and, 
accordingly, may not insist on certain lease provisions that 
would minimize the nuisances and harms that arise from 
improperly run raves. Charlotte, N.C., police report success 
working with owners to restrict and regulate raves.54 

3. 
Prohibiting juveniles and adults from being admitted 
to the same raves. Allowing young people at raves clearly 
exposes them to certain illegal drugs they might otherwise not 
be exposed to, at least not as prominently.55 Because early 
drug use often leads to lengthier, more problematic drug use, 
it makes sense to try to keep the youngest rave fans out of 
raves. The city of Denver prohibits alcohol sales in any club 
that admits patrons under the legal drinking age.56 Raleigh and 
Charlotte, N.C., set earlier mandatory closing times for clubs 
that admit younger patrons.57 If there are to be raves for 
juveniles, they should be carefully regulated and monitored to 
ensure that illegal drugs are not available to the juveniles. 
Obviously, juvenile raves should end earlier than adult raves, 
and other factors such as noise levels and safe transportation 
should be even more closely monitored than they might be 
for adult raves. Where applicable, enforcement of juvenile 
curfew laws can help keep young ravers safer. 

4. 
Applying nuisance abatement laws to rave venues. 
Some police departments have initiated nuisance abatement 
actions against properties where poorly managed raves have 
been held.58 Although little is known about the overall 
effectiveness of this response, it is obviously most applicable 
to venues where raves are frequently held. 



5. 
Prosecuting rave operators and/or property owners 
criminally for drug-related offenses. Some federal and state 
laws prohibiting the use of property for drug trafficking 
might be applied to some rave venues. Federal prosecutors in 
New Orleans filed criminal charges against the 
operators/owners of a large nightclub for permitting the 
premises to be used in drug trafficking.59 Proving that 
operators/owners had knowledge of drug dealing can be 
difficult, however. 

 The New Orleans case ended 
when the defendants accepted a plea 
bargain, leaving room for debate as 
to whether the strategy was 
successful overall. See National Drug 
Intelligence Center (2001) for tips on 
preparing similar cases. 

6. 
Educating ravers about the risks of drug use and 
overexertion. Researchers have generally concluded that 
ravers do make rational choices about illegal drug use, even if 
their choices do not always turn out well.60 If true, then 
providing potential drug users with accurate, credible 
information about the consequences of using various drugs 
can help them manage their risks and reduce the likelihood 
that they will suffer serious and permanent harm from taking 
drugs.61 Public health officials, police and nonprofit 
organizations are increasingly distributing information to 
ravers about the risks of rave-related drug use and 
overexertion from dancing.62 Although few of these education 
campaigns have been carefully evaluated, most observers 
stress the importance of providing accurate, specific and 
credible information.63 When it comes to the complex 
neurochemical effects of drug use, having only a little 
knowledge can be dangerous. Popular wisdom about rave-
related drugs and raves is often wrong. Most ravers, however, 
are interested in getting reliable information.64 

Education campaigns typically include data on the effects of 
rave-related drugs, precautions about health and safety, and 
information about possible legal consequences for drug use. 
Nonjudgmentally conveying information about rave-related 
drugs and tailoring messages to the specific target audience 
can enhance credibility with ravers. Information targeted at 


younger ravers with less drug experience should take a 
somewhat different tone than that targeted at older, more 
drug-experienced ravers.65 Messages that promote total 
abstinence from illegal drugs and peer-pressure resistance are 
unlikely to be effective with older, more drug-experienced 
ravers. Information targeted at males should take a different 
tone than that targeted at females, since males are more 
reluctant to take measures to protect themselves from the 
risks of rave-related drugs.66 In a rave-related drug education 
campaign in London, information that was prominently 
displayed in the public transportation system did not provoke 
a negative public reaction, as was expected.67 Education 
campaigns might also try to reach younger ravers' parents, 
who might be unaware of the risks of raves. 

Ravers should be advised to wear loose-fitting clothing, drink 
plenty of water if they are sweating, and take breaks from 
dancing to rest and cool off. Rave-related drug users should 
also eat salty foods to prevent hyponatraemia. In addition, 
they should save small amounts of the drugs they use in the 
event they need to be tested during emergency medical 
treatment (obviously, though, saving illegal drugs also 
increases the risk of arrest). They should stay close to their 
friends and have a plan for safe transportation to and from 
the event.68 

Bob Morris 
picture of ravers
Ravers usually wear little or loose-fitting clothing to try to 
keep cool: prolonged dancing and taking ecstasy raises body 
temperatures significantly. 


Warning the general public about the harms caused by new 
drugs can have the unintended effect of advertising the drugs 
and inadvertently encouraging previously uninformed people 
to experiment with them.69 For this reason, more-targeted 
education campaigns aimed at known or higher-risk users like 
ravers may be preferable to wider public education campaigns. 

Responses With Limited Effectiveness 

7. 
Banning all raves. Given the popularity of rave culture 
and raves, it is highly unlikely that absolute bans on raves will 
either stop them or stop the use of rave-related drugs. The 
most likely effect of a total ban is that raves will move to 
unlicensed, clandestine locations where it is more difficult to 
implement harm reduction strategies. 

8. 
Providing anonymous drug-testing services to ravers. 
Some jurisdictions provide anonymous testing of rave-related 
drugs to ravers to reduce the risk of overdose or ingestion of 
dangerous chemicals.70 The SafeHouse Campaign in the 
Netherlands, DanceSafe in the United States and RaveSafe in 
Canada are among the organizations that conduct anonymous 
testing and provide drug users with information about the 
drugs they are planning to use. DanceSafe, which has chapters 
in over a dozen U.S. cities, claims that it has received police 
support in each of those cities.71 Of course, not all 
communities or police agencies will find anonymous drug 
testing to be an acceptable response to rave problems, 
because it might be perceived to condone illicit drug use.72 
Thus far, there is no evidence that anonymous testing 
increases drug use. Field testing of drugs is not always 
reliable, however; some harmful chemicals may not show up 
in this less sophisticated testing. 


9. 
Deploying off-duty police officers at raves. Although 
some jurisdictions now require rave operators to hire off-duty 
police officers to provide security at raves, other jurisdictions 
discourage or prohibit this practice.73 Rave promoters 
complain that it is an unnecessarily expensive requirement.74 
If officers are permitted to work at raves, they should, at a 
minimum, be adequately informed about rave culture, 
rave-related harms and agency policies regarding enforcement 
at raves. 

10. 
Having uniformed police officers conduct random 
patrols at raves. Having uniformed police officers conduct 
random patrols at raves may discourage some illegal drug use, 
but because most ravers take their drugs before arriving at 
raves, the impact will likely be minimal. Rave operators and 
ravers will likely perceive this practice as harassment, 
undermining cooperation in implementing harm reduction 
strategies. Uniformed patrol is more likely to prevent some 
drug dealing in the area around the rave venue and, possibly, 
some opportunistic crimes such as thefts from cars. 

11. 
Conducting roadblocks and vehicle searches before 
and after raves. One of the unintended consequences of 
conducting roadblocks and vehicle searches before and after 
raves is that drug users will be more inclined to take larger 
quantities of drugs at one time to avoid having the drugs 
confiscated.75 Overingestion can result in medical dangers and 
increase the risk of impaired driving. 


Appendix A 

Appendix A: Summary of Responses to 
the Problem of Rave Parties 

The table below summarizes the responses to rave party 
problems, the mechanism by which they are intended to work, 
the conditions under which they ought to work best, and 
some factors you should consider before implementing a 
particular response. It is critical that you tailor responses to 
local circumstances, and that you can justify each response 
based on reliable analysis. In most cases, an effective strategy 
will involve implementing several different responses. Law 
enforcement responses alone are seldom effective in reducing 
or solving the problems. 

1. 21 Regulating rave 
venues to ensure 
basic health and 
safety measures 
are in place 
Response 
No. 
Page No. Response 
Specific Responses To Address Rave Party Problems 
Controls 
environmental 
factors to reduce 
ravers' risk of 
medical 
emergencies 
How It 
Works 
laws require 
adherence to 
health and safety 
regulations, or 
rave promoters 
and/or property 
owners agree 
voluntarily to 
abide by 
regulations; 
unlicensed raves 
are prohibited; 
and police work 
cooperatively with 
promoters and/or 
owners to ensure 
adherence to 
regulations 
Works 
Best If 
Costs to 
promoters and/or 
owners; may 
require new 
legislation 
Considerations 


Response Page No. Response How It Works Considerations 
No. Works Best If 
2. 22 Encouraging and 
supporting 
property owners 
in exercising 
Reduces the 
likelihood that 
raves will be 
poorly managed 
owners are 
either unaware of 
the risks 
associated with 
Some owners may 
resent perceived 
police interference 
with their 
control over raves raves or unsure 
how to exercise 
control over 
them, and police 
have good 
opportunities to 
profit from leasing 
property to rave 
operators 
working 
relationships with 
owners 
3. 23 Prohibiting 
juveniles and 
adults from being 
admitted to the 
same raves 
Reduces the 
likelihood that 
juveniles will be 
exposed to rave-
related drugs and 
alcohol 
there are 
adequate 
opportunities for 
juveniles to listen 
and dance to rave 
music in venues 
May cause some 
financial hardship 
to rave promoters; 
may require new 
legislation 
where drugs and 
alcohol are less 
available 
4. 23 Applying Compels rave operators and Investigative and 
nuisance 
abatement laws to 
rave venues 
operators and 
property owners 
to adhere to 
health and safety 
regulations 
owners are 
otherwise 
unwilling to 
adhere to 
regulations 
and/or cooperate 
with police 
legal costs 
associated with 
developing a 
nuisance abatement 
case; may worsen 
relationships 
between police and 
operators and 
owners 
5. 24 Prosecuting rave 
operators and/or 
property owners 
criminally for 
drug-related 
offenses 
Deters operators 
and/or owners 
from conspiring 
in or knowingly 
permitting drug-
related offenses 
laws in the 
jurisdiction allow 
for such 
prosecutions, and 
there is solid 
evidence to 
Unproven method 
because it has rarely 
been applied; 
substantial 
investigative and 
legal costs 
support a associated with 
prosecution developing a 
criminal case 


31 

Response Page No. Response How It Works Considerations 
No. Works Best If 
6. 24 Educating ravers 
about the risks of 
drug use and 
overexertion 
Reduces the 
likelihood that 
ravers will suffer 
serious harm 
from rave-related 
activities 
information is 
accurate, specific, 
credible, and 
nonjudgmentally 
conveyed; and 
messages are 
May be public or 
police opposition 
on the grounds that 
illegal activity 
appears to be 
tolerated; education 
tailored to specific campaigns pitched 
rave groups to the general 
public rather than 
targeted to higher-
risk audiences may 
inadvertently 
promote drug 
experimentation 
Responses With Limited Effectiveness 
7. 26 Banning all raves Unintended 
consequence will 
likely be that rave 
parties move to 
unlicensed, 
unregulated and 
clandestine 
locations 
8. 26 Providing 
anonymous drug-
testing services to 
ravers 
Reduces the 
likelihood that 
ravers will ingest 
harmful 
chemicals 
a drug testing 
organization 
serves the 
jurisdiction, drug 
testing methods 
May be public or 
police opposition 
on the grounds that 
illegal activity 
appears to be 
are accurate and condoned; field 
reliable, and testing methods 
police endorse may not be 
anonymous drug sophisticated 
testing enough to detect 
some dangerous 
chemicals 


Response Page No. Response How It Works Considerations 
No. Works Best If 
9. 27 Deploying off-
duty police 
officers at raves 
Intended to 
discourage drug 
use and dealing at 
raves 
Most ravers who 
use drugs take them 
before arriving at 
raves, so detection 
and deterrence are 
minimized; some 
rave operators 
and/or property 
owners may believe 
police are assuming 
primary 
responsibility for 
ravers' health and 
safety 
10. 27 Having 
uniformed police 
officers conduct 
random patrols at 
raves 
Intended to 
discourage drug 
use and dealing at 
raves 
Most ravers who 
use drugs take them 
before arriving at 
raves, so detection 
and deterrence are 
minimized; rave 
operators and ravers 
may perceive it as 
harassment, 
undermining harm 
reduction strategies 
11. 27 Conducting 
roadblocks and 
vehicle searches 
before and after 
raves 
Intended to deter 
illegal drug use 
Unintended 
consequence may 
be that drug users 
take greater 
quantities of drugs 
to avoid detection 


Appendix B: Common Rave-Related Drugs 

Drug Drug Drug Type Intended Possible Cost Ingestion 
Nicknames Pleasurable Harmful Effects Method 
Effects 
MDMA 
(3,4-meth); 
illicit 
manufacturing 
makes it 
difficult for 
users to 
know the 
exact 
contents 
Ecstasy, 
XTC,E,X, 
Adam, love 
drug, hug 
drug, roll 
Stimulant 
(amphetamine) 
hybrid and 
mild 
hallucinogen 
Reduction of 
inhibitions; 
feelings of 
empathy, wellbeing 
and 
relaxation; 
elimination of 
anxiety; 
enhancement of 
self-esteem and 
confidence; 
Dehydration, 
hyperthermia 
(body 
temperatures can 
reach 109 F), 
profuse sweating, 
rapid heart rate 
(tachycardia), jaw-
clenching and 
teeth-grinding, 
loss of 
$10 to 
$50 
(U.S.) 
per 
dose 
Taken orally, 
usually in 
tablet or 
capsule form; 
can be 
snorted, 
injected or 
taken in 
suppository 
form 
intensification of consciousness, 
touch and taste damage to brain 
senses; 
suppression of 
appetite and the 
need for sleep 
cells, permanent 
brain damage, 
anxiety, paranoia, 
depression, 
learning 
difficulties, 
confusion, 
memory loss, 
fatigue, kidney 
failure (difficulty 
producing urine), 
hyponatraemia, 
skin disorders 


Drug Drug Drug Type Intended Possible Cost Ingestion 
Nicknames Pleasurable Harmful Effects Method 
Effects 
Rohypnol 
(flunitrazepam) 
Roofie, 
rophie, 
roche, 
roach, 
Sleeping pill 
and preanesthetic 
medication 
Intoxication 
without a 
hangover 
Amnesia, 
decreased blood 
pressure, 
drowsiness, visual 
$5 to 
$20 
per 
tablet 
Taken orally 
roach-2, R-disturbances, 
2, rib, dizziness, 
roopie, rope, confusion, 
ropie, ruffie, 
forget-me 
gastrointestinal 
disturbances, 
pill, circle, 
Mexican 
urinary retention 
Valium 
LSD 
(lysergic acid 
diethylamide) 
Acid, 
boomer, 
yellow 
sunshine, 
cid, dose, 
Hallucinogen 
Hallucinations, 
feelings of 
relaxation 
Frightening 
hallucinations, 
panic, confusion, 
suspicion, anxiety, 
flashbacks, nausea, 
$1 to 
$10 
per 
dose 
Taken orally, 
usually in 
small tablet 
form, in 
gelatin squares 
trip, hit, 
purple haze, 
microdot, or 
any number 
impaired distance 
perception, 
unpredictable 
behavior 
or on blotter 
paper 
of names 
associated 
with the 
graphic 
design on 
blotter 
paper 

Sources include Weir (2000); Lenton, Boys and Norcross (1997); Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2000); U.S. Office 
of National Drug Control Policy (2001); National Institute on Drug Abuse (2001); U.S. Drug Enforcement 
Administration (2000); Office of Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration 
(2000); Spruit (1999); National Drug Intelligence Center (2001). 


35 

Endnotes 

1 Redhead (1993); Jenkins (1999); Critcher (2000); Toronto Dance Safety Committee (2000); 
Shapiro (1999). 

2 Presdee (2000); Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 

3 Presdee (2000); Rietveld (1993); Jenkins (1999); Shapiro (1999). 

4 Pedersen and Skrondal (1999). 

5 Jenkins (1999); Steinhauer (2001); Redhead (1993); Shapiro (1999). 

6 Presdee (2000); Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998); Measham, Aldridge and Parker 
(2001); Shapiro (1999); Morel (1999). 

7 Presdee (2000); Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998). 

8 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy 
(2001); Spruit (1999); Addiction and Mental Health Services Corp. (1998); New Zealand 
Ministry of Health (1999). 

9 Akram and Galt (1999); Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 

10 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Morel (1999); Akram and Galt (1999). 

11 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 

12 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Addiction and Mental Health Services Corp. 
(1998); Sherlock and Conner (1999); Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999); National Drug 
Intelligence Center (2001). 

13 Patterns associated with these so-called rave or club drugs are monitored and reported by 
various U.S. drug- monitoring agencies, including the National Institute on Drug Abuse; 
the U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy; the Office of Applied Studies, 
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration [in the Drug Abuse Warning 
Network (DAWN) "Monitoring the Future" study]; and the Drug Enforcement 
Administration. For studies on rave-related drug use in the United Kingdom, see Sherlock 
and Conner (1999); Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998); Measham, Aldridge and Parker 
(2001); Akram and Galt (1999); Morris (1998, citing Release 1997). For studies in the 
Netherlands, see Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999). For studies in Australia, see Lenton and 
Davidson (1999); Lenton, Boys and Norcross (1997); Topp et al. (1999). For studies in 
Canada, see Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (2000); Addiction and Mental Health 
Services Corp. (1998). 

14 Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998); Redhead (1993); Jenkins (1999); Pedersen and 
Skrondal (1999); Maryland Cabinet Council on Criminal and Juvenile Justice (2001); 
National Drug Intelligence Center (2001). 

15 Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998); Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); South 
(1999); Shapiro (1999). 

16 U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy (2001). 


17 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Sherlock and Conner 
(1999); Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999); Topp et al. (1999). 

18 U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy (2001); Spruit (1999); 
Weir (2000); Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2000). 

19 Rietveld (1993); Weir (2000); Critcher (2000); Van de Wijngaart et 
al. (1999); Lenton and Davidson (1999); Addiction and Mental 
Health Services Corp. (1998). 

20 Measham, Parker and Aldridge (1998); Parker, Aldridge and 
Measham (1998); Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Shapiro 
(1999). 

21 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Sherlock and Conner 
(1999); Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999); Akram and Galt (1999); 
Pedersen and Skrondal (1999); Topp et al. (1999). 

22 Presdee (2000); Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Lenton, 
Boys and Norcross (1997). 

23 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Centre for Addiction and 
Mental Health (2000); Morris (1998, citing Release 1997); Spruit 
(1999); Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999); Morel (1999); Adlaf and 
Smart (1997); Lenton, Boys and Norcross (1997). 

24 Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998). 

25 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Shapiro (1999); Royal 
Canadian Mounted Police (2000); Addiction and Mental Health 
Services Corp. (1998); Critcher (2000). 

26 Shapiro (1999). 

27 Shapiro (1999). 

28 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 

29 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Van de Wijngaart et al. 
(1999). 

30 Topp et al. (1999). 

31 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 

32 Topp et al. (1999). 

33 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001); Van de Wijngaart et al. 

(1999); Topp et al. (1999). 

34 Topp et al. (1999). 

35 Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2000) (citing Mathias 1999). 

36 Jenkins (1999); Measham, Parker and Aldridge (1998); Shapiro 

(1999); Spruit (1999). 


37 Lenton, Boys and Norcross (1997); Akram and Galt (1999); New 

Zealand Ministry of Health (1999); Topp et al. (1999). 
38 Akram and Galt (1999); Lenton, Boys and Norcross (1997). 
39 Measham, Parker and Aldridge (1998); Critcher (2000); Office of 

Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services 
Administration (2000); Spruit (1999). 
40 U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy (2001); National 
Drug Intelligence Center (2001). 
41 Office of Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental Health 

Services Administration (2000). 
42 Spruit (1999); Akram and Galt (1999). 
43 Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999); Lenton and Davidson (1999); 

Shapiro (1999). 
44 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 
45 Morris (1998). 
46 U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy (2001); Morris 

(1998). 
47 Calgary Police Service (1999). 
48 Steinhauer (2001); Shapiro (1999); Spruit (1999); Toronto Dance 

Safety Committee (2000); New Zealand Ministry of Health
(1999); Calgary Police Service (1999); Measham, Aldridge and
Parker (2001); Morris (1998); Spruit (1999); DanceSafe (2001);
Morel (1999).

49 Rietveld (1993).
50 Shapiro (1999).
51 National Drug Intelligence Center (2001).
52 Morris (1998).
53 Morris (1998).
54 Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (2000); Moore (2000).
55 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001).
56 Steinhauer (2001).
57 Moore (2000).
58 Steinhauer (2001); Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department

(2000). 
59 Steinhauer (2001); Cloud (2001); National Drug Intelligence 
Center (2001). 


60 Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998); Measham, Aldridge and 

Parker (2001). 
61 Measham, Aldridge and Parker (2001). 
62 Spruit (1999); Branigan and Wellings (1999); Van de Wijngaart et 

al. (1999); Morel (1999); Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2000); 
Maryland Cabinet Council on Criminal and Juvenile Justice 
(2001); Calgary Police Service (1999). 

63 Parker, Aldridge and Measham (1998); Measham, Parker and 
Aldridge (1998); Spruit (1999); Branigan and Wellings (1999); Weir 
(2000); Akram and Galt (1999); Lenton, Boys and Norcross 
(1997); Topp et al. (1999); Toronto Dance Safety Committee 
(2000); New Zealand Ministry of Health (1999); Morel (1999). 

64 Akram and Galt (1999); Morel (1999); Addiction and Mental 

Health Services Corp. (1998). 
65 Akram and Galt (1999). 
66 Akram and Galt (1999). 
67 Branigan and Wellings (1999). 
68 Shapiro (1999); Calgary Police Service (1999). 
69 Jenkins (1999). 
70 Spruit (1999); Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999). 
71 DanceSafe (2001). 
72 Spruit (1999); Van de Wijngaart et al. (1999). 
73 Steinhauer (2001). 
74 Toronto Dance Safety Committee (2000). 
75 Lenton and Davidson (1999). 


References 

Addiction and Mental Health Services Corp. (1998). "Raving 
in Toronto: Peace, Love, Unity, and Respect in Transition." 
Toronto: Addiction and Mental Health Services Corp. 

Adlaf, E., and R. Smart (1997). "Party Subculture or Dens of 
Doom? An Epidemiological Study of Rave Attendance and 
Drug Use Patterns Among Adolescent Students." Journal of 
Psychoactive Drugs 29(2):193198. 

Akram, G., and M. Galt (1999). "A Profile of Harm-
Reduction Practices and Co-Use of Illicit and Licit Drugs 
Amongst Users of Dance Drugs." Drugs: Education, 
Prevention and Policy 6(2):215225. 

Branigan, P., and K. Wellings (1999). "Acceptance of the 
Harm Minimization Message in London Clubs and 
Underground System." Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy 
6(3):389398. 

Calgary (Alberta) Police Service (1999). "Raves." 
www.gov.calgary.ab.ca/police/kids/raves 

Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (2000). "Rave 
Attendance Among Ontario Students, 1995-1999." CAMH 
Population Studies eBulletin 1 (June). Toronto: Centre for 
Addiction and Mental Health. 

Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (2000). "The 
Problem With Rave Parties." Problem Solving: A CMPD 
Quarterly Report 1(2): 1,4. 

Cloud, J. (2001). "Ecstasy Crackdown." Time 157(14):6264. 

Critcher, C. (2000). "'Still Raving': Social Reaction to Ecstasy." 
Leisure Studies 19(3):145162. 


DanceSafe (2001). www.dancesafe.org 

Farley, C. (2000). "Rave New World: It's More Than Just 
Ecstasy." Time 155(23):7072. 

Jenkins, P. (1999). Synthetic Panics: The Symbolic Politics of Designer 
Drugs. New York: New York University Press. 

Lenton, S., A. Boys and K. Norcross (1997). "Raves, Drugs 
and Experience: Drug Use by a Sample of People Who 
Attend Raves in Western Australia." Addiction 
92(10):13271337. 

Lenton, S., and P. Davidson (1999). "Raves, Drugs, Dealing, 
and Driving: Qualitative Data From a West Australian 
Sample." Drug and Alcohol Review 18:153161. 

Maryland Cabinet Council on Criminal and Juvenile Justice 
(2001). "State Ecstasy Action Plan." Baltimore: Maryland 
Cabinet Council on Criminal and Juvenile Justice. 

Measham, F., J. Aldridge and H. Parker (2001). Dancing on 
Drugs: Risk, Health and Hedonism in the British Club Scene. 
London and New York: Free Association Books. 

Measham, F., H. Parker and J. Aldridge (1998). "The Teenage 
Transition: From Adolescent Recreational Drug Use to the 
Young Adult Dance Culture in Britain in the Mid-1990s." 
Journal of Drug Issues 28(1):932. 

Moore, R. (2000). "Police, City Concerned by Teen 'Raves'". 
The Charlotte Observer, July 19, p. 1A. 

Morel, N. (1999). "Recreational Drug Use and the Club 
Scene." In C. Stark, B. Kidd and R. Sykes (eds.), Illegal Drug 
Use in the United Kingdom: Prevention, Treatment and Enforcement. 
Aldershot, England: Ashgate. 


References 

Morris, S. (1998). Clubs, Drugs and Doormen. Crime Detection 
and Prevention Series, Paper 86. London: Home Office 
Police Research Group. 

National Drug Intelligence Center (2001). "Raves." 
Information bulletin. Johnstown, Pa.: U.S. Department of 
Justice, National Drug Intelligence Center. 
www.usdoj.gov/ndic 

National Institute on Drug Abuse (2001). "Club Drugs." 
Community drug alert bulletin. Bethesda, Md.: National 
Institutes of Health. www.nida.nih.gov 

New Zealand Ministry of Health (1999). Guidelines for Safe 
Dance Parties: The Big Book. Wellington, New Zealand: New 
Zealand Ministry of Health. 

Office of Applied Studies, Substance Abuse and Mental 
Health Services Administration (2000). "The DAWN 
Report: Club Drugs." Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department 
of Health and Human Services, Office of Applied Studies, 
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services 
Administration. www.samhsa.gov/oas 

Parker, H., J. Aldridge and F. Measham (1998). Illegal Leisure: 
The Normalization of Adolescent Recreational Drug Use. London 
and New York: Routledge. 

Pedersen, W., and A. Skrondal (1999). "Ecstasy and New 
Patterns of Drug Use: A Normal Population Study." 
Addiction 94(11):16951706. 

Presdee, M. (2000). Cultural Criminology and the Carnival of 
Crime. London and New York: Routledge. 


Redhead, S. (1993). "The Politics of Ecstasy." In S. Redhead 
(ed.), Rave Off: Politics and Deviance in Contemporary Youth 
Culture. Aldershot, England, and Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate. 

Rietveld, H. (1993). "Living the Dream." In S. Redhead (ed.), 
Rave Off: Politics and Deviance in Contemporary Youth Culture. 
Aldershot, England, and Brookfield, Vt.: Ashgate. 

Royal Canadian Mounted Police (2000). Designer Drugs and 
Raves. Vancouver, British Columbia: Royal Canadian 
Mounted Police "E" Division. www.rcmp-fairmont.org/da 

Shapiro, H. (1999). "Dances With Drugs: Pop Music, Drugs 
and Youth Culture." In N. South (ed.), Drugs: Cultures, 
Controls and Everyday Life. London and Thousand Oaks, 
Calif.: Sage. 

Sherlock, K., and M. Conner (1999). "Patterns of Ecstasy Use 
Amongst Club-Goers on the U.K. 'Dance Scene'". 
International Journal of Drug Policy 10:117129. 

South, N. (ed.) (1999). Drugs: Cultures, Controls and Everyday 
Life. London and Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage. 

Spruit, I. (1999). "Ecstasy Use and Policy Responses in the 
Netherlands." Journal of Drug Issues 29(3):653678. 

Steinhauer, J. (2001). "Club Owners Are Focus of Effort To 
Combat Drug Abuse." New York Times, April 28, pp. A1, 
B2. 

Topp, L., J. Hando, P. Dillon, A. Roche, and N. Solowij (1999). 
"Ecstasy Use in Australia: Patterns of Use and Associated 
Harm." Drug and Alcohol Dependence 55:105115. 


References 

Toronto Dance Safety Committee (2000). "Recommendations 
Regarding the Regulation and Licensing of Raves." Toronto: 
Toronto Dance Safety Committee. 
www.city.toronto.on.ca/drugcentre/ravewise 

U.S. 
Drug Enforcement Administration (2000). An Overview of 
Club Drugs. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice. 
U.S. 
Office of National Drug Control Policy (2001). Pulse 
Check: Trends in Drug Abuse, Midyear 2000Special Topic: 
"Ecstasy" and Other Club Drugs. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Office 
of National Drug Control Policy. 

Van de Wijngaart, R., D. De Bruin, M. Fris, N. Maalste, and 

H. Verbraeck (1999). "Ecstasy Use at Large-Scale Dance
Events in the Netherlands." Journal of Drug Issues
29(3):679702.

Weir, E. (2000). "Raves: A Review of the Culture, the Drugs 
and the Prevention of Harm." Canadian Medical Association 
Journal 162(13):18431848. 


About the Author 

Michael S. Scott 

Michael S. Scott is the director of the Center for Problem-
Oriented Policing, Inc. and clinical assistant professor at the 
University of Wisconsin-Madison Law School. He was 
formerly chief of police in Lauderhill, Fla.; served in various 
civilian administrative positions in the St. Louis Metropolitan, 
Ft. Pierce, Fla., and New York City police departments; and 
was a police officer in the Madison, Wis., Police Department. 
Scott developed training programs in problem-oriented 
policing at the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF), and 
is a judge for PERF's Herman Goldstein Award for 
Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing. He was the 1996 
recipient of the Gary P. Hayes Award for innovation and 
leadership in policing. Scott holds a law degree from Harvard 
Law School and a bachelor's degree from the University of 
Wisconsin-Madison. 


Recommended Readings 

 
A Police Guide to Surveying Citizens and Their 
Environments, Bureau of Justice Assistance, 1993. This 
guide offers a practical introduction for police practitioners 
to two types of surveys that police find useful: surveying 
public opinion and surveying the physical environment. It 
provides guidance on whether and how to conduct cost-
effective surveys. 
 
Assessing Responses to Problems: An 
Introductory Guide for Police Problem-Solvers, by 
John E. Eck (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of 
Community Oriented Policing Services, 2001). This guide is 
a companion to the Problem-Oriented Guides for Police series. It 
provides basic guidance to measuring and assessing 
problem-oriented policing efforts. 
 
Conducting Community Surveys, by Deborah Weisel 
(Bureau of Justice Statistics and Office of Community 
Oriented Policing Services, 1999). This guide, along with 
accompanying computer software, provides practical, basic 
pointers for police in conducting community surveys. The 
document is also available at www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs. 
 
Crime Prevention Studies, edited by Ronald V. Clarke 
(Criminal Justice Press, 1993, et seq.). This is a series of 
volumes of applied and theoretical research on reducing 
opportunities for crime. Many chapters are evaluations of 
initiatives to reduce specific crime and disorder problems. 


 
Excellence in Problem-Oriented Policing:The 1999 
Herman Goldstein Award Winners. This document 
produced by the National Institute of Justice in 
collaboration with the Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services and the Police Executive Research Forum 
provides detailed reports of the best submissions to the 
annual award program that recognizes exemplary problem-
oriented responses to various community problems. A 
similar publication is available for the award winners from 
subsequent years. The documents are also available at 
www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij. 
 
Not Rocket Science? Problem-Solving and Crime 
Reduction, by Tim Read and Nick Tilley (Home Office 
Crime Reduction Research Series, 2000). Identifies and 
describes the factors that make problem-solving effective or 
ineffective as it is being practiced in police forces in 
England and Wales. 
 
Opportunity Makes the Thief: Practical Theory for 
Crime Prevention, by Marcus Felson and Ronald V. 
Clarke (Home Office Police Research Series, Paper No. 98, 
1998). Explains how crime theories such as routine activity 
theory, rational choice theory and crime pattern theory have 
practical implications for the police in their efforts to 
prevent crime. 
 
Problem Analysis in Policing, by Rachel Boba (Police 
Foundation, 2003). Introduces and defines problem analysis 
and provides guidance on how problem analysis can be 
integrated and institutionalized into modern policing 
practices. 


Recommended Readings 

 
Problem-Oriented Policing, by Herman Goldstein 
(McGraw-Hill, 1990, and Temple University Press, 1990). 
Explains the principles and methods of problem-oriented 
policing, provides examples of it in practice, and discusses 
how a police agency can implement the concept. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing and Crime Prevention, 
by Anthony A. Braga (Criminal Justice Press, 2003). 
Provides a through review of significant policing research 
about problem places, high-activity offenders, and repeat 
victims, with a focus on the applicability of those findings 
to problem-oriented policing. Explains how police 
departments can facilitate problem-oriented policing by 
improving crime analysis, measuring performance, and 
securing productive partnerships. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the 
First 20 Years, by Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of 
Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 
2000). Describes how the most critical elements of 
Herman Goldstein's problem-oriented policing model have 
developed in practice over its 20-year history, and proposes 
future directions for problem-oriented policing. The report 
is also available at www.cops.usdoj.gov. 
 
Problem-Solving: Problem-Oriented Policing in 
Newport News, by John E. Eck and William Spelman 
(Police Executive Research Forum, 1987). Explains the 
rationale behind problem-oriented policing and the 
problem-solving process, and provides examples of 
effective problem-solving in one agency. 


 
Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing Crime 
and Disorder Through Problem-Solving 
Partnerships by Karin Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott 
Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and Meg Townsend. (U.S. 
Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, 1998) (also available at 
www.cops.usdoj.gov). Provides a brief introduction to 
problem-solving, basic information on the SARA model 
and detailed suggestions about the problem-solving process. 
 
Situational Crime Prevention: Successful Case 
Studies, Second Edition, edited by Ronald V. Clarke 
(Harrow and Heston, 1997). Explains the principles and 
methods of situational crime prevention, and presents over 
20 case studies of effective crime prevention initiatives. 
 
Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems: 
Case Studies in Problem-Solving, by Rana Sampson 
and Michael S. Scott (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of 
Community Oriented Policing Services, 2000) (also available 
at www.cops.usdoj.gov). Presents case studies of effective 
police problem-solving on 18 types of crime and disorder 
problems. 
 
Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook 
for Law Enforcement, by Timothy S. Bynum (U.S. 
Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented 
Policing Services, 2001). Provides an introduction for 
police to analyzing problems within the context of 
problem-oriented policing. 
 
Using Research: A Primer for Law Enforcement 
Managers, Second Edition, by John E. Eck and Nancy G. 
LaVigne (Police Executive Research Forum, 1994). Explains 
many of the basics of research as it applies to police 
management and problem-solving. 


Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides series: 

1. 
Assaults in and Around Bars. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-00-2 
2. 
Street Prostitution. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-01-0 
3. 
Speeding in Residential Areas. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-02-9 
4. 
Drug Dealing in Privately Owned Apartment Complexes. 
Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-03-7 
5. 
False Burglar Alarms. Rana Sampson. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-04-5 
6. 
Disorderly Youth in Public Places. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-05-3 
7. 
Loud Car Stereos. Michael S. Scott. 2001. ISBN: 1-932582-06-1 
8. 
Robbery at Automated Teller Machines. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
ISBN: 1-932582-07-X 
9. 
Graffiti. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-08-8 
10. 
Thefts of and From Cars in Parking Facilities. Ronald V. 
Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-09-6 
11. 
Shoplifting. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-10-X 
12. 
Bullying in Schools. Rana Sampson. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-11-8 
13. 
Panhandling. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-12-6 
14. 
Rave Parties. Michael S. Scott. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-13-4 
15. 
Burglary of Retail Establishments. Ronald V. Clarke. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-14-2 
16. 
Clandestine Drug Labs. Michael S. Scott. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-15-0 
17. 
Acquaintance Rape of College Students. Rana Sampson. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-16-9 
18. 
Burglary of Single-Family Houses. Deborah Lamm Weisel. 
2002. ISBN: 1-932582-17-7 
19. 
Misuse and Abuse of 911. Rana Sampson. 2002. 
ISBN: 1-932582-18-5 


20. Financial Crimes Against the Elderly. 

Kelly Dedel Johnson. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-22-3 

21. 
Check and Card Fraud. Graeme R. Newman. 2003. 
ISBN: 1-932582-27-4 
22. 
Stalking. The National Center for Victims of Crime. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-30-4 
23. 
Gun Violence Among Serious Young Offenders. Anthony A. 
Braga. 2004. ISBN: 1-932582-31-2 
24. 
Prescription Fraud. Julie Wartell, Nancy G. La Vigne. 2004. 
ISBN: 1-932582-33-9 
25. 
Identity Theft. Graeme R. Newman. 2004 ISBN: 1-932582-35-5 
26. 
Crimes Against Tourists. Ronald W. Glensor, Kenneth J. Peak. 
2004 ISBN: 1-932582-36-3 

Response Guides series: 

 The Benefits and Consequences of Police Crackdowns. 

Michael S. Scott. 2003. ISBN: 1-932582-24-X 

Problem-Solving Tools series: 

 Assessing Responses to Problems: An Introductory Guide for 
Police Problem-Solvers. John E. Eck. 2002. ISBN: 1-932582-19-3 

Upcoming Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Problem-Specific Guides 
Disorder at Budget Motels 
Domestic Violence 
Mentally Ill Persons 
Robbery of Taxi Drivers 
Student Party Disturbances on College Campuses 
School Break-Ins 
Street Racing 
Bomb Threats in Schools 


Other Problem-Oriented Guides for Police 

Underage Drinking 
Open-Air Drug Markets 
Sexual Offenses in Public Places 
Drunk Driving 
Cruising 
Bank Robbery 

Response Guides 
Closing Streets and Alleys to Reduce Crime 

Problem-Solving Tools 
Repeat Victimization 
Using Offender Interviews to Inform Police Problem-Solving 

Other Related COPS Office Publications 

 
Using Analysis for Problem-Solving: A Guidebook 
for Law Enforcement. Timothy S. Bynum. 
 
Problem-Oriented Policing: Reflections on the First 
20 Years. Michael S. Scott. 2001. 
 
Tackling Crime and Other Public-Safety Problems: 
Case Studies in Problem-Solving. Rana Sampson and 
Michael S. Scott. 2000. 
 
Community Policing, Community Justice, and 
Restorative Justice: Exploring the Links for the 
Delivery of a Balanced Approach to Public Safety. 

Caroline G. Nicholl. 1999. 

 
Toolbox for Implementing Restorative Justice and 
Advancing Community Policing. Caroline G. Nicholl. 
2000. 
 
Problem-Solving Tips: A Guide to Reducing 
Crime and Disorder Through Problem-Solving 
Partnerships. Karin Schmerler, Matt Perkins, Scott 
Phillips, Tammy Rinehart and Meg Townsend. 1998. 


 
Bringing Victims into Community Policing. The 
National Center for Victims of Crime and the Police 
Foundation. 2002. 
 
Call Management and Community Policing. Tom 
McEwen, Deborah Spence, Russell Wolff, Julie Wartell 
and Barbara Webster. 2003. 
 
Crime Analysis in America. Timothy C. OShea and 
Keith Nicholls. 2003. 
 
Problem Analysis in Policing. Rachel Boba. 2003. 
 
Reducing Theft at Construction Sites: Lessons 
From a Problem-Oriented Project. Ronald V. Clarke 
and Herman Goldstein. 2003. 
 
The COPS Collaboration Toolkit: How to Build, 
Fix, and Sustain Productive Partnerships. Gwen O. 
Briscoe, Anna T. Laszlo and Tammy A. Rinehart. 
2001. 
 
The Law Enforcement Tech Guide: How to plan, 
purchase and manage technology (successfully!). 

Kelly J. Harris and William H. Romesburg. 2002. 

 Theft From Cars in Center City Parking 
Facilities - A Case Study. Ronald V. Clarke and 
Herman Goldstein. 2003. 

For more information about the Problem-Oriented Guides for 
Police series and other COPS Office publications, please call 
the Department of Justice Response Center at 800.421.6770 
or visit COPS Online at www.cops.usdoj.gov. 


FOR MORE INFORMATION: 

U.S. Department of JusticeOffice of Community Oriented Policing Services 

1100 Vermont Avenue, N.W. 
Washington, D.C. 20530 

To obtain details on COPS programs, call the 
COPS Office Response Center at 800.421.6770 

Visit COPS Online at the address listed below. 

e07042447 Updated Date: August 5, 2004 
ISBN: 1-932582-13-4 

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