### *Edward Carrington to Edmund Randolph, Dec. 8^th^, 1786*

Dr Sir, New York Decr. 8. 1786\
Your Excellencies favors of the 10th & 18th Ult. I have been honoured
with, for Colo. Crocket I will endeavour to obtain whatever may appear
to be due to him.

(1)Be pleased Sir, to accept my sincere congratulations upon your
appointment to the Government of Virga(2) \-\--;you have sacraficed
much, in point of Interest, to accept it, and it may happen, that your
administration will not glide on without meeting opportunities for the
full display of your Military, as well as political talents, and
influence, in the supream command. How far the contagion of the Eastern
disorders will spread, it may not be so proper to conjecture from the
present quiet State of the other parts of the Empire, as from the
experience of human Nature, and the Constitutions of our Governments.
Man is impatient of restraint; nor will he conform to what is necessary
to the good order of society, unless, he is perfect in discernment and
Virtue, or, the Government under which he lives, is efficient. The
Fathers of the American Fabric seem to have supposed the first of these
principles, peculiarly, our lot, and have chosen it for a foundation: in
the progress of experiment, the fallacy is discovered, and the whole
pile must fall, if the latter cannot be supplied.

The Spirit of insurgency in Massachusetts, has proceeded to a Stage,
which renders the subversion of that Government, an event too probable.
The Malcontents have assumed a deliberate and systematic conduct, and,
every day, gain confidence and numbers. The inefficiency of Government
has been felt, by its friends, as well as enemies, and many are falling
in with the measures of the insurgents, who, at first, shewed a
readiness, and actually turned out to oppose them. A personal exertion
of the Governor, such as was made by Sullivan in N. Hampshire, might,
perhaps, in the infancy of the business, have been equally successful in
Massachusetts: there has, however, been a kind of lassitude, and
indecision, distructive of the confidence, and zeal, of all the members
of the State, except those of property. These will lose all, in the
event of a subversion of the Government, and will, doubtless, make an
effort to preserve it.

The Legislature have, during their late Session, brought forward Sundry
experiments for suppressing the spirit of insurgency; Acts for bringing
into operation force; for alleviating some, and removing others, of the
greivances complained of; and, under these, one of indemnity, without an
exception, provided advantage is taken of it, by oaths of Allegiance, by
a certain day, have passed. Amongst the first description, is one for
suspending the rights of the Act of habeas Corpus, and this seems,
alone, to have attracted the notice of the Malcontents; they have added
it to their list of greivances; have proceeded to appoint Military
Officers for a large body of Men, and continue to suppress the setting
of the Courts, and these things are effected, not in a tumultuous, but
regular manner. Mr. Shays, their leader, orders them into motion
whenever a Court is about to sit, and this proves Sufficient to procure
an adjournment Sine die. Hitherto their measures have operated only in
the infected Counties, but they have now set about to extend their
powers into the neighbourhood of Boston, where no symptoms of the malady
have been discovered. Upon the approach of the Session of the Court at
Cambridge, last Tuesday sev\'night, it was understood that a large body
of the insurgents would march there to suppress it. Government
accordingly took arrangments for its protection, and troops were
actually advanced to receive the Enemy, of whom about 180 had assembled
at some Miles distance from Cambridge, but conceiving their numbers not
sufficient for the enterprize, they retired. The last accounts are that
the Court was proceeding without interruption, and that a troop of Horse
had gone forward with orders to take as many of the insurgents as they
could come up with in Arms. From the languor of Government upon every
former occasion, there is but little reason to suppose the pursuit was
pushed to any effect, and therefore it may lead to nothing of
consequence, but it is thought, by those best acquainted with the State
of things there, that not a drop of blood can be Spilt, nor Captive
taken, without the immediate consequence of a civil War. Had the
insurgents been in sufficient force to attempt the execution of their
designs at Cambridge, Government would have had no alternative, but to
open this dreadful scene, or yeild the compleat domination of the State
to them; and a conflict, terminating in their favor, would probably have
been attended with the same consequence.

This business began in County Conventions forming long lists of
greivances the most triffling and unmeaning, that can be conceived, nor
was there even an agreement in the complaints of any two counties: all,
however, agreed in the remedies. These were, a suppression of the
Courts, and an \"emission of paper money subject to a depretiation, and
made a tender equal to gold and Silver, in all cases whatever.\" Many of
the Malcontents have now, however, thrown off this flimsy veil, and
openly declare for an abolition of debts public and private, and a
distribution ofproperty; in justification of the latter object they say
that, in the act of opposing the british Government, the whole property
of the people was forfeited, and ought, in the success of the
revolution, to be considered as a Common acquisition. It is said that a
british influence is operating in this mischievous affair: in the
progress of the thing this has happened, but it certainly originated in
the genuine baseness of the people. It is an undoubted truth that
communications are held by Lord Dorchester with both, the Vermonteers,
and the insurgents of Massachusetts, & that a direct offer has been made
to the latter, of the protection and Government of great Britain, which
they at present decline to accept, but hold in Petto \[i.e., reserve\],
as a last resort, in case future events may place them in desperate
circumstances. They also declare that it is not their intention to touch
the Continental Magazine, which is situated at Springfield, in the Midst
of their country, unless driven to it to save their lives: they will,
however, think the time arrived for this step, upon the happening of any
conflict; nor is their a prospect of an adequate protection from any
quarter. Here is felt the imbecility, the futility, the nothingness of
the federal powers; the U.S. have no troops, nor dare they call into
action, what is called the only safe guard of a free government, the
Militia of the State, it being composed of the very objects of the
force; neither can reliance be placed upon that of the neighbouring
States: N Hampshire has already shewn her kindred to the revolters;
Connecticut is not free from the infection; and, the Legislative Acts of
Rhode Island, have discovered that an opposition to \<\<baseness\>
these, can be expected from no order of people there.

These circumstances have alike forbid the attempt to remove the Magazine
at an earlier period, as they now do that of protecting it. Any step to
this purpose would have hastened the measures of the Malcontents; they
were compleatly masters of the surrounding country, and that they would
not permit the execution of the business, was certain. The attempt
therefore must have been followed by the double consequence of cutting
off all possibility of accommodation in the State, and blending the
Union with her in a civil War. It was thought by Congress most politic
to leave the Stores to the Mercy of events; to impress the insurgents
with the distinction between Continental & State property, and idea that
the United States had confidence in their fidelity and attachment to the
Interests & government of the Union: thus have Congress been compelled
to substitute a passive policy, for that exercise of power which would
ensure stability and consequence to the federal, as well as State
Governments.

Upon the meeting of the Legislature of Massachusetts a verbal
application was made, by her delegates in Congress, for the federal aid,
this being the only practicable mode; a constitutional one, must have
come from the Legislature, and could not have been obtained, with the
essential forms and authorities, without becoming a subject of public
knowledge, and spurring the insurgents to immediate hostilities.
Congress felt their embarrassments upon the occasion\-\--; the mode of
application was not a proper one, this difficulty was, however,
reconciled upon the doctrine of necessity, but the inability of the
federal Government to do any thing effectual, and, upon this
consideration, the impolicy of provoking the hostile dispositions of the
insurgents against the Union, from which the least inconvenience that
could be calculated on, was their resort to the British Standard,
necessarily came into view. Upon the whole, it was thought best, to take
only a preparatory step, to be in readiness for whatever prudence, and
necessity, might require in future. The Resolves of the 20th of October
were the result of this determination.(3) The Western troubles are
prefixed as the cause, nor were they intirely out of view, but those of
Massachusetts immediately operated. The views of the insurgents are
indeed so unworthy, that the honor of the Union is interested; the
Virtuous part of a State ought to meet, in the federal aid, a Sheild
against the nefarious designs of a licentious Banditti, when the evil
has become too extensive for their own controul.

What further events will arise out of this unfortunate business must be
unfolded in its progress. My conjectures are that should any act of
violence shortly happen, a civil War must be inevitable, and to accedant
we must trust for the consequences\-\--;but despondency is not a common
attendant of mine, and therefore I look forward to one possible ground
of accommodation. Could a pause take place for a while, so as to admit
the exercise of reason and reflection\-\--;so enlight\'ned a people must
have enough of both, to behold in a proper light the baseness of the
present pursuit. The means of a decent retreat may be sought for, and
this may certainly be found in a compromise at the next election\-\--;a
change of Men in the Government would bring about a thorough
investigation and correction of public measures\-\--;real greivances may
be remedied, pretended ones will not be urged\-\--;it is said that there
are causes of uneasiness, but although those may have been the first
principles of action they have ceased to operate, could the minds of the
people be once brought back to them all might yet go well.\
This instance, terminate however it may, will doubtless teach the
necessity of efficiency in government. And perhaps it would be best
placed in the federal head\-\--;indeed if this cannot be got in the
present form, some other ought immediately to be devised, a change of
choice, will, probably be one of wisdom\-\--;if it is left to accident,
we cannot account for the result.

That great Britain will be in readiness to improve any advantage which
our derangements may present for regaining her lost dominions; we are
not to doubt. All her appointment to her Colonies, as well as Missions
into these States, are calculated to this Object. Lord Dorchester is
known to be penetrating and judicious, & the people are in the habits of
thinking favourably of him. A Mr. Smith, formerly of this City, is sent
with his Lordship in the Character of Cheif Justice.(4) He is a Man of
talents, well acquainted with our Natural tempers & dispositions, and
quitted the country, in the firm persuasion, that events like these
which now prevail, would lead to a reunion of us with G.B. Mr. Temple
has been here for some time, in the appointment of Consul General. A Mr.
Bond formerly of Phila has lately arrived as Consul for the Middle
States,(5) and it is said others are to be sent for the Eastern and
southern: and thus the scheme of communication will be compleat. It is
the practice of nations to admit Consuls from all, with whom they have
any Commerce, but I do not conceive there can be a right of admission,
unless there is an existing commercial Treaty. Mr T. was recognized
before my time in Congress, and I am unacquainted with the principles
upon which he was received. Mr. Bond has arrived since the adjournment
and his reception remains to be contemplated. I trust that I shall never
harbour unreasonable jealousies, but when we know that an insidious foe,
is vested with the garb of peace and freindship, it behoves us to be
vigilant, especially when we are vulnerable in so many ways.

The communications contained in this letter I conceive it my duty to
make to Your Excellency, it being proper that you be fully informed upon
so important a subject. I have endeavoured to found them upon the best
information, and can pledge myself for the authenticity of them. How far
it may be proper to suffer them to become public I leave to your own
judgment. It may be well to communicate them confidentially to some of
the members of the Legislature: it would however be a breach of the
injunction of secrecy, and impolitic, to commit to public view the part
that Congress is acting in the business. (6) My honourable Colleague Mr.
Grayson is much indisposed and has been so for some time, I wish to see
some of the New Members come forward. There has not yet been a
sufficiency of States to form a Congress nor do I see a prospect that
there will shortly be one.

I have the Honor to be, with the highest respect, Your Excellencies Most
Obt. Servt., Ed. Carrington

RC (Vi: Continental Congress Papers).\
1 Apparently Lt. Col. Joseph Crockett, who had appealed to Virginia
earlier for half pay for himself and his regiment. See Journals of the
Council of the State of Virginia, ed. H. R. McIlwaine, et al. (Richmond:
Virginia State Library, 1931\--;), 3:316.\
2 Randolph had been elected governor by the Virginia assembly on
November 7.\
3 That is, the resolutions of October 20\--;21 for raising and funding a
federal legionary corps of mostly New England troops on the pretext of
using them to suppress hostile Indians in the west. See JCC,
31:891\--;95.\
4 That is, William Smith (1728\--;93), the last royal chief justice of
New York.\
5 The British consuls were Sir John Temple and Phineas Bond. John Jay\'s
December 8 letter transmitting Bond\'s commissions to Congress was not
read until February 3, 1787. See JCC, 32:25, 29n.\
6 Gov. Randolph shared this confidential letter with the House of
Delegates, submitting a \"copy, or extract\" on December 29. It is not
clearly why numerous passages in the RC were underlined or circled, but
in some cases they vary considerably from those sections marked for
emphasis in the copy presented to the assembly. See Cal. of Va. State
Papers, 4:195\--;99; and Burnett, Letters, 8:516n.4.

**Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 24 November 6, 1786-February
29, 1788\
**