**[Chapter 8]{.smallcaps}**

**[Cultural and Spiritual Competence]{.smallcaps}**

Brian Ogawa, D. Min.[^1]

## *Given the changing face of America and its growing cultural and spiritual diversity, it is essential for victim service providers to be increasingly sensitive to the beliefs, attitudes, and values of the victims they serve. This chapter describes best practices in cultural and spiritual competence as well as a number of barriers that service providers and victims face in communication and understanding. Also offered here are some strategies for self development and growth in cultural and spiritual awareness and sensitivity.*

## 

## OVERVIEW OF CULTURAL AND SPIRITUAL COMPETENCE 

The nature and extent of trauma and its aftermath for victims are never
simplistic, ordinary, or universal. Each victim's experience intertwines
with a number of variables, including intervening circumstances,
relation to the offender, availability and timeliness of support, and
racial, ethnic, and spiritual background. Humans in the midst of
struggle share the bond of a search for well-being. Notwithstanding,
this bond is experienced through a prism replete with "cultural and
spiritual colorations." Every criminal justice and crime-related issue
is thus fundamentally multicultural (OVC, 1998, p. 157).

**America Is Changing**

W.E.B. Dubois (1919) observed that *the* problem of the twentieth
century was the problem of the color line. Race relations in the United
States were historically marked with the successes and failures of
blacks and whites to share equality in our nation. Population changes
from 1990 to 2000 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001), however, reveal a
new dynamic in demographics as the result of an immigration boom. The
foreign-born population increased 57.4 percent during that decade with
the addition of about 10 million immigrants. The color line became color
*lines*. As Molefi Asante has observed, "Once America was a microcosm of
European nationalities. Today America is a microcosm of the world"
(Henry, 1990**,** p. 29).

**[Exhibit VIII-1]{.smallcaps}**

U.S. Population 1990-2000 (U.S. Census)

  ----------------------------- ------------------------- ----------------
  **Race/Ethnicity**            **Population\             **Growth\
                                **(Millions)              **(%)

  **Hispanic**                  35.5                      57.9

  **Asian**                     11.9                      48.3

  **American Indian**           4.1                       26.4

  **Black**                     36.4                      15.6

  **White**                     216.9                     5.9
  ----------------------------- ------------------------- ----------------

Since the turn of the century, the United States has become even more
pluralistic, with the white population decreasing proportionately. This
new demographic is fueled by both immigration patterns and differential
birthrates.

In the United States in 2005, 12.4 percent of the U.S. population was
foreign-born, compared with 11.2 percent in 2000 and 7.9 percent in
1990. Within that 12.4 percent,

-   53.5 percent were born in Latin America.

-   26.7 percent were born in Asia.

-   13.6 percent were born in Europe.

-   3.5 percent were born in Africa.

-   2.3 percent were born in other North American countries such as
    Canada, Greenland, Bermuda, etc. (Migration Information, 2007).

According to the PEW Hispanic Center (Passel, 2006) there are now more
than 37 million legal immigrants in the United States; more than a
million became citizens every year during the 2000s. More than half of
them are change-of-status immigrants already within the United States.
The total unauthorized population is estimated to be 11.5 to 12 million.

Looking at one state, Texas, the population has doubled since 1970;
since 2004, less than half the population has been Anglo. Projections
are that 65 percent of the state will be Hispanic in 2010. Between 1990
and 2030, the state will grow at the rate of 20.4 percent for the Anglo
population, 62 percent for blacks, 257.6 percent for Hispanics, and
648.4 percent for others, primarily Asian. This means that 87.5 percent
of the change will be due to growth in minority populations. Almost 75
percent of this growth will be due to immigrants and their
first-generation descendants (Murdock et al., 1997).

New immigrants, as contrasted with those whose families immigrated
generations ago, are usually still closely tied to their own cultural
and spiritual practices. Without at least some understanding of these
practices, not to mention language itself, victim service providers will
be unable to offer significant and meaningful services. After a
generation or two, immigrants tend to become more "Americanized," and
our more standard services may be more appropriate, even though they
still need to be culturally and spiritually sensitive.

**Culture**

What is culture and, consequently, cultural competency for victim
assistance? A straightforward definition of culture is "the shared
values, beliefs, and traditions that guide and structure a certain
people's lifeway." The "glue" that holds a group or community together
(Poindexter and Valentine, 2007) includes specific attitudes and
behaviors, communication styles, relationship matrices, religious
practices, and paradigms of spirituality. Every aspect of living has
some cultural underpinning to help ensure the health, cohesiveness, and
continuation of the group. Cultures are also inherently diverse within
themselves. People within a given culture may vary in how they approach
and cope with victimization and trauma, but this does not mean that a
particular perspective or method is "strange," "primitive," or useless.
It is therefore important to understand and appreciate the ways
dissimilar cultures view suffering and healing, relate to the criminal
justice system, and are best served by victim assistance.

The more we understand the nature and purpose of culture, the more we
become effective in serving across cultural differences. All people
desire the same things in life but may take different paths to reach
those outcomes. It is the hallmark of any culture to sustain its
essential elements while at the same time carefully adapting to changing
needs. Culture is not static. Victim assistance providers must be aware
of specific cultural rubrics without assuming that they are fixed in
time and place. What is considered traditional culture for some may be
different for others.

Is there then an American culture? Have successive immigrant cultures
been reduced to a singular "melting pot?" We may speak about American
freedoms as the attributes that attract immigrant groups to our shores,
but these very same freedoms allow and encourage the fruition of a
multifaceted American culture. Newcomers change society even as society
changes its newcomers. Culture in America, therefore, will always be
progressive and open as to what "real Americans" look like, how they
act, and how they speak.

Unfortunately, we are most often peripheral observers and dabblers of
cultural expressions that are commercialized for entertainment and
amusement. We too casually examine cultures through music, dance, arts,
and food. Attending a Cinco de Mayo festival, watching an American
Indian powwow, or enjoying Chinese noodles do not in and of themselves
make us knowledgeable about the underlying historical and spiritual
meanings of these cultural forms. We are prone to dismiss their
significance for these respective peoples. There is, however, a deeper
culture that has been described by Cushner (1996, p. 215) as the
overwhelming mass of the iceberg below the surface. It is here where
values, norms of behavior, and world view must be examined "if
interactions across cultural boundaries are to be effective."

It is also critical to note that race is not synonymous with culture. An
example is the identifying term "Black Portuguese," indicating a person
who is racially black African but culturally Portuguese as a result of
colonization. This is one reason why the mere portrayal of a variety of
races in victim assistance materials and media does not ever suffice as
evidence of cultural competence. These depictions are important (Ogawa,
1997), but only in that they apparently make victim assistance available
to all people. In reality, those within a certain racial group can be
more culturally varied than those between races. There are, for example,
common threads woven into the African American experience. Residents of
St. Thomas in the U.S. Virgin Islands, however, may have more in common
with non-African Americans in Hawaii than their racial counterparts in
Chicago because of the peculiarities of urban and island cultures.

**Social Constructs and Subcultures**

Although racial background reasonably persists in being the social
construct that captures our attention the most, myriad others factors
infuse what we generally accept as culture. These subcultures include:

-   Generation and age.

-   Region or locale of residence.

-   Socioeconomic status.

-   Gender and sexual orientation.

-   Occupation or profession.

-   Developmental and chronic disabilities.

-   Language.

-   Politics.

-   Nationality.

All of these areas, and others, directly affect our lives and influence
our response to personal and societal challenges. We tend, for example,
to coalesce with others according to familiarity and commonality. Recent
immigrants and refugees often cluster for mutual support and develop
their own living, business, and social communities. The existence of a
Little Saigon, Koreatown, Chinatown, or Islamic neighborhood is highly
visible in cities where these groups have settled. Recent arrivals,
however, may have tenuous relationships with those of their same
racial/ethnic background who have been Americans for generations because
of differences in acculturation, facility in native languages, and
adherence to ancestral customs. Mexicanos and their Chicano
predecessors, for example, may have noteworthy differences that victim
assistance providers must respect. Although there is usually some
cultural stream through generations, not all Mexican Americans are
fluent in Spanish or live in barrios.

The age of the victim/survivor may or may not be helpful in sorting out
these variations. There are nuances based upon immigration/citizenship
standing and generational place and role that trump other attributes. It
is thus helpful to listen to how people refer to themselves.

Regions in the United States also seemingly have cultural markings. For
example, we speak matter-of-factly about Southern hospitality. We may
wholly accept this description of Alabamans, Georgians, and
Mississippians while at the same time recognize that living in Atlanta
is unlike living in Savannah. *Where* we live helps mold *how* we live.
Residents of farming communities on the Midwestern prairie may seem like
extraterrestrials to retirees in resorts on the Florida peninsula.
Transplants to Las Vegas may have only minimal resemblance to diehard
Milwaukeeans.

Culture, moreover, is linked to a person's socioeconomic position and
occupation or profession. Former Virginia Gov. Douglas Wilder, the first
African American governor in the United States, has persuasively stated
that *class difference* is the key issue for the 21^st^ century. The
cultural divide may be more determined by poverty and wealth than other
conditions and identifiers. How does victim assistance take into account
a victim's situation of "concentrated disadvantage" (Sampson and
Raudenbush, 2001)---poverty, absence of social resources, high
unemployment---in providing services? Are outreach and transportation,
for example, key to being culturally competent for this population?

Occupational culture structures the lives of many Americans. Law
enforcement, for example, organizes itself by a uniform code of conduct,
in-group jargon and terminology, and loyalty that strongly exists among
the ranks. The Los Angeles Police Department, accordingly, once adopted
as its minority recruiting slogan "We are one color---blue" (Ogawa,
1999, p. 142). Law enforcement indeed serves cross-culturally to the
civilian population. That stereotypes about law enforcement and
misunderstandings with the general public exist is not surprising
(Bickham and Rossett, 1993, p. 43).

Gender and sexual orientation also have cultural implications. Do women
and men, in fact, think, act, and relate differently from one another?
Is there an ideal of "womanhood" and another for "manhood" that is
perpetuated in America and affects how we provide and receive
assistance? Do female victims experience their victimization through
issues and concerns different from those of men? Gender may, in fact,
influence how we perceive the seriousness of crimes themselves. Male
assault victims may constitute a very large number but infrequently
either seek or receive services.

Seelau and Seelau (2005) found that perceptions about the severity of
domestic violence do adhere to gender-role stereotypes. Violence
perpetuated by men and against women, no matter the sexual orientation
of the relationship, was regarded as more serious than violence
perpetuated by women and against men. In other words, offending
heterosexual or gay males were considered more dangerous than
heterosexual females or lesbians regardless of their victims. The
assignment of any group to the role of "outsider" or "misfit" does not
lend itself to forthright and effectual service.

Persons with developmental and chronic disabilities, moreover,
constitute a large subculture. Numbers for the noninstitutionalized
civilian population (U.S. Census, 2000) indicate that one-fifth of the
American population has some type of disability. Disabilities can
include physical, sensory, or mental impairment, or a combination of
these conditions.

**[Exhibit VIII-2]{.smallcaps}**

**[Proportion of the Population with a Disability]{.smallcaps}**

+-----------------------+---------------+--------------+--------------+
| ###### Popula         | ##### Total   | **Males**    | **Females**  |
| tion 5 years and over |               |              |              |
|                       | (n            | (n=          | (n=          |
|                       | =257,167,527) | 124,636,825) | 132,530,702) |
+-----------------------+---------------+--------------+--------------+
| With a disability     | 49,746,248    | 24,439,531   | 25,306,717   |
+-----------------------+---------------+--------------+--------------+
| Percent with a        | 19.3          | 19.6         | 19.1         |
| disability            |               |              |              |
+-----------------------+---------------+--------------+--------------+

Mobility assists, facility accessibility, caregivers and interpreters,
vulnerability to abuse, and independent living choices occupy the lives
of those with disabilities. Services to persons with disabilities (as
with all cultural groups) must, therefore, be approached in a
comprehensive manner (Nosek and Howland, 1998; Ivey et al., 2002). After
all, as advocates sometimes point out, people without disabilities are
TABs---temporarily able-bodied. There is the possibility that anyone may
acquire a disability at some time in life (Poindexter and Valentine,
2007, p. 270).

**Spirituality and Religion**

In most cases, it is impossible to totally separate cultural concerns
from spiritual concerns because they are so tightly interwoven.
Spirituality and religion provide a person of faith's worldview and way
of life.

The Japanese culture, for example, is heavily based on Buddhist holistic
concepts and Shinto veneration of the human-nature connection. These
elements are vital to the very being of the Japanese people (Ivey et
al., 2002, pp. 254--255). A holistic philosophy also shapes life for
American Indians. Everything that happens is part of a whole. This
means, according to Melton (1995), that for offenders and victims,
restoring spirituality and cleansing one's soul are essential for them
to be able to return to their natural, circular way of understanding
life. Prayer occurs throughout the healing process. Sweat lodge
ceremonies, fasts, and purification are also employed.

Spirituality and religion, however, are not equivalent. Religion
attempts to sustain and embody spirituality but does not circumscribe
it. Spirituality is *personal*, an individual's need to connect with and
harmonize with meaningful reality. Religion is *communal*, an attempt to
render spirituality public and institutional. Victimization dramatically
affects, alters, prompts, and challenges both spirituality and religion.
Competency in victim assistance thus requires an appreciation for the
dynamic of spirituality and religion in people's lives, partnerships and
networking with appropriate church bodies, and responsiveness to the
spiritual impact of victimization.

As the Catholic Church, for example, continues to labor with child
sexual abuse by clergy, some Mexican American parishioners are faced
with a dilemma. Does disenchantment with the church and thoughts about
leaving its fold also mean departing from those aspects of Mexican
culture (such as community festivals and family customs) that the church
has helped to define? The betrayal of the priesthood has tremendous
ramifications for the interlocking identities of religion and culture
for some Mexican Americans.

The coming together of culture and religion is also seen in the strong
religious orientation of many African Americans. The church has
historically been the only institution outside the family to be trusted.
It provided a salve for the pain of slavery, a safe social gathering
place, and a seedbed for leadership (Ogawa, 1999, pp. 176--177). The
guidance of the church should therefore not be minimized in providing
victim assistance for many African Americans.

Providers must also be careful how their own religious/spiritual views
affect their work with victims (Ivey et al., 2002, p. xviii). Of the
more than 300 million people in the United States, religious affiliation
is estimated (ARDA, 2006) to be Christian (84.12 percent), Jewish (1.92
percent), Muslim (1.55 percent), Buddhist (0.91 percent), and
Ethnoreligionist (0.39 percent). The strong heritage of the less
widespread religions in the United States should, however, be measured
by their numerical position and therefore cultural impact in the world
as a whole. For example, Muslims are recorded as approximately 4.7
million in the United States but 1.3 billion internationally. American
Buddhists number about 2.7 million, but adherents globally total 379
million. These approaches to spirituality constitute major forces in the
lives of their believers. Religious teachings and communities are a
reality for the majority of Americans and will never be neutral in their
effects upon victims (Fortune and Enger, 2005).

## BARRIERS TO EFFECTIVE ASSISTANCE

Before being able to incorporate best practices in cultural and
spiritual competence, it is important to recognize some of the barriers
to effective assistance and begin to develop strategies to overcome
them. In the course of our daily interactions, we intentionally or
unintentionally relate to others in the manner we perceive them to be
"comparable" to us. At times we may deny any differences or globalize
them into overbroad statements of a group's cultural norms. Some of the
barriers can be provider-based, and some may reside in the victim's own
cultural and spiritual experience. Even so, victims who are unserved,
underserved, or misserved are not responsible for culturally insensitive
or incompetent services. The responsibility lies with providers. It is
never the victims' fault even if they do not avail themselves of
assistance readily offered. The provider must always strive to overcome
barriers, whatever their source.

####### Provider-Based Resistance

Some victim assistance providers see little value in developing cultural
and spiritual competency. Williams and Becker (1994), in a national
survey of domestic partner abuse treatment programs, found that "little
or no special effort is being made to understand or address the needs of
minority populations." More recently, Donnelly et al. (2005) found the
situation no better, likewise reporting in a study of battered women's
shelters in several Southern states that three themes emerged regarding
shelter policy: (1) race was not considered important so that all women
were treated the same; (2) "othering" women of color based upon
stereotypes to explain why they were different from white women and thus
not receptive to or in need of services; and (3) normative practices
based on the needs and experiences of white women. Lack of understanding
and response to the concerns of battered women of color thereby deprived
them of critical services.

Such color blindness, Tello (n.d., p. 3) warns, subverts needed
services:

> Typically, one may hear service providers...minimize cultural
> differences by stressing the similarities between ethnic groups.
> Statements such as, "We all have feelings, the same emotions, want the
> best for our children and therefore are all alike," or "You really
> just have to look at each family or person on an individual basis
> rather than looking at their culture and community," are often heard .
> . . . Although these and other such remarks merit discussion, these
> points cannot and should not negate cultural differences based on
> traditions, customs, history and socio-economic experiences. What it
> does demonstrate is the service provider's inability to understand and
> articulate these differences. When this occurs, the service provider
> may attempt to further justify his own position by minimizing the role
> of culture.

A provider's rigid ethnocentricity and the adherence to routine models
of service may also foster hostility to accommodate minorities. One of
the drawbacks of designating cultural minorities as special populations
is that some people disdain giving such groups special attention. This
"ethnoprison," as Ridley (1989, p. 61) insightfully points out, is the
behavioral essence of racism:

> Mistakenly, racism is often equated with prejudice, and solutions to
> the problem are generally limited to attitude change and consciousness
> raising. Certainly, these concerns are important. However, such a
> focus distracts from the more basic problems of identifying and
> modifying the specific types of behavior that systematically produce
> adverse consequences for ethnic minorities.

Direct services and rendering of justice to victims are also complicated
by misleading stereotypes and victim blaming. Attitudes of superiority
by providers, for example, have been noted in Native American
communities (Hamby, 2004). In a survey of sexual assault agencies,
Wgliski and Barthel (2004) also found that underrepresentation of
minority clients was partly due to their "negative experiences with
community agencies operated by majority representatives."

Lafree (1989, p. 290), moreover, studied 38 rape trials in Indiana and
found that "jurors were less likely to believe in a defendant's guilt
when the victim was black." Interviews with jurors suggested that
stereotypes of the sexual behavior of black women had an influence. A
rape victim, in general, is judged by her part in what occurred, the
intensity of her resistance, or the credibility of her character. For
women of color, this screening may be compounded by degrading myths. As
Hawkins, a sociologist in the Black Studies Department of the University
of Illinois-Chicago states, "Society has this outdated notion that good
girls don't get raped and most Black girls are not good girls" (O'Brien,
1989, p. 9; Madriz, 1997).

######## Stereotypes of Cultures That Are Not Real

When aspects of a culture are exaggerated or misinterpreted, effective
cross-cultural interaction is threatened. Generalizations about "violent
cultures," for example, persist, despite the fact that no culture, for
its own survival, can actively promote violence.

Similarly, when the Mexican value of *machismo* is popularized to
portray an overaggressive male who is domineering, jealous, and
explosive, it distorts a valuable element of Mexican family life. The
*macho*, according to Rodriquez and Casaus (1983, p. 42), is a "man who
meets his family responsibilities by providing food, shelter, and
protection for his wife, children and, in some cases, other relatives
living with the family." The husband must show respect (*respeto*) for
his family and not commit selfish and outrageous acts. The wife shows
respect by supporting her husband as provider and protector. Mexican
culture is thereby not pathological, as has been postulated by those who
have seen machismo as promoting wife-battering. Such a false culture may
serve to justify excess by Mexican males themselves (cultural
birthright) and eventually destroy the best in the culture itself (T.
Martinez, personal communication, January 8, 1998). Machismo, in fact,
safeguards *against* domestic abuse.

Pronouncements concerning female passivity and male power in other
cultures (Kasturirangan et al., 2004), in other words, must be cautious
so as not to label certain groups as fostering domestic abuse. Yick
(2000) points out, for example, that traditional gender role beliefs in
Chinese American families were not related to physical intimate
violence. Acculturation, on the other hand, was a significant predictor.
Kim and Sung (2000) also noted that absence of egalitarian
decision-making and high level of stress are important variables related
to violence in Korean American families. Immigration burdens certain
Korean American husbands who have unproductive coping skills. This
precipitates the need to forcefully dominate. As Blackman (1996, p. 15)
summarizes, "Violence in the family is no basis for cultural
distinction."

Condemning an entire race or ethnicity as being violence-prone can lead
us to minimize the victimization experience of entire communities. Some
time ago, for example, the newspaper headlines announced: "Just Another
Day in South Central Los Angeles." Yet another gang-related slaying
involving drug dealers, automatic weapons, and bullet-ridden bodies in
this besieged neighborhood. The shooting did involve the notorious
Eight-Trey Gangster Crips, but this time two innocent teenage girls were
murdered in a case of mistaken identity. This was not just another day
for the mothers, loved ones, and classmates of these two girls. Because
they live in an area where violence is prevalent does not mean that they
are immune to pain. A high incidence of homicide does not mean absence
of hurt and suffering (Ogawa, 1999, pp. 70--71).

####### Practitioner Fears about Discussing Religion or Spirituality

Spiritually sensitive victim assistance is not religious counseling or
pastoral care. Yet, because some victim service providers think it is,
they conclude that they are incompetent to address victims' spiritual
concerns as they would address their physical, mental, emotional,
financial, and justice-related concerns. Thus, they fail to address the
whole person by avoiding inquiry about how the victim's faith and
religious perspectives may be affected by trauma.

Some victim assistance providers who are in agencies that receive
government funding may have been told that they should not concern
themselves with victims' spirituality because of First Amendment
restrictions. The First Amendment issue is confusing to many providers.

The First Amendment states:

> *Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or
> prohibiting the free exercise thereof.*

Before the 1947 case of *Everson* v. *Board of Education* (330 U.S. 1
(1947), the Court's attention to religion focused primarily on ensuring
that no single denomination would be established as the national
religion (the Establishment Clause) and that no one would be denied the
right to freely exercise the religion of his or her choice (the Exercise
Clause). The intent was not to limit religious expression or activity
but to limit the power of government to prohibit or interfere with that
expression.

In 1971, *Lemon* v. *Kurtzman* (403 U.S. 602 (1971), provided more
specific standards for the passage of laws. Even though this decision
addressed laws rather than individual practitioners, its influence may
have caused many practitioners to believe that they cannot react to the
spiritual concerns of clients. The decision states that laws:

-   Must create no excessive entanglement between government and
    religion.

-   Must have a predominately secular purpose.

-   Must neither advance nor inhibit religion.

The U.S. Department of Justice Office for Victims of Crime has never
questioned the ability of the victim services field to respond
sensitively and appropriately to the spiritual concerns of crime
victims. In fact, the landmark 1982 Presidential Report on Victims of
Crime pointed out that "The victim, certainly no less than the
victimizer, is in need of aid, comfort, and spiritual ministry" (OVC,
1982). When that document was updated and revised in 1998, *New
Directions from the Field: Victims' Rights and Services for the 21st
Century* offered eight additional recommendations to bring faith
communities and crime victim services agencies together (OVC, 1998). For
several years, the Office for Victims of Crime has supported projects
and programs that address the spiritual needs of victims.

**Negative Influence of Some Faith Communities**

Religion can be a source of hope and solace for many victims. Clergy and
fellow believers can form a profound matrix of support and healing. On
the other hand, religious leaders who conclude that religion is the
answer to everything can constitute a major roadblock to victims as they
seek understanding, counseling, and justice (Fortune and Enger, 2005).
Perspectives on family life and the role of women and children, for
example, can impede disclosure or thwart assistance in situations of
family violence and sexual assault. Giesbrecht and Sevcik (2000), for
example, noted that because the church (in their study, conservative
evangelical) functioned as an extended family, it could "minimize, deny,
and enable abuse."

Fortune and Enger (2005) summarize how certain renderings of three world
religions--- Christianity, Judaism, and Islam---have constituted
barriers to assistance. They cite the following Christian scripture as
an example of "prooftexting" (selective use of text out of context to
support one's position) to erroneously justify male violence: "Wives be
subject to your husbands as you are to the Lord" (Ephesians 5.22-24
NRSV). Either by silence or instruction, the church has thereby
communicated to battered women to accept "discipline" by their husbands
and to "forgive and forget."

In Judaism, likewise, the Jewish value of *shalom bayit* (peace in the
home) has been misused to burden women with the sole responsibility of
maintaining the perfect home, in which abuse and other problems are
covered up as shameful. In Islam, Ayah 34 of Surah 4 of the Qur'an has
been mistranslated to state: "Men are the protectors and maintainers of
women because Allah gave more to the one than the other." This has been
taken by some to condone hitting a disobedient wife. Hassouneh-Phillips
(2001), for example, studied the lives of American Muslim women and the
effects of one particular *hadith*: "Marriage is half of faith and the
rest is fear Allah." Abused wives found themselves in the predicament of
inner conflict and negation of the self when they believed they must
submit to their husbands because of strongly held religious tenets.

For Catholic Latinas, Destito, Santiago, and Darder (1985/1986) describe
a similar internal conflict among those who have been raped. These
Latinas are caught between the moralistic extremes of madonna and whore.
The marriageability of a single woman who has been raped is placed at
risk because her virginity is lost and reputation tarnished. The only
acceptable reason for not being a virgin is motherhood. The married
woman who has been raped by someone not her husband is therefore
disgraced. The church in its attempt to sanction sexual mores and family
life has, in effect, brought confusion to the Latina's formation of
self-concept as women (Ogawa, 1999, p. 174).

The preservation of marriage is vital in most religions. However, this
union must be viewed within the context of mutual respect and mercy. As
Fortune (1995, p. 267) emphasizes:

> The crisis of family violence affects people physically,
> psychologically, and spiritually. Each of these dimensions must be
> addressed, both for the victims and for those in the family who abuse
> them. Approached from either a secular or a religious perspective
> alone, certain needs and issues tend to be disregarded...Thus, the
> importance of developing a shared understanding and cooperation
> between secular and religious helpers to deal with family violence
> cannot be emphasized too strongly.

Impediments to this collaboration include a religious leader's
presumption that domestic violence advocates are intent on "breaking up
families" or "undermining a woman's faith" (Fortune and Enger, 2005).
Secular advocates, on the other hand, may distrust clergy as sexist or
endangering a woman's life. If both religious leaders and secular
advocates truthfully focus on the well-being of the abused woman, she
may be guided to safety and strength rather than sentenced to peril and
endurance.

**Experiences of Immigrant and Refugee Victims That Cause Them to Fear
Government-Supported Programs**

Many victims come from countries where their rights and freedoms were
not honored. Government and criminal justice authorities may have
exercised brutal, callous, or arbitrary authority. Political corruption,
internal warfare, and social instability may have contributed to this
situation. A distrust and avoidance of officials is an understandable
result of pervasive injustice, lack of due process, and unresponsiveness
to needs.

Since 1993, in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, for example, hundreds of young
women who worked in the *maquiladoras* (manufacturing plants) have died
violently (Knox, 2001). They came to the border (across from El Paso,
Texas) from poverty-stricken towns farther south, drawn by the promise
of steady work and a more exciting life. Many were sexually assaulted,
murdered, mutilated, and left in desolate areas. Activists and family
members of the victims say that authorities have shown little concern
and have made little effort to identify or even find bodies---a task
mostly undertaken by concerned private citizens. Although several
individuals have been charged and prosecuted, activists and families
believe this was through coerced confessions and little hard-nosed
forensic work.

That Mexico's justice system is deeply flawed is no secret. That many
Mexican immigrants initially do not trust the criminal justice system in
the United States should therefore be no surprise. As Davis et al.
(2001) report, mistrust of authorities, coupled with language
difficulties, denies access to a "uniform system of justice." Given the
unsettled nature of current U.S. immigration policies, moreover,
especially in the wake of homeland security measures, numerous
undocumented workers are even more reluctant to seek the involvement of
criminal justice authorities and victim assistance in their lives. The
stark reality of the vulnerability of immigrant and refugee women is
particularly revealed by the plight of low-income and foreign-born
Latinas who are abused by their partners. As explained by AYUDA (1997,
p. 3), a community-based advocacy group in the Washington, DC, area,

> They are new arrivals in a foreign country, traumatized by the
> life-threatening experiences that caused them to flee their homelands,
> separated from their families, living under the threat of deportation,
> and often dependent upon the financial resources and language
> abilities of an abusing spouse. Fearful of seeking legal or other
> assistance, they remain marginalized and alone, with no traditional
> cultural support.

A wide range of predators, in fact, are known to victimize undocumented
immigrants. According to the National Institute of Justice (McDonald,
1997, p. 4),

> Guides and organized gangsters have robbed, raped, and killed them;
> abandoned them in the desert; tossed them overboard at sea or out of
> speeding cars under hot pursuit; or forced them to work in sweat shops
> or prostitution rings to pay off the cost of the trip. Bandits prey
> upon them during their journeys. Xenophobes and hatemongers terrorize
> them. Some employers cheat them of their earnings. The fact that
> illegal immigration is a crime makes the immigrants particularly
> vulnerable because they are unlikely to seek the protection of the
> law.

The entire circumstance of undocumented residents does, in fact, involve
complex issues of racial prejudice, international politics, cross-border
economics, and antiterrorism initiatives. The discussions concerning
state and local criminal justice agencies having supplementary
jurisdiction in arresting and detaining illegal aliens, and the prospect
that service providers will be outlawed or restricted in providing
assistance to undocumented resident victims, erect a substantial barrier
to services not only for victims but also for providers (Ogawa, 1999,
pp. 58--63).

Some of this barrier has been overcome by the need for federal
prosecution of trafficking through special assistance to victims,
including residency and services (Victims of Trafficking and Violence
Protection Act of 2000). U.S. Government estimates indicate that
approximately 800,000 to 900,000 people annually are trafficked across
international borders worldwide (Clawson, Small, Go, and Myles, 2003).
Their destinations are industrialized nations and countries with higher
standards of living, including 18,000-20,000 trafficked into the United
States, primarily from Southeast Asia, Middle America, and the former
Soviet Union (Clawson et al., 2003, p. 3).

These victims do not know how to escape the violence or where to go for
help. They generally avoid authorities out of fear of being jailed or
deported, especially if they have fraudulent documents. A backdrop to
this barrier to seeking assistance is the relatively high degree of
collusion between officials and organized crime in trafficking.
Corruption provides the lubricant that allows criminal organizations to
operate with maximum effectiveness and minimum interference. Assistance
to victims willing to cooperate with criminal justice authorities is
critical to breaking this pattern.

**Group Survival Concerns That May Affect Reporting of Crime**

Between 1992 and 2001, American Indians experienced violence at rates
more than twice that of blacks, two and a half times that of whites, and
four and a half times that of Asians (Perry, 2004). Many Native American
tribal communities face the possibility of extinction (Hamby, 2004, p.
4). Only 11 tribal groups have more than 50,000 members. Victims may be
unwilling to report crime or participate in the prosecution of tribal
members because it reduces community size, including the limiting of
intraracial couplings (Hamby, 2000). The power of this motivation may
not be fully appreciated by non-Native Americans, but decimation is both
a historical reality and a future prospect for a culture that thrives on
ancestral lineage. Native Americans are a kinship network whose strength
is interdependence and group affiliation. This is more than genealogy.
Among the Sioux, for example, it is an abiding contract with *wakan
tanka*, the Great Spirit that unites all forms of being into an unbroken
network of relationship (DeMaille, 1994). Everything must therefore lend
itself to ensuring continuity.

In 1997, African American males comprised 38 percent of the U.S.
correctional population. This meant that about 9 percent of the black
population was under some form of correctional supervision, compared to
2 percent of the white population and over 1 percent of other races. An
estimated 12 percent of black males, 3.7 percent of Hispanic males, and
1.7 percent of white males in their late 20s are in prison or jail
(Harrison and Beck, 2006). Furthermore, in 2002, 39 percent of all
felons convicted of violent offenses in state courts were African
American. Of these, 24 percent were sentenced to incarceration, compared
to 21 percent of whites (Durose and Langan, 2005).

This means that a highly disproportionate number of black males have
been at least temporarily removed from their communities. This
"shrinking pool of marriageable men" results in the stark and enormous
reality of single-parent households (Wilson and Neckerman, 1987, p.
258). For some victims, particularly in domestic violence cases, the
reporting of crime and cooperation with criminal justice authorities has
thus been regarded as an act of treason. As Boyd (1990, p. 227) writes,

> Generational teachings regarding trusting others outside the ethnic
> and cultural community have been strongly enforced by family and
> respected community members. From early childhood, black women have
> been taught that personal disclosure outside the community is
> synonymous with treason. This strong devotion to non-disclosure has
> for many years silenced black women in personal crisis.

The view, coupled with the historical reinforcement of the fact that
"whites enslaved the blacks" (Ogawa, 1999, pp. 148--151), persists and
appears to be confirmed by incarceration rates. Supporting such an
intractable trend is presumed by some to, in effect, betray the African
American family life and community. It is an exceedingly sad form of
victim blaming that tragically has some measure of fact. Out of every
1,000 persons in a particular racial group, 26 blacks, 21 whites. and 13
persons of other races were victims of a violent crime (Bureau of
Justice Statistics, 2004). Nevertheless, according to Kingsnorth and
MacIntosh (2004), a study of 5,272 domestic violence cases processed
through the prosecutor's office in a certain California county revealed
that African Americans, although no less likely to call for assistance
and support arrest, are "significantly less likely to support
prosecution." Until socioeconomic situations seriously change, this
barrier for a significant number of victims may continue to haunt the
African American community.

**CULTURAL AND SPIRITUAL COMPETENCE STRATEGIES FOR VICTIM SERVICES
AGENCIES**

Parson (1985, p. 315) states that the "client's ideas, feelings,
beliefs, values, gestures, intonations, perceptions, and evaluations can
only be understood within the patient's ethnocultural context." At the
same time, the ethnocultural context never exactly matches for everyone
within a culture. In the process of seeking to enhance cultural and
spiritual competence within an agency, what constitutes appropriate
service may have to be redefined. Each agency, for example, should
scrutinize its policies, programs, and protocols for unwitting blocks to
service. The following are some important guidelines:

-   Acknowledge that there are different and equally valid cultural
    definitions of personal well-being and recovery from traumatic
    events.

-   Include cultural awareness training that gives staff the capacity
    and skills to serve victims whose thinking, behavior, and modes of
    expression are culturally different.

-   Develop multiethnic teamwork (and advisory committees) for
    implementing and monitoring effective services, including referrals
    and community networking.

**Consider Key Findings on Cultural and Spiritual Competence**

Much of victim assistance has centered upon the individual victim.
Although the social consequences of victimization have been addressed,
the focus has been on the effects, strain, and detriment to the victim.
Interventions, for example, have thus been based upon individual
well-being. Many cultures, however, focus on a more ecological
framework. This includes the "being-in-relation" orientation found
particularly in cultures that are grounded in religion and spirituality.

**Self-in-Relation**

In many cultures, instead of focus on the individual self (I suffer),
more attention is brought to bear on the self-in-relation ( My family or
community suffers). The impact of victimization is primarily a
disharmony in core relationships. Mary, for example, was a 6-year-old
Vietnamese girl who was raped by her 26-year-old male cousin in the
bathroom of the apartment in which their family lived (Ogawa, 1999, pp.
76--77). Her cousin warned her not to tell anyone and bribed her by
giving her a new box of crayons. In the days that followed, Mary had
nightmares and would awaken screaming. She then began to have severe
pain in urinating. Her mother took Mary to a medical clinic, not
realizing the cause of her daughter's suffering. The doctor found a
gonorrhea infection and a criminal investigation followed. The cousin
was the only son of Mary's father's brother. Her father had allowed the
boy to live with the family so that the money he earned in the United
States could be sent back to Vietnam for his parents. The father felt
badly for his daughter but also had a strong sense of obligation that he
did not guide his nephew firmly enough. He did not want the nephew
imprisoned---otherwise the family in Vietnam would suffer.

A Vietnamese social worker was able to explain the circumstances
sufficiently for the court to order probation with strict conditions of
employment, treatment, and residence elsewhere. This allowed the father
to fulfill his promise to his brother and also provided for Mary's
safety. This may not seem like a good outcome if we take into account
only the welfare of the child. Undoubtedly, attending to Mary's physical
and emotional trauma was paramount. The outcome, however, did reflect
the cultural context. Mary would have suffered from extreme (though
unwarranted) self-blame for her family's hardship. The cousin, of
course, deserved all the blame. The dire social consequences for Mary's
relatives were also, nevertheless, a major concern. Fortunately, in this
case, these were addressed in the sentencing.

The impact of social disconnection is tragically seen among trafficking
victims. Traffickers often move victims from their home communities to
other areas---within their country or to foreign countries---where the
victim is often isolated, unable to speak the language, and unfamiliar
with the culture. Most importantly, trafficking victims lose their
support network of family and friends, thus making them more vulnerable
to the traffickers' demands and threats. Direct physical threat to the
safety of the victim's family is a large controlling factor. Victim
assistance must offer some assurance to trafficking victims not only
that they will be protected but that every effort will be made so that
their families will not be harmed. Young women who are forced or coerced
into servitude in brothels and sex clubs are also regularly moved so as
not to form ties. Traffickers intentionally and cruelly sever family
ties and meaningful associations. The consequences of escape from
trafficking, disclosure to authorities, and cooperation with prosecution
can be exceedingly severe.

**Self-in-Context**

Criminal victimization may be the immediate matter, but the historical
experience of the victim's cultural group should not be disregarded.
Self-in-context refers to the collective experience (My people suffer).
The salient point for African Americans is the summation by some that
the heightened consciousness brought about by the black identity
movement in America has done more for the mental health of African
Americans than all counseling theories combined (Ivey et al., 2002). For
Native Americans, it means that the intergenerational "soul wound" or
traumatic suffering (Duran and Duran, 1995) from centuries-long genocide
and assault on culture must be incorporated into victim assistance. This
is done by avoiding condescension and paternalism, networking with
credible resources, and accepting culturally relevant ways of coping.

The Sioux, for example, practice a form of self-treatment called
*wacink*o, usually translated as "pouting" (Trimble and Fleming, 1989,
p. 187). Wacinko is a sort of time-out by which nonproductive activity
is purposefully set aside. This practice has frequently been
misdiagnosed by non-Native American psychiatrists as a reactive
depressive illness and a maladaptive form of withdrawal. As Blue and
Blue (1993) report, however, the Sioux are simply waiting out the
circumstances of an intransigent problem because they trust a resolution
will naturally occur. This is a culturally expressive form of healing, a
passivity that is not hopelessness but hopefulness. To discredit its use
would be yet another form of cultural destruction.

**Self-in-Environment**

The attainment of home as a place of security, acceptance, and peace is
fundamental for meeting whatever life brings to us. When victimization
robs us of that comfort and belonging, there can be serious
disorientation. Home invasions, residential burglary, domestic violence,
and intrafamilial child abuse leave victims feeling unattached and
dislocated. Although change of residence, including moving to other
cities and states, is now relatively common in the United States, for
some cultural groups the meaning of a particular place remains
important. The forceful removal of Native Americans, for example, has
meant displacement from not only their lifeways but also from the places
of their life source. As a Karok shaman lamented, without a land, the
children of the creator are left in darkness and all will become like
the "off-colored white people" who are lost in their wanderings
(Buckskin, 1990). Crime on reservation lands has meant not only a
violation of space but also the reminder of alienation from historic
areas where healing ceremonies and practices were developed. The
practice of shamanistic powers is usually reserved for specific
locations because tribal identity is rooted to a particular space and
topography (Ogawa, 1999, p. 181).

Some cultures also believe that crime pollutes and desecrates the place
where it occurs. In Stockton, California, on January 17, 1989, Patrick
Purdy, a white 26-year-old drifter, unleashed a murderous assault on the
playground of Cleveland Elementary School. In less than 2 minutes, five
children were dead and 29 children and one teacher were wounded. A
compelling explanation for the shooting was that Purdy blamed all
minorities for his failings and selected Southeast Asians as his
particular target (Kempsky, 1989, p. 2). Most of the Cleveland
schoolchildren were Cambodian. Their families had fled their country
during the murderous reign of the Khmer Rouge. They settled in the San
Joaquin Valley in the late 1970s because of the area's mild climate and
delta landscape, not unlike their homeland (Ogawa 1999, p. 116--119). A
father whose daughter was killed wept and said, "I feel like I try to
escape the killing fields in Cambodia, but here is only more killing
field for my family" (Fitzgerald, 1989, p. A-10).

The United States was no longer the safe haven for which these refugees
had hoped. They had been out of sight in housing projects but were now
the center of intense media attention and crisis intervention. Mental
health treatment was offered but politely refused. What proved to be
most important in terms of victim assistance was facilitating the
Cambodian families' request that the school playground be formally
blessed according to their religious practices. Because the children had
died unnaturally and violently, their spirits were not at rest. The
purification of the playground by a venerable Buddhist monk provided the
major source of comfort for the Cambodians in their very painful loss.

####### Recognize Natural Helpers as Appropriate Interveners

Eurocentric helping is said to depend on professionals (Ivey et al.,
2002, p. 302). In cultures that emphasize self-in-relation and group
life, however, there is more reliance on "natural helpers." It is not
uncommon for Mexican Americans, moreover, to consult *curanderos* (folk
healers). This does not mean that Latinos shun all formal professional
help, but such assistance may occur simultaneously with help from other
sources (West, 1988, pp. 139--140). Native Americans are also apt to use
help from Western health and human service providers as well as
indigenous healers (Hamby, 2004).

Because of the cultural moorings in collective identity and
spirituality, the counsel and guidance of ancestral spirits is often
sought. This openness to the spirit realm may seem puzzling,
superstitious, or delusional to some victim assistance providers.
Reliance on deceased ancestors, however, is celebrated through various
festivals and rituals, including *Dia de Los Muertos* (Mexican), *obon*
(Japanese), and powwows (Native American). Dreams, visions, and visits
by ancestral spirits also play an important role. These are all
"expressions of a greater universe of sharing and belonging" (Coyote,
1988, p. 7). Victim service providers must strive to honor and work in
concert with all these sources of intervention to be culturally
competent.

####### Respect Diversity Within Diversity

Cultural differences obviously endure between groups of people, but
their nature and extent need to be clarified beyond misleading
stereotypes and over-generalizations. People are basically both similar
*and* dissimilar from one another. No person is solely what we label or
classify him or her. We are "multidimensional beings" (Ivey et al.,
2002, p. xxiii). Categorizations are, accordingly, *part logic and part
insult*. The term Hispanic, for example, tries to encompass Puerto
Ricans, Guatemalans, Mexicans, Cubans, and others. It promotes the
linguistic and historical ties of these peoples but blurs the "finer
distinctions" (Hecht, Andersen, and Ribeau, 1989, p. 178). Not all
Mexicans, that is, have Spanish as their first language. Those of Mayan
and Aztec descent living in remote mountainous regions speak their
native languages and, consequently, are not Hispanic. There are,
admittedly, ways that any particular Mexican American is like all other
Mexican Americans. But there are also ways in which any particular
Mexican American is like no other Mexican Americans (Roll, Millen and
Martinez, 1980, p. 165). These within-group differences may be even more
notable than between-group ones.

The same is true for those members of the 562 federally recognized
Native American tribes. Native Americans speak languages from many
different linguistic groups, including Algonquian, Athapascan-Eyak,
Hokan, Iroquoian, Penutian, and Siouan (U.S. Census, 2000). Within these
large categories, there are also numerous subsets. For example, the
Algonquian cluster includes Arapaho, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Cree,
Delaware, Fox, Kickapoo, Miami, Ojibwa, Ottawa, Potawatomi, Shawnee,
Yurok, and other languages. Almost half of Native Americans also do not
live on reservations (National Institute of Justice, 2005).

Another example of sometimes unacknowledged diversity is the Islamic
American population. Muslims are not all Arab. Only 25 percent of
American Muslims are of Arab descent; 33 percent are South-Central
Asian; and 30 percent are African American. Likewise, not all Arabs are
Muslims. The first Muslim communities in America were in the Midwest.
Cedar Rapids, Iowa, is the home of the oldest mosque still in use.
Dearborn, Michigan, has long been home to both Sunni and Shi'ite Muslims
from many parts of the Middle East. Many were initially drawn by the
opportunity to work at the Ford Motor Company plant, and having formed a
community, they have been joined by other Muslims. Together with Middle
Eastern Christians, these Detroit area Muslims form the largest
Arab-American settlement in the country (Smith, 2006).

There are, in other words, many variables among individuals, just as
there are between cultures. People are inseparable from their cultural
backgrounds but not strictly determined by them. All crime victims
deserve to be treated as individuals even as race and culture (and
degrees of acculturation) are taken into account. This becomes even more
important as we include interracial marriages and those persons with
biracial or multiracial backgrounds. The U.S. Census now seeks to
delineate, through self-reporting, a person's racial and ethnic
identity. It allows "check all that apply" for this self-identification.
How much of what heritage is dominant should thus be evaluated before
too many assumptions are made. If the information is not readily
available through other trustworthy sources, a brief inquiry into a
victim's cultural self-identification---prefaced by an explanation of
the desire to be aware of the victim's cultural preferences---might be
useful. Making false assumptions is more risky than announcing an effort
to understand what matters to the victim.

**Anticipate Unique Service Needs**

Given the present population trends in the United States, providers
cannot assume that the victim populations they have dealt with in the
past will remain the same. Shifting economies, variable markets, and
mobile labor forces, have created unexpected community demographics.
When chicken processing plants in northern Arkansas needed a new labor
pool, for example, large numbers of Mexican workers were recruited.
Almost overnight, communities were faced with a new cross-cultural
reality. Most providers, including law enforcement, were not prepared.
Immigration does not cause crime, but it does alert criminal justice and
human service providers to the need to adopt culturally appropriate ways
to respond and serve resulting new victim populations.

In El Paso, Texas, a slightly different scenario has occurred. El Paso
has been a primarily Latino city. It is very difficult to be a service
provider there without the ability to speak at least some Spanish and
value Mexican culture. Almost everyone embraces a bicultural identity.
However, when thousands of Koreans from South Korea, New York, and Los
Angeles settled in the area because of the many business opportunities,
providers were confronted with a new foreign culture. Korean crime
victims, including merchants who were robbed, posed a unique test to
customary approaches. Fortunately, the already existing commitment to
and practice of cross-cultural services provided the will and framework
to respond.

**Recognize Varying Perspectives of Trauma, Suffering, and Healing**

Cultural groups have developed numerous ways to meet and recover from
hardships. These include determining when to ask for help, whether to
trust helpers, and what is acceptable behavior. Service providers also
have "cultures of helping" (Poindexter and Valentine, 2007, p. 38) that
may coincide or conflict with various victim cultures. These may include
the provider perspectives that there are "rational" causes of distress,
experts know what is best for those seeking help, and maintaining formal
settings and personal detachment from clients are important. But what
types of services are, in fact, most important to different cultural
groups? Do service providers have viable and available alternatives so
that diverse victims are respected for their choices and preferences?

About 49 percent of murder victims are white, 47 percent are black, and
3 percent are Asians, Pacific Islanders, and Native Americans (Federal
Bureau of Investigation, 2004). Victim assistance to homicide survivors
has often emphasized death notification, supportive counseling, and
emotional recovery. These provide undeniable valuable assistance to many
survivors. Nevertheless, other services may be even more critical for
some groups. African American communities, for example, are especially
sensitive about personal identification of their deceased loved ones.
Tangible evidence and the need to physically confirm death are
important. Support before and during victim identification, being able
to actually touch and caress their loved ones, and the manner in which
the deceased are addressed are important. As a long-time advocate in Los
Angeles' 77^th^ Precinct describes (Ogawa, 1999, p. 72), responding to a
mother whose daughter was murdered required being prepared with
"practical suggestions and straightforward answers."

> Norma (the advocate) offered emotional support and information on
> mortuaries that had designed funerals to match the state criminal
> injuries compensation guidelines...She then escorted Cheryl (the
> mother) to select a casket and plan the services...Cheryl wanted to
> know if her daughter's face had been badly disfigured by her injuries.
> She was also concerned how Jeanine's (her daughter's) body would be
> treated during the autopsy. Norma promised her that she herself would
> go to the coroner's office to witness the autopsy while it was being
> performed. She knew that the only way Cheryl would continue to trust
> law enforcement authorities was if someone she trusted could provide
> her with first-hand knowledge.

For an advocate to lend support by attending funerals and burial
services may also be warranted. Moreover, most cultures have some "place
of remembrance" in the home for a deceased family member. These places
may be elaborate Asian family shrines, Catholic religious icons, or
simply photos and flowers. No matter what their nature, they are the
focus of a family's mourning and honoring. Proper attention and respect
to these sites by the advocate when visiting homes help generate trust.
Disregard of the sites may jeopardize survivors' belief in the sincerity
of the provider's expressions of concern.

Service providers, counselors, or therapists trained in Western/European
modalities adhere to mental health perspectives on trauma and recovery.
The basic model has been the psychological interpretation of suffering,
with the therapeutic goals of healing emotional wounds and regaining a
healthy state of mind. The techniques for accomplishing these goals have
relied on verbalizing worries and fears and providing symptom relief
through prescribing medications (Eth, 1992, p. 105; Lee and Armstrong,
1995, pp. 447--448). This emphasis in much of Western psychotherapy can
be related to the Judeo-Christian tradition (Ivey et al., 2002, p. 9).

In other cultures, however, trauma is seen as affecting the whole
person. There is no dichotomy between the mind and body. There are
accordingly unique "idioms of distress" to communicate hurt and
discomfort. Southeast Asian refugees often complain about bodily
ailments such as headaches or chest pains when experiencing depression
(Nishio and Bilmas, 1987, p. 343). Asians in general experience and
report stress psychosomatically (Root, 1985). When Western approaches
minimize these complaints as hypochondria, important information
influencing treatment can be lost. Working toward achieving insight may,
accordingly, be less essential than concentrating on other aspects of
living.

Kim, for example, a Southeast Asian refugee, was told by a therapist
that she needed to "heal the child within" (Ogawa, 1999, pp. 190--192).
Kim became very nervous and agitated. She wondered how this white woman
would know that she was pregnant when Kim herself was unsuspecting. Even
more, she did not want to be pregnant with another child from the
abusive husband she was attempting to flee. Noticing the anguish in
Kim's face, the therapist hurriedly explained that the term "child
within" was not to be taken literally. It was an expression in Western
therapy that meant the spirit of a child within someone. After the
session, Kim returned to the battered women's shelter and cried to a
staff member that the spirit of the child she had lost through
miscarriage several months earlier was distressed and trapped inside of
her. It was many hours before Kim could be reassured that her fears were
not necessary. She still could not understand what the therapist meant
but was less upset with it.

What Kim was most anxious about was the stigma and loss of connection
she now faced in the community. She no longer had her primary identity
from her husband and his family. She was an oddity. The service
providers helping Kim had to meet this sense of isolation by providing
an especially strong base of support. Kim's cultural moorings did not
stem from empowerment through independence as a woman but from finding
interdependence and social esteem within her community. This search for
a "sense of belonging" helped her to offset the previous lonely and
silent endurance of abuse and establish a network of support and broad
ties to the community.

Some have criticized this approach as too protective and fostering
dependency. This criticism, however, reveals a cultural bias and does
not appreciate the cultural context for Kim and other Asian women. Self
worth is not arrived at through psychological processes but through a
rebuilding of social acceptance.

**Provide Communication Methods Based on Client Need**

In a baseline study of victim services in Texas, the Crime Victims
Institute (CVI) confirmed that the methods of serving crime victims
varied greatly depending on the type of agency and its role (CVI, 1999,
p. 48). More than 1,400 agencies were surveyed as to their primary means
of communicating with crime victims: face-to-face, telephone, or written
correspondence. Exhibit VIII-3 summarizes the findings, with the
greatest percentages shown in bold italics.

**[Exhibit VIII-3]{.smallcaps}**

Communication Methods

  ----------------------------- ------------------ ------------------ ---------------
                                **Face-to-face**   **Written\         **Telephone**
                                                   correspondence**   

  **Law Enforcement**           ***52.5%***        32.5%              15%

  **Prosecutors**               11.1%              ***48.1%***        40.8%

  **Family Violence/Sexual      30.7%              0.4%               ***68.9%***
  Assault**                                                           

  **Probation/Community         2.7%               ***59.8%***        37.5%
  Service**                                                           
  ----------------------------- ------------------ ------------------ ---------------

It is readily apparent that victim assistance relies on assorted means
to have contact with victims and that the skills needed to work with
diverse cultural populations must be refined for each agency category.
Rape crisis counselors, therefore, must be specially trained to assist
victims with whom they have no direct in-person contact. Since many
Asian Americans are not accustomed to verbalize problems but rely on
direct example and guidance by someone respected, it is important to
establish a trusting relationship as soon as possible. This can be
accomplished through intonation, repetition, and word choice. Referrals
that are sensitive to privacy and confidentiality matters in Asian
American communities help relate the caller to supportive providers. A
carefully constructed list of culturally competent providers is
therefore crucial.

In face-to-face interactions, communication styles differ. The manner of
greeting often sets the course of the exchange. While a firm and
vigorous handshake is expected by many Americans, a softer offering of
the hand of friendship for Native Americans is more customary. In Muslim
cultures, moreover, touching between males and females who are not
related is not acceptable. The ability and willingness to listen is
critical to any culture, but indicators of listening differ. For many
white Americans, direct and unwavering eye contact indicates
attentiveness and interest. For Mexicans, Asians, Pacific Islanders, and
Native Americans, contrastingly, such eye contact might indicate
discourtesy, defiance, and disrespect.

Furthermore, written correspondence must be adapted and generalized for
a larger population group than is usually the case. For most recipients,
legal terminology is unfamiliar and confusing. Correspondence translated
into other languages may be necessary, although there are pitfalls to
this approach. Hamby (2004, p. 4) points out, for example, that
languages other than English do not have as extensive terms for
victimization:

> The U.S. social movements against rape and intimate violence have
> influenced American English. English-speakers have many terms for
> sexual victimization, including "rape," "sexual assault," "date rape,"
> "sexual abuse," "incest," and "molestation." There are also many terms
> for physically and psychologically abusive behavior. For purposes of
> both intervention and prevention, it can be hard to identify
> comparable words in other languages. Even English speakers who are not
> immersed in addressing these social problems may not appreciate the
> subtle distinctions between these terms.

**Offer Appropriate Translations and Translators**

The emphasis in American society on English as the commanding language
compromises communication and reassigns roles by using children or staff
members from other agencies as interpreters and fostering negative
self-esteem in people who are not bilingual (Szapocznik, 1995; Rodriquez
and Casaus, 1983). Although the "English only" movement is rife in parts
of the United States, this approach is far too inflexible to be adopted
by victim assistance providers. Language is a purveyor of culture, and
the degree of respect one has for other ethnic groups is shown in one's
attitudes toward proficiency in English. It is undoubtedly practical for
immigrants to learn English, but it is equally important to retain
elements of one's heritage.

No one can be conversant or fluent in all the hundreds of languages
spoken among U.S. residents. Victim assistance providers, however, can
learn at least some key words that convey the provider's concern and
help demystify courtroom and other processes. As the number of
foreign-born residents increases, raising the percentage of languages
other than English that are spoken in the home, reliance on translations
and translators obviously grows. The California Penal Code, for example,
mandates that translation services be made available for the
non-English-speaking populace in comprehensive victim service centers
and at certain court proceedings.

**[Exhibit VIII-4]{.smallcaps}**

**[English and Other Language Proficiency]{.smallcaps}**

  -------------------------------------------------- ------------- -------
  **Population 5 Years and Over by Language Spoken   **U.S. Census **%**
  at Home and Ability To Speak English**             2000**        

  Population 5 years and over                        262,375,152   100.0

  Speak only English                                 215,423,557   82.1

  Speak a language other than English                46,951,595    17.9

  Foreign born                                       31,485,018    12.8
  -------------------------------------------------- ------------- -------

Translations do not necessarily produce material that is culturally
meaningful. Providing directions to the courthouse is fine, but
explaining the impact of crime and recommending coping skills must be
adjusted to the victim's experience and perspective and not just the
provider's bias. As Tello (n.d., p. 6) argues regarding the ubiquitous
translating of materials into Spanish,

> Agencies typically offer translations of materials, information, and
> articles that are based on conventional theory. The idea being
> promoted is that a linguistic translation alone makes the information
> culturally appropriate. Clearly, this is a false assumption. All it
> does is make the information readable to those literate in Spanish.
> Frequently, mere translations have done more harm than good.

Written materials, in other words, must reflect cultural symbols,
practices, concerns, and needs. Ideally, these materials should be
written first in the languages of the various groups to help ensure
cultural relevance. They can then be translated into English so that
English-speaking providers can better understand the victim's culture.

Using translators poses interesting issues of confidentiality, accuracy,
and trust. For example, translators have been known to alter what is
said because of bias or difficulty in conveying what was intended (Ivey
et al., 2002, p. 42). The interpreter may also be either too far removed
from or too familiar with the victim's personal history and situation.
Translators may miss nuances but may also be valuable sources of
cultural interpretation. All providers that rely on translators must
therefore be properly trained in the optimum use of their services.

The following strategies can help to improve a victim assistance
provider's cultural competency.

**Know the Principal Cultural Values of Your Own Community Groups**

First, become increasingly knowledgeable about various cultures,
especially those within your agency's demographic area. You can avail
yourself of the growing number of written materials and conference
trainings on the subject (www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/ovcres/\
welcome.html), but you can also learn from each person you serve who is
from a different background. Spending time in different communities when
you are not responding to criminal activity or crises provides a more
balanced experience. Crime represents only a fraction of a community's
daily reality.

Remember, however, that it is impossible to understand all the
idiosyncrasies of any culture. Providers are "tentative learners"
(Poindexter and Valentine, 2007) of another culture. Therefore, do not
compile and memorize a set checklist of cultural do's and don'ts.
Victims are never well served by formulaic or methodical responses.
Instead, learn some of the principal values of a culture. A key cultural
value among Asian Americans, for example, is not to be overly
oppositional or confrontational. As Ivey et al. (2002, p. 184) state,
"What is assertive for European-American cultures may be considered
intrusive and aggressive by those from other cultural groups." This is
frequently expressed in the tendency to be very agreeable in
conversation, to not demand (deserved) services, and to not burden
someone (e.g., a victim assistance provider) with one's troubles.

A Chinese American sexual assault victim, for example, found it
difficult to schedule pre-trial meetings with the victim advocate
because of the advocate's busy schedule (Ogawa, 1999, pp. 67--68). The
victim would apologize each time for disturbing the advocate. She made
less use of what was available to her in order not to inconvenience or
impose upon the advocate, who was quite willing to help. If the advocate
better understood this victim's reluctance, she might have offered more
encouragement to meet. This may require asking several times. A victim's
initial decline of help may reflect culturally-based humility rather
than flat refusal.

**Practice Sincerity and Respect**

Even if you are not familiar with a victim's prevailing culture,
sincerity is the greatest communicator. Victims sense insincerity.
Sincerity is a matter of character. Therefore, the more we grow in
character, the more we grow in cultural competency. One facet of
character is respect for others. "Respect" means, literally, to "look
again." That is, we do not minimize, quickly dismiss, or superficially
address the concerns of those different from us. Respect leads us to be
more observant and willing to adjust our routine approaches.

A lieutenant in a certain city's police department, for example, arrived
at a Laotian community meeting to unexpectedly find "a whole pile of
shoes outside" (Ogawa, 1999, pp. 145--146). Although taken by surprise,
but without undue hesitation, he removed his own shoes before entering.
The purpose of the meeting was to discuss the recent surge in vandalism
and intimidation directed at the Laotian residents in a subsidized
housing project. The lieutenant's removal of his shoes was an important
gesture of courtesy to the Laotians. It was a sign that he came
respecting their customs and feelings---a crucial step toward working
jointly to find solutions. A custom may seem odd, but leaving our
prejudices/biases (literally) at the door as we enter into service to
others communicates that we are viewing their victimization from their
perspective as we offer our help.

**Include Spirituality in Assessments for Long-Term Services**

Not all victim services roles are appropriate for spiritual assessment.
It may feel intrusive to victims who are meeting with a provider for one
specific purpose, such as to fill out a Crime Victims Compensation form
or to learn about the justice system. Spiritual assessment is suggested
only for providers who expect a reasonably long-term relationship with a
victim.

Conducting a brief spiritual assessment may be all that is required for
many victims of crime. When being asked a few simple questions, some
victims will make it clear that they do not wish to include spiritual
concerns in their services. Those who do, however, may feel validated
because their provider has inquired in a respectful manner.

Some unassuming questions that may encourage victims to begin talking
about their spiritual concerns include:

-   What is most important to you in your life right now?

-   What has been meaningful and helpful to you as you have coped with
    your victimization?

-   What has strengthened you as you deal with this?

-   Do you have a support system as you go through this experience?

If the responses to these questions are not spiritually oriented, that's
fine. You may not want to explore spirituality any further.

If the victim's responses are spiritually oriented, continue to explore
their answers as you would any other information that helps you assess
their strengths and resources as well as stressors.

**Establish Personal Integrity in Your Professional Surroundings**

Even if we do not feel the same about all peoples and cultures, we are
called upon to base our behavior on our professional responsibilities
and not on our personal likes and dislikes. We are called upon to treat
others equally and fairly even as we find it impossible to feel the same
way about everyone. We must of course assess and eliminate our own
discriminatory practices, whether individual or institutional.
Self-development in cultural competency ultimately, however, depends
upon personal integrity in the victim assistance field. The ethical
treatment of victims mandates cultural competency.

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**RESOURCES**

**[Black Church and Domestic Violence Institute]{.underline}**

www.bcdvi.org

1-770-909-0715

<bcdvorg@aol.com>

[**[First Response to Victims of Crime Who Have a
Disability]{.underline}**](http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/infores/firstrep/2002/welcome.html)

www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/infores/firstrep/2002/welcome.html

This handbook for law enforcement officers (NCJ 195500) describes how to
approach and help victims who have Alzheimer's Disease, mental illness,
or mental retardation or who are blind, visually impaired, deaf, or hard
of hearing. It is designed as a field guide for personnel who respond
first to crime victims and includes contacts for assistance.

**[Incite! Women of Color Against Violence]{.underline}**

www.incite-national.org

**[Institute on Domestic Violence in the African American
Community]{.underline}**

1-877-NIDVAAC

<nidvaac@umn.edu>

**[MADD]{.underline}**

www.madd.org/madd_programs/9294

A description/summary of MADD's diversity programs and statistics.

[**Minority Community Victim
Assistance**](http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/infores/minor/welcome.html)

www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/infores/minor/welcome.html

This handbook (NCJ 170148) prepared by the National Association of Black
Law Enforcement Officers offers minority community residents a practical
approach to assisting crime victims in their communities and
neighborhoods.

**[National Gay and Lesbian Task Force]{.underline}**

www.thetaskforce.org

This is a civil rights organization dedicated to promoting freedom and
equality for all lesbians and gay men. Its Antiviolence Project was
initiated to promote appropriate response to antigay violence, improve
treatment by the criminal justice system, and assist local communities
in organizing against prejudice and violence. It reports annually on
antigay/lesbian victimization.

[**National Network to End Violence Against Immigrant
Women**]{.underline}

[www.immigrantwomennetwork.org](http://www.immigrantwomennetwork.org/)

The National Network to End Violence Against Immigrant Women is a
coalition of survivors, immigrant women, advocates, activists,
attorneys, educators, and other professionals committed to ending
violence against immigrant women by (1) working with diverse immigrant
communities to prevent violence against women; (2) building capacity for
immigrant women to become leaders against all forms of violence; (3)
promoting an understanding of the complex realities of immigrant women
facing violence; (4) providing technical and training support to service
providers, attorneys, community advocates, and other professionals (both
governmental and nongovernmental) working with immigrant women at the
local, state, federal, and international levels; and (5) promoting law
and public policy reforms at the local, state, and national levels that
benefit immigrant women facing violence.

**[Needs Assessment for Service Providers and Trafficking Victims (2003,
October)](http://www.calib.com/home/practice_areas/cfcs/pubs.cfm#pubjuvandcrijussysenh)**\
(OJP-99-C-010)

Prepared by Caliber Associates for the National Institute of Justice,
U.S. Department of Justice, it is the first-ever assessment of the needs
of trafficking victims and the domestic service providers who work with
them. The report, complete with survey instruments and focus group
protocols, will help educate the field at large on meeting the
specialized and complex needs of trafficking victims.

**[Southern Poverty Law Center]{.underline}**

www.splcenter.org

Through its Klanwatch project, this group monitors hate crimes and
groups across the nation. It also provides training for law enforcement
and community groups.

**[Trafficking in Persons: A Guide for Non-governmental Organizations
(2002)]{.underline}**

www.dol.gov/wb/media/reports/trafficking.htm\
\
This brochure (BC 000674) from the U.S. Department of Justice is
intended for nongovernmental organizations, such as service providers
and other community-based organizations, to use as a reference guide to
help trafficking victims.

[^1]: The author of this chapter is Brian Ogawa, D. Min., Washburn
    University, Topeka, KS.