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NATIONAL ASSESSMENT OF\
VOCATIONAL EDUCATION

FINAL REPORT TO CONGRESS

2004

Marsha Silverberg

Elizabeth Warner

Michael Fong

David Goodwin

U.S. Department of Education

Office of the Under Secretary

Policy and Program Studies Service

U.S. Department of Education

Rod Paige

*Secretary*

Policy and Program Studies Service

Alan Ginsburg

*Director*

Program and Analytic Studies Division

David Goodwin

*Director*

June 2004

This report is in the public domain. Authorization to reproduce it in
whole or in part is granted. While permission to reprint this
publication is not necessary, the citation should be: U.S. Department of
Education, Office of the Under Secretary, Policy and Program Studies
Service, *National Assessment of Vocational Education: Final Report to
Congress,* Washington, D.C., 2004.

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# Contents

Page

List of Tables v

List of Figures xiii

Acknowledgments xvii

Executive Summary xix

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

A. 1998 Perkins Act 2

B. Context for Evaluating Federal Support for Vocational Education 6

C. National Assessment of Vocational Education 12

D. Overview of this Final Report to Congress 15

Chapter 2 Secondary Vocational Education 17

A. Organization of Vocational Education at the Secondary Level 19

B. Access and Participation 24

C. Implementation: Program Quality and Improvement Efforts 52

D. Coordination with Other Reforms 93

E. Outcomes and Effects 99

Chapter 3 Postsecondary Vocational Education 123

A. Organization of Vocational Education at the Postsecondary Level 125

B. Access and Participation 129

C. Implementation: Program Quality and Improvement Efforts 148

D. Coordination with Workforce Investment Act 158

E. Outcomes and Effects 165

Chapter 4 Tech-Prep Education 183

A. Organization of Tech-Prep 184

B. Access and Participation 186

C. Implementation 195

D. Outcomes and Effects 206

Chapter 5 Program Management: Funding and Accountability 209

A. Overview of Perkins Funding and Accountability Provisions 211

B. Perkins State Grant Funding at the Secondary Level 220

C. Perkins State Grant Funding at the Postsecondary Level 241

D. Perkins Tech-Prep Grant Funding 252

E. Perkins Accountability Systems and Their Implementation 259

Chapter 6 Conclusions and Potential Future Directions for the Perkins
Act 281

A. Conclusions 281

B. Options for Future Directions 299

References 315

Independent Advisory Panel 329

NAVE Study Reports 333

# List of Tables

Table Page

Executive Summary

1 Value-Added Effects of Vocational Education on Student Outcomes:
Summary of Recent Research Evidence xxi

2 Percentage of Occupational Concentrators and Non-concentrators
Completing the "New Basics" Core Academic Curriculum and a College Prep
Curriculum: 1990 and 2000 xxiv

3 Percentage of 1982 and 1992 High School Graduates Who Enrolled in
Postsecondary Education or Training within Two Years after Graduation:
1984 and 1994 xxvii

4 Adjusted Percentage Difference in Earnings between Postsecondary
Vocational Program Participants and High School Graduates, by Gender:
2000 xxxi

5 Grant Amounts Awarded to Secondary and Postsecondary Recipients: 1992
and 2001 xxxv

6 Average Perkins Grant Amounts, Adjusted for Student Enrollments, by
LEA Poverty Level: 1992 and 2001 xxxvi

7 Overview of Specific Strategies to Improve Vocational Program
Performance, by Federal Priority xli

Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Overview of Previous Federal Vocational Legislation 2

1.2 Perkins III Legislated Outcomes 9

1.3 Key NAVE Research Questions 13

1.4 Outline of Final Report 15

Chapter 2 Secondary Vocational Education

2.1 Percentage of Public High School Institutions, by Type, Locale, and
Percentage Offering Selected Occupational Programs: 1999 20

2.2 Student Perspectives on Reasons for Participating in Vocational
Education 30

2.3 Changes in Vocational Education Participation Measures, by Change in
State Graduation Requirements: 1990 to 1998 32

Table Page

2.4 Percentage of High School Graduates Earning Credits in Work
Experience Courses, by Type of Course: Selected Years 1990--1998 38

2.5 Measures Used to Define Special Population Groups 39

2.6 Participation Measures, by Student Characteristics: 1990 to 1998 41

2.7 Percentage of High School Graduates Who Concentrated in Selected
Occupational Programs, by Student Characteristics: 1998 43

2.8 Definitions of Vocational Programs and Strategies Used to Measure
Access 48

2.9 Percentage of High Schools Offering Special Vocational Education
Programs and Activities, by School Characteristics: 2000 50

2.10 Percentage of Seniors in Eight States Engaging in Applied Academic
Activities in Vocational Classes: 1996 and 2000 54

2.11 Percentage of Academic and Vocational Teachers Who Have
Opportunities to Collaborate: 2001 55

2.12 Selected Items from the Florida Department of Education, Student
Performance Standards for Introduction to Agri-science, Technology, and
Environmental Science Program: 2002 58

2.13 Percentage of Vocational Teachers Reporting That Various Student
Activities Occur Frequently, by Whether Class Is Linked to a Career and
Technical Student Organization (CTSO): 2001 60

2.14 Percentage of Secondary Teachers Who Interact Frequently with
Postsecondary Faculty or Staff, by Type of Activity: 2001 62

2.15 Percentage of High Schools Offering Various Types of Career
Development Activities: 1996 and 2000 65

2.16 Percentage of Seniors Who Participated in Various School Activities
and the Perceived Value of the Activities in Helping to Clarify Those
Students' Career Goals: 1998 66

2.17 Number of States Using Different Measures of Vocational-Technical
Skill Attainment for Federal Performance Reporting: 2001 69

2.18 Percentage of High Schools with Occupational Programs Indicating
That Industry Provided Input in the Development or Adoption of the
Programs' Skill Competency Lists: 1999 71

Table Page

2.19 Percentage of Vocational Teachers Reporting That the Condition of
Technology in Their Class Is a Serious or Moderate Problem: 2001 73

2.20 Percentage of Vocational Teachers Receiving New or Updated
Materials, Instruments, and Equipment in Last Several Years: 2001 74

2.21 Percentage of Vocational Teachers Reporting Use of Computer- and
Technology-Related Instructional Activities in Their Class: 2001 75

2.22 Percentage of Teachers with Frequent Contact with Representatives
of Business, Industry, and Labor, by Type of Activity: 2001 77

2.23 Percentage of Vocational Teachers Reporting Moderate or Great
Employer Input in Their Class: 2001 79

2.24 Percentage of New High School Teachers with Industry Experience as
Main Activity in Previous Year, by Teaching Assignment: 1991 and 2000 81

2.25 Percentage of High School Teachers with Less Than a Baccalaureate
Degree, by Teaching Assignment and School Type: Selected Years
1991--2000 82

2.26 Percentage of States with Specific Requirements for Vocational
Education Teaching Certification, by Region: 1988 and 1998 83

2.27 Percentage of New High School Teachers without Teacher
Certification, by Teaching Assignment: 1991 and 2000 85

2.28 Average Class Size for High School Teachers, by Teaching Assignment
and School Type: Selected Years 1991--2000 87

2.29 Percentage of High Schools Reporting It Was Very Difficult or
Impossible to Fill Teacher Vacancies, by Teaching Field: 1991 and 2000
88

2.30 Percentage of Teachers Reporting on and Average Hours Spent in
Professional Development on Selected Topics: 2001 90

2.31 Percentage of Teachers Reporting Student Instructional Activity
Occurs Frequently, by Teaching Assignment: 2001 92

2.32 Percentage of Teachers Assigning Homework and Average Number of
Hours Assigned, by Teaching Assignment: 1992 and 2001 93

2.33 Number of States Reporting Similar High School Graduation Standards
for Vocational vs. College-Prep Students: 2001 96

Table Page

2.34 Number of States Reporting Little Coordination between ESEA and
Perkins Accountability Reporting: 2001 97

2.35 Value-Added Effects of Vocational Education on Student Outcomes:
Summary of Recent Research Evidence 99

2.36 Number of Core Academic Credits Earned by High School Graduates and
Percentage of Students Meeting the "New Basics": 1990 and 2000 101

2.37 Percentage of Occupational Concentrators and Non-concentrators
Earning Credits in Rigorous Academic Courses: 2000 103

2.38 Change between 1994 and 1998 in NAEP Reading Scores for
Occupational Concentrators and Non-concentrators, by Student
Characteristics 106

2.39 Difference in Adjusted 12th-Grade Test Scores between Students
Taking a High Academic Credit Program and Students in Other Programs of
Study: 1992 Seniors 108

2.40 Percentage of Short- and Medium-Run Postsecondary Education
Outcomes for Various Samples of High School Graduates: 1992 and 1998 112

2.41 Percentage of High School Graduates Who Enrolled in Postsecondary
Education or Training within Two Years after Graduation, by Curriculum
Path: 1982 and 1992 113

Chapter 3 Postsecondary Vocational Education

3.1 Percentage Distribution of Adults Participating in For-credit and
Noncredit Job-Related Courses, by Type of Provider: 1999 127

3.2 Percentage Distribution of Baccalaureate and Sub-baccalaureate
Students, by High School Test Score Quartiles and Program: 1992 138

3.3 Percentage of Sub-baccalaureate Students, by Type of Program and
Highest Prior Degree: 1996 and 2000 and 1995 and 1999 139

3.4 Percentage of Students Enrolled in Vocational Fields of Study
Preparing Them for High-Wage Occupations, by Gender: 1996 and 2000 143

3.5 Percentage of Postsecondary Students with Various Attendance
Patterns, by Program: 2000 145

3.6 Percentage of Students and Percentage of Faculty in Two-Year
Institutions, by Vocational Field: Selected Years 1990--2000 157

3.7 Service Emphases: 2000 162

Table Page

3.8 Percentage of Students according to Highest Credential Attainment
within Five Years, by Program and Stated Goal: 1994 168

3.9 Percentage Difference in Likelihood of Successful Completion among
Beginning Postsecondary Sub-baccalaureate Students (Pursuing Vocational
vs. Academic Associate Degrees): 1994 170

3.10 Percentage Differences in Likelihood of Successful Completion, by
Select Sub-populations (Pursuing Vocational vs. Academic Associate
Degrees): 1994 and 2000 173

3.11 Adjusted Percentage Difference in Earnings between Postsecondary
Vocational Program Participants and High School Graduates: 1986 and 2000
176

3.12 Rate of Return to Participation in Postsecondary Education Compared
to Completion of High School, by Special Sub-populations: 1994 and 2000
180

Chapter 4 Tech-Prep Education

4.1 Number of States Reporting Each Criterion Must Be True for a Student
to Be Defined as "in Tech-Prep" 189

4.2 Total Number of Secondary Tech-Prep Students Reported and Percentage
of Students as a Share of All High School Students: 1993, 1995, and 2001
191

4.3 Percentage of High Schools Offering Tech-Prep, by School
Characteristics: 2000 194

4.4 Percentage of Vocational Teachers Involved in Articulation: 2001 197

4.5 Number of States Specifying Workplace Experiences as a Key Tech-Prep
Element 201

4.6 Number of States Reporting Specific Approaches Must Be Used by Local
Tech-Prep Consortia at the Secondary and Postsecondary Levels:\
1997 and 2001 203

4.7 Summary of Evaluation Findings about Tech-Prep Students' Transition
to Postsecondary Education, Compared to the Transitions of Other
Students 207

Chapter 5 Program Management: Funding and Accountability

5.1 Perkins III Funding Provisions 212

5.2 Amounts of Perkins State Grant Allocations and Reservations: 1992
and 2001 216

5.3 Perkins III Accountability Provisions 219

Table Page

5.4 Percentage of Perkins Grant Funds Allocated to Secondary and
Postsecondary Vocational Education: 1992 and 2001 222

5.5 Number and Amount of Secondary Grants Awarded and Percentage Change:
1992 and 2001 224

5.6 Average, Maximum, and Minimum Secondary Grant Amounts, by State:
2001 226

5.7 Percentage of Eligible Districts Awarded Perkins Funds: 1992 and
2001 228

5.8 Percentage of Local Secondary Perkins Funds Allocated, by
School/Program Type: 2001 229

5.9 Number of States Using Perkins Funding Flexibility Provisions: 2001
231

5.10 Use of the Reserve Fund, by State: 2001 232

5.11 Average Perkins Grant Amounts per Secondary Student and
Distribution of Perkins Funds, by LEA Poverty Level: 1992 and 2001 234

5.12 Average Perkins Grant Amounts per Secondary Student and
Distribution of Perkins Funds, by Locale: 1992 and 2001 236

5.13 Average Perkins Grant Amounts per Secondary Student and
Distribution of Perkins Funds, by LEA Size: 1992 and 2001 237

5.14 Percentage of Perkins State Leadership Funds Spent for Secondary
Vocational Education, by Activity: 2001 239

5.15 Number of States with Gender Equity and/or Special Populations
Coordinators at the Secondary Level: 2001 240

5.16 Number and Amount of Postsecondary Grants Awarded: 1992 and 2001
242

5.17 Average, Maximum, and Minimum Postsecondary Grant Amounts, by
State: 2001 244

5.18 Percentage of Postsecondary Institutions Awarded Perkins Grants:
1992 and 2001 246

5.19 Percentage of Local Postsecondary Perkins Funds Allocated, by
Institution/Program Type: 2001 247

5.20 Number of States Using Perkins Funding Flexibility Provisions: 2001
248

5.21 Percentage of Perkins State Leadership Funds Spent for
Postsecondary Vocational Education, by Activity: 2001 250

Table Page

5.22 Number of States with Gender Equity and/or Special Populations
Coordinators at the Postsecondary Level: 2001 251

5.23 Amounts for Tech-Prep State Grant Allotments: 1992 and 2001 252

5.24 Number of States Using Various Methods to Award Grants to Local
Tech-Prep Consortia: 2001 254

5.25 Factors States Used in Formulas for Awarding Local Tech-Prep
Grants: 2001 255

5.26 Number of Tech-Prep Consortium Grants and Average Grant Amounts:
1994, 1996, and 2001 256

5.27 Average, Maximum, and Minimum Size of Tech-Prep Grants Awarded to
Grantees and Number of Grantees, by State: FY 2001 257

5.28 Key Accountability Terms 259

5.29 Number of States Adopting Various Measurement Approaches for
Reporting Secondary and Postsecondary Vocational Education Performance:
2001 262

5.30 Number of States Indicating the Level of Difficulty in Collecting
Perkins Performance Data: 2001 267

5.31 ED-Approved State Baseline Data in 1999--2000 and Improvement
Targets for Secondary Performance Reporting in 2000--2001 269

5.32 ED-Approved State Baseline Data in 1999--2000 and Improvement
Targets for Postsecondary Performance Reporting in 2000--2001 270

5.33 States Meeting or Exceeding ED-Negotiated Performance Levels for
Selected Secondary Indicators: 2000--2001 272

5.34 Number of States Indicating That They Identified Individual Schools
and Districts as in Need of Improvement Based on Performance Data: 2001
276

5.35 Number of States Reporting "None" or "Not Very Much" Coordination
Between Perkins and Related Federal Legislation on Specific
Accountability System Elements: 2001 278

5.36 State-Reported Costs of Establishing and Maintaining Accountability
Systems at the State Level: FY 2001 280

Table Page

Chapter 6 Conclusions and Potential Future Directions for the Perkins
Act

6.1 Value-Added Effects of Vocational Education on Student Outcomes:
Summary of Recent Research Evidence 283

6.2 Percentage of Occupational Concentrators and Non-concentrators
Completing the "New Basics" Core Academic Curriculum and a College Prep
Curriculum: 1990 and 2000 286

6.3 Percentage of 1982 and 1992 High School Graduates Who Enrolled in
Postsecondary Education or Training within Two Years after Graduation:
1984 and 1994 289

6.4 Adjusted Percentage Difference in Earnings between Postsecondary
Vocational Program Participants and High School Graduates, by Gender:
2000 294

6.5 Grant Amounts Awarded to Secondary and Postsecondary Recipients:
1992 and 2001 297

6.6 Average Perkins Grant Amounts, Adjusted for Student Enrollments, by
LEA Poverty Level: 1992 and 2001 298

6.7 Overview of Specific Strategies to Improve Vocational Program
Performance, by Federal Priority 305

# List of Figures

Figure Page

Executive Summary

1 Average Earnings of 1992 High School Graduates, with and without an
Extra Occupational Course: First Year and a Half and Seventh Year after
Graduation xxii

2 Change in NAEP 12th-Grade Test Scores for Concentrators and
Non-concentrators: Reading 1994--1998 and Mathematics 1990--2000 xxv

3 Percentage of Concentrators and Non-concentrators Scoring at or above
Proficiency on NAEP 12th-Grade Test Scores: Reading 1994--1998 and
Mathematics 1990--2000 xxvi

4 Average Credits Earned by High School Students, by Type of Course
Work: 1982--2000 xxviii

5 PRAXIS (Preservice) Reading and Mathematics Scores, by Type of
Prospective Teacher: 1994--1999 xxix

6 Highest Credential Attained by Postsecondary Vocational Participants
within Five Years, by Stated Goal: 1994 xxxii

7 Percentage Distribution of Postsecondary Vocational Students, by Age
and Reported Primary Goal: 1996 xxxiii

Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Perkins Vocational Education Funding (Appropriations) as a
Percentage of Total U.S. Department of Education Budgets: 1980--2004 8

1.2 Selected U.S. Department of Education Spending on High Schools: FY
2001 8

Chapter 2 Secondary Vocational Education

2.1 Vocational-Technical Course Taxonomy 22

2.2 Percentage of Students Participating in Vocational Education:
1982--2000 26

2.3 Average Credits Earned by High School Students, by Type of Course
Work: 1982--2000 27

2.4 Average Credits Earned by High School Students, by Subject Area:
2000 28

Figure Page

2.5 Percentage of Occupational Investors Who "Concentrate" Their
Occupational Courses in a Single Program Area: 1982--2000 29

2.6 Percentage Distribution of All Vocational Credits Earned, by Grade
Level: 1982, 1990, and 1998 33

2.7a Percentage of Students Concentrating in Various Occupational
Programs:\
1982 and 1998 35

2.7b Percentage Change from 1983 to 1996 in Number of Jobs, by
Occupational Grouping 36

2.8 Average PRAXIS I Test Scores, by Type of Teacher Candidate:
1994--1999 84

2.9 Change in NAEP 12th-Grade Test Scores for Concentrators and
Non-concentrators: Reading 1994--1998 and Mathematics 1990--2000 104

2.10 Percentage of Concentrators and Non-concentrators Scoring at or
above Proficiency on NAEP 12th-Grade Test Scores: Reading 1994--1998 and
Mathematics 1990--2000 107

2.11 Average Earnings of 1992 High School Graduates, with and without an
Extra Occupational Course: First Year and a Half and Seventh Year after
Graduation 118

Chapter 3 Postsecondary Vocational Education

3.1 Percentage Distribution of Students, by Degree Level and Program
Type: 2000 130

3.2a Percentage Distribution of Students Enrolled in Vocational
Associate Degree Programs, by Field of Study: 1990 and 1996 133

3.2b Percentage Change in Number of Jobs, by Selected Occupational
Fields Requiring a Vocational Associate Degree: 1986--1996 134

3.3 Percentage Distribution of Postsecondary Students According to Age,
by Major: 2000 136

3.4 Percentage Distribution of Sub-baccalaureate Students, by Major and
Parents' Highest Education Level: 2000 141

3.5 Percentage Distribution of Sub-baccalaureate Students in Credit and
Noncredit Courses, by Race/Ethnicity: 1999 and 2000 144

3.6 Percentage Distribution of Sub-baccalaureate Students, by Major and
Reported Primary Goal: 1996 and 2000 147

3.7 Percentage Distribution of Sub-baccalaureate Faculty Members, by
Program and Highest Credential Attained: 1999 154

Figure Page

3.8 Percentage Distribution of Postsecondary Students in Vocational and
Academic Programs, by Amount of Participation over a Five-Year Period:
1994 166

Chapter 6 Conclusions and Potential Future Directions for the Perkins
Act

6.1 Average Earnings of 1992 High School Graduates, with and without an
Extra Occupational Course: First Year and a Half and Seventh Year after
Graduation 284

6.2 Change in NAEP 12th-Grade Test Scores for Concentrators and
Non-concentrators: Reading 1994--1998 and Mathematics 1990--2000 287

6.3 Percentage of Concentrators and Non-concentrators Scoring at or
above Proficiency on NAEP 12th-Grade Test Scores: Reading 1994--1998 and
Mathematics 1990--2000 288

6.4 Average Credits Earned by High Schools Students, by Type of Course
Work: 1982--2000 290

6.5 PRAXIS (Preservice) Reading and Mathematics Scores, by Type of
Prospective Teacher: 1994--1999 292

6.6 Highest Credential Attained by Postsecondary Vocational Participants
within Five Years, by Stated Goal: 1994 295

6.7 Percentage Distribution of Postsecondary Vocational Students, by Age
and Reported Primary Goal: 1996 296

# ►Acknowledgments

This final report of the National Assessment of Vocational Education
(NAVE) benefited from the contributions of many persons, both inside the
U.S. Department of Education and in other organizations. The NAVE staff
would like to extend their appreciation to all of these individuals and
to acknowledge those whose assistance was particularly crucial.

First, the work of the NAVE was conducted under the guidance of an
Independent Advisory Panel, whose names and affiliations appear at the
back of this report. Their insights and support were invaluable, and
their constructive advice made both the interim and final NAVE reports
better products.

Several colleagues at the Department played important roles. At the
Office of Vocational and Adult Education (OVAE), we are especially
grateful for the input and cooperation provided by Assistant Secretary
Susan Sclafani, former Assistant Secretary Carol D'Amico, Deputy
Assistant Secretary Hans Meeder, Dennis Berry, special assistant for
research, Sharon Belli, OVAE's original liaison to NAVE, and Braden
Goetz in OVAE's policy group. Our partnership with Lisa Hudson at the
National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) was extremely
productive. We also received useful advice from Alan Ginsburg, director
of the Policy and Program Studies Service (PPSS) in the Office of the
Under Secretary.

The foundation of this report is the analysis undertaken by a variety of
contractors with whom we collaborated closely. For their careful work
with the data and their help in interpreting results we would like to
thank, in particular: (1) Karen Levesque, Gary Hoachlander, Denise
Bradby, Bob Fitzgerald, Paula Hudis, Steve Klein, and Rosio Bugarin at
MPR Associates, (2) Roberto Agodini, Joshua Haimson, John Deke, Tim
Novak, and Stacey Uhl at Mathematica Policy Research, Inc., (3) Tom
Bailey and his team at Teachers College, Columbia University, (4) Ivan
Charner and Robin White at the Academy for Educational Development, and
(5) Cathy Stasz and Sue Bodilly at the RAND Corporation.

We also appreciate the efforts of all those who helped with the
production of the report. Angela Clarke and Ann Nawaz from PPSS assisted
with early document preparation and report dissemination. Barbara Kridl,
Andrea Livingston, Leslie Retallick, and the publishing staff of MPR
Associates are responsible for editing the report and providing the
cover and layout design. Edward Ohnemus in the Department's Office of
Public Affairs reviewed the report for publication.

Finally, we owe our gratitude to the many students and vocational
educators across the country on whom our data and analyses are based.
This report is written with sincere appreciation for their efforts.

In the end, the judgments expressed in this report are those of the
authors. While they are employees of PPSS in the Office of the Under
Secretary, this assessment is an independent study, as called for by
law, and does not necessarily reflect the official views or policies of
the U.S. Department of Education.

Marsha Silverberg

Elizabeth Warner

Michael Fong

David Goodwin

# ►Executive Summary

Eighty-five years ago the federal government first committed to
vocational education as a national priority.[^1] Since then, the
enterprise has grown to encompass a wide variety of activities,
participants, and purposes. Currently, nearly half of all high school
students and about one-third of college students are involved in
vocational programs as a major part of their studies. Perhaps as many as
40 million adults---one in four---engage in short-term, postsecondary
occupational training (Darkenwald and Kim 1998). These individuals come
to vocational education for different reasons, participate in different
ways, and take different paths afterwards. In an era in which strong
skills and lifelong learning are rewarded, the nature and impact of
student experiences in vocational education could have important
implications for the nation's workforce and America's place in the
global economy.

Federal efforts to improve the quality and availability of vocational
programs are articulated, most recently, in the Carl D. Perkins
Vocational and Technical Education Act (Perkins III).[^2] Passed in
October 1998, this act reflects both continuity with previous vocational
legislation and some substantive departures, specifically in funding and
accountability. As policymakers begin to consider further changes in
law---in anticipation of reauthorization scheduled for 2004---they will
be examining vocational education as a field in transition, prompted by
sweeping changes in federal, state, and local education and training
priorities. This final report of the congressionally-mandated National
Assessment of Vocational Education (NAVE) provides information to enable
new policy to be responsive to these shifts.

# A. Key Findings

The National Assessment of Vocational Education (NAVE) was charged with
evaluating the status of vocational education and the impact of Perkins
III. After more than three years of study NAVE finds that:

► Vocational education has important short- and medium-run earning
benefits for most students at both the secondary and postsecondary
levels, and these benefits extend to those who are economically
disadvantaged.

► Over the last decade of academic reforms, secondary students who
participate in vocational programs have increased their academic course
taking and achievement, making them better prepared for both college and
careers than were their peers in the past. In fact, students who take
both a strong academic curriculum and a vocational program of
study---still only 13 percent of high school graduates---may have better
outcomes than those who pursue one or the other.

► While positive change is certainly happening at the high school level,
secondary vocational education itself is not likely to be a widely
effective strategy for improving academic achievement or college
attendance without substantial modifications to policy, curriculum, and
teacher training. The current legislative approach of encouraging
"integration" as a way to move secondary vocational education toward
supporting academics has been slow to produce significant reforms.

In large part, the pace and path of improvement are hampered by a lack
of clarity over the program's fundamental purpose and goal. Perkins III
offers a conflicted picture of federal priorities for vocational
education improvement---academic achievement, technical skills, high
school completion, postsecondary enrollment and degree completion, and
employment and earnings. Without a clearer focus for the federal
investment---amounting to about 5 percent of local spending---around
which to rally the commitment and efforts of vocational teachers,
counselors, and administrators, ongoing program progress in any
particular direction is less certain.

This overall assessment draws on evidence addressing three key NAVE
questions:

1\. How does, or can, vocational education improve the outcomes of
secondary students who choose to enroll in vocational and technical
programs?

2\. What is the nature and impact of vocational education at the
sub-baccalaureate level, and what is its relationship to current
workforce development efforts?

3\. Is the policy shift from set-asides and legislative prescription to
flexibility and accountability likely to improve program quality and
student outcomes? How do special populations fare?

***~1.\ How\ does,\ or\ can,\ vocational\ education\ improve\ the\ outcomes\ of\ secondary\ students\ who\ choose\ to\ enroll\ in\ vocational\ and\ technical\ programs?~***

Perkins III and its legislative predecessors have largely focused on
improving the prospects for students who take vocational education in
high school, a group that has historically been considered low achieving
and noncollege-bound.[^3] However, students who participate most
intensively in vocational programs---those we call occupational
"concentrators"[^4]---are actually quite diverse; certainly, about a
quarter never enroll in postsecondary education, but a substantial
number (18 percent) go on to complete at least a baccalaureate degree.
The vocational courses most high school students take improve their
later earnings but have no effect on other outcomes that have become
central to the mission of secondary education---such as improving
academic achievement or college transitions (Table 1). Whether the
program as currently supported by federal legislation is judged
successful depends on which outcomes are most important to policymakers.

![](media/image2.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.925694444444445in"}

► ***The short- and medium-term benefits of vocational education are
most clear when it comes to its longstanding measure of
success---earnings.*** Several recent studies highlight the positive
average effects of vocational course taking on annual earnings, measured
just over a year or several years after high school graduation. Seven
years after graduation, for example, students earned almost 2 percent
more for each extra high school occupational course they took. That
translates into about \$450 per course, based on average earnings of
about \$24,000 (Figure 1); the benefit would be \$1,350 more for the 45
percent of all high school graduates who take at least three
occupational courses, including the quarter of graduates who concentrate
their course taking in one program area (occupational concentrators).

![](media/image3.png){width="6.5in" height="4.7965277777777775in"}

To varying extents, the studies indicate that these benefits extend to
the large group of high school graduates who enroll in postsecondary
education and training, to both economically and educationally
disadvantaged students, to those with disabilities, and to both men and
women. In addition, students who complete the "New Basics" academic
curriculum as well as a concentration of occupational courses---about 13
percent of all graduates---earn more than similar students who complete
the New Basics and little vocational education.[^5] However, the studies
are more mixed on whether secondary vocational courses benefit the
one-quarter of high school graduates who never enroll in postsecondary
education, a group that has historically been the focus of vocational
policy. There are also some important caveats to these earnings results.
The evidence that vocational education increases wages---a proxy for a
"better" job---is weaker, and it is likely that the benefits will
continue to decline over time.

► ***Students in vocational programs of study have significantly
increased their academic course taking and achievement over the last
decade, although gaps remain.*** During the 1990s, successive groups of
occupational concentrators took more, and more rigorous, academic
courses along side their vocational curriculum (Table 2). By the end of
the decade, the academic credit gap between them and students who took
little or no vocational education had narrowed substantially. However,
there were still differences between concentrators (51.1 percent) and
non-concentrators (60.3 percent) in the proportion who completed the
extensive New Basics core academic curriculum and larger gaps in the
percent that completed a rigorous college preparatory curriculum (29.2
percent versus 46.2 percent).

![](media/image4.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.459027777777778in"}

More importantly, occupational concentrators also made substantial
progress on academic achievement (Figure 2). The National Assessment of
Educational Progress (NAEP) 12th-grade test scores of occupational
concentrators increased during the decade, by about 8 scale points in
reading and 11 scale points in math. Students who took little or no
vocational education increased their reading achievement by about 4
points in reading and experienced no increase in math achievement. As a
result of these trends, the gap between concentrators and
non-concentrators remained roughly stable in reading, while the gap in
math achievement was reduced significantly.

![](media/image5.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.438888888888889in"}

The NAEP assessments indicate that there has been substantial progress,
but more work is necessary to raise the achievement levels of all
students, particularly those in vocational programs. Most importantly,
occupational concentrators are far less likely than non-concentrators to
be proficient in reading or math, as defined by their most recent NAEP
test scores (Figure 3). If proficiency on the 12th-grade NAEP
assessments is associated with readiness for postsecondary education or
success in the labor market, then these figures suggest a greater focus
on academic improvement is needed.

![](media/image6.png){width="6.492361111111111in" height="4.94375in"}

► ***There is little evidence that vocational courses contribute to
improving academic outcomes.*** The noted improvements in academic
performance are likely due to higher academic graduation requirements
and increased emphasis on academic reforms. Both analyses of high school
student data and randomized controlled studies indicate that, on
average, vocational courses and programs do not themselves "add value"
to academic achievement as measured by test scores. Not surprisingly,
substituting additional academic courses for occupational courses does
raise achievement. Moreover, although there is mixed evidence that
vocational education reduces dropping out of school, the more rigorous
studies suggest there is no effect.

► ***Postsecondary transition rates have increased; vocational courses
neither hurt nor help most students' chances of going on to college but
are associated with a shift from earning a bachelor's degree to earning
an associate's degree or certificate.*** Vocational education has long
been stigmatized as for the "noncollege bound" or as a deterrent to
college, although NAVE finds that neither of these concerns is well
founded. The best available national trend data indicate that higher
proportions of occupational concentrators are moving on to some form of
postsecondary education or training, although they still participate
overall at lower rates than do other students and in particular in
four-year colleges and universities (Table 3). Many concentrators enroll
later, so that by seven years after graduation nearly three-quarters
versus 90 percent of all other students have participated to some
extent.

![](media/image7.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.8743055555555554in"}

However, improvements in postsecondary enrollment do not appear related
to vocational course taking. Studies of graduates in both the early and
later 1990s indicate that vocational education itself has no effect on
whether students ever attend postsecondary education or training.[^6]
Moreover, among those who enroll, high school vocational education is
associated with a lower likelihood of completing a bachelor's degree
program and a corresponding higher likelihood of completing an
associate's degree or certificate program.

► ***Secondary vocational education is a large component of high school
course taking and serves a diverse set of students, but it is an
increasingly smaller share of the overall curriculum.*** Nearly every
student (96.6 percent) leaves high school having taken some vocational
education, although the extent of student involvement varies. By almost
any measure, participation remained stable during the last decade after
an earlier period of decline, withstanding schools' ongoing focus on
academic improvement. While there was little change in the amount of
vocational course work taken by high school students during the 1990s,
students earned more academic credits, thus lowering vocational
education's share of the overall high school curriculum---from 21.8
percent in 1982 to 17.8 percent in 1990 to 16.2 percent in 2000 (Figure
4). Still, high school students earn, on average, more credits in
vocational education (4.0) than in math (3.4) or science (3.1).

![](media/image8.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="3.863888888888889in"}

Those who participate most intensively---occupational
concentrators---are a varied set of students. However, those who have
disabilities or are male, come from lower-income or rural schools, or
arrive at high school with low academic achievement participate more
substantially than do other students. These patterns were generally
stable during the last decade, although vocational education appeared to
attract more academically talented students during the 1990s. Less
progress was made on overcoming gender differences in vocational course
participation.

► ***The Perkins quality improvement strategies may be too vague to
drive change without clear direction.*** Perkins III carried over a
variety of strategies from Perkins II---such as integration of academic
and vocational instruction, an all aspects of the industry emphasis,
linkages between secondary and postsecondary programs, collaboration
with employers, and expanding the use of technology. Several of these
strategies, including integration, are ill defined and that may be a
barrier to wider implementation. In addition, little is known about
their effectiveness in improving student outcomes. Perhaps more
importantly, the practices are potentially targeted toward different
outcomes: for example, technology might be expected to affect
occupational-technical skills, integration to affect students' academic
achievement. The list does not reflect a focused purpose to the federal
investment.

► ***Improving teacher quality will be important if vocational education
is expected to alter its mission.*** Teachers have the most direct
impact on instruction and the earnings benefits for many vocational
students may suggest that this instruction is valued in the labor
market. However, federal legislation over the past decade has tried to
guide vocational education toward providing greater support for academic
achievement; student outcomes and program implementation suggest that
these efforts have been less successful. Current vocational teachers are
less likely than academic teachers to have bachelors' degrees and many
do not feel they have received sufficient professional development on
the key strategy of integration. Moreover, prospective high school
vocational teachers (in vocational teacher training programs) score
lower on basic reading and writing tests than do those preparing to be
elementary school teachers and lower on math tests than other secondary
teachers (Figure 5). Substantial investments in new recruitment and
in-service training approaches may be required if federal legislation
continues to make supporting academic achievement a priority for
vocational education.

![](media/image9.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="4.129861111111111in"}

► ***Tech-Prep was a catalyst for certain vocational reform activities
but, because few schools implement it as a comprehensive program of
study, it is now playing less of a distinctive role.*** Efforts to
promote both integration of academic and vocational instruction and
articulation between secondary and postsecondary education were
stimulated by the Tech-Prep Education Act in Perkins II. However, 12
years later, few schools implement Tech-Prep as a structured program
with at least two years of clearly linked high school course work and at
least two years of related postsecondary course work (the "two-plus-two"
design). The most recent estimates suggest that about 10 percent of
Tech-Prep consortia, representing 5 percent of Tech-Prep students
overall, may be promoting this comprehensive two-plus-two approach. In
2001, only seven states reported that they require local grantees to
implement Tech-Prep as a distinct program.

More typically schools implement individual components of the Tech-Prep
model---maintaining articulation agreements, providing professional
development on integration to academic or vocational teachers, or
improving career guidance and planning. Many of these activities are
becoming part of secondary vocational education more broadly, and little
change has occurred at the postsecondary level to accommodate Tech-Prep
students. As a result, Tech-Prep efforts now overlap substantially with
those of regular vocational education.

***~2.\ What\ is\ the\ nature\ and\ impact\ of\ vocational\ education\ at\ the\ sub-baccalaureate\ level,\ and\ what\ is\ its\ relationship\ to\ current\ workforce\ development\ efforts?~***

Given the labor market value of college credentials, "lifelong
learning," and flexibility in skills, the role of sub-baccalaureate
vocational education is increasingly important. Many different types of
students, with different intentions, cross the doors of community
colleges and other Perkins-eligible postsecondary institutions; even
with this diversity, the institutions provide services from which most
participating students benefit. Relatively low rates of retention are a
concern, however, not only because federal policy has long encouraged
postsecondary degree completion as a strategy for maintaining American
economic competitiveness, but also because individual participants would
reap much greater earnings advantage from staying long enough to earn a
credential. An emphasis on degree completion may be at odds with the
shorter-term training emphasized by the Workforce Investment Act (WIA).
But at least so far, integration of decision-making and services between
Perkins and WIA has been limited in most states.

► ***There are significant economic returns to postsecondary vocational
education, with the greatest benefits for those who earn a
credential.*** As was true at the secondary level, vocational education
in community colleges appears to produce a substantial positive effect
on earnings for the vast majority of participants. There are differences
in these returns, depending on how much course work is completed (Table
4). Some postsecondary vocational participants do benefit from a year's
worth of vocational course taking even without attaining a credential,
earning between 5 and 8 percent more than do high school graduates with
similar characteristics. However, much higher economic rewards go to
those who pursue significant amounts of postsecondary vocational
education and earn a degree or certificate; female associate's degree
holders, for example, earn 47 percent more than similar students with a
high school degree and males earn 30 percent more. These results
represent the average effects of earning postsecondary degrees. Although
many economists argue that the effects vary widely by occupational
field, the available data did not permit fields of study to be analyzed
separately.

![](media/image10.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.686111111111111in"}

► ***Fewer than half of postsecondary vocational participants seeking a
degree or certificate take enough courses to earn a credential.*** Like
their academic counterparts, many vocational participants leave
sub-baccalaureate institutions and programs having completed few
courses; more than two-thirds of vocational majors complete the
equivalent of a year or less of course work within a five-year time
period. Even among those who enroll with the goal of earning a degree or
certificate, fewer than half actually complete a credential of any kind
(Figure 6).[^7] Taking student goals and characteristics into account,
the completion rate for vocational majors is similar to that of academic
majors, although vocational participants are more likely to earn a
shorter-term credential (e.g., certificate) than they originally set out
to attain. The relatively low completion rate among postsecondary
vocational students is consistent across categories of students,
including those in special population groups.

![](media/image11.png){width="4.708333333333333in"
height="5.791666666666667in"}

► ***Postsecondary vocational education serves a large and diverse
population with varied expectations.*** About one-third of all students
in undergraduate postsecondary education are considered to be in
postsecondary vocational programs. These sub-baccalaureate vocational
students vary in age, income, work experience, and previous college
activity. Not surprisingly, then, they enroll with different goals---to
get an associate's degree or institutional certificate, to transfer and
pursue a bachelor's degree, to enhance their job skills, or to engage in
personal enrichment activities; older students are more interested in
obtaining job skills while younger students are more likely to aim for a
credential (Figure 7). To accommodate this diversity, community colleges
have to be particularly flexible institutions. Perkins III funds, which
represent just 2 percent of vocational education expenditures in public
two-year and less-than-two-year colleges, can be used to support almost
any part of the enterprise.

![](media/image12.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="3.723611111111111in"}

► ***Community colleges have had limited involvement in early
implementation of WIA, citing both low emphasis on training and
reporting requirements as disincentives.*** Early WIA implementation,
during a period of economic expansion and job growth, primarily
emphasized the development of new procedures and the delivery of
employment information over the kinds of training activities
Perkins-eligible institutions typically provide. There is some evidence
that, with the recent economic downturn, both the availability of
training vouchers and policy interest in training are increasing, but
the lack of coordination between WIA and Perkins accountability measures
reportedly still leads to substantial burden for participating
institutions.

***~3.\ Is\ the\ policy\ shift\ from\ set-asides\ and\ legislative\ prescription\ to\ flexibility\ and\ accountability\ likely\ to\ improve\ program\ quality\ and\ student\ outcomes?\ How\ do\ special\ populations\ fare?~***

The funding and accountability changes enacted under Perkins III have
been partially successful in addressing policymakers' objectives,
although much is still in development. Local grantees are receiving
larger dollar amounts and case studies suggest they are able to
distribute secondary Perkins funds to more schools, outcomes consistent
with the goal of directing more money to the local rather than state
levels. However, both the traditional ways in which grantees use their
funds and early implementation of the higher stakes accountability
system forecast at best slow change in vocational program quality.
Despite serious commitment among state administrators, technical
measurement and data quality problems hinder widespread use of
performance data for program management at either the state or local
levels. Given these deficiencies, it seems unlikely that, in the short
run, the accountability system will have particular benefits for special
population students, especially since identifying and collecting data on
these students has proven to be particularly difficult for state and
local officials. The effects of eliminating targeted set-asides intended
to promote gender equity is currently unknown.

► ***The new law succeeded in sending a higher share of funds to the
local level.*** The average size of local grants grew substantially
between Perkins II and Perkins III (approximately 34 percent for
secondary and 26 percent for postsecondary grantees) (Table 5). These
increases cannot be fully explained by increases in federal
appropriations that go to state grants (just over 15 percent) or a
reduction in the number of grants awarded.

![](media/image13.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.595833333333333in"}

► ***Flexibility provisions are popular, but may be weakening the
targeting of funds to high-poverty communities.*** Nearly 30 states at
the secondary level and 20 at the postsecondary level use at least one
of the flexibility provisions in Perkins III. The most common choice is
the newly established "reserve fund" provision, which allows states to
award 10 percent of local funds to programs in rural and other areas
without using the poverty-weighted legislated formula. Perhaps as a
result, the dollar advantage of high-poverty districts has declined
since Perkins II (Table 6).

![](media/image14.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.004166666666666in"}

Perkins III also included several options to allow states to better
coordinate federal vocational funds and activities with those of other
federal programs. Only one state submitted to ED a "consolidated" plan
to integrate vocational education with other education programs, and 12
states submitted "unified" plans in which they described their expected
activities under some combination of the Perkins, WIA, Adult Education,
and Vocational Rehabilitation laws. Although, under the ED Flex program,
states received the authority to waive Perkins requirements, states
generally did not exercise that authority.

► ***Implementation is progressing, but so far the performance
measurement system is rarely viewed as a tool for program
improvement.*** The current system, perhaps the first legislated
accountability effort with significant "teeth," is still evolving and
state officials have demonstrated a serious commitment to it. However,
several factors limit its likely impact on vocational programs and
student outcomes in the next few years: (1) difficulty collecting data,
(2) lack of validity or reliability of many adopted performance
measures, and (3) inconsistent approaches to data collection and
reporting within states. Certainly, the current system cannot provide a
reliable, national picture of vocational education performance. Overall,
the quality and reach of the Perkins accountability measures vary
considerably by indicator, by state, within state, and sometimes even
within local grantees' programs. It is therefore unsurprising that
relatively few states or districts use the performance data for
consequential decision-making.

► ***Although there have been some cutbacks in staffing dedicated to
special population services, the full effects on programs and students
are unknown.*** Even with the elimination of the gender equity
set-asides and coordinator requirements, many states continued to
support these efforts, though the amount of staff time seems to have
declined. In 2001, 23 states reported having at least one gender equity
coordinator working full- or part-time, but case studies suggest these
figures represent reductions from Perkins II. There were fewer observed
effects at the local level, with other funding sources sometimes making
up for the loss of Perkins gender equity grants. There were cutbacks in
targeted programs and services in some communities, but how these might
affect student outcomes cannot be known for several more years.

# B. Options for Future Directions[^8]

Despite the current strengths of the vocational education system
supported by Perkins III, there remain ongoing challenges for further
improvement. Policymakers may wish to consider a variety of
ways---encompassing broad or more specific strategies---in which to
shape the course of these improvements.

## 1. Broad Strategies for Promoting Change

There are several possible options that have implications for the
structure of a new or revised law. These broad strategies share a common
goal of providing a clearer focus to federal priorities.

***~Transform\ Perkins\ into\ a\ program\ with\ clear,\ focused,\ and\ limited\ objectives.~***

The Perkins legislation authorizes a stream of funds that provides wide
latitude to state and local grantees in terms of implementation and
goals. The law's reporting requirements reflect the historical
accumulation of purposes that have been laid out for vocational
education: improving students' academic and technical skills, enhancing
high school completion, promoting postsecondary enrollment and
completion, and ensuring successful labor market entry and
retention.[^9] All of these, it could be argued, are worthy objectives
for federal policy to address at either the high school or college
level, or both.

However, it is reasonable to question the capacity of any single law or
any single program strategy to succeed on all of these fronts. The
diffuse nature of federal priorities for this stream of funds both
reflects and contributes to ambivalence among policymakers and educators
about what "problem" is being addressed by the Perkins legislation, and
impedes efforts to develop clear, focused, and tested education
interventions designed to ameliorate the identified problem.

The federal investment could be more effective if directed toward a
narrower set of goals around which program improvement strategies and
accountability systems could be developed. There are some choices in
moving in that direction:

► ***Emphasize immediate goal of education or workforce development.***
Decision-makers may want to weigh whether vocational education, or the
activities the Perkins legislation supports, should most directly and
immediately contribute to:

> • Education, in which the emphasis is primarily on learning academic
> or occupational skills (or both) while enrolled in school; or
>
> • Workforce development, in which the emphasis is primarily on job and
> other post-school outcomes.

These various objectives are certainly interrelated and clarifying the
priorities does not imply that vocational education cannot also have
other benefits. Studies clearly link higher levels of learning and of
educational attainment to success in the work- place (see NAVE Interim
Report \[Silverberg et al. 2002\]). The language in Perkins III and of
vocational advocacy groups suggest that effective technical skills rest
on a strong foundation of academic proficiency. The question is,
however, which of these goals is most critical for Perkins-funded
activities? A focus is important for the federal role of promoting
continuing improvement.

► ***Separate the high school and postsecondary components of the
Perkins Act versus keeping them joined in the structure of the law.***
In some sense, secondary and postsecondary vocational education share
many qualities. Both are elective choices for students rather than a
required curriculum. Both serve an increasingly diverse set of students,
who have widely varying purposes for participating and hopes for what
they will accomplish. When secondary vocational education was clearly a
program for developing occupational skills and preparing for immediate
employment, the strategies at the two levels were similar. However, that
may no longer be the case. Because the mission of high schools and
community and technical colleges differ, as do the challenges they face,
policymakers may decide that federal vocational education should play a
different role at each level. For example, although federal policy may
charge secondary vocational education with reinforcing high schools'
learning objectives, policy may choose to more clearly tie postsecondary
vocational education to workforce development outcomes.

Establishing separate policies and goals for vocational education at the
two levels need not undermine the current federal emphasis on developing
clear pathways from high school to postsecondary education. On the
contrary, with two separate titles or sections, the law could more
clearly articulate the specific responsibilities of secondary and
postsecondary institutions to create and maintain those pathways.

***~Eliminate\ Tech-Prep\ as\ a\ separate\ title,\ folding\ its\ key\ activities\ into\ postsecondary\ institutions'\ responsibilities.~***

Tech-Prep has spurred some important efforts but has not lived up to its
promise of creating rigorous programs of technical study. The Tech-Prep
title of the Perkins Act has become a funding stream like the larger
state grant title in Perkins, allowing local consortia to supplement
vocational education or other efforts associated generally with the
spirit of the law (e.g., career development). Rarely are funds focused
on developing the well-defined two-plus-two (2+2) programs that early
Tech-Prep advocates promoted: integrated high school academic and
vocational curricula that are "articulated"---linked through credit
transfer agreements---to postsecondary programs. Instead, integration
and articulation have been implemented more on a course-by-course basis.
Moreover, these two key components of Tech-Prep have become more common
priorities for vocational education generally, diminishing the
distinctive role that Tech-Prep efforts might play. Finally, there is
some evidence that Tech-Prep funds are not as well targeted to
high-poverty areas as are the formula-driven basic grant funds under the
Perkins Act.

Despite these limitations, Tech-Prep remains the catalyst for some
initiatives and strategies that many consider worth preserving. Two, in
particular---convening local partners to collaborate on postsecondary
transition issues and updating articulation agreements---could instead
become required activities for postsecondary Perkins grantees, many of
whom already play this role as part of Tech-Prep consortia.[^10]

This strategy could, in effect, focus the Perkins-funded efforts of
eligible postsecondary institutions on serving their younger students
(those transitioning from high school) rather than on the older adult
population. Such an emphasis might be warranted, because the younger
students are less likely to be on a stable trajectory toward labor
market success: they have more limited work histories and previous
college or job training experience, and there is some evidence that
earning a credential matters more for them than for older students.
Given that Perkins grants represent about 2 percent of local community
college spending on occupational education, a focus for federal funds on
younger students might also strengthen current efforts to develop
rigorous cross-level course sequences, pathways, or programs of study.

***~Streamline\ accountability\ requirements\ to\ align\ with\ the\ more\ focused\ objectives.~***

The current accountability provisions in Perkins III require secondary
and postsecondary grantees to report on a broad array of student
outcomes, both those that students achieve while in school (academic
achievement, occupational-technical skill development, school
completion) and those that define their paths after they leave (further
education or training and employment). There are two reasons for
reducing the number of indicators:

► ***To limit burden and improve performance data quality.*** Many
states are finding it burdensome to meet all of the reporting
obligations and their current performance measures and data collection
approaches have limited validity and reliability, impeding reliance on
them for significant program management decisions. Improvements in data
quality and use are more likely if state and local grantees could
concentrate their efforts on a smaller set of indicators.

► ***To focus program improvement activities.*** The accountability
system is intended to motivate states, districts, and postsecondary
institutions to manage their programs more effectively. A more limited
set of performance indicators, closely aligned to policymakers'
priorities for the federal investment, could encourage more targeted
improvement efforts.

## 2. Specific Strategies for Improved Performance 

Although there are broad changes to the structure of the law that
policymakers could pursue, there are also individual practices and
strategies new legislation could promote that might improve particular
outcomes (Table 7). Ideally, one set of strategies would be emphasized,
tied to a clear declaration of federal priorities. However, the
strategies could also be implemented in combination.

![](media/image15.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="6.447222222222222in"}

These specific approaches---summarized in Table 7---draw to a large
extent on current research and evaluation analyses, most conducted under
the NAVE.

## 3. Closing

Vocational education, increasingly known as career and technical
education, is a longstanding program whose place in American education
continues to evolve. The broadening of its goals, the ongoing diversity
of participants, and the changing education and labor market climate in
which it operates, suggest vocational education is a flexible option for
schools and students.

With this flexibility comes some challenges, however. At the high school
level, participation in vocational education is an elective choice that
faces increasing pressure from emphasis on academic improvement. For
both secondary and postsecondary vocational education, the wide range of
participants and objectives raises a question about how effective a role
federal policy plays and whether that policy can or should promote a
clearer set of priorities. This final NAVE report is designed to
contribute to that discussion, by providing the most up-to-date and
comprehensive assessment of vocational education in the United States
and of the effects of the Carl D. Perkins Vocational and Technical
Education Act of 1998.

# 1. Introduction

Eighty-five years ago the federal government first committed to
vocational education as a national priority.[^11] Since then, the
enterprise has grown to encompass a wide variety of activities,
participants, and purposes. Currently, nearly half of all high school
students and about one-third of college students are involved in
vocational education programs as a major part of their studies. Perhaps
as many as 40 million adults---one in four---engage in short-term
postsecondary occupational training (Darkenwald and Kim 1998). These
individuals enter vocational education for different reasons,
participate in different ways, and take different paths after completing
their courses and programs. In an era in which strong skills and
lifelong learning are rewarded, the nature and impact of students'
experiences in vocational education could have important implications
for the nation's workforce and America's place in the global economy.

Federal efforts to improve the quality and availability of vocational
programs are most recently articulated in the Carl D. Perkins Vocational
and Technical Education Act.[^12] Passed in October 1998, this act
reflects both continuity with previous vocational legislation and some
substantive departures. As policymakers begin to consider further
changes in law---in anticipation of the scheduled reauthorization---they
will be examining vocational education as a field in transition,
prompted by sweeping changes in federal, state, and local education and
training priorities. This final report of the National Assessment of
Vocational Education (NAVE) provides information to enable new policy to
be responsive to these shifts.

# A. 1998 Perkins Act 

Signed into law on October 31, 1998, the Carl D. Perkins Vocational and
Technical Education Act (referred to as "Perkins III") represented
almost four years of deliberations over how to modify federal vocational
legislation. Previous periods of legislative change had focused on
particular policy concerns (Table 1.1). Over time, these changes
increasingly promoted educational equity, improvements in program
quality, and a shift away from vocational education's origins as a
separate program or "track." These objectives were also evident in the
Perkins III debates, but in passing the 1998 law, Congress sought to
address additional concerns and to do so in different ways.

![](media/image16.png){width="6.080555555555556in"
height="8.988194444444444in"}

## 1. Key Changes

Congress made several important substantive changes to the Perkins Act
in 1998. These changes reflected certain themes or priorities for
education and the role of the federal government in education policy:

► ***Increased emphasis on academics:*** Continuing the trend begun in
earlier legislation, Perkins III further focused attention on improving
the academic performance of vocational students; the stated purpose of
the 1998 law suggests that federal vocational education funds be
directed toward improving both academic and vocational-technical skills,
and new accountability provisions require state and local grantees to
ensure that vocational students are held to the same academic standards
as other students.

► ***Greater flexibility in the use of funds:*** The new law released
state and local agencies from certain federal rules governing how
Perkins grants were allocated and used for program improvement;
set-aside funding streams for gender equity were eliminated, as were
most other funding distribution requirements weighted toward "special
population groups" (e.g., students with disabilities).

► ***More funds directed to the local level:*** Congress wanted a larger
share of funds to be allocated to local programs, expecting that
additional resources would reach the classroom and could affect student
outcomes more directly; elimination of the set-asides allowed a higher
proportion of Perkins funds to pass to local districts, schools, and
postsecondary institutions.

► ***Creation of a "higher-stakes" accountability system:*** Although
states had been expected to gather information on the outcomes of
vocational students since 1990, Perkins III imposed requirements for
state reporting to the U.S. Department of Education (ED), including
disaggregated reporting for special populations; the new law also
introduced potential rewards and consequences for states that do and do
not improve student performance.

► ***Improved coordination with related initiatives:*** After debating
but discarding the option of combining the two laws, Congress enacted
Perkins III immediately after passing the Workforce Investment Act
(WIA); both laws were intended to provide opportunities to integrate
postsecondary education institutions into state and local systems for
workforce development and job training.

## 2. Continuity with the 1990 Perkins Act Amendments

Congress did not alter the basic structure of the Perkins Act in the
1998 reauthorization, however. Perkins remains primarily a formula grant
program.[^13] Funds are still distributed to states based on population
counts, while states allocate grants to local secondary and
postsecondary institutions based largely on the numbers of low-income
students the institutions serve. States continue to have discretion to
determine the proportion of their state grant that will be allocated to
secondary versus postsecondary vocational education.

Moreover, Perkins III continued to emphasize the major program
strategies reflected in the 1990 Perkins amendments (Perkins II).
Specifically, the law promotes the following:

► Integration of academic and vocational education, by implementing
coherent sequences of academic and vocational and technical instruction.

► Broadening the focus of vocational education content to emphasize
industries and careers in place of entry-level, job-specific training.

► Strengthening the links between secondary and postsecondary education
through Tech-Prep and other strategies.

## 3. Unresolved Policy Debates 

While the strategies outlined in the 1998 Perkins Act can be interpreted
as reflecting policymakers' current priorities and guidance for
vocational education, the legislation did not settle fundamental
questions that have been raised about its future role in the education
and training systems. Both in congressional deliberations before passage
of Perkins III and in continuing discussions in the education community,
several issues remain unresolved that could have implications for
reauthorization:

► ***At what education level is specialized vocational education
appropriate?*** More and more, the priorities of high schools and
policymakers have turned to improving students' academic achievement and
encouraging their entry into college, with this emphasis strongly
supported by the recent No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, which
reauthorized the Elementary and Secondary Education Act. Perhaps as a
result, vocational programs have become a smaller share of the high
school curriculum (see Chapter 2). At the same time, postsecondary
institutions, particularly community colleges, have assumed a much
larger role in preparing students for careers. Given this trend, the
limited federal resources available for high schools, and the costs of
keeping both secondary and postsecondary vocational programs up-to-date,
some question whether vocational education as a program of study belongs
in high school or whether this type of specialization should occur at
the college level.

► ***Whom should secondary vocational education serve and what is its
purpose?*** With its emphasis on preparing students for the labor
market, vocational education has long been supported, in part, as an
important strategy for high school students with weaker academic skills
or little interest in pursuing college credentials. Over the last
decade, however, federal legislation and most state agencies have
promoted the notion of vocational education as preparation for
high-tech, high-skill careers, those in which the academic skills
required may be substantial. Consistent with that objective, states and
local programs have sought to attract more academically talented
students into vocational education programs. Although current law
defines vocational education as preparation for careers requiring less
than baccalaureate degrees, this definition is increasingly at odds with
the goals and interests of participating students and the actual paths
they take after high school (see Chapter 2).

► ***What is the federal role in postsecondary vocational education?***
Many interpret the Perkins Act as providing a set of strategies designed
to improve secondary vocational education. Policymakers have mostly been
concerned with secondary vocational education, providing little
direction for the specific goals or problems federal Perkins funds are
expected to address at the postsecondary level. Currently, Perkins
grants can be used for a wide array of offerings that eligible
institutions provide and to support varied learning and training
objectives pursued by those who participate in postsecondary vocational
education.[^14] One issue policymakers may consider is whether Perkins
can, or should, address all of these populations and purposes or whether
federal resources should be more clearly focused.

► ***Should vocational education be "education" or "training"?*** For
the past decade, the Perkins Act has emphasized teaching about "all
aspects of the industry"---focusing on a comprehensive understanding of
the industry rather than just specific skills needed for an entry-level
job. Although state officials are increasingly interested in broadening
vocational programs into what they call "career clusters," much of
vocational education has been organized around traditional occupational
categories (Hoachlander 1998). In the past few years, many schools have
been attracted to---and policymakers have touted---vocational programs
offered by high-tech firms such as Microsoft and Cisco; to some, this
emphasis on product-specific skill training seems inconsistent with the
broader approaches promoted in federal policy. At the postsecondary
level, the provisions of Perkins have signaled some preference for
occupational programs that offer for-credit courses and culminate in an
associate degree (education), as compared to short-term, noncredit
training courses. But some groups who report growth in noncredit
enrollments have wondered whether this federal emphasis is appropriate.

► ***What is the best way to help special populations?*** Deep concerns
that different groups have uneven access to high-quality education,
including vocational education, initially led policymakers to set aside
funds for underserved groups. In 1998, that approach was replaced by one
that focused on holding grantees accountable for improving the
educational outcomes of all vocational education participants, including
targeted special populations. However, it may be many years before the
full effects of performance reporting will be known.

These debates are as much philosophical as empirical, reflecting diverse
opinions about the role of federal vocational education policy and the
specific objectives it addresses. Research and data can contribute to
and inform these discussions but are not likely to settle them. Federal
policymakers may choose to address these issues directly or leave them
up to the discretion of state and local agencies, as is currently the
case.

# B. Context for Evaluating Federal Support for Vocational Education

Each time Congress has considered federal aid for vocational education
the outcome reflected an understanding of the economic and educational
concerns of the time and the nature of the federal role in education.
Legislative actions often have sought to push vocational education in
new directions. The upcoming reauthorization of Perkins III is likely to
be no exception. Several factors are likely to shape policymakers'
deliberations over new vocational education legislation (see the NAVE
Interim Report to Congress \[Silverberg et al. 2002\] for a more
detailed discussion of these issues).[^15]

***~Education,\ labor\ market,\ and\ funding\ trends\ suggest\ shifts\ in\ policy\ priorities.~***

Vocational education has long straddled the education and job-training
systems, secondary and postsecondary institutions, and local, state, and
federal agencies. Vocational legislation is therefore always influenced
by larger education, labor market, and policy developments.

► ***High schools increasingly emphasize academic reform and college
preparation.*** Due to the poor performance of seniors on national and
international proficiency tests, declining graduation rates, and high
rates of college remediation, many have been concerned about the
academic achievement of high school students. Partly in response, nearly
every state has set higher academic standards for high school
graduation, and many have begun to include exit exams. The challenge
many students, including some in vocational programs, face in meeting
the new standards has raised questions about the role of high school
courses lacking clear academic focus. These concerns also have led to a
hypothesis that student enrollments in elective courses such as
vocational education will decline sharply.

► ***Good jobs require at least some postsecondary education.*** Both
high- and low-paying jobs are available in the labor market, but a
college credential of some kind is needed for most better-paying jobs.
Employment growth in occupations requiring a vocational associate degree
is projected to be higher (30 percent) than overall employment growth
(14 percent) through 2008 (Erard forthcoming). Thus, demand for
postsecondary vocational education is likely to remain strong.

► ***For the past 20 years, Perkins has represented a declining share of
federal education budgets, but it is still the largest single source of
U.S. Department of Education (ED) funds spent on high schools.***
Perhaps because the primary objective of vocational education has not
appeared well-aligned with other priorities, appropriations for the
Perkins Act and its predecessors have not kept pace with either
inflation or the expansion of other ED programs and the Department's
overall budget. In fiscal year 1980, funding for vocational education
represented about 6 percent of total ED appropriations, while in 2004 it
represented less than 3 percent (Figure 1.1). Despite its relative
declining share, Perkins III remains the largest single source of
federal education funds used to support high schools. Comparing dollars
spent at the high school level, vocational education appears to be of
equal federal priority as the combined funding of other programs focused
on raising academic achievement (Title I) and preparing students for
college (TRIO) (Figure 1.2).[^16]

![](media/image17.png){width="6.5in" height="3.890277777777778in"}

![](media/image18.png){width="6.5in" height="3.6875in"}

***~Current\ vocational\ policy\ attempts\ to\ promote\ many\ diverse\ goals\ and\ objectives.~***

Evolving priorities clearly have moved federal support for vocational
education toward fulfilling a broader set of objectives than training
students for work in factories and on farms after high school, the
original aim of federal vocational legislation at the turn of the 20th
century (Table 1.2). The stated purpose of the 1998 Perkins III Act is
to enhance not only the vocational and technical skills of students who
choose to participate in vocational education but also their academic
skills. The law's accountability provisions suggest that vocational
education is also expected to contribute to high school completion,
entry into postsecondary education and training, postsecondary degree
completion, and employment and earnings. Programs funded under the law
are expected to increase participation and success in programs leading
to nontraditional training and employment. Finally, to some extent,
Perkins III continues the emphasis on special populations that began
several decades earlier, shifting from a concern about access to one of
improved performance for the identified groups.

![](media/image19.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="4.03125in"}

While all of these outcomes are desirable, it is unclear whether they
can be achieved simultaneously. Since federal policy currently allows
states, school districts, and postsecondary institutions to decide which
objectives are the highest priority for Perkins spending, the law
provides great flexibility---but little focus---for the direction of
program improvement. In contrast, Title I of the recently enacted No
Child Left Behind Act, with funding in 2003 approximately 10 times
greater than that of the Perkins Act, is clearly focused on one core
mission: raising the academic achievement of disadvantaged students.

***~Several\ initiatives\ targeted\ to\ vocational\ education\ are\ beginning\ to\ move\ it\ in\ new\ directions.~***

In most communities, the vocational education of today looks far
different than it did a generation ago. Particularly over the past
decade, federal legislation and emerging trends have encouraged the
field to develop courses and programs reflecting the wider set of
missions, and to target a broader group of students. Aimed primarily at
the secondary level, many of these efforts are intended to reduce the
stigma traditionally associated with vocational education and to
encourage broad career preparation as a beneficial option for all
students.[^17] Among these vocational initiatives and strategies are the
following:

► ***High Schools That Work (HSTW).*** Originally designed by the
Southern Regional Education Board (SREB) as a strategy to improve the
academic achievement of "career-bound" students, HSTW emphasizes raising
academic graduation requirements for all students, students' completion
of either an academic or career major or both, new guidance and advising
systems, and tutorial assistance for students who need extra help.
According to the SREB, HSTW began with 28 sites in 13 states in 1987,
while in 2002 it was adopted as either a vocational education or
comprehensive school reform strategy by more than 1,100 schools in 36
states.

► ***Career academies.*** Developed in the 1970s as a dropout prevention
strategy targeted to students who are at risk of school failure, career
academies now serve a more diverse set of goals and students. Academies
are typically implemented as a school-within-a-school program of two to
four years that offers students a sequence of vocational and
college-preparatory academic course work organized around broad career
themes. In collaboration with an academy business partner, students may
obtain work experiences, take field trips, or complete school
assignments based on a designated career theme. The results from a 1999
survey suggest that as many as one-quarter of U.S. high schools offered
at least one career academy (Levesque forthcoming).

► ***Skill standards and certification.*** For nearly a decade, efforts
to develop national skill standards and portable credentials for many
occupations have received federal, industry, and labor support.[^18]
These standards were intended to identify the skills required in
particular fields and provide a focus for efforts to update vocational
curricula. Employers were expected to value the certificates that
students earned in the upgraded vocational programs. While the results
of the National Skill Standards Board have been limited so far, some
national, state, and regional industry groups have produced their own
sets of standards, which local programs report using. The findings from
a 1998 survey of School-to-Work partnerships nationwide suggest that
14.6 percent of secondary schools offered students in some vocational
programs certificates denoting mastery of skills identified by industry
groups at the partnership, regional, state, or national level (Hulsey,
Van Noy, and Silverberg 1999).

Skill standards and certifications recently have emerged in both new
ways and fields. Perhaps the most prominent new offerings in vocational
education are the high-tech Cisco Academies and Microsoft A+ and Novell
certification programs, which emphasize the high-wage, high-demand end
of vocational education offerings. These programs have grown in
popularity and are increasingly attracting a more academically talented
group of high school students to vocational education (Haimson and Van
Noy forthcoming).

► ***Tech-Prep articulation.*** Tech-Prep was originally designed as a
four-year program of related academic and vocational course work
spanning the last two years of high school and first two years of
community college in order to prepare students for technical careers.
Rarely implemented in this form, many schools instead have focused on
establishing articulation agreements that allow students to earn college
credit for high school vocational course work that meets college
standards; in some cases, articulation is leading to the upgrading of
high school vocational courses (Hershey et al. 1998). Since 1990,
Perkins legislation has set aside specific funds to support Tech-Prep.
The most recent evidence suggests that nearly half of all high schools
offer something they call "Tech-Prep" (Levesque forthcoming).

The result of these varied vocational efforts is a field that continues
to evolve. New terminology abounds; in fact, many in the field now refer
to it as "Career and Technical Education (CTE)" rather than vocational
education. Several program strategies overlap; many are implemented in
combination or as separate options within the same school or program.
Despite the federal definition of vocational education as "preparation
for careers requiring less than baccalaureate degrees," many of the
newer offerings are designed to attract students who intend to pursue a
four-year degree after high school.

The different initiatives are aimed toward different objectives: some
are designed to improve the academic achievement of vocational students,
some to improve their occupational and technical skills, others to
promote students' entry into college or their acquisition of general
employability skills recommended by the Secretary's Commission on
Achieving Necessary Skills (SCANS). Certainly, vocational education
course offerings have moved beyond "shop" class, and most communities
can point to at least one "high-profile" partnership program with
employers, usually in a high-technology or high-demand field such as
health care or information technology. Policymakers will need to
consider whether these developments, discussed in more detail in the
next chapters, are of sufficient extent and impact to be leading
vocational education on a consistent path toward meeting federal
priorities.

# C. National Assessment of Vocational Education 

Evidence on the nature of vocational education and the context in which
it operates is an important source of policy information. As was true
with previous vocational legislation, Perkins III directed the secretary
of education to complete an "independent evaluation and assessment of
vocational and technical education programs under this Act" (Section
114(c)(3)). The National Assessment of Vocational Education (NAVE) is
intended to support the broad goals of improving vocational education
and to provide Congress with information to guide reauthorization of the
Perkins Act.

## 1. Independent Advisory Panel

Following earlier legislative tradition, Perkins III directed the
secretary of education to appoint an Independent Advisory Panel to
provide advice on conducting NAVE. Such a panel was selected in mid-1999
and included employers, secondary school and district administrators,
representatives of postsecondary institutions, state directors of
vocational education at both the secondary and postsecondary levels,
union representatives, education and workforce development policy
experts, and researchers with experience in relevant fields.

This panel met on seven occasions to (1) identify the key policy and
research questions NAVE will address, (2) review the analytic framework
and study designs, and (3) receive and help interpret results from NAVE
analyses, including those described in this final report. Perkins III
required the panel to submit to Congress and the secretary of education
its own independent analysis of NAVE findings and recommendations. The
Advisory Panel's report to Congress has been transmitted in a separate
document.

## 2. Research Objectives and Questions

As a key source of policy information, NAVE examined the status of
vocational education across the country and, to the extent possible, the
early impacts of the 1998 law on vocational education practice. The
research agenda took into account the wide range of topics Congress
mandated in Perkins III (Section 114), including (1) implementation of
state and local programs; (2) the impact of changes in federal funding
formulas; (3) teacher quality and teacher supply and demand; (4) student
participation in vocational education; (5) academic and employment
outcomes; (6) employer involvement and satisfaction with vocational
education programs; (7) education technology and distance learning; and
(8) the effect of accountability requirements on program performance.

At a broader level, however, NAVE was guided by three key policy issues
(Table 1.3).

![](media/image20.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="8.156944444444445in"}

## 3. Evaluation Strategies and Limitations

Addressing the key vocational research and policy questions required a
set of interrelated but distinct studies (see NAVE Study Reports at the
end of the report). These studies involved the use of diverse data
collection and analysis methods, including qualitative case studies,
national surveys, state administrative databases, and both descriptive
statistics and sophisticated econometric estimation of program effects.
This report integrates information from both these NAVE-funded
assessments and relevant, high-quality studies sponsored by other
organizations and federal agencies.

NAVE's short time frame and the nature of Perkins III ultimately affect
the particular studies undertaken and the ways in which the information
can be used. First, due to the resources needed to conduct national
surveys, student transcript collection and coding, and student
assessments, NAVE often had to rely on existing data for national
estimates. Available national data, mostly from the National Center for
Education Statistics (NCES) of the Department of Education, are often
not as current or detailed as needed for timely decision making about
policy. The late release of data from several sources delayed important
NAVE analyses and the submission of this report.

Second, as with other studies of federal legislation, NAVE operated at a
time when many of the important changes in Perkins III had just begun.
Most states opted for "transitional plans," which, in effect, deferred
implementation of Perkins III provisions until fall 2000. Given the
reporting dates for NAVE, new data had to be collected primarily in 2001
and therefore reflect very early efforts made in response to new
legislative provisions.

Finally, several factors make it challenging to identify the specific
impact of this law on vocational education implementation or to
disentangle the influences of Perkins III from those of other state and
local initiatives. The Perkins Act contributes funds to a broad, ongoing
state and local education program; the legislation does not designate a
clearly defined or discrete model program. In addition, a significant
share of the nation's secondary districts and sub-baccalaureate
institutions do receive, and have received for some time, grants under
the act, making implementation differences between Perkins II and
Perkins III difficult to detect (see Chapter 5).

Despite these limitations and challenges, however, NAVE analyses provide
the most up-to-date and comprehensive assessment of vocational education
in the United States and of the effects of the Carl D. Perkins
Vocational and Technical Education Act of 1998.

# D. Overview of this Final Report to Congress

This report presents a synthesis of evidence on the implementation and
outcomes of vocational education and of the 1998 Perkins Act, as
outlined below (Table 1.4). It examines questions about the
effectiveness of vocational education in improving student outcomes, the
consequences of new funding and accountability provisions for programs
and participants, the implementation and quality of vocational
education, and the extent of its alignment with other reform efforts.
The report also provides options for the future direction of vocational
education legislation.

![](media/image21.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="6.697916666666667in"}

# 2. Secondary Vocational Education

Vocational education has long been a part of the American high school
experience. From its origins as an alternative to the college
preparatory curriculum, vocational education has become for most high
school students a set of electives to be taken alongside required
academic courses. As these academic requirements grow in number, rigor,
and importance, the role of secondary vocational education---and of
federal vocational education policy---may also be evolving.

This chapter aims to examine this issue by first describing how
vocational education is organized (Section A) and then addressing four
key research questions:

1\. Has the nature of vocational course taking changed and who
participates in it? (Section B)

2\. How is vocational education implemented and to what extent are
federal improvement strategies reflected in classroom practice and
school organization? (Section C)

3\. How well aligned is vocational education with other education reform
efforts? (Section D)

4\. How do vocational students fare both in and after high school, and
does vocational education contribute to student outcomes? (Section E)

# Key Findings

► Over the last decade, vocational students have made significant
academic progress---both in their achievement and the number of credits
earned---although there is little evidence that vocational course taking
is responsible for these promising outcomes.

During the 1990s, students who pursued a focused vocational program of
study ("occupational concentrators") took more, and more rigorous,
academic courses, and their average 12th-grade reading and math skills
increased. By the end of the decade, the academic course gap between
them and students with little or no vocational education had narrowed to
less than 1.0 Carnegie credit. However, these improvements are likely
due to higher academic graduation requirements and emphasis on upgrading
academic courses. Analyses of high school student data and recent
randomized controlled studies suggest that, on average, vocational
courses and programs do not in themselves contribute or "add value" to
academic achievement. Although the evidence is mixed, the most rigorous
evaluations indicate that vocational education also has no effect on
high school completion.

► Vocational courses probably neither hurt nor help students' chances of
entering or completing postsecondary education.

Vocational education has long been stigmatized as for the "noncollege
bound" or as a deterrent to college, although NAVE finds neither concern
well-founded. Higher proportions of occupational concentrators have
enrolled in college over the last several decades. Moreover, analyses
suggest that participating in vocational education has no effect on
whether a student engages in postsecondary education or training, partly
because many vocational students do enroll, just later than other
students. However, vocational course taking is associated with a shift
from earning a baccalaureate degree to earning an associate's degree.

► The benefits of vocational education are clearer when examining its
most longstanding measure of success---earnings.

Recent studies indicate a positive average effect of vocational
education on annual earnings, measured just over a year or several years
after high school graduation. Seven years after graduation, for example,
students earned almost 2 percent (about \$450) more for each additional
high school vocational course they took, or just over \$1,350 more for
occupational concentrators. These benefits appear to extend to students
who go to college, to those who have economic and educational
disadvantages, to those with disabilities, and to both men and women;
studies differ over whether there are earnings advantages for students
who *never* attend college, an increasingly small group. Students who
complete the "New Basics" academic curriculum *as well as* occupational
courses earn more than similar students who complete the "New Basics"
and little vocational education. However, the evidence is mixed on
whether earnings benefits come from students' working more hours or from
higher wages. Moreover, the medium-run earnings advantage of high school
vocational education is not likely to persist over time.

► Secondary vocational education is a large component of high school
course taking but an increasingly smaller share of the overall
curriculum.

Nearly every student (96.6 percent) leaves public high school having
taken some vocational education, although the extent of involvement
varies. By almost any measure, participation remained stable during the
last decade after a period of decline in the 1980s, withstanding
schools' ongoing focus on academic improvement. While the amount of
vocational course work taken changed little during the 1990s, students
earned more academic credits, thus lowering vocational education's share
of the overall high school curriculum---from 21.8 percent in 1982, to
17.8 percent in 1990, to 16.2 percent in 2000. Still, high school
students earn, on average, more credits in vocational education (4.2)
than in math (3.5) or science (3.2).

► Vocational education students represent a diverse group, including
those from special populations.

Vocational education serves an array of students, with most from the
middle range of academic and income advantage. However, those who have
disabilities or are male, come from lower-income or rural schools, or
enter high school with low academic achievement participate more
substantially than do other students. These patterns were generally
stable during the last decade, although vocational education appeared to
be attracting relatively more academically talented students. There was
less progress on overcoming gender differences in the particular
vocational courses students choose.

► Implementation of Perkins improvement strategies is progressing, with
wide variation in their intensity.

Perkins III carried over program improvement strategies from Perkins II,
several of which are being emphasized in high schools and area
vocational centers nationwide. For example, articulation agreements and
technology upgrades are growing. Integration of academic and vocational
education remains a priority at the state level (accounting for nearly
one-fifth of state leadership funds nationally) and is increasing
locally, but is still neither broadly nor deeply implemented.

► Vocational education is responding to state academic reforms, with
more consensus and action at the state than local levels so far.

Emphasis on academic reforms is prompting changes in vocational
education in some states and communities. Many states have developed
vocational curriculum guidelines, which increasingly include academic
content. Local practice has not yet been broadly affected due partly to
the lack of consensus among vocational teachers about their
responsibility for improving academic outcomes. Other effects of reform
include (1) more use of vocational course time for academic test
preparation; (2) reports of reduced vocational enrollments where
"high-stakes" assessments have recently been implemented; and (3)
efforts by vocational administrators and initiatives (e.g., High Schools
That Work) to promote smaller learning communities, alternative
scheduling, and the elimination of the general education track.
Moreover, Perkins remains the primary federal legislation that supports
collaboration between secondary and postsecondary institutions, with the
goal of encouraging more students to make successful transitions into
college.

# A. Organization of Vocational Education at the Secondary Level

Vocational education at the secondary level is a large and complex
system. Like academic subjects, vocational courses are available at
various grade levels and include both introductory and advanced
offerings. But far more so than academic subjects, secondary vocational
education is provided in diverse institutions. Understanding where and
how vocational courses are offered provides important context for
interpreting who participates in vocational education, how it is
implemented, and what are its outcomes.

***~Secondary\ vocational\ education\ is\ provided\ in\ a\ variety\ of\ settings.~***

Because nearly all public high school graduates earn credits in
vocational education, it follows that most secondary schools offer at
least some form of career learning. Recent evidence suggests that at
least 11,000 high schools,[^19] more than two-thirds of such schools
nationally (Table 2.1), provide at least one of the common occupational
programs. These schools include the following:

![](media/image22.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="3.9375in"}

► ***Close to 9,500 comprehensive high schools:*** Comprehensive high
schools typically have an academic focus, but some have large vocational
programs. Charter schools, many of which have career or occupational
themes, are also included in this category.

► ***About 1,000 vocational high schools:*** These schools emphasize
vocational instruction but also offer the full set of academic courses
required in a high school curriculum; students spend a full day at the
school.

► ***About 800 area or regional vocational schools (AVSs):*** They
usually provide only vocational instruction; students typically attend
part-time and receive their academic instruction at their home high
school.

Compared to comprehensive high schools, both types of vocational schools
are considered to offer higher-quality occupational instruction because
of their superior equipment and facilities and the greater depth and
breadth of training these specialized institutions provide. However,
most secondary vocational education is provided in comprehensive high
schools (Boesel et al. 1994b, p. 3), with some courses also offered in
middle schools.[^20]

***~Secondary\ vocational\ education\ encompasses\ three\ types\ of\ courses.~***

Regardless of where it is offered, secondary vocational education
comprises three types of courses (top of Figure 2.1):

![](media/image23.png){width="6.497222222222222in"
height="8.92361111111111in"}

► ***Specific Labor Market Preparation ("occupational education"):***
Teaches skills and knowledge required in a particular occupation or set
of related occupations---such as health, business, and food service and
hospitality---included in the 10 broad occupational program areas
defined by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), some
with subspecialty areas.[^21] This category includes cooperative
education, in which students earn school credit for work experience
related to a specific occupational program.

► ***General Labor Market Preparation (GLMP):*** Provides general
employment skills that are not specific to any particular occupational
area, such as courses in typing or keyboarding, introductory technology
education, career education, and general work experience.

► ***Family and Consumer Sciences Education (FCSE):*** Intended to
prepare students for family and consumer roles outside the paid labor
market, including consumer and home economics.

These courses can be expected to attract different types of students
across various grade levels.

***~The\ sequence\ and\ organization\ of\ vocational\ courses\ vary\ for\ each\ student.~***

Vocational education is an option for high school students. With input
from parents, students choose to enroll in a vocational high school or
area vocational school, if one is available; at comprehensive high
schools, they choose to take vocational courses in place of study hall
or other elective offerings, such as art, music, or more advanced
academic courses. The elective nature of vocational education has
important implications for policy because efforts to improve the rigor
or structure of vocational education will likely affect how many and
which students participate.

Students can also choose to, and do, take vocational courses in varying
numbers and with different objectives in mind. Many schools offer
sequences ("programs") of related, increasingly advanced courses in one
or several specific occupational areas (e.g., health, drafting, child
care). However, actual course taking does not necessarily follow these
organized offerings. Most vocational courses and programs have no
prerequisites, with students being free to enroll in courses across
occupational areas and levels, although some choose to focus on a single
occupation (Boesel et al. 1994b, pp. 85--87). The exceptions are
specialty career preparation programs like career academies and youth
apprenticeships, in which students' decisions to enroll are at least
tentative commitments to follow the programs' defined sequences of
vocational and academic courses.

Because involvement in vocational education varies, it is difficult to
identify a group for evaluation purposes whose participation and
outcomes would be best to measure.[^22] There are several possibilities:

► ***Vocational Course Taker:*** Graduate earning any credits in any
form of vocational education

• ***Occupational Investor:*** Graduate earning three or more credits in
occupational courses, regardless of how these credits are organized;
made up of two subgroups (concentrators and explorers).

• ***Occupational Concentrator:*** Graduate earning three or more
occupational credits but in a single program area (e.g., health care or
business services).

• ***Occupational Explorer:*** Graduate earning three or more
occupational credits but in more than one program area (e.g., business
services and agriculture).

Previous research has focused on "occupational concentrators"---students
who take three or more credits (corresponding to approximately three,
year-long, single-period courses) within a single occupational program
area. This group of students has received attention because they are the
closest proxy to program completers and are thought to be most intent on
preparing for a job or career.

From a policy perspective, however, concentrators are not the only group
of interest. The larger population of all students (44.5 percent) who
earn three or more occupational credits, of which concentrators are a
subset, is also important. Perkins grants are distributed to
institutions---districts and schools---to fund courses and programs not
individual students. Therefore the federal investment is similar whether
students concentrate their vocational course taking in a single
occupational program area (26.0 percent) or "explore" across several
areas (18.5 percent). Together, concentrators and explorers account for
the vast majority of credits earned in vocational or occupational
education. Each of these groups was examined in NAVE analyses.

# B. Access and Participation

For the last several decades, virtually every student has left high
school having completed at least one vocational course and some have
taken many. Some aspects of vocational participation are changing,
however. School reforms, evolving social and economic conditions, and
other factors are helping to shape the availability of and interest in
vocational education programs. Patterns of participation provide some
indication of the vitality of vocational education at the secondary
level and the extent to which these courses and programs serve
populations of policy interest.

## 1. Overall Trends in Vocational Education Enrollments

Enrollment trends reflect both continuing interest in vocational
education and its changing role. How much, and how, students participate
over time is one signal of the future direction of career preparation in
high schools.

***~There\ is\ little\ evidence\ of\ an\ ongoing\ drop\ in\ students'\ participation\ in\ vocational\ education.~***

A common concern in the vocational education community has been that
increasing college aspirations and emphasis on academic improvement
might reduce students' participation in vocational education (Levesque
et al. 2000). However, at least through 2000, students' involvement has
not decreased as dramatically as predicted. The most commonly used
measure of participation indicates that the decade of decline through
the 1980s appears to have leveled off; the share of occupational
concentrators fell substantially between 1982 and 1992 but has been
fairly steady since then, at about one-quarter of all high school
graduates (Figure 2.2). That figure translates into more than 725,000
students nationally who have pursued what might be called a "vocational
program of study."[^23]

![](media/image24.png){width="5.229166666666667in"
height="5.229166666666667in"}

Perhaps more importantly, researchers have typically ignored the larger
share of students who take at least 3.0 occupational credits
("occupational investors"), of which occupational concentrators are only
a subset. Examining the trends in this broader measure suggests that, in
fact, there has been little change over the past 15 years. Between 42.0
and 46.2 percent of all high school graduates since 1982 have invested
in vocational education in this way, or more than 1.2 million seniors in
2000 (see footnote 5). In part, this level of participation in
occupational courses has been maintained because increasing numbers of
students are taking at least one computer technology course, at the same
time that enrollments in some other occupational program areas have
declined.

***~Secondary\ vocational\ education\ is\ a\ large\ component\ of\ high\ school\ course\ taking\ but\ an\ increasingly\ smaller\ share\ of\ the\ overall\ curriculum.~***

Despite relatively stable student participation rates over the last
decade, however, vocational education is becoming a smaller share of the
way students spend their time in high school (Figure 2.3). The number of
average credits earned in vocational education fell from 4.7 in 1982 to
4.2 in 1990 (mostly the result of fewer keyboarding or typing classes in
high school) and remained steady at between 4.0 and 4.2 through
2000.[^24] At the same time, academic credits increased
substantially---from 14.3 to 18.8, making total credits rise. As a
result, vocational education's share of total credits dropped from 21.8
percent in 1982 to 17.9 percent in 1990 and to 16.2 percent in 2000.

![](media/image25.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="3.863888888888889in"}

Despite the overall declining share of vocational education credits,
high school students still earn more credits in vocational education
(4.2) than in math (3.5), science (3.2), or social studies (3.8) (Figure
2.4). Moreover, in 2000, the 4.4 English credits students earned on
average are not statistically different from the credits they earned in
vocational education. These findings are particularly striking, given
the emphasis that has been placed on academic reforms and higher
graduation requirements during the last two decades.

![](media/image26.png){width="6.5in" height="3.625in"}

***~Students\ may\ now\ be\ taking\ vocational\ education\ for\ different\ reasons.~***

Historically, students enrolled in vocational education to prepare for
entry-level jobs after high school. Meeting this objective called for
developing skills in a particular occupational area and likely
encouraged students to "concentrate" their course taking as a way to
maximize their appeal to potential employers. Federal law, particularly
in Perkins II and III, supported this goal by promoting school
implementation of, and student participation in, "sequences" of related
vocational courses.

Despite these efforts, however, the clear trend in vocational course
taking has been toward "exploring" across occupational program areas
rather than "concentrating" (Figure 2.5). Among students who earn at
least 3.0 occupational credits (investors), concentrating was a less
common way to organize course work in 2000 (58.3 percent) than it was in
1982 (72.8 percent), when a higher proportion of students were taking
three or more credits in multiple program areas. Similarly, students
were much less likely to take advanced course work in their area of
concentration than in 1982 (Levesque 2003b).

![](media/image27.png){width="5.291666666666667in"
height="6.208333333333333in"}

These data suggest that fewer students may now view developing skills in
a specific program area as their main objective for enrolling in
vocational education. Focus group discussions with students in
vocational courses suggest a variety of other reasons for their
participation: to gain career exposure, to help them select or prepare
for a college major, to use as a fallback if college or other career
plans fail to materialize, to pursue a leisure interest, or to take
courses that present less of an intellectual challenge than do other
courses (Table 2.2).

![](media/image28.png){width="6.184027777777778in"
height="8.99236111111111in"}

There are also several possible, alternative explanations for the change
in vocational course-taking patterns. First, there is some evidence that
schools may be increasingly less likely to *offer* full sequences of
related courses, perhaps choosing to trade depth in the programs they
offer for giving students more breadth across program areas (Branch
forthcoming). It is also possible, however, that recent vocational
course taking reflects broader conceptions of career preparation.
Students may be organizing what appears to them and to their counselors
to be a logical sequence of occupational courses representing different
program areas as classified by NCES. For example, a student who wants to
run a landscaping firm might appropriately enroll in both agriculture
and business courses, while a student interested in pediatric nursing
could view both child care and health care skills as important
preparation for later college courses.

***~As\ of\ yet,\ the\ full\ effects\ of\ school\ improvement\ policies\ on\ vocational\ participation\ have\ not\ been\ felt,\ but\ future\ declines\ are\ possible.~***

Most of the decline in vocational course taking occurred between 1982
and 1990, before many would consider the policies associated with
academic reforms fully implemented. During the decade of reform since
then, vocational participation in the aggregate remained relatively
stable, suggesting that these efforts have not had much of an effect on
vocational enrollments. Looking beyond tabulations of the aggregate
participation measures tells a slightly different story, however, which
foreshadows possible declines in future vocational education course
taking.

► ***Course graduation requirements increased only slightly during the
1990s and not across the board.*** While the 1990s often have been
referred to as the "decade of school reform," certain reform policies
that might be expected to affect vocational participation were not as
evident during this period. Between 1980 and 1990, approximately 39
states increased their total course graduation requirements, and
participation in vocational education did decline substantially during
that time. However, only 12 states increased their graduation
requirements between 1990 and 1998 (Education Commission of the States
1990; Snyder et al. 2001).

Moreover, the six states that increased their requirements by 2.0
credits or more between 1990 and 1998 exhibited (1) a significant
decrease of 1.0 vocational credits earned by high school students and
(2) a decline of 9.6 percent in the proportion of occupational
concentrators, both statistically significant results (Table 2.3). Many
factors could account for this decline in vocational participation in
these states, but the significant increase in graduation requirements is
certainly a strong hypothesis. Further efforts to raise graduation
requirements may well reduce participation in vocational education.

![](media/image29.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.623611111111111in"}

► ***Students mostly maintained their participation in vocational
education by expanding the total number of credits earned.*** Nationally
since 1990, high school students greatly increased their academic course
taking, while vocational credits remained relatively steady. If the
increase in academic credits reflects schools' emphasis on academic
improvement, vocational course taking might have fallen further, if not
for the fact that students could make room for additional academic
courses by increasing their total credits earned. However, such
expansion may have reached its limits by 2000; students on average
earned a total of 25.9 credits, out of a likely 28 possible credits in a
traditional school schedule (Figure 2.3).[^25] On the other hand,
alternative "block-scheduling" approaches may allow students to increase
their total credits further.

► ***Shifts in vocational course taking do not yet reflect an emphasis
on preparation for academic assessments.*** A major reform policy that
could have a direct effect on vocational participation is the
introduction of state assessments for graduation. By the 1998--1999
school year, nearly 20 states had introduced exit exams required for
high school graduation, typically offered first at the end of 10th grade
so that students who fail have several opportunities to retake the tests
(Council of Chief State School Officers 2000). One hypothesis was that
schools would increasingly focus students in the early high school
grades on academic courses and preparation for the assessments,
potentially crowding out vocational courses until later in the high
school years. Such a shift was not evident between 1990 and 1998,
however. During that period, vocational credits earned in 11th grade
declined somewhat. As a result, students were taking a similar, or
slightly higher, share of their vocational credits before the typical
10th-grade state assessment (Figure 2.6).

![](media/image30.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="3.566666666666667in"}

These patterns may reflect the fact that, at the end of the decade,
relatively few states had yet phased in the consequences for students
who passed or failed to pass statewide assessments. The aggregate
decline in 11th-grade vocational participation is more likely due to
increased graduation requirements in those 12 states that raised them,
leading to more academic rather than vocational course taking in grade
11.[^26] However, under the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, all states
must assess students' academic skills at least once during high school
and states must first identify, and then ultimately may sanction,
schools receiving federal funds that fail to improve aggregate test
scores over time. As assessments become more fully implemented, and if
states maintain their high standards for passing, the hypothetical
decline in vocational participation is much more likely.

## 2. Participation by Type of Vocational Course Work

Examining vocational education by type of course is important for
several reasons. First, different categories of vocational education may
yield different benefits for students. For example, there is a
presumption about the quality of vocational programs in various fields:
program areas that prepare students for jobs that require high skills
and pay high wages are generally considered more beneficial than those
that prepare students for jobs with fewer skill demands and lower pay.
In addition, policymakers have long been concerned that students who
invest in vocational education be able to find jobs. Therefore, some
match between vocational program offerings and labor market needs is
desirable.[^27]

***~Changes\ in\ participation\ by\ occupational\ program\ are\ consistent\ with\ labor\ market\ trends.~***

Policymakers have long called for stronger linkages between employers
and vocational educators, in part to ensure that the availability and
quality of vocational programs reflect employer needs.[^28] Perkins III,
for example, authorizes funding for national and state-level entities to
coordinate and disseminate occupational and employment information.
However, labor market demand may do more than influence administrative
judgments about program offerings: students may be more likely to take
courses or concentrate in vocational program areas that prepare them for
occupations with increasing job opportunities.

A recent NCES analysis (Hurst and Hudson 2000) supports the hypothesis
that vocational course taking may respond somewhat to labor market
demand (Figures 2.7a and 2.7b). A substantial portion of the change
occurring in the proportion of concentrators in specific occupational
program areas between 1982 and 1998 appears to coincide with projected
job growth from 1983 to 1996:[^29]

![](media/image31.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="6.211111111111111in"}

![](media/image32.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="5.882638888888889in"}

► ***Increases in enrollment and job growth in four key areas.*** Four
programs experienced the largest gains in the proportion of
concentrators: health care, child care and education, food service and
hospitality, and technology and communication.[^30] During the same
period, the corresponding job categories---health service occupations,
child care workers and teacher aides, food preparation and service
occupations, and technicians and related support occupations---had
higher than average employment growth.

► ***Decreases in trade and industry and business.*** The largest
declines in occupational concentrators were in the trade and industry
and business program areas; these areas approximately correspond to
occupations that had experienced below average projected growth rates
since the early 1980s.

While some responsiveness to employment trends is desirable, it is worth
noting that a substantial share of the recent growth in vocational
participation and jobs has been in low-wage sectors. There can be great
variation in wages and earnings within each occupational grouping,
particularly in the technology and communications fields. However,
recent data indicate that in 2000, average annual earnings were \$21,040
for health care support workers, \$16,070 for food preparation and
service workers, \$18,770 for teacher assistants, and \$16,350 for child
care workers (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2001). These occupations are
certainly important to society, but the data provide little evidence
that vocational education is concentrating on preparing individuals for
jobs that require high skill levels and pay high wages as promoted in
Perkins III (Section 122(c)(1)(c)).

***~Participation\ in\ cooperative\ education\ and\ other\ work\ experience\ programs\ remains\ steady.~***

Opportunities for students to obtain work experience as part of their
vocational training have existed since the early 20th century. Many
years later, throughout the 1990s, just under one-third of all high
school graduates enrolled in work experience courses for credit (Table
2.4). Both the rates of student participation and the average credits
earned in these courses remained stable during the decade. Participation
was divided relatively evenly between general work experience
activities, which are typically unconnected to a student's occupational
program, and more formal cooperative education (co-op) experiences in
which students are generally expected to alternate work placement and
class time related to their occupational course work.[^31] These figures
suggest that approximately 435,000 high school graduates participated in
co-op experiences, a number consistent with that reported in the
previous NAVE (Boesel et al. 1994b).

![](media/image33.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="2.917361111111111in"}

## 3. Characteristics of Participants: Special Populations and Other Students

Who participates in vocational education has been a continuing policy
concern. While federal legislation in the 1960s and 1970s aimed to
improve access to vocational education for certain special populations,
the current debate is whether vulnerable groups are overrepresented in
and well-served by vocational education. Some previous reports suggested
that, by the early 1990s, vocational education had come to be
stigmatized as a high school track for students with low levels of
academic achievement, special needs, or behavioral problems (Boesel et
al. 1994b).

During the last decade, however, career education has been given new
prominence by several initiatives targeted to students other than those
traditionally served by vocational programs. In addition, some states
and districts have worked to strengthen the appeal of vocational
courses---for example, moving away from training for what used to be
considered blue-collar jobs, such as manufacturing, secretarial work,
and child care, toward programs in pre-engineering, information
technology, and education.

Policymakers and educators remain committed to providing students from
special populations access to vocational education. However, many
believe that the quality of vocational programs is unlikely to improve
without attracting a broader segment of the student population or that
the participation of a more diverse set of students will signal that
quality improvements are being made.

For these reasons, it is important to examine the characteristics of
students involved in vocational education. While a variety of
characteristics were analyzed for the purposes of this report,
particular attention was paid to those that define the special
population groups named in Perkins III (P.L. 105-332, Section 3(23)) and
that can be identified in available data (Table 2.5).[^32] The
participation of two other groups defined in the law---single parents
and displaced homemakers---could not be addressed with the current data
and are probably more important to examine at the postsecondary level.

![](media/image34.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.592361111111111in"}

***~Vocational\ education\ continues\ to\ serve\ a\ somewhat\ disproportionate\ share\ of\ students\ with\ disabilities\ and\ does\ so\ in\ the\ more\ traditional\ program\ areas.~***

In 1998, students with disabilities represented 2.8 percent of all high
school graduates, but 4.2 percent of all occupational concentrators
(Levesque 2003a). As in previous years, these students were much more
likely to become concentrators (37.5 percent) and to earn substantially
more credits in vocational education (5.9 credits) than did students
without disabilities (24.6 percent and 3.9 credits) (Table 2.6). In
fact, students with disabilities took a much higher share of their total
credits in vocational education (23.5 percent) than did other students
(15.7 percent) (Levesque 2003a). This course taking emphasis may shift
as the No Child Left Behind Act becomes fully implemented and states are
required to more consistently include special needs students in academic
assessment reporting.

![](media/image35.png){width="6.227083333333334in"
height="8.994444444444444in"}

There is little recent support, however, for a prediction made in a
report produced under the previous NAVE (Boesel et al. 1994a) that
students with disabilities are becoming more concentrated in vocational
education. Although data between 1982 and 1990 show a modest trend in
that direction, it is not sustained during the 1990s. In addition, with
special needs students accounting for less than 5 percent of all
concentrators nationally, the notion of vocational education in general
as a "dumping ground" for these students is not warranted.[^33]
Moreover, although students with disabilities are overrepresented in
some of the more traditional vocational program areas---e.g.,
agriculture, construction, mechanics and repair, and materials
production (Table 2.7)---some of these areas prepare students for
occupations with substantial job growth, earnings, or both. For example,
automotive mechanics, electricians, and welders all had earnings in 2000
above the median and are projected to experience above average
employment growth as well (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2001).

![](media/image36.png){width="6.321527777777778in"
height="8.994444444444444in"}

***~Participation\ in\ vocational\ education\ is\ highest\ in\ low-income\ schools.~***

Despite reform efforts during the 1990s that targeted low-income schools
for academic improvement, students in these schools were taking more
vocational education than students in the most advantaged schools. In
1998, students in schools with more than 50.0 percent of students
eligible for the federal free or reduced-price lunch program earned 4.7
vocational credits, while students in schools with 5.0 percent or less
eligible for this program earned only 3.2 credits. Students in
"moderate-income" schools earned 4.1 vocational credits, an amount that
is statistically similar to that for students in the lowest-income
schools. The proportion of students who concentrate in an occupational
program also follows this pattern. Changes in either the average
vocational credits earned or the percentage of concentrators between
1994 and 1998---the only years for which comparable data on school
poverty are available---are not statistically significant.

While students in low-income schools are involved in vocational
education at high rates, their participation does not appear to be
concentrated in the traditional vocational program areas or in those
that prepare students for generally low-wage jobs. That is, economically
disadvantaged students are no more likely than more advantaged students
to concentrate in construction, materials production, mechanics and
repair, personal and other services, or food service and hospitality.
Moreover, disadvantaged students are *as* *likely*, if not slightly more
likely, to concentrate in the growing fields of health care and computer
technology.

***~Some\ progress\ has\ been\ made,\ although\ substantial\ disparities\ remain,\ in\ students'\ participation\ in\ vocational\ education\ by\ gender.~***

Overall the vocational course taking of females has declined since 1990,
while their academic course taking has risen substantially. In 1998,
females earned a lower share of their total credits in vocational
education (14.9 percent) than did males (17.1 percent). This difference
in course taking is consistent with the higher levels of reading
achievement and rates of college attendance for young women, compared to
young men in 1998 (Wirt et al. 2000, p. 23 \[Indicator 13\] and p. 49
\[Indicator 32\]).

On average, high school preparation for occupations and careers has
become neither more nor less gender balanced, despite the goals of
Perkins gender equity provisions. Females still dominate enrollments in
programs that prepare students for occupations such as health care,
child care and education, and personal and other services (e.g.,
cosmetology). Males continue to dominate participation in agriculture
and the traditional trade and industry programs (e.g., construction,
mechanics and repair, print and materials production), fields that
generally command higher wages than those for which female high school
students prepare. However, there are two notable program areas in which
the gap in participation rates between males and females appears to have
narrowed:

► ***Computer technology:*** The gender difference in credits earned in
computer technology has become smaller. In 1998, females earned .30
credits, while males earned .32 credits, a statistically insignificant
gap of 6.7 percent, down from 17.9 percent in 1990. This narrowing of
the gap was accomplished largely by an increase in the rates of
participation in this vocational field among females, while those of
their male peers remained relatively steady.

Despite this progress, there is evidence that females' rates of
participation in computer technology courses are not evenly distributed.
A case study of popular new information technology (IT) certification
courses organized by such firms as Cisco, Microsoft, and Novell, and
implemented in high schools and vocational schools nationwide, suggests
that females are underrepresented in these courses. Among the 10 schools
with IT programs included in the study, females made up only 10 percent
of the participants. A potential explanation for the low participation
rates of females is that these particular IT courses are geared toward
networking, a subfield of computers that has traditionally attracted
more males (Haimson and Van Noy forthcoming).

► ***Business services:*** A reverse trend has occurred in business
services. Females have become increasingly less likely, while males have
become more likely, to concentrate in this program area. One hypothesis
is that interest in secretarial training has declined, while
computer-related business courses (e.g., spreadsheets, business data
processing), which might have more appeal to males, have become
increasingly available.

***~Students\ in\ rural\ schools\ are\ more\ likely\ to\ be\ involved\ in\ vocational\ education\ than\ are\ students\ in\ other\ locales.~***

As historically has been the case, vocational education is more
prevalent in small, generally rural communities than in other locales.
Although rural schools serve 32.3 percent of all public high school
graduates across the nation, these same schools serve 40.1 percent of
all occupational concentrators. In contrast, urban and suburban schools
account for 26.2 and 33.8 percent of concentrators, respectively
(compared to 28.4 percent and 39.3 percent of all graduates) (Levesque
2003a). The numbers of vocational credits earned remained steady across
all types of locales since 1990, but students in rural schools still
earned more credits (4.8) in 1998 than did students in urban and
suburban schools (each group averaged 3.6 credits) (Table 2.6).

Not surprisingly, given differences in local labor markets, rural
students tend to focus their vocational studies in different
occupational programs than do urban or suburban students (Table 2.7). A
much higher share of rural students concentrate their vocational course
taking in agriculture and, to a lesser extent, in construction and
business than do students who live in other locales. On the other hand,
rural students are less likely to concentrate in marketing, food service
and hospitality, and personal and other services---all occupations with
relatively low annual earnings. Rural students are also much less likely
than urban students to concentrate in the growing field of health care,
although they do so at rates similar to those of their suburban peers.
In other occupational program areas, there are no statistically
significant differences among students who live in urban, suburban, or
rural areas in terms of the extent to which they concentrate in these
fields.

***~African\ American\ students\ participate\ in\ vocational\ education\ somewhat\ more,\ and\ Asian\ students\ somewhat\ less,\ than\ students\ in\ other\ racial\ or\ ethnic\ groups.~***

There is little evidence of any statistically significant change in
participation in vocational education by race or ethnicity during the
last decade (Table 2.6). However, in 1998 African American students
earned more credits in vocational education (4.3 credits) and Asian
students earned fewer credits (3.2) than did students from other racial
or ethnic groups (4.0 credits each for Hispanic, white, and Native
American students). Among all students in 1998, African Americans earned
a higher share of their total credits in vocational education (17.4
percent) than did Asians (12.6 percent), and Asian students earned a
lower share than did students from all other racial and ethnic groups
(Levesque 2003a).

There were also some differences according to race and ethnicity in
terms of the specific programs in which students participated during the
last decade (Table 2.7). African American students, for example, were
more likely to concentrate their vocational studies in health, food
service and hospitality, personal services (such as cosmetology) and
business services---occupations with projected job growth but below
average earnings---and less likely to concentrate in agriculture.
Comparatively high proportions of Hispanic students concentrated in
agriculture, marketing, personal services, and health. Asian students
were most likely to focus their course taking in health programs and
much less likely to do so in agriculture or trade and industry programs,
including construction.

***~Students\ with\ limited\ English\ proficiency\ (LEP)\ are\ much\ less\ likely\ than\ other\ students\ to\ participate\ in\ an\ occupational\ program.~***

The participation of LEP students in vocational education has fluctuated
since 1990 (when data on this group first became available), perhaps
because the small sample of these students who can be identified in the
data makes trend analysis less reliable. However, the data indicate that
LEP students in 12th grade earned significantly fewer credits in
vocational education (3.2) in 1998 and were much less likely to be
occupational concentrators (8.7 percent) than were 12th-grade students
with English language proficiency (who earned 4.0 credits and of whom
25.1 percent were concentrators) (Table 2.6).[^34]

***~Vocational\ education\ may\ be\ attracting\ more\ academically\ talented\ students\ than\ ever\ before.~***

During the past two decades, students overall entered high school more
prepared to take higher-level math than they had been previously. In
large part, this trend is due to the higher proportion of students
taking algebra in middle school---one consequence of the efforts of many
states to raise academic standards.

Students who become occupational concentrators are no exception to this
trend. Proportionally more concentrators entered high school taking
high-level ninth-grade mathematics (geometry or higher) in 1998 than in
1990, an increase similar to that of non-concentrators (Table 2.6).
Perhaps more importantly, the increase in middle-level ninth-grade math
course taking (pre-algebra and algebra 1) was greater for occupational
concentrators than for other students. Conversely, the proportion of
occupational concentrators taking low-level mathematics in ninth grade
declined more between 1990 and 1998 than did the proportion of other
students taking low-level math.

These trends suggest that, over time, vocational education may be
serving relatively more academically advantaged students. Certainly,
data from a NAVE collaboration with Texas and Florida suggest that the
eighth-grade test scores of 1998 concentrators were relatively evenly
distributed across quartiles of achievement---indicating that vocational
education in those two states is drawing an academically diverse group
of students (Hoachlander et al. forthcoming). These patterns are
consistent with efforts during the 1990s to broaden the appeal of
vocational education, as described in Chapter 1.

Overall, the data indicate that vocational education serves a diverse
group of students, with most coming from the middle range of academic
and income advantage. As described, some groups of students are more
likely to participate substantially, although most characteristics of
the vocational student population were relatively stable throughout the
1990s (Table 2.6). These participation patterns may be viewed as
reassuring or of concern, depending on whether vocational education
improves student outcomes in general and specifically for those who
participate at high rates (discussed later in this chapter).

## 4. Access to Vocational Education 

For the past several decades, federal legislation has sought to ensure
that students have equal access to vocational education activities.
Perkins III does so as well, in part by requiring states to report on
the participation and performance of students in the legislated special
population groups.[^35] Such information cannot tell the whole story,
however, because participation, overall and by subgroup, is a function
of both students' interest and the courses schools choose to offer. The
latter is more important in determining whether students with diverse
characteristics and backgrounds can actually participate in vocational
education.

With nearly all high school graduates earning at least 1.0 vocational
credit, issues of equity are increasingly about access to high-quality
vocational education rather than vocational education in general. While
there is little research that conclusively identifies the
characteristics of vocational program quality, as described in the next
section, the Perkins legislation and the vocational education community
identify promising strategies and practices considered to promote
student success (Table 2.8). The breadth and depth of vocational program
offerings in a school is also an important component of access. The
availability of some of these efforts for particular groups of students
is described below.

![](media/image37.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.913888888888889in"}

***~Students\ in\ schools\ with\ high\ concentrations\ of\ poverty\ and\ students\ from\ racial\ or\ ethnic\ minority\ groups\ have\ less\ access\ to\ some,\ but\ not\ all,\ vocational\ programs\ and\ practices\ presumed\ to\ be\ of\ high\ quality.~***

Congressional concern about access has typically focused on
underresourced schools, many of which also serve high numbers of
students from racial or ethnic minority groups. Particularly high
participation rates among racial or ethnic minority students and those
in low-income schools (see earlier section) suggest that their access to
vocational education in general is not limited. However, some specialty
career preparation programs and strategies are not as available to these
students. Compared to schools with poverty levels in the middle range
(those with between 5 and 50 percent of students eligible for the
federal free and reduced-price lunch program), schools with high
concentrations of poverty are less likely to offer Tech-Prep, workplace
activities for credit, and college credit for courses completed in high
school (Table 2.9). Schools with high proportions of racial or ethnic
minorities follow the same pattern.[^36]

![](media/image38.png){width="6.097222222222222in"
height="8.999305555555555in"}

At the same time, however, schools with high concentrations of poverty
and racial or ethnic minorities are as likely as more advantaged schools
to offer other popular vocational strategies. For example, access to
career academies is similar across schools with different poverty
levels. Moreover, a new study of IT certification programs suggests that
students from low-income and minority racial or ethnic backgrounds have
as much access to these courses and programs as do students from other
backgrounds (Haimson and Van Noy forthcoming). Without evidence of the
effectiveness of the different programs and practices, it is not
possible to draw conclusions about the relative disadvantage that
low-income and minority students face in pursuing vocational education.

***~Compared\ to\ urban\ and\ suburban\ schools,\ those\ in\ rural\ areas\ offer\ fewer\ specialty\ programs.~***

Conventional wisdom suggests that because rural schools, and the local
labor markets they serve, are smaller, they are less able to offer a
diverse set of vocational options.[^37] Such a perception is generally
true, according to the data. Schools in rural areas are much less likely
than those in suburban and urban areas to offer career academies (18.9
percent, compared to 25.7 and 31.9 percent, respectively). IT
certification programs are also less available in rural areas: rural
schools make up 38 percent of all high schools nationally but only 28
percent of the schools that offer IT programs (Haimson and Van Noy
forthcoming). Moreover, according to a recent NCES issue brief, rural
schools offer fewer different occupational programs (an average of 3.7)
than do suburban and urban schools (approximately 4.8 each) and are less
likely to make programs available for fast-growing occupations such as
computer technicians, graphic designers, nurses, or food service
managers (Hudson and Shafer 2002).

Urbanicity is much less a factor, and rural locale less a disadvantage,
in a school's likelihood of offering Tech-Prep and course work for
college credit (Table 2.9). However, the more limited availability of
vocational offerings in rural areas suggests that distant learning
strategies may become a more attractive option for schools in those
areas.

***~Schools\ with\ high\ concentrations\ of\ special\ needs\ students\ are\ somewhat\ less\ likely\ than\ other\ schools\ to\ make\ special\ career-prep\ programs\ available.~***

Overall, students with disabilities participate substantially in
vocational education relative to their representation in the high school
population. However, schools with high proportions of special needs
students (more than 15 percent) are less likely than most other schools
to offer the special programs and strategies presumed to reflect
high-quality vocational education, including career academies and
Tech-Prep (Table 2.9). On the other hand, these activities are also less
available in schools with few special needs students (less than 5
percent), many of which are special admissions schools that screen for
academic performance and emphasize enrollment in selective four-year
colleges.

***~Students\ may\ not\ have\ access\ to\ their\ first\ choice\ of\ vocational\ courses\ or\ to\ a\ full\ sequence\ of\ courses\ in\ their\ preferred\ career\ area.~***

The issue of access to vocational education has various dimensions,
including whether students can actually take the courses they want and
in which they are interested. Whether students are either fully informed
about their choices or committed to a particular program area is
unclear. However, some evidence suggests that they face barriers to
pursuing their preferences. For example, focus group discussions
conducted with vocational students in 2002 indicate that the courses
they had planned to take were often eliminated unexpectedly,
particularly the more advanced courses in a sequence. In fact, some
appeared to end up in courses for reasons that had little to do with
their professed interest in an occupational area. The following quotes
from students illustrate what appeared to be a frequent situation for
students who were interviewed (Branch forthcoming):

I was taking cosmetology \[courses\], but they cut \[them\] so I was
only in \[them\] until the 10th grade.

I wanted to be a chef. When \[those courses\] got cut, I wanted
something challenging so I chose CAD.

They \[enrolled me in\] child care \[courses\], which I didn't want,
when cosmetology was cut.

I came here because they were supposed to have auto tech, but it had
been dropped by the time I came. I ended up taking building maintenance,
which they also dropped, so I got stuck with computers.

I was in cosmetology, but it was dropped and they \[enrolled\] me in
home health aide \[courses\].

These student perspectives are consistent with the decline in the
"concentration" of occupational course taking noted earlier and suggest
other strategies may be necessary for high school students to have
greater options or to pursue advanced vocational course work.
"Dual-enrollment" policies that allow students to take college courses
for which they also receive high school credit is one possibility,
discussed in more detail in the section below.

# C. Implementation: Program Quality and Improvement Efforts

While previous laws had other priorities, the two most recent Perkins
acts (Perkins II and III) have largely been viewed as efforts to upgrade
the quality of vocational education. Federal funds were to be used to
improve vocational programs rather than to maintain them, with the
latter more clearly a state and local function. To encourage program
improvement, Perkins II specified a set of promising strategies and
practices that were continued in Perkins III.[^38] Although the
justification for these approaches in some cases came from early
developmental studies, little is known about the effectiveness of these
strategies in improving the outcomes of students in vocational
programs.[^39]

It is nevertheless important to examine the extent to which the Perkins
quality improvement approaches have been implemented in schools and
classrooms around the country. The prevalence of these strategies is one
indicator of the impact of federal vocational policy.

## 1. Integration of Academic and Vocational Education

"Integration" of academic and vocational education was the cornerstone
of Perkins II and remains a major emphasis in Perkins III.[^40] This
strategy was intended to both improve students' academic and technical
skills and move vocational programs closer to mainstream education
objectives. The impetus for including integration in the 1990 law was
derived from cognitive science studies suggesting that students learn
theoretical concepts best "in context" (Silverberg 1993).

Perkins III does not, however, define integration or clarify its primary
goal. As a result, over the last decade, a variety of approaches have
sprung up under the "integration" banner, encompassing a wide array of
activities with sometimes quite different objectives (Grubb et al. 1991;
Medrich, Calderon, and Hoachlander 2002). Integration can include
strengthening the academic content of vocational classes, providing
academic teachers with new, more "applied" ways to deliver instruction,
helping students (academic or vocational) develop critical-thinking or
problem-solving skills, and other efforts. The flexibility in approach,
however, does not guarantee that integration is a core feature of
vocational programs.

***~State\ agencies,\ as\ encouraged\ by\ Perkins,\ continue\ to\ place\ priority\ on\ forms\ of\ integration.~***

For the most part, state vocational officials support the concept of
integration and state-level activities that promote it. They sponsor
professional development conferences and curriculum development efforts
and disseminate relevant products. Many states adopt or support
particular vocational reform models that advocate integration as a key
component, such as the Southern Regional Education Board's (SREB) High
Schools That Work (HSTW) initiative or career academies (Stasz and
Bodilly forthcoming). Most importantly, states have begun to reference
or encourage academic content in vocational course guidelines, as
discussed in more detail below. States spend the highest share of state
leadership funds---nearly 20 percent nationally---to promote integration
(White et al. forthcoming).

***~At\ the\ local\ level,\ integration\ is\ not\ widespread\ but\ appears\ to\ be\ increasing.~***

Despite legislative and state encouragement, there is little evidence
that integrated curricula are being widely developed or used at the
local level or that there is school-based support for integration (Stasz
and Bodilly forthcoming). Even so, data from surveys of seniors in eight
states suggest that the frequency of activities that draw upon academic
skills in vocational classes has been expanding somewhat (Table 2.10).
The *level* or rigor of the academic skills students referred to in
these surveys is unknown and, certainly, a single essay or math-related
assignment is unlikely to enhance students' academic skills---the goal
of these efforts. However, compared to four years earlier, higher shares
of seniors in 2000 used their oral, written, or math skills to complete
multiple assignments in their vocational classes.

![](media/image39.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.050694444444445in"}

Integration is not a more common practice, for several reasons:

► ***Implementing a special program does not necessarily mean
emphasizing all of its components.*** Many high schools report having
adopted career academies (23.5 percent) or Tech-Prep (47.1 percent), and
SREB reports that more than 1,100 schools in 36 states have adopted the
HSTW model. But various studies suggest that implementing these
integration-oriented initiatives may not actually result in substantial
changes in classroom instruction (Kemple 2001; Hershey et al. 1998;
Bottoms 2002).

► ***Team-teaching and common planning periods that could support
integration are relatively rare.*** Just about one-tenth of high school
teachers reported in 2001 that they taught a course jointly with a
teacher of another subject. Less than one-quarter of both academic and
vocational teachers reported that their school provides weekly planning
time during the school day when teachers might collaborate on
integration (Table 2.11).

![](media/image40.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="2.776388888888889in"}

► ***Vocational teachers disagree about the role of academics in
vocational curricula, and academic faculty place priority on meeting
state academic standards.*** Case studies suggest that integration
suffers because the two groups of teachers who can best move it forward
are not strongly committed to doing so (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).
Vocational teachers agree that some fundamental math, reading, and
science knowledge is required for students to be successful in
vocational courses and in the labor market, but many do not believe that
vocational courses should bear significant responsibility for delivering
academic content and improving academic achievement. Perhaps as a
result, with the exception of basic math skills, vocational teachers
across the country are much less likely than academic teachers to report
that students' academic competencies (in advanced math, basic and
advanced reading, and writing skills) contribute to their grades in the
classes they teach. At the same time, academic teachers feel pressured
to meet state academic standards, making them less receptive to
alternative instructional approaches such as those promoted by advocates
of integration.

► ***There are other barriers to expanding integration.*** Teachers also
cite as further barriers the lack of professional development and, where
area vocational schools are concerned, the separation of academic and
vocational teachers into different facilities (Stasz and Bodilly
forthcoming). A recent survey of vocational teachers in the HSTW network
revealed that almost one-half said they needed more training in how to
integrate reading, writing, math, and science content into their
courses; during the previous three years, fewer than 10 percent of them
had received more than 20 hours of such training (Bottoms 2002). Even
when professional development has been provided to vocational teachers,
it often results in their preparing a single project or two- to
three-day lesson rather than transforming classroom instruction (Stasz
and Bodilly forthcoming, p. 91; Hershey et al. 1999).

While several obstacles hinder further expansion of integrated curricula
in American high schools, European nations do not seem to face these
same barriers. A recent study suggests that typical vocational curricula
in the United States appear to have far less and less rigorous
integrated academic content than do comparable curricula from some of
Europe's "dual-system" countries (specifically Austria, Germany, and
Switzerland), countries that allow students to choose either a technical
preparation or a college preparation path for schooling after completion
of compulsory education at age 16.[^41] These same European countries
not only send a majority of youths of high school age to two- to
four-year vocational training programs after completing the equivalent
of 10th grade, but they also exceed or match U.S. performance on recent
international tests of math and science in the equivalent of 12th grade
(King forthcoming). One important difference, however, is that the
European systems can offer deeper, more rigorous vocational programs
because these programs are a separate pathway explicitly chosen by
students. In contrast, American students view vocational courses as
electives, ones that must be fit into an increasingly rigorous load of
academic courses.

***~School\ reform\ is\ prompting\ efforts\ to\ further\ strengthen\ the\ academic\ content\ of\ vocational\ activities,\ and\ states\ are\ responding\ with\ new\ strategies.~***

State academic reforms are clearly beginning to have an effect on
vocational education, as will be discussed in more detail below. Case
studies indicate vocational teachers in communities with high school
exit exams are often encouraged to set aside class time for academic
test preparation (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). Perhaps more
importantly as a sign for the future, many state agencies have adopted
specific policies that may lead to the addition of more academic content
in vocational education, whether it is integrated or not:

► ***More and more, state vocational curriculum guidelines clearly refer
to academic skills.*** Many states have developed curriculum guidelines
or frameworks for at least some of their vocational programs, although
most are voluntary. Within the last several years, an increasing number
of states have strengthened their efforts to incorporate academic skills
in certain ways:

• ***Reminders and Web links to the state's academic standards as part
of vocational curriculum outlines.*** Several states list their state
academic standards in their vocational curriculum guidelines. A few
states, including Arizona and Pennsylvania, have just begun to
"crosswalk" (identify commonalities between) a small number of
vocational course or program outlines with the state's academic
standards. Alternatively, Virginia outlines duties and tasks for each
vocational course and has a separate "Related Standards of Learning"
(academic skills) list and a document that provides links between the
two. Ohio's StandardsPlus Web site (*www.ohiorc.org/career_tech*)
connects the state's academic and technical content standards with
Web-based instructional materials available to both academic and
occupational teachers.

• ***Inclusion of generic basic skills in vocational standards*.** For
example, all of Georgia's curriculum frameworks feature the same basic
skills requirements, such as "performs and applies numerical concepts
and calculations and solves problems by choosing appropriately from a
variety of mathematical techniques using mental, manual, and
technological methods"(*www.doe.k12.ga.us/edtech/frameworks.html*).

• ***Identification of specific academic skills that students are
expected to learn in occupational programs.*** The Florida standards for
the early course components of the Commercial Food and Culinary Arts
program have such sections as "Demonstrate Appropriate Math Skills: (1)
solve problems for volume, weight, area, circumference, and perimeter
measurement for rectangles, squares, and cylinders, (2) add, subtract,
multiply, and divide using fractions, decimals, and whole numbers, and
(3) determine the correct purchase price, to include sales tax, for a
materials list containing a minimum of six items, and (4) demonstrate an
understanding of federal, state, and local taxes and their computation"

(*http://www.firn.edu/doe/dwdframe/fc/pdf/20040103.pdf*).

► ***Some states certify vocational courses for academic credit.*** In
part to allow students to meet academic graduation requirements without
sacrificing vocational enrollments, a number of states have policies
that allow at least some vocational courses to count for academic
credit. However, the manner in which these policies are implemented is
probably key to whether academic content is truly strengthened at the
local level. New York State's new approach, which began in September
2001, is exemplary for its rigorous district and state approval process.
For a course to be certified for even partial academic credit in New
York, it must be jointly planned and delivered by academic and
vocational teachers, who must provide a curriculum map to document
clearly how the courses meet the core academic requirements of the
Regents exams. Oklahoma has a similarly stringent review process:
academic standards must be clearly identified in the vocational
curriculum, and both academic and vocational staff at the district and
state levels must concur before the state board of education approves a
vocational course as counting for academic credit. As of 2002, one
course had been approved under these state guidelines. On the other
hand, in at least one state where individual school boards determined
which vocational courses would qualify for academic credit,
inconsistencies in how the policy was applied led to its elimination.

***~States\ integrate\ the\ "all\ aspects\ of\ an\ industry"\ approach\ into\ their\ reform\ efforts,\ but\ it\ does\ not\ receive\ much\ direct\ attention.~***

Both Perkins II and Perkins III called for efforts to move vocational
education away from narrow occupational skills training, in part by
promoting broader awareness of the careers and industries relevant to a
particular vocational program. Under Perkins III, state and local
grantees are required to describe in their plans how they will provide
students with strong experience in, and understanding of, all aspects of
an industry the students are preparing to enter (Section 122). This
strategy has largely been interpreted as integrating into vocational
courses such topics as planning, management, finance, technical and
production skills, underlying principles of technology, labor issues,
community, environmental and social issues, and health and safety
concerns.

Case studies found little evidence of the use of the term "all aspects
of an industry" or initiatives that specifically promote it at the state
and local levels (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). However, the concept
seems to be embedded in other policies and strategies, most notably in
state vocational curriculum guidelines where they exist. Florida's
performance standards for the introduction to agriscience, technology,
and environmental science program offers one example (Table 2.12), but
the same general components are included in standards for many of the
state's other programs, such as heating and air conditioning technology
or commercial foods and culinary arts. Other states with curriculum
guidelines also cover these dimensions of industry to varying degrees
(review of state Web sites).

![](media/image41.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.560416666666667in"}

The "all aspects of the industry" approach is also evident in a recent
initiative undertaken by state directors of vocational education to
identify the competencies and skills needed for 16 broad career
clusters, with the intent of making them available for voluntary use as
skill standards (see *careerclusters.org/*). Whether and how these
various state-level activities influence local implementation is less
clear.

***~Career\ and\ Technical\ Student\ Organizations\ (CTSOs)\ are\ regarded\ as\ an\ important\ integration\ strategy.~***

Linked through 10 national associations, state and local CTSO affiliates
have long been a popular component of many vocational programs. The
organizations provide skill competitions, training, and other
after-school activities, as well as classroom resources and strategies
that CTSOs encourage participating teachers to integrate into their
vocational courses. CTSO efforts are designed to emphasize both building
technical skills and developing other competencies, such as teamwork,
leadership, communication, critical thinking, and basic academic
proficiency. States are permitted to use Perkins funds to support CTSO
activities, but they devote a relatively small share---about 7
percent---of their state leadership allocations to do so (see Chapter
5).

Many vocational education teachers are involved in CTSO efforts at the
local level, and they emphasize some integration approaches more so than
do other teachers. Nationally, more than two-thirds of all vocational
teachers report that their classes are linked to a CTSO in some way
(Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). Teachers who are involved with a CTSO
are more likely than other teachers to have students listen to lectures,
write paragraphs, take tests or quizzes, and engage in discussion or
exploration of careers. CTSO involvement is not associated with other
instructional practices, however (Table 2.13).

![](media/image42.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.976388888888889in"}

## 2. Linkages between Secondary and Postsecondary Education

Along with integration, Perkins III emphasizes the linking of secondary
and postsecondary education as a way to fulfill the purpose of the act
(Section 2). Such efforts were expected to have two benefits: to improve
the quality of secondary vocational education and to provide students
with encouragement and incentive to pursue college and advanced
training. In practice, these linkages have included collaborations
between secondary and postsecondary faculty, arrangements that allow
high school students to earn college credit, and various forms of career
development and planning.

While Title II, the Tech-Prep Education Act, is the main vehicle in
Perkins III for developing these linkages (discussed in Chapter 4), the
law encourages strengthening connections across levels more broadly.
Many of the components of Tech-Prep, for example, are allowable
activities under state and local uses of the basic state grant. State
officials spend about 11 percent of basic grant state leadership funds
on promoting secondary-postsecondary linkages (see Chapter 5).

***~Secondary\ vocational\ teachers\ have\ stronger\ connections\ to\ postsecondary\ faculty\ than\ do\ academic\ teachers.~***

The Perkins Act is the only federal legislation that encourages and
provides financial assistance for collaboration between members of
secondary and postsecondary faculty, and these efforts have had some
measurable results.[^42] Nationally, vocational teachers report more
collaboration with their postsecondary colleagues than do secondary
academic teachers (Table 2.14). These differences are even more
pronounced when "any interaction" is counted; for example, 35.3 percent
of vocational teachers, compared to 20.9 percent of academic teachers,
reported having worked with postsecondary faculty at least once on
course curricula during the 2001 school year (Stasz and Bodilly
forthcoming). Case studies, however, turned up far fewer examples of
these types of activities and less extensive collaboration than
suggested by the national survey. At the local level, the most visible
type of collaboration was in developing and maintaining articulation
agreements (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).

![](media/image43.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.595833333333333in"}

Where these coordination activities are most extensive, however, they
seem to offer several benefits (Hershey et al. 1998). Opportunities to
meet across education levels---and within groups organized by vocational
program area---can reduce the isolation of secondary vocational
teachers, increase their professional growth, and provide them with
channels for exchanging information on successful practices. The process
of articulating courses can result in the upgrading and standardization
of vocational curricula, because high school vocational educators are
encouraged to adopt the course outlines and competencies of community
college programs.

***~Articulation\ agreements\ and\ "dual-enrollment"\ programs\ are\ becoming\ more\ common,\ but\ few\ vocational\ students\ are\ taking\ advantage\ of\ these\ options.~***

While neither articulation nor dual-enrollment arrangements are new,
there is some evidence that these strategies, which are designed to help
students earn college credits while they are still in high school, are
becoming more prevalent (Bailey, Hughes, and Karp 2002):[^43]

► ***Articulation agreements allow a student to earn college credit or
advanced standing in a postsecondary program for skills acquired in high
school courses.*** Typically, high school courses are "articulated" when
their content is aligned with or made similar to that of comparable
community college courses.[^44] More than one-third of all high school
vocational teachers report that their first course of the day has an
articulation agreement (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming), but information
provided on state Web sites suggests articulation covers a much larger
share of vocational courses.

► ***Dual enrollment enables a student to enroll in a course on a
college campus while he or she is still in high school and receive both
high school and college credit for the course.*** These opportunities
are touted as a way for students to increase the rigor of their high
school curriculum and to experience the demands of college-level work.
Although dual-enrollment programs generally open the door to
higher-level academic courses, some have argued that the programs could
also provide access to more advanced vocational course work,
particularly in light of secondary school budget pressures that may
reduce the availability of higher-cost vocational courses. All but three
states offer some form of dual-enrollment program (Education Commission
of the States 2001), and approximately 80 percent of all public high
schools report offering opportunities for students to earn college
credit from local postsecondary institutions or distance learning
providers (Levesque forthcoming).

Although these two options are already broadly and increasingly
available, neither seems to benefit large numbers of vocational
students. While no national data exist, studies suggest that
dual-enrollment programs typically serve the most academically talented
high school students in primarily academic courses (Bailey, Hughes, and
Karp 2002). These studies also indicate that most students enrolled in
high school articulated vocational courses are either unaware of or fail
to take the steps necessary to be awarded the articulated college credit
(Hershey et al. 1998; Bragg 2001). According to the last national
estimate, only about 15 percent of students in articulated vocational
courses earned college credit (Hershey et al. 1999). It appears that
more work on implementation will be necessary for these
secondary-postsecondary linkages to serve substantial numbers of
vocational students. Little is known so far about the impact of
articulation and dual enrollment on students' enrollment decisions.

***~College\ and\ career\ planning\ activities\ are\ widely\ available\ in\ schools,\ but\ their\ utility\ is\ uncertain.~***

Perkins III supports career development efforts in a variety of ways.
Most directly, Perkins funds a state network of entities---now called
"America's Career Resource Network" (ACRN)---that gathers and provides
schools with information on occupations and employment (Section 118).
States are permitted to use state leadership funds to improve career
guidance, and about 9 percent of these funds nationally are used for
these purposes (see Chapter 5). Unlike Perkins II and its predecessors,
however, the 1998 law does not set aside funds specifically for career
counseling and development activities; instead local districts are free
to use their Perkins grants for those activities.

In part because of the emphasis on these activities in prior Perkins
legislation and the School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994, many
career development activities are being offered in American high
schools, and some practices appear to be growing (Table 2.15). Job
shadowing and worksite visits were particularly emphasized in
school-to-work implementation (Hershey et al. 1999), so it is not
surprising to find these activities increasingly prevalent in the latter
part of the decade.

![](media/image44.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.438888888888889in"}

The value of these and other school activities in helping students plan
for careers is unclear, however. A study of 1998 high school seniors in
eight states suggests that some of the most prevalent activities---e.g.,
career interest inventories, business and industry speakers---are not
particularly helpful to students (Table 2.16). On the other hand, more
than half of the students who took vocational courses in their junior or
senior years of high school considered those courses to be "very
helpful" in clarifying their career goals. Students also found some
workplace activities, such as job shadowing and paid jobs or
internships, to be helpful. Although counselors, educators, and parents
have debated the importance of having students choose a career path in
high school, in fact, many high school students have already made some
career decisions. In a recent national poll, almost three-quarters of
high school juniors and seniors said they had tentatively picked out a
career to pursue upon leaving high school or college (Ferris State
University 2002).

![](media/image45.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.584722222222222in"}

***~In\ many\ states,\ college\ scholarship\ programs\ for\ "high-performing"\ vocational\ students\ are\ credited\ with\ expanding\ students'\ horizons\ and\ the\ image\ of\ vocational\ education.~***

Many states have scholarship programs open to all high school students
who qualify (regardless of program of study), but several states (e.g.,
Florida) have a particularly promising strategy that is credited with
raising the stature and performance of vocational students. To be
eligible for the Florida Gold Seal Vocational Scholars Award, a student
must earn the following (see
*http://www.firn.edu/doe/bin00072/gsvrequire.htm*):

► A 3.5 grade-point average (GPA) across a minimum of 3.0 occupational
credits in one vocational program area (e.g., the student must be an
"occupational concentrator");

► A cumulative GPA of 3.0 in 15 required core academic courses; and

► A minimum score on the standard college entrance exams (e.g., ACT,
SAT).

Recipients can receive up to a two-year scholarship award equal to 75
percent of the tuition and fees at a Florida public postsecondary
institution.[^45] To receive the award in their second year of college,
students must maintain a cumulative GPA of 2.75. In FY 2000, more than
\$5 million was disbursed in scholarships to 4,102 students, although
the actual impact on students' college enrollment decisions is
unknown.[^46] Arkansas and Washington State have similar merit
scholarship programs for vocational students. These types of scholarship
programs can underscore that vocational education can be a pathway to
college and that high achievement in both vocational and academic
courses is desirable and worth rewarding.

## 3. Challenging Vocational and Technical Skill Standards

Unlike the 1994 Amendments to Elementary and Secondary Education Act or
the 2001 No Child Left Behind Act, Perkins III does not explicitly
require states to develop standards for vocational courses and programs.
However, the law does mandate state reporting to ED on core performance
indicators, including "student attainment of challenging
State-established academic and vocational and technical skill
proficiencies" (Section 113(b)(2)). This language implies that states
must have some kind of standard against which to judge individual
students' vocational skill attainment and some way to measure that
attainment. Given that state standards and related skill assessments
have become the foundation of federal policy to improve academic
achievement, the Perkins provisions may be read as a step toward using a
similar model for vocational education.

Standards and guidelines are not new to vocational education and
training. They have their origins in the craft guilds of the early
colonial days and since then have been developed with business and
industry, the military, educators, and state and federal officials
playing substantial roles at various times but not always in coordinated
fashion (Chung forthcoming). More recently, there has been such an
abundance of occupational standards that the field has been
characterized as "an embarrassment of riches" (Wonacott 2000). The
larger issues are how these standards are organized and whether they can
improve the quality of instruction and student performance.

***~Until\ recently,\ standards-based\ reform\ has\ not\ been\ a\ major\ effort\ in\ vocational\ education.~***

Most states have been engaged to some extent in establishing
occupational skill standards during the last two decades. In doing so,
states have taken a variety of routes: developing their own standards,
endorsing those created by business and industry groups, adopting
guidelines created by multistate consortia, or a combination of these
approaches (Sheets forthcoming; Chung forthcoming). The standards
themselves can be at the level of courses (e.g., introduction to word
processing), occupations (e.g., office assistant), or clusters of
occupations (e.g., business). Some are broad statements of knowledge and
skills required, while others are more commonly divided into
job-specific duties or task lists of activities that students should be
able to perform for entry-level employment following their completion of
a course or program. This diverse approach is similar to that used for
academic standards. But several factors have prevented states from
promoting systemic reform in vocational education with standards as the
centerpiece:

► ***Most states have some vocational curriculum guidelines, but often
they are not mandatory.*** In contrast to academic standards, vocational
standards are mandated in only a few states. Other states regard their
occupational standards as models or recommended frameworks for
developing curriculum at the local level. These states adopt different
approaches to encourage use by local Perkins grantees, mostly through
"approving" programs for state or federal funding or for special
certification status. In some states, the primary incentive is that
schools offering programs designed around state standards can award
students extra credentials---state skill certificates or "endorsements"
on their high school diplomas---if the students meet or exceed the
standards.

► ***"Coverage" of the standards is variable.*** Although many national
or regional industry groups have developed guidelines for entry-level
workers, there are other occupational areas in which no industry
standards exist. Similarly, states with curriculum guidelines rarely
have them for all of the secondary occupational programs offered. Two
states are exceptions: Alabama has developed guidelines for 140 courses
of study, and Virginia has created task lists for all 225 secondary
vocational courses approved in the state. When only a share of programs
are covered by standards or curriculum guidelines, it is difficult to
impose a standards-based reform structure where states hold local
programs accountable for meeting defined skill benchmarks (Chung
forthcoming).

► ***Assessments are underdeveloped.*** Far fewer states have
assessments than have standards, particularly statewide, external
procedures for ensuring that students attain the identified
competencies. Some states have rubrics to help teachers judge students'
skills against the duty or task lists. But in many other states,
individual instructors are responsible for assessing whether a student
has demonstrated enough of the listed competencies at an appropriate
level of skill. One reflection of the relative lack of state vocational
assessments is the way in which states report to ED on the
vocational-technical skill performance indicator: 38 states rely on GPA
and course or program completion or their own local assessment
procedures, approaches that federal policymakers have considered
unreliable when it comes to measuring the progress of academic reforms
(Table 2.17).

![](media/image46.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="2.995833333333333in"}

Some states have comprehensive or nearly comprehensive vocational
testing. Pennsylvania, for example, uses tests developed by the National
Occupational Competency Testing Institute (NOCTI) for 90 of its 140
programs, and industry certification and state licensure exams for the
rest of its vocational testing. For several years, North Carolina has
been developing an online system of test items that local grantees can
administer to students at the end of their courses; by 2002 it included
items based on course blueprints for over 95 percent of all
state-approved and funded vocational courses and programs (Sheets
forthcoming).

► ***Vocational courses are elective not required courses.*** Despite a
desire to improve programs and provide marketable credentials to
students, state officials point out that there are limits to how
rigorous vocational programs can be. If vocational courses have too many
prerequisites or require too high a level of technical or academic
skill, students who might benefit from occupational training would be
left out and enrollments could decline. A report on the implementation
of national skill standards in a small number of schools suggests that
upgrading the quality of vocational programs will require more careful
screening and selection of participants, an outcome somewhat
inconsistent with the Perkins priority on providing broad access to
vocational programs (Haimson and Hulsey 1999).

► ***Resources to support the development and implementation of
standards are limited.*** According to state officials, federal support
for vocational skill standards has declined (Chung forthcoming). The
Vocational-Technical Education Amendments of 1984 (Perkins I) allowed
states to use substantial amounts of Perkins funds for program
improvement and innovation including developing skill standards. Perkins
II in 1990 restricted these discretionary funds at the state level but
provided resources to establish a National Skill Standards Board (NSSB),
intended to do much of the work involved in establishing occupational
standards. However, by the time Perkins III was passed in 1998, the NSSB
had released only one set of skill standards, and the list of activities
states were required to support under Perkins had grown. These required
activities did not specifically include the setting of standards,
although such efforts could be accommodated.

Even states with state-level support for standards consider it difficult
to find the time and resources to convene industry and teacher
representatives, to set or upgrade standards and develop assessments,
and to provide the necessary professional development to teachers
(Sheets forthcoming). Smaller states, with small Perkins allocations and
often very limited state vocational education budgets, place developing
and implementing standards lower on their priority lists because of
resource constraints (Chung forthcoming).

***~State\ interest\ in\ using\ standards\ and\ external\ assessments\ to\ improve\ vocational\ education\ is\ growing.~***

There are, of course, states that have already surmounted these
challenges to some extent and others that have committed to doing so.
For example, Florida and Utah have moved toward performance-based
funding of vocational programs. North Carolina's test-item bank and
online, secure process for assessing its programs is now being
implemented (Sheets forthcoming). A large share of states report that in
the next few years they intend to use accountability data to reward and
sanction districts or schools for the performance of their vocational
programs (see Chapter 5).

Perhaps most indicative of this movement toward using standards and
assessments is the undertaking of the National Association of State
Directors of Career and Technical Education. The Career Clusters
Initiative will ultimately identify a set of knowledge and skills and
related assessments for 16 broad groupings of occupations ("clusters")
that states or individual programs can voluntarily adopt. Current
partners in these efforts include the American Institute of Architects,
the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), Sony
Electronics, as well as numerous postsecondary institutions (see
*careerclusters.org/index.htm*). Although built upon industry and
existing state standards, this effort is likely to take some years to
come to fruition.

***~The\ role\ of\ industry\ in\ vocational\ standards\ may\ be\ shifting.~***

For several decades, vocational legislation has promoted the involvement
of employers in local programs as a way to ensure quality instruction
(see Section 5 below). However, the nature and level of that involvement
appears to be changing, from local to state or even national
participation.

► ***Local employers provide relatively little input in competency lists
and standards.*** Case studies suggest employer involvement varies
across states and communities. Nationally, however, vocational school
staff do not report that business and industry play a particularly
influential role in shaping competency lists that provide the standards
for classroom instruction (Table 2.18). Because these lists are often
provided to programs by state vocational officials, local practitioners
may be unaware of the contributions that employers at the state level
make.

![](media/image47.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.623611111111111in"}

► ***States generally include employers in developing state vocational
standards.*** Many states report working to adopt industry standards as
the foundation for some vocational programs (Stasz and Bodilly
forthcoming). Where states have developed standards on their own, they
have typically convened groups of business and industry representatives
with vocational educators to do so (Chung forthcoming). Over time, then,
employers may have a larger impact on shaping curriculum at the state
level than at the local level.

► ***Industry certification programs are popular, involving employers at
the national level.*** Perkins II, by encouraging the development of
national skill standards, also emphasized national industry efforts.
Although the NSSB's output has been modest (Chung forthcoming), other
employer groups have promulgated competency guidelines, and vocational
teachers are beginning to respond to them. In fact, just under
one-quarter of all vocational teachers say that industry standards exist
for at least one of their courses (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). But
in the case of these standards, most of the work of employers was at
either the regional or national level.

This shift in the role of employers may reflect a trend, first promoted
in the School-to-Work Opportunities Act, toward providing "portable"
credentials to students who complete vocational programs. In a national
economy constantly responding to global competition, it was argued that
workers may need or want to move outside of their local communities to
pursue job prospects. Vocational programs would therefore need to ensure
that the skills they impart to students are desired by a broad set of
employers in industry and that any certificates students earn when they
complete a program will have currency in the larger labor market.

## 4. Enhancing Use of Technology

Technology has long been a mainstay of vocational education programs and
a common concern among educators and policymakers (Boesel et al. 1994a).
Vocational programs have been criticized for failing to keep up-to-date
with the equipment and technological demands of the labor market, while
vocational educators have often argued that doing so in a continuously
changing economy requires substantial resources. Perkins III places
additional importance on technology, encouraging teacher training on
"state-of-the art" technology (Section 135) and the availability of
vocational programs that prepare students for fields that require
high-level skills and pay high wages (Section 122).

***~Perkins\ has\ substantial\ influence\ on\ expanding\ and\ upgrading\ technology\ and\ equipment.~***

In many ways, Perkins III has its most direct effect on this area of
program improvement. At the local level, the majority of Perkins funds
are spent on upgrading equipment and instructional materials to keep
them current (see Chapter 5), as are a substantial share of Tech-Prep
funds (Hershey et al. 1998). Moreover, state officials spend about 11
percent of their state leadership funds on expanding the use of
technology (White et al. forthcoming).

States have made the expansion, development, and use of technology in
education a priority, although much of this effort is not specific to
vocational education. In fact, many state technology policies apply to
all students or represent efforts not necessarily connected to
vocational education (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). For example,
initiatives such as the "Digital High Schools" in California or "Virtual
High Schools" in Florida are not targeted to students interested in
technology careers or intended to be more than strong academic programs,
even with a technology emphasis. High schools in general have sought to
ensure computer access for all students. Vocational courses may or may
not benefit from these efforts.

***~Keeping\ technology\ current\ and\ well-maintained\ remains\ somewhat\ of\ a\ problem,\ but\ many\ programs\ have\ recently\ received\ new\ equipment\ and\ materials.~***

There are many dimensions to providing "high-quality" technology in
vocational courses, and some of them present an ongoing challenge (Table
2.19). Nationally, the highest proportions of vocational educators
report a substantial problem with ensuring that technology is current or
state-of-the-art (40.7 percent), well-maintained (38.0 percent), and
available in numbers adequate to serve the students in the class (37.2
percent).

![](media/image48.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.435416666666667in"}

At the same time, however, the survey results do not suggest dire
technology deficits or a lack of attention to the material needs of
vocational programs. Almost three-quarters of vocational teachers have
received new or updated equipment, tools, and instruments in the last
two years, suggesting that many programs have recently had opportunities
to upgrade their technology (Table 2.20).

![](media/image49.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="3.2625in"}

These current figures may reflect that the availability of technology
and equipment for vocational programs has improved in the last decade.
Fewer vocational teachers in 2001 than in 1992 considered "access to
computers" (22.5 percent vs. 34 percent) or "adequacy of equipment"
(26.1 percent vs. 39 percent) a "serious" or "moderate" problem (Stasz
and Bodilly forthcoming).

***~Use\ of\ the\ Internet\ seems\ to\ be\ growing,\ but\ distance\ learning\ has\ not\ been\ applied\ as\ a\ common\ strategy\ so\ far.~***

Policymakers and educators generally agree about the importance of
building a computer literate society, and vocational education is
clearly key to that effort. On average, 54.5 percent of vocational
teachers report that students in their classes use computers
"frequently" (e.g., one to two times each week or almost daily) (Table
2.21). Among vocational teachers, those who teach agriculture and home
economics were least likely to have students use computers "frequently,"
while those who teach technical and technology education or industrial
arts were most likely to have students using computers as part of
instruction. Other fields (e.g., business, health, marketing) fall
somewhere in-between (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).

![](media/image50.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.984027777777778in"}

Certain newer forms of computer use and technology are of particular
interest to policymakers, primarily because of their ability to expand
educators' capacity to provide instruction. About one-quarter of
vocational teachers report that they "frequently" have students use the
Internet to conduct research (Table 2.21), a proportion that may be
roughly comparable to that reported by academic high school
teachers.[^47]

Distance learning also has potential applications for vocational
education, particularly in providing students with greater choice of and
access to courses.[^48] However, national survey results suggest that
relatively few vocational teachers ever have their students receive
instruction over the Internet or other communication media, and only 2.6
percent do so "frequently." This level of use stands in sharp contrast
to the prevalence of online technical training for adults in the
military and the private sector, where it has been demonstrated that it
is both feasible and practical for students to learn occupational
competencies in other than a strictly traditional classroom setting
(DuBois 2002). Distance education is a growing component of
postsecondary education, and increasingly used by workers seeking to
upgrade their skills (Greene and Meek 1998). At the high school level,
however, more attention has been directed to "Virtual High Schools,"
such as those in Florida, and other efforts focused on making high-level
academic course work available to broader groups of students.

## 5. Employer Involvement

For several decades, federal policy has sought to expand the involvement
of employers in vocational programs. Because local employers are, in
many ways, still considered the primary consumers of secondary
vocational education, they are expected to have an incentive to ensure
the technical quality of vocational programs. Perkins III encourages
local grantees to involve employers in designing, implementing, and
evaluating programs, and in providing workplace experiences for students
(Section 135).

In defining skill needs for high school students, however, the
priorities of employers have become less clear. Some large trade groups
traditionally supportive of vocational education invoke the value of
basic academic skills, higher-order thinking skills, and such "soft"
skills as communication, teamwork, and work ethic. When these employers
call for more technical skills or a more highly skilled workforce, they
often refer to the number of college graduates completing degrees in
math, science, and technology, not the number of high school graduates
with vocational training. For example, a recent survey conducted by the
National Association of Manufacturers concludes that "the major areas of
concern have shifted from technology skills back to the fundamentals,
with basic employability skills cited as the number one deficiency for
both current hourly workers and applicants for hourly positions. Poor
reading, writing, math, and communication skills were also cited as
significant concerns" (National Association of Manufacturers 2001).

There are, of course, other perspectives on the relative importance of
basic skills versus occupational skills. Smaller businesses, which make
up a large share of U.S. employers and have fewer in-house training
resources, have typically drawn more heavily on high school vocational
programs for new employees. The shifting priorities, however, may have
implications for the evolving nature of vocational education and the
role of employers.

***~Vocational\ educators\ report\ interacting\ with\ local\ employers\ in\ a\ variety\ of\ ways.~***

Not surprisingly, vocational teachers have significantly greater contact
with representatives of business, industry, and labor than do academic
teachers. For vocational teachers, the most common forms of
collaboration include referring students for job placements, having
employers make presentations to students in class, having students visit
employer work sites, and discussing workplace skill requirements with
representatives from business and industry (Table 2.22). Compared to the
small proportion of high school vocational teachers (8.1 percent), a
large share of academic teachers (41.9 percent) had no interaction with
employers or labor groups in 2001. Vocational teachers in vocational
high schools and area vocational centers had more contact with employers
than did teachers in comprehensive high schools (Stasz and Bodilly
forthcoming).

![](media/image51.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.894444444444445in"}

***~The\ existence\ and\ vitality\ of\ local\ advisory\ committees\ of\ employers\ vary\ across\ and\ within\ states.~***

One of the most traditional forms of employer involvement has been
serving on vocational advisory committees. Some states reported in 2001
that they continued to require school- and program-level advisory
committees (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming), although Perkins III no
longer requires such committees. According to the National Employer
Survey conducted by the Census Bureau in 2000, 14.1 percent of all
employers reported being a member of a vocational advisory committee,
although the survey did not distinguish between participation in
secondary or postsecondary vocational programs (Bureau of the Census
2002).

At the local secondary level, vocational advisory committees are common
but not uniform in their existence or the extent of their activities.
Just over half (57.5 percent) of vocational teachers reported "ever
working" with employers on an advisory committee in 2001 (Stasz and
Bodilly forthcoming), and only 23.8 percent say they do so "frequently"
(Table 2.22). Case studies suggest that advisory committee activity is
more consistent in states that have emphasized employer involvement
(e.g., Michigan and Ohio), and more variable in states that do not
consider this strategy a priority (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).

***~Local\ employers\ play\ a\ limited\ role\ in\ shaping\ vocational\ programs.~***

Despite some participation through advisory committees or other forums,
local employers do not appear to have a significant effect on local
vocational programs. As noted in an earlier section, based on one
survey, local employers do not contribute substantially to developing or
adopting skill lists or curriculum standards. Another survey suggests a
similar result: only about one-quarter or fewer vocational teachers
report that they received a "moderate" or "great" amount of employer
input on various aspects of their class, such as the selection of
instructional materials or equipment, standards or competencies for the
course, or information on industry skill requirements that could be
reflected in course activities (Table 2.23). This is an important
finding, because many have argued that consulting with local employers
is the best way for vocational education to prepare students for local
jobs.

![](media/image52.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.8270833333333334in"}

The limited amount of local employer involvement in guiding instruction
may reflect the way in which vocational educators are responding to
several factors. First, as noted earlier, states have expanded their
development and dissemination of vocational skill standards---sometimes
including guidance on equipment, student work, and expected skill
outcomes---and much of this work was accomplished with employer input at
the state level (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). Knowing that their
competency skill lists were derived from either state- or national-level
skill standards, teachers may not believe local employer advice is
necessary to fine-tune instruction. Second, the increase in articulation
agreements, particularly those that are statewide, may be leading to
greater standardization of vocational curricula (Hershey et al. 1998),
which may also lessen the extent to which teachers feel they need
to---or can---modify instruction to meet local employer needs. Finally,
because many vocational students plan to attend college (some out of
state), teachers may not view their programs as primarily preparing
students for the local labor market. This situation contrasts sharply
with vocational education at the postsecondary level, where participants
are more clearly engaged in training in the same community in which they
work and where employer involvement is considerably deeper (see Chapter
3). For these reasons, it is unclear exactly how vital local employer
involvement is at the secondary level.

## 6. Teacher Quality

Teacher quality has increasingly become a focus of policymakers'
interest in regular K--12 education, but less attention has been paid to
how well vocational teachers are being prepared for their jobs. The
availability, experience, priorities, and practices of teachers can be
expected to affect the quality of instruction and therefore of
vocational education overall. Perkins III, like its predecessors,
underscores the value of the vocational teaching workforce largely by
requiring state and local grantees to provide professional development
to vocational educators. This professional development can, however,
include both in-service and preservice training (Section 135).

Larger issues concerning the preparation and hiring of vocational
educators have become increasingly important as the economy and federal
vocational policy have changed. Over the last decade, federal
legislation has tried to guide secondary vocational programs in new
directions---to strengthen linkages with postsecondary programs, to
integrate academic and vocational instruction, to broaden instruction
beyond narrow job skills training, and to coordinate with business and
industry. Perkins III also contains accountability provisions that place
greater emphasis on helping vocational students meet state academic
standards and enter postsecondary education not just obtain entry-level
jobs. These policy objectives potentially require both vocational
teachers seeking entry into the profession and those already employed to
assume new roles and learn new skills. During the same period, the labor
market for skilled workers fluctuated substantially, possibly making the
alternatives to teaching vocational education more appealing. These
issues of teacher supply and qualifications are important to the ongoing
development of the field.

***~Not\ surprisingly,\ vocational\ teachers\ are\ more\ likely\ to\ have\ industry\ experience\ than\ other\ secondary\ teachers\ but\ continue\ to\ be\ less\ academically\ prepared.~***

Unlike the specifications for academic teachers in the No Child Left
Behind Act, the Perkins Act does not require grantees to define a highly
qualified vocational teacher or to set goals for ensuring that students
in vocational programs have access to one. Two factors that might be
important in those qualifications are industry experience and academic
background. Because vocational education is rooted in training for jobs
and family life directly after high school, it historically placed great
value on teachers' occupational skills; educational background was
considered less important than practical experience. Current federal
vocational policy, however, emphasizes improving the academic
achievement of vocational students. In this climate, the academic skills
of vocational teachers may be of increasing importance, although it is
not known how these skills translate into effective teaching practice
and student achievement in a vocational setting.

► ***Among new teachers, those who are in vocational fields are more
likely to come from industry.*** Vocational teaching continues to draw
men and women with other work experiences. More than one-third of new
vocational teachers were working ("had industry experience") as their
main activity during the year before being hired, compared to 9.7
percent of new teachers in other fields (Table 2.24). Statistically,
these proportions did not change over the last decade, but their
accumulation would result in a much higher share of vocational teachers
overall having come from industry, compared with teachers of other
subjects.[^49] However, including both new entrants and those more
experienced, similar proportions (about one-quarter) of vocational and
nonvocational teachers had at least some work experience outside of
teaching during the previous school year or summer (Levesque
forthcoming).

![](media/image53.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="2.6979166666666665in"}

► ***Vocational teachers remain less likely than other high school
teachers to hold a baccalaureate degree.*** Although not a perfect
proxy, having a baccalaureate degree or higher can be considered an
indicator of academic competency. While virtually all nonvocational high
school teachers possess those credentials, about 9 percent of the
vocational teacher workforce does not---a proportion that has held
steady over the last decade (Table 2.25). Vocational teachers without
this educational credential are concentrated in vocational high schools
and area vocational centers, where the emphasis on vocational
instruction is more intensive.[^50]

![](media/image54.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.533333333333333in"}

These patterns suggest a possible conflict between federal objectives
and state and local hiring policies. The federal emphasis on academic
support in vocational education appeared as early as the 1990 Perkins
II. Yet during the last decade states appear to have relaxed their
baccalaureate degree requirements for certification, for either all or
specific subgroups of vocational teachers (Table 2.26). Nationally, the
proportion of states requiring that vocational teachers have at least a
baccalaureate degree fell from 40.2 percent in 1988 to 23.8 percent in
1998. The lowering of state requirements may be a response to perceived
shortages of vocational teachers, as discussed later.

![](media/image55.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="4.83125in"}

► ***Candidates for vocational teaching positions are less academically
prepared than their counterparts who seek other teaching jobs.*** Given
the way that federal policy has evolved, it appears increasingly
important to attract new vocational teachers who can support students'
academic learning. However, recent data on the PRAXIS---a series of
tests administered by the Educational Testing Service and required for
state teacher licensure in 31 states[^51]---indicate that candidates for
vocational teaching jobs consistently score lower in reading, writing
(not shown), and mathematics than candidates for other secondary
subjects (Figure 2.8).[^52] In reading and writing, in fact, prospective
secondary vocational teachers have lower scores than those planning to
teach at the elementary school level. Compared to other secondary
teachers, vocational teacher candidates also have lower undergraduate
GPAs and lower pass rates on the basic skill PRAXIS assessments based on
the score their states set (Cramer forthcoming).

> ![](media/image56.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
> height="6.946527777777778in"}

Case studies suggest that these assessments probably do not include
individuals entering the profession laterally from industry (Stasz and
Bodilly forthcoming). Florida, Massachusetts, North Carolina, and Ohio,
for example, allow lateral entry on the condition that vocational
teachers take additional course work in teaching methods during their
probationary or provisional period. However, none of these states appear
to require these teachers to qualify on the exams required for other
teachers' certification. Whether new vocational teachers from industry
have stronger or weaker reading, writing, and math skills than do those
who have completed teacher preparation programs has never been tested.
These results suggest that there may be substantial practical
constraints to setting a "higher bar" for the academic skills of
entering vocational teachers.

***~A\ high\ and\ increasing\ share\ of\ vocational\ teachers\ come\ through\ alternative\ certification\ routes,\ but\ there\ is\ no\ evidence\ to\ suggest\ how\ this\ affects\ students.~***

Past research has stressed the importance of teacher education training
and a teaching certificate as indicators of quality, although that
notion has been challenged (Goldhaber and Brewer 2000). This debate is
particularly relevant for vocational education, where industry
experience has long been presumed to be an equitable, if not better,
tradeoff for more traditional credentials such as a college degree and
certification.

Perhaps due to teacher shortages or the expansion of alternative entry
routes, an increasing share of high school teachers were working without
regular or standard certification over the last decade. In particular,
new teachers were far more likely to enter high schools without
certification in 2000 than in 1991 (Table 2.27). The proportion of both
new vocational and new nonvocational teachers who were not certified
about doubled during that period. Some evidence suggests that a higher
share of new vocational teachers were drawn directly from industry,
perhaps entering through alternative certification routes (Levesque
forthcoming).

![](media/image57.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.1215277777777777in"}

There is currently little research to evaluate the relative or unique
contributions of teacher certification and industry experience to
vocational teaching. No rigorous evaluations have examined the
relationship between the credentials of vocational teachers and the
occupational and technical competencies of their students. One recent
survey indicates that, compared to those with a baccalaureate or
postbaccalaureate degree, new vocational teachers who have alternative
certifications are less likely to feel confident about pedagogy but more
likely to feel well-prepared in their vocational subject area. There
were no differences, however, between the two types of teachers in terms
of their confidence in their classroom skills, ability to work with
special populations, or plans to remain in teaching (Ruhland and Bremer
2002). A review of research on the importance of industry experience in
predicting vocational teacher quality reports that "there is no reliable
correlation between years of occupational experience or scores on
occupational competency tests and such variables as teacher
qualifications, satisfaction, or effectiveness" (Lynch 1998, p. 47).

***~The\ decline\ in\ standard\ forms\ of\ teacher\ certification\ and\ other\ factors\ may\ be\ signals\ of\ a\ vocational\ teacher\ shortage.~***

Some states and local communities report teacher shortages, often
blaming the lack of vocational teacher training programs in state
universities (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming). Recent evidence suggests
that the number of colleges and universities offering vocational teacher
training programs has declined by about 10 percent over the last decade
(Bruening et al. 2001), but the increase in teachers entering the
profession through alternative certification routes suggests that
preservice programs are not necessarily a constraint. However, national
data do suggest a gap between the supply of and demand for vocational
teachers (Levesque forthcoming):

► ***Growth in high school enrollments, combined with little change in
vocational course taking among students, leads to an increased demand
for vocational seats.*** The number of students in high school grew by
17.9 percent between 1991 and 2000, while the average number of
vocational courses taken remained constant at approximately 4.0 credits
per student. Together, these trends suggest that the total number of
vocational courses taken by students increased during the decade.

► ***Schools absorbed some increased demand through more hiring and
larger class sizes.*** During the last decade, the proportion of
vocational teachers at retirement age remained steady while the
proportion of new hires increased. These trends resulted in a
substantial net gain of teachers into vocational classrooms: between
1991 and 2000, an estimated 55,000 new vocational teachers were added to
the workforce. These new hires were concentrated in areas of increased
student enrollment---computer science and health care, for
example---while the number of new teachers in business, trade and
industry, and industrial arts declined, which was also consistent with
student enrollment.

At the same time, vocational class sizes, which had declined in the late
1980s, began to increase in 1991 following a pattern similar to that of
academic high school classes (Table 2.28). During the 1990s, the average
size of a vocational class increased by more than two students (18.1 to
20.5) but, in 2000, vocational classes still contained fewer students
than academic classes by about four students (20.5 compared to 23.6).
The average number of classes taught by vocational teachers (about five)
did not change measurably.

![](media/image58.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.297916666666667in"}

► ***More schools report that vacancies are difficult to fill.*** The
proportion of high schools seeking vocational teachers remained the same
between 1991 and 2000 (at about one-third), while the share of schools
with vacancies for academic teachers and special education teachers
increased substantially. Schools reported growing difficulty filling
vacancies in all subjects, but the proportion that found it very
difficult or impossible to fill vocational teacher vacancies more than
doubled, similar only to the increase for math and special education
vacancies (Table 2.29). By 2000, one out of 15 schools did not fill
their vocational teacher vacancies, one possible signal of teacher
shortages. Another indicator of excess demand was that average salaries
(adjusted for inflation) increased more for vocational teachers than for
academic teachers (Levesque forthcoming).

![](media/image59.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.125694444444444in"}

***~Vocational\ teachers\ receive\ professional\ development\ on\ topics\ consistent\ with\ federal\ policy,\ most\ of\ it\ provided\ by\ state\ agencies\ with\ Perkins\ funds.~***

Professional development remains an important strategy to improve
vocational education. According to case studies, teachers indicate that
state agencies rather than districts or schools are the main providers
of training. Such an emphasis is not surprising, given that professional
development is a required state activity under Perkins III, and
nationally states report spending approximately one-quarter of all state
leadership funds on these activities (White et al. forthcoming).

States support professional development through state conferences or
state funding of specific vocational models (e.g., High Schools That
Work, career academies). Many states also have programs that encourage
teachers to participate in "externships" with industry. Massachusetts,
for example, uses a unique strategy: as part of its local planning for
Perkins funds, each district grantee is required to set aside 15 percent
of its grant for professional development and other state funds provide
for general professional development for each school. This effort allows
the state's schools (particularly the regional vocational schools) a
sizable and stable pool for vocational teacher training (Stasz and
Bodilly forthcoming).

Consistent with the case study findings, national data suggest that the
majority of vocational teachers participate in professional development
and, in 2001, did so in a wide range of topics promoted by Perkins III
(Table 2.30). Some topics were particularly prominent, as noted earlier:

![](media/image60.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="7.059027777777778in"}

► ***Standards are an important theme for vocational teachers.*** Most
vocational teachers received training in 2001 on both academic and
vocational standards. In fact, according to the survey, on average,
vocational teachers received almost as much training (8.7 hours) on
academic standards as did academic teachers (9.6 hours), suggesting that
some effort is being made to align vocational education with general
school improvement. Still, the time spent on academic standards amount
to just a little over one day of in-service activity during the year.

► ***Subject matter and technology training are common to both academic
and vocational teachers.*** Despite the emphasis on academic reform,
vocational and academic teachers receive professional development in
their specific content areas at roughly comparable rates. Both sets of
teachers are equally likely to participate in technology training,
although the time spent in it by vocational teachers is longer.

► ***Integration remains a key focus of professional development.*** As
discussed in an earlier section, much professional development activity
is targeted at integrating academic and vocational education in all its
various forms. For example, 70.8 percent of vocational teachers received
just over a day of professional development on incorporating academic
content into vocational curriculum. More than half (55.9 percent) of
vocational teachers worked on designing instruction that uses real-world
examples.

While vocational teachers appear to have access to a broad set of
training options, case studies suggest that vocational counselors and
administrators do not receive the same level of support (Stasz and
Bodilly forthcoming).

***~The\ teaching\ practices\ of\ vocational\ and\ academic\ teachers\ differ.~***

Many of the improvement strategies in Perkins III and its predecessors
have implications for vocational instruction. Such approaches as
curriculum integration, use of technology, working with employers, and
raising the technical rigor of vocational courses are likely to involve
instructional practices that differ from those of academic teachers.

► ***Academic teachers are more likely to use traditional didactic
instruction while vocational teachers are more likely to use hands-on
activities.*** There is little question that academic and vocational
teachers use different methods to deliver instruction (Table 2.31).
Academic teachers are more likely to report having students listen to a
lecture, write a paragraph, do homework, or take a test or quiz. In
contrast, vocational teachers report that their students engage in more
applied activities---working on extended projects, using applied
curriculum, performing technology-related tasks, and engaging in career
exploration activities. Also, vocational teachers differ in the types of
instructional activities they use: those who teach in comprehensive high
schools are more likely to include writing and test-taking in their
instruction, while those in vocational schools are more likely to
provide hands-on activities. Vocational teachers in the two settings are
equally likely to lecture and to have students work in groups, however
(Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).

![](media/image61.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="7.702083333333333in"}

The types of instructional approaches that vocational teachers favor may
have changed over time. When comparing teacher practices reported in the
NAVE's 2001 national teacher survey with those reported in a 1992
national survey conducted for the previous NAVE,[^53] vocational
teachers are currently less likely to lecture in class and more likely
to use computers. Academic teachers also increased their use of
computers over time, as well as their use of assessments and tests
(Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).

► ***Academic teachers give significantly more homework than do
vocational teachers.*** Academic teachers are not only more likely to
assign homework, but the homework is more extensive (2.9 hours) than
that assigned by vocational teachers (1.4 hours). However, comparing the
two NAVE teacher surveys suggest that more vocational teachers are
assigning homework than they did in the past (Table 2.32).

![](media/image62.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.1215277777777777in"}

# D. Coordination with Other Reforms

# 

Without question, the principal focus of recent education reforms has
been on improving students' academic achievement and increasing their
opportunities to attend college. Perkins III provides explicit
instruction to grantees to coordinate with these reform efforts by
"building on the efforts of States and localities to develop challenging
academic standards . . ." (Section 2). In addition, Perkins
accountability systems require states to help vocational students meet
state-established academic proficiencies (Sections 113 and
122(c)(5)(B)).

Federal vocational policy now places priority on ensuring that students
in vocational programs are academically well-prepared for success in
both postsecondary education and the labor market. How vocational
education fits into state and local academic improvement efforts, or
influences those efforts, may well affect the viability of career
preparation programs in the future.

***~Vocational\ officials\ and\ initiatives\ have\ taken\ the\ lead\ on\ some\ important\ aspects\ of\ high\ school\ reform.~***

Although the direct influence of Perkins is unclear, the key role that
many state and local vocational administrators have played in promoting
high school change is not. Several practices that are quite common in
high schools across the country were spurred by the interest and efforts
of vocational educators, concerned in part about the academic
performance of students in vocational programs. These strategies include
the following:

► ***Smaller learning communities.*** Evidence on the benefits of small
schools has been growing for some time, as has interest in the idea of
using careers as an organizing principle for clustering students in
classes. Career academies are one example of these efforts, increasingly
viewed as a high school reform model but one with a career preparation
or vocational component (Kemple 2001).

► ***Flexible scheduling.*** The need for new scheduling arrangements
was evident in early Tech-Prep efforts to increase the time available
for vocational courses and the extent of "hands-on instruction" in both
vocational and academic classes (Hershey, Owens, and Silverberg 1996).
Block scheduling, in which the school day is divided into four 90-minute
class periods rather than the typical seven 45-minute periods, is now
used to some extent in nearly half of the public high schools in the
country (Levesque forthcoming). It is also a key strategy of the High
Schools That Work (HSTW) initiative to increase the amount of time
available for learning by lengthening the time in classes and reducing
the number of changes between them (Hoachlander, Alt, and Beltranena
2001).

► ***Linkages with postsecondary institutions and faculty.*** There is
little doubt that the introduction of Tech-Prep stimulated major
investments in the development of articulation agreements and ways of
collaborating more generally with postsecondary institutions (Hershey et
al. 1998). The Perkins Act remains the only federal legislation that
supports these types of cooperative efforts between secondary and
postsecondary institutions and their faculty.

► ***Eliminating the general education track.*** Reducing the
availability of low-level academic courses that make up the general
education curriculum had been a goal of early Tech-Prep advocates and
remains a central component of the HSTW initiative. Spurred, in part, by
HSTW leaders, state vocational officials, such as those in North
Carolina and Maryland, have teamed with their academic counterparts to
encourage more rigorous standards for high school graduation
requirements.

All of these efforts were presumed to benefit students in vocational
programs as well as those who pursued little vocational education.

***~So\ far,\ there\ are\ mixed\ views\ on\ whether\ and\ how\ vocational\ education\ should\ be\ responsible\ for\ students'\ academic\ competency.~***

Despite the support for school improvement efforts, coordination between
academic and vocational education reforms depends largely on the
initiative of those who will carry out the reforms. Although few
vocational educators would argue that stronger academic skills are
unnecessary in the labor market, some disagree about whose
responsibility it is to ensure that students meet state academic
standards (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming).

► ***State vocational officials generally supportive.*** At the state
level, most officials agree that, in order to succeed as adults,
graduating students now need higher levels of language arts and math
skills than they had in the past and that academic assessment is one
strategy for encouraging those improvements. In fact, nationally, state
directors of vocational education ranked the Perkins core performance
indicator "attainment of challenging state-established academic
standards" as of equal importance as "attainment of vocational and
technical skill proficiencies" (White et al. forthcoming). However these
same officials were concerned about finding the appropriate balance
between academic and vocational instruction, both in students' overall
course schedules and in individual vocational course content.

► ***Substantial concern about emphasis on academic improvement among
local vocational educators.*** According to case studies, "by and large,
the local sites' reactions to academic testing regimes were
overwhelmingly negative, even in states where testing is voluntary"
(Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming, p. 69). Some local vocational educators
are concerned that rigorous academic standards and assessments will
drive out students who have been academically unsuccessful, many of whom
are well-served in vocational education. Others fear that expanding the
academic content of vocational courses, a process beginning in many
states, will reduce the intensity of technical training and therefore
the benefits to employers. In addition, some states are considering
further increases in academic graduation requirements; both state and
local vocational officials expressed concern that these changes may
limit the amount of time students have to take elective vocational
courses.

***~Academic\ improvement\ policies\ are\ influencing\ vocational\ education\ in\ a\ variety\ of\ ways.~***

The accumulation of academic reforms over the last decade is clearly
having an effect on vocational education. While opinions may differ
about the benefits of some of these outcomes, they are certainly
consistent with the direction of federal vocational education policy
even if not caused by it.

► ***Stronger emphasis on academics in vocational courses.*** Such
changes are only beginning to take place at the local level, as
described in an earlier section. However, the focus on academic
standards in recent state vocational curriculum guidelines suggests
there may be more change ahead.

► ***Vocational students held to same academic standards as other
students.*** In the past, some states and districts had different
graduation requirements for students in vocational programs, special
education programs, and other education pathways including the
college-prep track. Increasingly, however, state education reforms have
sought to establish minimum requirements to which all students would be
held; by 2001, most states required students in vocational programs to
meet the same course and exit exam requirements as other students (Table
2.33). Although initially in some states with "high-stakes" exams (e.g.,
New York and Massachusetts) local educators lobbied for different test
standards for vocational students (e.g., lower passing scores, smaller
number of subjects tested, or performance-based vs. multiple-choice
assessments), the states resisted these efforts to establish separate
benchmarks.

![](media/image63.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.6708333333333334in"}

► ***Opportunity to help with dropout prevention.*** States' use of
high-stakes academic assessments have led to concern about students'
dropping out of school (Chudowsky et al. 2002). Many vocational
educators share those concerns as well as misgivings about the effect
the tests may have on vocational enrollments. Most vocational teachers
feel that vocational education can contribute to school reform, in part,
by keeping students engaged and interested in school (Stasz and Bodilly
forthcoming), although empirical analyses are less conclusive about that
contribution (see Section E).

► ***Reduced enrollments and technical content in vocational courses.***
Although aggregate national data through the year 2000 do not show
measurable declines in vocational participation (see Section B), many
vocational educators report more recent reductions in enrollments,
particularly as high-stakes exams are being phased in (Stasz and Bodilly
forthcoming). Some states or schools have implemented strategies to
maintain these enrollments in the face of increased academic credit
requirements; full-day area vocational centers in Ohio (called "joint
vocational schools"), for example, increased the number of academic
courses offered so that students could meet their graduation
requirements.

***~Mechanisms\ for\ reporting\ vocational\ performance\ remain\ mostly\ separate\ from\ those\ relating\ to\ academic\ performance.~***

Perhaps left over from the Vocational Education Data System (VEDS)
requirements in previous laws, most current vocational data collection
systems have been developed independently of those that maintain
academic outcomes. Still, state vocational officials have been largely
successful in tapping into state academic assessment systems to meet
Perkins III performance-reporting provisions. In fact, relatively few
states (20 percent) reported in 2001 that obtaining data on the academic
proficiencies of vocational students was very difficult (see Chapter 5).
About half of the states say that ESEA Title I and Perkins programs use
common data systems to at least some extent. At the same time, that
leaves another half of states in which little or no coordination in data
systems occurs at the local level (Table 2.34).

![](media/image64.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.592361111111111in"}

The incentives to integrate academic and vocational data systems are not
particularly strong, however. Even in states with vocational assessment
programs of some kind (e.g., North Carolina and Ohio), the vocational
results are not included in state high school accountability systems.
Nor are students in vocational programs a subgroup for academic
assessment reporting on school report cards, although those who invest
in vocational education (take at least 3.0 credits) make up almost half
of the high school population. There remains potential for further
streamlining of state data and reporting systems.

#  

# E. Outcomes and Effects

Perhaps the most important issue for vocational education, and for
federal policy, is how well students who participate fare in school and
beyond. Analysis of this issue involves looking at two dimensions of
vocational education: (1) the basic outcomes of participants and whether
progress is being made over time and (2) the "value added" of vocational
education, comparing those who participate to similar students who do
not participate as a way of measuring what might have happened in the
absence of vocational course taking and programs. The first type of
analysis tracks the performance of vocational students, while the second
type examines whether vocational education itself contributes to that
performance. Although both analyses are important, the value-added
assessments provide policymakers with a better indication of the
effectiveness of the program (Table 2.35).[^54]

![](media/image65.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.690277777777778in"}

In both cases, changing priorities at the secondary level and the many
performance objectives called for in Perkins III require an examination
of a broad set of outcomes and effects.[^55] These include not only the
traditional labor market outcomes associated with vocational education
but also academic achievement, high school completion, and postsecondary
enrollment. Unfortunately, it is difficult to examine either the
progress on or contribution of vocational education to its most direct
outcome---occupational or technical competency---because few good
measures of those skills exist.

Finally, it is important to note that, although vocational education is
comprised of several types of courses, most researchers examining the
relationship between vocational education and key outcomes have focused
on *occupational* education courses.[^56] This emphasis reflects the
fact that occupational courses represent the majority of all vocational
course taking (on average, nearly three out of four credits earned in
vocational education) and previous studies have suggested that they
offer the greatest potential benefit, particularly in predicting
employment and earnings (Boesel et al. 1994b).

## 1. In-School Outcomes: Academic Achievement and High School Completion

With academic improvement increasingly the marker of a high school's
success, policymakers have sought to ensure that students who
participate in vocational education are not left behind. Perkins III
accountability provisions, for example, require states to report and
make progress on increasing the proportion of vocational students who
meet state-established academic standards. Improvement strategies in
Perkins III encourage vocational programs to integrate and support
academic learning.

Vocational educators and their academic colleagues face challenges in
meeting these goals, however. Historically, many of the occupational
concentrators and other students who pursue vocational programs of study
(i.e., take at least 3.0 credits of occupational education) have entered
high school with lower levels of academic achievement than other
students, although in at least some states that seems to be
changing.[^57] In part because of their relatively lower academic
achievement, those who are inclined to become vocational students may be
at higher risk for dropping out of high school than are other groups of
students. Moreover, some fraction of students will choose to enroll in
vocational programs because they view themselves as academically
unsuccessful, are disinterested in academic subjects, or want to prepare
for work right after high school rather than pursue postsecondary
education. It therefore should not be surprising if the path some
vocational students take through high school differs from that of other
students.

***~Students\ in\ vocational\ programs\ are\ earning\ significantly\ more\ core\ academic\ credits\ than\ in\ the\ past,\ and\ the\ gap\ between\ them\ and\ other\ students\ is\ decreasing.~***

More than a decade of attention to school reform appears to have helped
increase the academic course taking of all students, including those who
participate in vocational education. Public high school graduates earned
almost one additional core academic credit---in English or language
arts, mathematics, science, or social studies---in 2000 than they did in
1990 (Table 2.36). This increase is equivalent to more than one
full-year academic course.

![](media/image66.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="5.56875in"}

Occupational concentrators increased their academic course taking even
more than other students, perhaps because they had farther to go in
meeting new graduation requirements. As a result, by 2000 the gap
between occupational concentrators and non-concentrators in the number
of academic credits earned had narrowed significantly, from 1.8 to 1.0
credits (the equivalent of a 44.4 percent decrease). Most of the
remaining gap is due to differences in science course taking.

Other indicators of academic course taking also show substantial
progress. In a 1996 book entitled *Teaching the New Basics Skills:
Principles for Educating Children to Thrive in a Changing Economy*,
Murnane and Levy argued for both more academic course taking and better
development of such "soft skills" as communication and problem-solving.
The core academic curriculum they proposed included four years of
English and three years each of math, science, and social studies as a
way to upgrade students' academic competencies and preparation for both
college and work. This core curriculum has become known as the "New
Basics," and it is increasingly the standard for graduation requirements
toward which many states have moved. Not only has the proportion of
occupational concentrators meeting this standard more than doubled (from
18.5 percent to 51.1 percent) between 1990 and 2000, but the gap between
concentrators and non-concentrators in meeting these standards declined
by two-thirds (Table 2.36).

Still, while the increase in meeting the "New Basics" course standard
among concentrators has been quite significant, those concentrators who
meet the standard represent a small proportion of the overall student
population. Students who both concentrated in an occupational program
and completed the "New Basics" curriculum (those who have been called
"dual concentrators") represented only 13.3 percent of all high school
graduates in 2000, up from 5.1 percent of graduates in 1990.[^58]

***~Differences\ in\ the\ rigor\ of\ academic\ course\ taking\ are\ also\ narrowing\ but\ remain.~***

There has been some success not only in increasing the *number* of
academic courses that vocational students take but, to a lesser degree,
in narrowing the gap in the *types* of courses they take. During the
1990s, concentrators and other students became more alike in terms of
the rigor of their course taking, particularly in their completion of
such "gatekeeper" courses as algebra 1. However, at the end of the
decade, occupational concentrators were still much less likely than
non-concentrators to complete a more demanding college-prep curriculum
or to take advanced math, advanced science, or high-level English course
work (Table 2.37).

![](media/image67.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.502083333333333in"}

This disparity in the rigor of course taking raises some concern.
Because many students who concentrate in vocational education begin high
school with lower levels of academic achievement, if they then take less
challenging academic courses, they may have difficulty passing state
academic assessments required for graduation. This problem was evident
in a few states, where some local educators sought a separate set of
passing standards or what they viewed as more relevant tests for
vocational students. The comparatively low rate at which vocational
students complete a college-prep curriculum is also important to
consider when looking at the future of vocational education, as more and
more students are aspiring to earn baccalaureate degrees.

***~The\ achievement\ levels\ of\ vocational\ students\ improved\ substantially\ during\ the\ 1990s.~***

The increase in the number and rigor of academic courses taken by
vocational students over time appears to have paid off.[^59] Over the
last decade, successive groups of students who pursued a vocational
program of study---occupational concentrators---had higher reading and
math skills than the concentrators who came before them. Perhaps because
they had farther to go in raising levels of achievement, concentrators
experienced bigger increases in test scores than did non-concentrators
in the same periods (Figure 2.9).

![](media/image68.png){width="4.708333333333333in"
height="6.458333333333333in"}

With regard to math skills, the increases in test scores for
concentrators from 1990 to 2000 significantly *reduced* the gap between
them and other students. The average NAEP composite math score for
concentrators was 11 scale points higher in 2000 than in 1990, while
there was no increase during that period for non-concentrators (Figure
2.9). As a result, the gap between concentrators and non-concentrators
narrowed from 20 scale points to only 9 scale points. The gap became
smaller for students with varying characteristics, including both men
and women, those from minority racial-ethnic groups and from schools
with very high proportions of students eligible for free and
reduced-price lunches (Levesque and Paret forthcoming).

The difference in reading achievement between concentrators and
non-concentrators did not change significantly, in a statistical sense.
Comparable NAEP reading scores are available only for 1994 and
1998.[^60] Although the average NAEP composite reading score of
occupational concentrators increased by more (8.0 scale points) than did
the scores of non-concentrators (4.2 scale points), the reduction in the
gap between concentrators and non-concentrators---from 15.7 points to
12.0 points---was not statistically significant. Vocational students in
most of the special population groups experienced increases in their
reading scores as well (Table 2.38).

![](media/image69.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="8.925694444444444in"}

The NAEP assessments indicate that there has been substantial progress,
but more work is necessary to raise the achievement levels of all
students, particularly those in vocational programs. Most importantly,
significantly smaller shares of concentrators than other students are
"proficient" in reading or math, as defined by their most recent NAEP
test scores (Figure 2.10). In 1998, for example, only 29.3 percent of
concentrators, compared to 44.8 percent of non-concentrators, scored at
or above the "proficiency" level in 12th-grade reading. In math in 2000,
the proportions achieving proficiency are much lower for both groups of
students but the gap between them, though much smaller, is still large.
If proficiency on the 12th-grade NAEP assessments is associated with
readiness for postsecondary education or success in the labor market,
then these figures suggest a greater focus on academic improvement is
needed.

![](media/image70.png){width="6.492361111111111in" height="4.94375in"}

***~But,\ on\ average,\ vocational\ courses\ as\ currently\ structured\ do\ not\ appear\ to\ contribute\ to\ an\ increase\ in\ students'\ academic\ achievement.~***

Despite the marked improvement in the academic course taking and reading
achievement of successive groups of vocational students, the best
available data suggest that, on average, these gains have been made
without the help of vocational courses and programs. Analyses of high
school student assessments in both the early and late 1990s indicate
that vocational courses did not generally contribute or "add value" to
students' academic achievement.[^61]

► ***Completing a vocational program in the early 1990s produced
achievement gains similar to those of completing a general education
program.*** Studies using the National Education Longitudinal Study
(NELS) database of 1992 high school graduates suggest that, after
adjusting for demographic characteristics and prior academic
achievement, students who pursued an occupational concentration did no
better in reading, math, and science achievement between 8th and 12th
grade than students who were in the general education program (Plank
2001; Agodini forthcoming).[^62] However, compared with students who
pursued a program with a high number of academic credits and little
occupational education, concentrators had significantly lower
achievement gains in high school. The studies also found that students
who pursued both an occupational concentration and a high academic
credit curriculum experienced achievement gains in high school that were
only slightly lower than those of students who only pursued a high
academic curriculum (Table 2.39).[^63]

![](media/image71.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.529166666666667in"}

► ***Participating in a career academies (vocational) program in the
late 1990s had no impact on test scores.*** Career academies are a
strategy to integrate the best of career preparation courses and college
preparatory academics and were therefore thought to have the best
chances of producing strong academic and labor market impacts. However,
a recent randomized controlled evaluation of selected career academies
updates the NELS findings for a group of students who were scheduled to
graduate from high school in 1997 or 1998. According to the study, the
main difference in the curriculum of students randomly assigned to the
career academy and those assigned to their regular high school program
was that the career academy students earned significantly more
vocational credits. However, when comparing gains in 8th- to 12th-grade
academic test scores, there were no differences between the academy
participants and those assigned to the nonacademy control group (Kemple
2001).[^64] While some part of the academy "treatment" extended beyond
the vocational course taking, this rigorous evaluation does not provide
support for the view that vocational courses help improve academic
achievement. Similarly, an earlier randomized controlled study of high
school career magnet programs in New York City found that participating
in these programs had no impact on reading scores and had a negative
impact on math test scores (Crain et al. 1999).

► ***Individual vocational courses have no effect on academic
achievement.*** Students who participate in various high school programs
of study differ by more than their vocational course taking. Agodini
(forthcoming) isolated the achievement effects of individual vocational
courses---holding academic course taking constant---and found that, on
average, taking an additional vocational course (occupational, general
labor market preparation, or family and consumer sciences) neither
contributes to nor weakens academic achievement. However, substituting
academic courses for vocational courses would increase academic
achievement.

► ***Participation in vocational education did not affect the
achievement of special populations or other subgroups.*** Students who
were educationally disadvantaged (defined by having low 8th-grade
achievement or not having plans to attend college), in urban or rural
schools, disabled, or from racial or ethnic minority groups received
neither a benefit nor a loss in terms of math, science, or reading
achievement from completing a vocational program or taking additional
vocational individual courses.

► ***Preliminary analyses suggest that participation in a CTSO is not
associated with improved academic achievement.*** The full range of
activities that career and technical student organizations offer could
affect academic achievement as well as other outcomes, but no studies
have previously addressed these questions in a rigorous manner. Analysis
of 1992 graduates suggests that participating in a CTSO either has no
relationship to academic achievement gains or decreases them (Agodini
forthcoming). One hypothesis for these outcomes may be that
participation in CTSO activities, some of which are held after school,
leaves less time for students to do their homework. However, because the
available measure of student participation is a rather weak one, further
investigation is needed.

These newer findings about the effects of vocational courses or programs
on academic achievement are consistent with the results of previous
studies. For example, the authors of the 1994 NAVE report (Boesel et al.
1994b) came to the same conclusion, drawing on a review of the earlier
literature on this subject and earlier studies of the NELS data. As was
true in the Agodini analyses, the earlier studies concluded that
students give up academic achievement gains by taking vocational courses
instead of academic courses, although the studies differ in the
magnitude of the effects. Other efforts to track the academic outcomes
of vocational students, such as those published by the HSTW network,
provide important information on the progress of students in those
schools but cannot be used to isolate how vocational courses themselves
contribute to academic achievement.

***~There\ is\ mixed\ evidence\ that\ participation\ in\ vocational\ education\ reduces\ a\ student's\ likelihood\ of\ dropping\ out\ of\ high\ school.~***

Vocational educators have long advocated occupational courses as an
effective strategy for keeping in school students who are at risk of
dropping out. Studies of vocationally oriented programs in the 1970s and
1980s appeared to support this claim (e.g., Wonacott 2002), but because
most of these studies have substantial methodological limitations, one
cannot draw conclusions about the findings with confidence. More recent
studies of vocational course taking provide mixed results, and the more
rigorous analyses do not support the compelling anecdotal evidence.

Two studies of students who were scheduled to graduate in 1992 suggest
positive effects for vocational education. The first (Rasinski and
Pedlow 1994) concludes that taking vocational courses in 9th or 10th
grade reduces students' probability of dropping out later in high
school, largely because students earn higher grades in vocational
courses, which in turn raises their class rank and self-esteem and makes
them less likely to leave school.[^65] Another analysis (Plank 2001)
finds that, up to a point, the higher the ratio of vocational to
academic courses students take, the lower is their probability of
dropping out of school. The lowest probability occurs when students take
three vocational courses for every four academic courses, a ratio
difficult to achieve under current academic graduation requirements in
most states. The study indicates that students most at risk---those with
low levels of 8th-grade academic achievement and low grades---benefit
most from vocational education. Both studies combined all forms of
vocational education in their analyses---specific labor market
preparation (occupational education), general labor market preparation,
and family and consumer sciences.

However, three studies conclude that vocational programs have no effect,
or perhaps even a negative effect, on dropping out of high school. A
recent examination of the 1992 graduates uses a more comprehensive
statistical methodology---but focused only on occupational courses---and
controls for characteristics known to be predictors of dropping out,
such as having a sibling who has dropped out and living in a
single-parent family (Agodini and Deke forthcoming). The analysis finds
that occupational course taking has neither a positive nor negative
effect on high school completion and explicitly tests what happens when
students combine three occupational courses for every four academic
courses---a critical point according to an earlier study---and finds no
effect. According to the results of this analysis, vocational course
taking does not reduce or increase the likelihood of dropping out, even
for students who enter high school with low levels of academic
achievement, who do not plan to go to college, or who attend schools
with high concentrations of poverty.

Perhaps more importantly, the two most rigorous evaluations
conducted---one of career academies and the other of career magnet
programs in New York City---did not find that these vocationally
oriented programs reduce dropout rates. The first finds that
participation in career academies has no impact on high school
graduation, even among at-risk students (Kemple and Scott-Clayton
2004).[^66] The second study shows that participation in career magnet
programs actually negatively affected (i.e., reduced the rate of)
graduating on time (Crain et al. 1999). These two studies must be given
greater weight, because the methodology of using a randomized controlled
trial (a lottery) to create the participant group and a control group of
nonparticipants is the only way to eliminate any bias in results from
comparing groups.

## 2. Postsecondary Education and Training

Obtaining a postsecondary education credential remains an important goal
for students and a longstanding objective of federal education
investments. By almost any measure, the rate at which high school
students participate in postsecondary education has been increasing over
the last decade (Snyder et al. 1999),[^67] as has the proportion of
students who want to attend college---at either a two- or four-year
institution (Ferris State University 2002). As a result, the group
toward which vocational policy has historically been directed---the
"noncollege bound"---is getting smaller. Still, at least a third of high
school graduates either never enrolls or fails to complete a
postsecondary program and earn a credential (Table 2.40).[^68]

![](media/image72.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="6.164583333333334in"}

These trends are acknowledged to some extent in the Perkins Act. The
law's performance indicators include enrollment in, retention in, and
completion of postsecondary education and training as measures of
vocational program success. Although the law stipulates that vocational
education prepare students only for occupations that require a
sub-baccalaureate degree, as will be clear, a substantial share of
occupational concentrators (researchers' proxy for vocational "program
completers") attend institutions that grant baccalaureate degrees.
Therefore, the relationship between vocational education and a variety
of postsecondary educational outcomes is examined.[^69]

***~Postsecondary\ enrollment\ rates\ have\ grown\ faster\ for\ occupational\ concentrators\ than\ for\ other\ students.~***

The best available national data---unfortunately, not particularly
current---suggest that a much higher share of vocational students in the
1990s entered college and postsecondary training activities than did in
the 1980s. Although enrollment rates have risen for almost all students,
they have grown at the fastest rate for those who had the farthest to
go: while only 41.5 percent of occupational concentrators in 1982
enrolled within two years of high school graduation, a decade later,
enrollment for that group rose to 54.7 percent (Table 2.41).
Concentrators still have the lowest enrollment rates, however, perhaps
reflecting that some who participate in high school vocational education
do so because they plan to work rather than continue their schooling
after graduation. Students' characteristics and motivation, not just
their high school program, play a role in determining the paths they
take.

![](media/image73.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.1527777777777777in"}

***~Taking\ vocational\ courses\ and\ programs\ probably\ has\ no\ effect\ on\ enrolling\ in\ postsecondary\ education\ over\ the\ longer\ run.~***

Although vocational education has long been stigmatized as being for the
noncollege-bound (Stasz and Bodilly forthcoming), the evidence suggests
that students and parents have less cause for concern that taking
vocational education deters enrollment in postsecondary education. In
the short run, there appears to be some negative relationship between
vocational course taking and college going, but it dissipates over time:
adjusting for student characteristics and early achievement, after eight
years, students who took high school vocational courses catch up. These
results hold when "college" attendance is viewed broadly, including
enrollment in a program that awards any type of credential after high
school.

► ***Vocational course taking may either have no effect on or reduce the
probability of attending college in the short run.*** Conventional
wisdom suggests that students who do not attend college within a few
years of graduating high school often never enroll. However, perhaps
because vocational students know they can earn more than other students
when they leave high school (see below), many choose not to directly
enroll in further education. Studies of students in both the early and
late 1990s indicate that those who were concentrators or who took an
extra high school occupational course might lower their chances of
attending college or training within the first year and a half after
graduation (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming; Hoachlander et al.
forthcoming; Plank 2001).[^70] In addition, the randomized controlled
study of career academies suggests that participating in that program
has no impact on college enrollment in the first year after high school
(Kemple 2001). Moreover, given a choice between taking one occupational
credit versus one low-level math or science credit, an average student
would increase the probability of enrolling from about 78 percent to
almost 81 percent (an increase of 2.7 percentage points) if that student
chooses the academic option (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming). These
findings suggest that increasing academic course taking---for example,
by encouraging students to complete the "New Basics" curriculum---may
well raise their transition rates into college.

► ***On average, taking vocational courses neither hurts nor improves
students' chances of enrolling in postsecondary education in the
medium-run.*** Over time, many students who participated in high school
vocational courses and programs eventually do enroll in postsecondary
education or training; however, they do so later than other students.
The rigorous evaluation of career academies, for example, found that
this program linking academic and career courses had no impact on
education attainment, measured four years after scheduled high school
graduation (Kemple and Scott-Clayton 2004).[^71] Eight years after high
school graduation, although the rates at which students "ever" enrolled
in college are different---75 percent for vocational concentrators and
91 percent for other students (Table 2.40), the difference disappears
when the characteristics of students and other predictors of attending
college are taken into account to isolate the effects of taking
occupational courses. Moreover, low-level academic courses and
occupational courses both have a very small medium-term effect on the
probability of "ever" enrolling in college (Agodini, Deke, et al.
forthcoming).

► ***Participating in high school vocational education does not reduce
the probability of early "stopping out."*** Research suggests a
relationship between intermittent postsecondary attendance (i.e.,
periodic "stopping out") and lower earnings (Scott and Bernhardt 1999).
One hypothesis is that vocational students who do enter college would be
more "directed" as a result of their high school career preparation and
thus might be less likely to "stop out" of postsecondary education and
training, but that does not appear to be the case. Moreover,
substituting low-level academic courses for occupational ones in high
school is associated with lower rates of stopping out of college in the
first year and a half after enrolling (Agodini, Deke, et al.
forthcoming). Again, this result may reflect the relatively higher
opportunity cost (lost earnings) of staying in college for students who
invested in vocational education in high school.

► ***Among concentrators, participating in a CTSO is not associated with
higher postsecondary enrollment but may be related to higher completion
rates.*** Many types of students participate in CTSOs, including those
who take only one or two vocational courses. However, even when focusing
only on "occupational concentrators" (those who earn at least 3.0
occupational credits in the same program area), both those who do and do
not participate in CTSOs have the same rates of college transition, and
regression analysis to adjust for student characteristics does not
change these results. On the other hand, among students who did attend
postsecondary institutions, concentrators who participated in a CTSO
were more likely to earn a degree (62.2 percent) than concentrators who
did not participate (50.3 percent). These findings must be interpreted
with caution, however, because students who do and do not participate in
a CTSO may differ on many other factors that could not be controlled for
in these analyses (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming).

► ***Vocational course taking affects students from special populations
in much the same way as other students.*** Looking across studies, the
results on short- and medium-term enrollment in postsecondary education
generally hold true for educationally disadvantaged students (including
LEP and migrant students and those with low achievement in 8th grade);
economically disadvantaged students; students with disabilities; and
both men and women (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming; Hoachlander et
al. forthcoming). The numbers of students from these groups in the data
are too small to examine other postsecondary education effects.

***~Vocational\ education\ is\ associated\ with\ a\ shift\ from\ earning\ a\ baccalaureate\ degree\ to\ earning\ an\ associate's\ degree\ or\ certificate.~***

Although student aspirations for baccalaureate degrees are high, many in
the vocational education community argue that completing a technical
associate's degree or certificate is at least as valuable in the labor
market and more so than spending a few years at a four-year institution
without earning a credential. It is certainly true that projected demand
for occupations requiring a vocational associate degree remain among the
highest of job growth categories (see Chapter 1).

The evidence indicates that the more students invest in vocational
education in high school the more likely they are, compared to other
similar students, to complete a two-year or lesser degree instead of a
baccalaureate degree (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming). For the
average student who enrolls in any type of postsecondary education
within seven years of high school graduation, taking an additional
occupational course in high school decreases the probability of earning
a baccalaureate degree by 2 percentage points (from about 73 percent to
71 percent), and increases the probability of earning an associate
degree or certificate by the same amount.[^72] In contrast, taking
additional low-level math or science courses raises students' chances of
earning a baccalaureate degree, perhaps because doing so makes students
more eligible for or more prepared to complete four-year degree
programs.

## 3. Employment and Earnings

Vocational education has long been viewed as preparation for jobs and
careers. As a result practitioners and researchers have judged its
success primarily in terms of employment and earnings benefits, and
often just for those who do not enroll in postsecondary education.
Currently, however, many students who take vocational education courses
in high school do go on to college, and a large share combine college
and work. Students who do and do not participate in vocational education
in high school complete their postsecondary programs at different rates
and at different times. These different pathways, and the way they
affect students' length of time in the labor market, make it challenging
to estimate the effects of vocational education on earnings. Still,
although Congress chose not to include earnings in the Perkins III
accountability measures, for many it remains the most important
long-term indicator of the effectiveness of vocational programs.

Earnings, however, are a function of both wages and the number of hours
worked. On the one hand, the distinction between these two factors may
not matter---higher earnings, regardless of how they are obtained, are
presumed to allow a higher quality of life. On the other hand, a higher
wage is often viewed as reflecting a "better" job, while more hours
worked means additional effort. In assessing the benefits of vocational
education, higher earnings that result from higher wages rather than
more hours worked are a more desirable outcome, although most data sets
available for analysis cannot adequately separate these components.

***~Vocational\ education\ has\ little\ effect\ on\ employment.~***

A variety of studies confirm high employment rates for students in the
1990s, both immediately after high school graduation and later in life.
More than 90 percent of 1992 graduates who pursued vocational, general
education, and only academic programs of study worked during the first
year and a half after graduating, and a similar proportion held jobs in
2000, eight years later (Agodini, Uhl, and Novak 2002).[^73] The career
academies evaluation found similar short-run results for 1997 and 1998
graduates (Kemple 2001). These high levels of employment provide little
opportunity for students' high school program of study to affect whether
they get jobs.

Vocational courses are associated with two other employment measures,
although the magnitude of the results may be too small to be
policy-relevant. For example, taking an additional occupational course
appears to reduce the amount of time it takes students to get their
first job by about two-and-a-half days; in other words, students would
need to complete 12 more occupational courses (or half of the typical
high school course load) to reduce the time it takes to get their first
job by one month. Similarly, taking an additional occupational course is
associated with a 1 percentage point increase in the percentage of
months worked in the first year and a half after graduation.

***~Occupational\ courses\ and\ programs\ are\ associated\ with\ significant\ short-term\ earnings\ benefits\ for\ students\ overall.~***

While there is little consensus within the vocational education
community about whether vocational education should contribute to
academic achievement or college going, there is a strong belief that
vocational courses and programs provide students with substantial
earnings advantages. That belief is confirmed by analyses of both
national and state data, for groups of high school graduates in the
early and late 1990s, and particularly when considering earnings in the
first year or so after high school graduation. For 1992 high school
graduates, for example, taking an additional occupational course is
associated with a 3.2 percent (or \$207) increase in earnings in the
year or so after graduation (Figure 2.11).[^74]

![](media/image74.png){width="6.5in" height="4.7965277777777775in"}

► ***Taking high school vocational courses raises early earnings of
college students who work.*** The evidence suggests that students who
combine postsecondary education and employment in the first year or so
after high school benefit from having taken vocational courses in high
school: an extra occupational course increases their earnings by between
3 and 5 percent (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming; Hoachlander et al.
forthcoming).

► ***For students who do not attend college within a year or two after
high school, the advantages of vocational education are uncertain.***
Students who go to work directly after high school instead of enrolling
in postsecondary education are considered to face challenges in
achieving long-term labor market success. Two recent studies suggest
conflicting evidence about these students' short-term transitions.
Hoachlander et al. (forthcoming) examined late 1990s high school
graduates in two states and found that, among noncollege students,
having taken an additional occupational course in high school increased
their earnings in the year or so after graduation by between 2 and 8
percent. However, a study analyzing the national sample of 1992 high
school graduates found no relationship between occupational courses (or
other vocational courses) and earnings for students who do not enroll in
postsecondary education within two years after high school. Taking
additional low-level academic courses in place of occupational courses
also had no effect on earnings, although substituting advanced math for
occupational courses would generate higher earnings. These mixed
findings are consistent with the accumulation of earlier studies on the
same subject, which generally found no earnings effects for noncollege
students overall but some advantages for young women (particularly if
they took courses in the health field) (Boesel et al. 1994b).[^75]

► ***Students from special populations generally benefit from vocational
education.*** Looking across studies, vocational course taking appears
to contribute to short-term earnings for economically and educationally
disadvantaged students, students with disabilities, and for both men and
women.

► ***The relationship between specialization in a vocational program
area and higher earnings is unclear.*** Studies examining the benefits
of "concentrating" vocational course taking have produced mixed results.
Analyses of data in two states for graduates in the late 1990s suggest
that the economic benefits of vocational education are correlated with
the degree to which students focus their occupational course taking in
one field. That is, compared to similar students who took no or few
courses, students who took at least 3.0 occupational credits and
concentrated them in a single program area earned more than did similar
students who took the same number of credits but took them across
multiple program areas (Hoachlander et al. forthcoming). In contrast, an
examination of national, but earlier, data on high school students
indicate that there is no statistically significant difference in
earning effects for students who take their 3.0 or more credits in a
single occupational program area or across several different programs
(Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming).

► ***Participation in co-op education is associated with higher
short-run earnings.*** Co-op is a longstanding, for-credit work
experience program in which about 16 percent of high school students
participate nationally. Data from one state (Florida) indicate that
involvement in these experiences provides an earnings advantage for
students during the first year or so after high school (Hoachlander et
al. forthcoming).

***~The\ earnings\ advantage\ of\ high\ school\ vocational\ education\ still\ appears\ significant\ for\ some\ groups\ in\ the\ medium\ term,\ but\ the\ long-run\ effects\ are\ unclear.~***

Two recent studies suggest that secondary vocational courses and
programs offer benefits that are sustained several years after high
school. For example, the rigorous evaluation of career academy programs
found that, for young men, participating in those programs had a
significant impact on students' earnings four years after high school
graduation; young men randomly assigned in high school to participate
earned 18.3 percent more than did men randomly assigned to a control
group who did not participate. There were no earnings impacts for young
women, however (Kemple and Scott-Clayton 2004). Because career academy
programs include a broad set of activities (e.g., job shadowing and
internships), the impacts on earnings cannot be definitively attributed
to the higher levels of vocational or career course taking among
participants; that is one hypothesis, however.[^76]

Vocational education courses are also associated with higher earnings
for some students seven years after high school graduation, although the
evidence is not as strong as it is for short-term earnings (Agodini,
Deke, et al. forthcoming). As a proportion of current earnings, the
benefits are smaller (1.9 percent per extra course) after seven years
than they were just a year or so after graduation (3.2 percent per
course). Still, that 1.9 percent translates into approximately \$455 per
additional occupational course, or a more than \$1,350 earnings
advantage for vocational concentrators over similar students who did not
take 3.0 occupational credits (see Figure 2.11). However, unlike the
short-run, substituting occupational courses for low-level academic
courses in high school would have no effect on earnings; only high-level
math courses would raise earnings by more than vocational courses. As
was true for the effects on short-term earnings, however, these positive
results do not hold for nearly one-quarter of high schools students who
never enrolled in postsecondary education or training.

The analysis of the relationship between vocational education and
medium-run earning also suggests:

► ***The benefits of vocational courses come from students' working
more, although higher wages may also play a role.*** Estimating the
separate effects of vocational education courses on wages and hours
worked suggests that, overall, the earnings advantage comes from
students' working more hours rather than obtaining a "better" job, as
measured by their wages. Among individuals working seven years after
graduation, taking an additional occupational course increased the
number of hours worked in a year by 25 hours; there was no effect on
hourly wages for students overall. However, taking occupational courses
in high school may be associated with higher wages for young men and for
students who are economically disadvantaged (attend low-income schools)
or educationally disadvantaged (entered high school with low levels of
academic achievement) (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming). Moreover, the
career academies evaluation found that four years after graduation,
young male participants earned higher wages (\$9.75) than did the
control group (\$9.01) (Kemple and Scott-Clayton 2004). Thus, for some
students, high school vocational course taking may lead to higher wage
jobs.

► ***Special populations receive similar benefits.*** The evidence
suggests that vocational course taking increases medium-run earnings for
students in some special population groups, as well as for students
overall.

► ***Students who take an extensive academic core ("New Basics")
curriculum earn more if they also take occupational courses.*** It is
possible to complete both a solid core academic curriculum and an
occupational concentration; as noted in an earlier section, 13.3 percent
of all high school graduates do so. Among students who meet the "New
Basics" standards---four years of English or language arts and three
years each of math, science, and social studies---those who take an
additional occupational course or who are occupational concentrators
earn more than students who do not participate or participate very
little in vocational education (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming).
Given that increased academic course taking raises postsecondary
enrollment rates, at least in the short-run, while occupational course
taking improves earnings, combining these two curriculum patterns may
well produce the broadest range of benefits for high school students.

Whether the medium-run benefits of high school vocational course taking
will persist over time is unclear. The earnings premium soon after high
school graduation was 3.2 percent, but 1.9 percent seven years later.
Moreover, medium-run estimates, a major contribution of the NAVE
analysis, must be viewed in tandem with the postsecondary education
results. First, to isolate the effects of vocational course taking in
high school, multivariate analysis must control for not only the
demographics and achievement of students but also their education
pathways after graduation; using these methods, earnings are
statistically compared for students who had similar characteristics and
achievement in high school and who attained the same level of education
after high school. Thus, the finding that vocational course taking is
associated with reduced enrollment in four-year colleges is not taken
into account in the earnings calculations---which the research
literature suggests would decrease earnings in the long run.

Moreover, having only seven years of post-high school employment data
precludes obtaining a complete picture of course-taking effects.
Students who invested in vocational education in high school are likely
to have completed less postsecondary education (see above) and therefore
have been employed longer than other similar students, allowing them to
accumulate earnings and valuable labor market experience. On the other
hand, within the seven-year window of data, students who completed a
baccalaureate degree or higher (i.e., those who were less likely to have
taken high school vocational courses) have only just begun working
full-time and have relatively little work experience. In other words,
the power of their higher credentials on earnings has not been fully
realized.

Most research indicates that, in the long run, each additional year of
college produces an earnings premium, suggesting that high school course
taking that encourages higher educational attainment may be most
beneficial. Clearly, then, it is important to ensure that students are
able to attend and succeed in postsecondary education, even if some
students choose not to follow that path.

# 3. Postsecondary Vocational Education

Vocational education is offered at both the postsecondary and high
school levels, but at each level the mission of the educational
institutions that provide it and the objectives of the students who
participate are quite different. In reauthorizing the Perkins Act,
policymakers may therefore wish to consider (1) whether postsecondary
vocational education is sufficiently distinct from secondary vocational
education to warrant separate treatment in the legislation, and (2) if a
new law should focus on particular problems in postsecondary vocational
education (e.g., improving students' completion rates or easing their
transitions from high school), or as is currently the case, allow
grantees to decide. These issues are particularly important if
postsecondary vocational education is to be better coordinated with the
workforce development system, an outcome Congress promoted in Perkins
III.

To help inform these overarching policy concerns, this chapter provides
background on how postsecondary vocational education is organized
(Section A) and addresses four main questions:

1\. Who enrolls in postsecondary vocational education and what are their
objectives? (Section B)

2\. To what extent are the strategies promoted in Perkins III
implemented at postsecondary institutions that provide vocational
education? (Section C)

3\. What role does postsecondary vocational education play in
formulating state and local workforce development strategies? (Section
D)

4\. What are the economic benefits of participating in postsecondary
vocational education? (Section E)

# Key Findings

► Postsecondary vocational education provides economic benefits to most
participants, with the minority who earn a credential reaping the
greatest benefits.

Important economic benefits are associated with participation in
postsecondary vocational education. Even those who leave occupational
programs without obtaining a degree or certificate earn between 5 and 8
percent more per year for each year they participate in postsecondary
vocational education than do high school graduates with similar
characteristics. However, credentials do matter. The benefits of
completing a vocational associate degree are significantly higher:
females who have such a degree earn nearly 47 percent more than females
with a high school diploma, and their male counterparts earn 30 percent
more. In addition, entry into fast-growing fields such as health care
and information technology increasingly depends upon completing some
type of credential---either a college degree or an industry-based
certificate.

Despite the added economic advantage associated with earning a
credential, less than half of all postsecondary vocational participants
earn a credential of any kind---an institutional certificate or
associate or baccalaureate degree. Most (68.3 percent) complete a year
or less of course work. Although about half of the students appear to be
seeking a certificate or degree, many others may not enroll with that
objective in mind. Taking student goals and characteristics into
account, the completion rate for vocational majors is similar to that of
academic majors, although vocational participants are more likely to
earn a shorter-term credential (e.g., certificate) than the one they
originally sought.

► Postsecondary vocational education serves a large, diverse population
with varied needs and objectives.

The postsecondary vocational education enterprise is large, serving
nearly one-third of all undergraduates and two-thirds of students
enrolled at community and technical colleges who have declared a major.
A significant proportion of these students are "economically
disadvantaged" (21.2 percent are from households in which the annual
family income is less than \$20,000) or are "academically
disadvantaged," while others have previously earned postsecondary
credentials, most commonly certificates (30.4 percent). Nationally,
about half enroll in postsecondary vocational education within a few
years of graduating high school, while the other half are more than 23
years old. Given their diverse characteristics, it is no surprise that
these students enroll with different objectives in mind. About half are
specifically seeking a credential (certificate, associate degree, or a
baccalaureate degree), while one-third say they enrolled to obtain job
skills; the remainder participate for personal enrichment purposes.
Understanding why students choose to enroll in postsecondary vocational
education is crucial to determining what they subsequently accomplish
and whether those outcomes are adequate.

► Some Perkins improvement strategies are consistent with vocational
education practice in postsecondary institutions, but the extent to
which Perkins "drives" these strategies is unclear.

A number of improvement strategies promoted in both Perkins II and
Perkins III---e.g., the involvement of employers, use of current
technology, articulation agreements---are standard in many community and
technical colleges. Other strategies, such as the integration of
academic and vocational education, receive less emphasis. The prevalence
of these practices, however, may be mostly related to how postsecondary
institutions carry out their training missions. Several factors are
likely to limit the impact of Perkins legislation on the implementation
of postsecondary vocational education: (1) the small amount of Perkins
funds received by any individual postsecondary institution (on average 2
percent of their yearly expenditures); (2) the perception that
improvement strategies emphasized in Perkins III are based on the needs
of high schools; and (3) the historic independence of postsecondary
institutions, in some cases even from state agencies.

► Community and technical colleges had limited involvement in the early
implementation of the Workforce Investment Act (WIA), citing low
emphasis on training and reporting requirements as disincentives.

In the early stages of WIA implementation---during a period of economic
expansion and job growth---the emphasis was primarily on organization
and the delivery of job information rather than the kinds of training
activities Perkins-eligible institutions typically provide. For example,
in 2000, nearly three-quarters of those who participated in the previous
federal job training system (the Job Training Partnership Act) received
training, while only one-third of WIA registrants did so. There is some
evidence that, with the recent economic downturn, the proportion of
training vouchers is increasing, as is policy interest in training.
However, the lack of coordination---primarily at the state and local
levels---between WIA and Perkins accountability measures still entails
substantial costs for participating institutions.

# A. Organization of Vocational Education at the Postsecondary Level 

The Perkins Act primarily funds community and technical colleges, but
the postsecondary vocational education enterprise as a whole includes
many other providers---business, industry associations, unions, and
for-profit schools. This broad group of institutions offers a wide range
of postsecondary training opportunities including credit and noncredit
courses offered in programs of varying length. Increasingly students
also can decide whether they want to receive their instruction in
conventional classroom settings or online. This diverse and evolving
environment, though, presents challenges for federal policy.

The Perkins Act defines vocational education as programs preparing
individuals for occupations requiring less than a baccalaureate degree
(P.L. 105-332, Section 3(29)). Based on this definition, two key terms
are most relevant for examining vocational education at the
postsecondary level:

***►*** ***All sub-baccalaureate:*** Refers to programs offered in
less-than-four-year institutions or those that lead to less than a
baccalaureate degree (including no degree) at a four-year institution.
Sub-baccalaureate students are those who participate in these programs.
Because of the stipulation in Perkins policy, this level of activity is
the main focus of NAVE analysis.

***►*** ***Sub-baccalaureate vocational students:*** Defined as
sub-baccalaureate students by their major, according to the National
Center for Education Statistics (NCES) classifications.[^77]

Postsecondary vocational education consists of credit and noncredit
courses offered at a variety of institutions.

Vocational education at the postsecondary level is a complex enterprise
with many types of providers, only some of which are eligible to receive
Perkins funding. Postsecondary vocational education includes for-credit
programs leading to various credentials, in addition to single,
noncredit courses to fulfill the diverse objectives of participants.
Most providers, including those eligible for Perkins grants, offer a
full array of these offerings and can determine which of the many
choices to support with Perkins funds, including those that do not lead
to a credential.[^78]

***►*** ***Perkins-funded institutions, especially community colleges,
are the main providers of for-credit vocational programs, while
institutions not eligible for Perkins grants are the main providers of
noncredit courses.*** Based on student counts in 1999, 40.4 percent of
those participating in for-credit vocational courses---those that could
lead to a postsecondary credential---did so at a community college
(Table 3.1). Fewer participated in for-credit courses at proprietary
institutions (22.6 percent) or at any other type of postsecondary
institution. In contrast, business or industry was the single most
important provider of the noncredit, job-related classes, seminars, and
training programs offered nationally (36.7 percent of participants took
advantage of these offerings). Only a small share of job-related
noncredit participants reported taking their courses at "formal"
postsecondary education institutions, such as a four-year college or
university (11.9 percent), a community college (4.3 percent), or a
public two-year vocational or technical school (1.9 percent).

![](media/image75.png){width="6.490972222222222in"
height="4.396527777777778in"}

***►*** ***Institutions that receive Perkins funds (primarily community
colleges) predominantly serve vocational students through for-credit
courses and programs.***[^79] About two-thirds of students with a
vocational emphasis at community colleges enroll in for-credit
courses.[^80] Noncredit offerings at these institutions, although
significant, do not represent their primary business activity.

The following describes the vocational programs and courses usually
offered by postsecondary vocational providers, including those that
receive funds under the Perkins Act.

***►*** ***Associate degree programs (terminal or transfer-up):***
Generally made up of both academic and vocational for-credit course work
(totaling roughly 60 credits), these programs can take two or more years
to complete, depending on how many credits students earn each
semester.[^81]

***►*** ***Institutional certificate programs:*** Typically designed to
upgrade job-related skills, these programs usually require about one
year's worth of full-time instruction in for-credit courses (24--30
credits), and compared to associate degree programs, involve far less,
if any, academic courses.[^82] However, certificates can be of varied
duration and can be earned for quite diverse activities.[^83] They are
distinct from the increasingly popular industry skill certificates
described below.

***►*** ***Industry skill certifications:*** Developed and recognized by
industry, these certificates are designed to signal proficiencies and
are awarded to students based on their demonstrating well-defined skills
(often through a test). Although postsecondary institutions and other
training providers offer preparation for these tests, self-study is also
a frequent strategy. An industry association or employer group, not the
training provider, grants the certificates.

***►*** ***Noncredit course work:*** Intended mostly to accommodate
those seeking specific job-related skills---e.g., Introduction to
Windows (three hours) and Real Estate License Exam Preparation (20
hours)---or personal enrichment activities---e.g., ceramics or aerobics.
Like courses within certificate programs, noncredit courses are diverse
in their content and contact time. These can be stand-alone courses or
sequenced courses in a nondegree-granting program (sometimes similar or
even indistinguishable from for-credit courses offered in vocational
degree or certificate programs).[^84] Under Perkins III, funds can be
directed only at programs that consist of a sequence of courses and that
include competency-based learning (Section 3(29); Sections 134 and 135);
thus, single courses and most enrichment activities are technically no
longer supported by federal grants.

It is important to distinguish between for-credit and noncredit
offerings at Perkins-eligible institutions because Perkins policy
appears to favor for-credit course work. First, postsecondary Perkins
grants are allocated within states to postsecondary institutions based
on a formula weighted toward the number of Pell grant (federal financial
aid) recipients the institutions serve.[^85] This provision has the
effect of placing greater emphasis on institutions that promote degrees
and credentials because Pell grants are available only to
income-eligible students who pursue for-credit (degree-oriented) course
work. Second, Perkins III accountability provisions include "completion
of a postsecondary degree or credential" as a key measure of performance
(P.L. 105-332, Section 113(b)). However, there is no explicit language
in the law that prevents institutions from using Perkins funds to
support noncredit vocational course work or participants, as long as
participation is in a sequence of courses that meets the federal
requirements (Sections 134 and 135). Thus, this chapter examines both
credit and noncredit participation to some extent.

# B. Access and Participation 

An increasing number of occupations require education beyond high
school, and, for many students, postsecondary vocational education
provides an avenue to enter them. The most recent Bureau of Labor
Statistics (BLS) projections indicate that occupations requiring a
postsecondary vocational credential accounted for 29 percent of all jobs
in 2000 but will represent 42 percent of the total job growth from 2000
to 2010 (Hecker 2001). The extent to which postsecondary vocational
enrollments match labor market needs and include those who have
historically faced barriers to employment success is of considerable
policy interest.

## 1. Trends and Patterns of Enrollment

Although a majority of high school students aspire to earning bachelors'
degrees (Sanderson et al. 1996), by some key measures, 6 out of 10
postsecondary students actually enroll in sub-baccalaureate programs
including vocational ones.[^86] About 3 in 10 undergraduates major in a
vocational field at the sub-baccalaureate level.

***~Sub-baccalaureate\ vocational\ programs\ continue\ to\ be\ a\ significant\ part\ of\ postsecondary\ education\ and\ of\ community\ college\ enrollments.~***

In 2000, just under one-third of all postsecondary undergraduates in
for-credit programs (Figure 3.1)---an estimated 4.9 million youths and
adults[^87]---were enrolled in sub-baccalaureate vocational education.

![](media/image76.png){width="4.3125in" height="4.8125in"}

***►*** ***All sub-baccalaureate students outnumber baccalaureate
students.*** Among those pursuing for-credit course work, a higher
proportion of students participate in sub-baccalaureate programs (58.3
percent, the combined total of students in vocational, academic, and
undeclared sub-baccalaureate programs) than in baccalaureate programs
(41.7 percent). If noncredit participants were included, then the share
of all postsecondary students who are enrolled in sub-baccalaureate
education would be even greater.

***►*** ***At the sub-baccalaureate level, more students enroll in a
vocational than in an academic major.*** Among sub-baccalaureate
students, twice as many (50.8 percent) choose a vocational major as an
academic major (25.4 percent). The remaining are "undeclared" (23.9
percent), a category that has been growing somewhat since the early
1990s (up from 18.0 percent in 1996) (Silverberg et al. 2002).

***~Postsecondary\ vocational\ participants\ are\ more\ likely\ to\ enroll\ in\ associate\ degree\ programs\ than\ in\ institutional\ certificate\ programs.~***

Postsecondary institutions supported by Perkins grants traditionally
have offered both associate degree and institutional certificate
programs, each resulting in a different credential based on
institutional and, in some cases, state requirements. Both credentials
are conferred by higher education institutions and are included in the
data collection efforts of NCES. Although the number of
industry-developed certificates conferred has increased over time, they
are not included in NCES collection efforts because educational
institutions do not confer such credentials.

***►*** ***Enrollment in associate degree programs far exceeds that of
institutional certificate programs.*** Among students declaring a
vocational major, two-thirds aim to obtain associate degrees, while only
one-third intend to pursue institutional certificates. Although the
proportion of vocational students seeking an institutional certificate
appears to have grown between 1996 and 2000 (from 29.8 percent to 33.3
percent), the difference is not statistically significant (Bailey,
Leinbach, et al. forthcoming; Silverberg et al. 2002).

***►*** ***Although the number of industry-developed certificates
conferred is growing, the role of Perkins-eligible institutions in this
growth is unclear.*** Although NCES data do not provide information on
certificates conferred by employers or by national industry, trade, and
professional associations, the groups themselves report that the number
of certificates offered and granted is increasing. For example, there
was nearly a tenfold increase in Microsoft Certified Systems Engineer
(MCSE) certificates awarded between 1997 and 2000---from about 35,000 to
more than 280,000. Much of this activity, however, may be taking place
outside of Perkins-eligible postsecondary institutions.[^88]

***~Enrollments\ in\ vocational\ associate\ degree\ programs\ appear\ to\ respond\ somewhat\ to\ shifts\ in\ the\ labor\ market.~***

The primary purpose of postsecondary vocational education is to prepare
individuals to enter and succeed in specific occupations in the labor
market. The ability of postsecondary institutions to offer up-to-date
programs that respond to fluctuations in employment supply and demand is
crucial to maintaining program quality. Of course, student
demand---i.e., enrollments---is an important factor in the choices that
institutions make. Therefore, examining the relationship between
national labor market trends and patterns of enrollment in postsecondary
vocational education provides a measure of that responsiveness.[^89]

***►*** ***Enrollments in vocational programs have grown substantially
since the 1980s.*** Overall enrollments in postsecondary education have
increased since the early 1980s, with enrollments at the
sub-baccalaureate level remaining consistent with that trend. Between
1989--1990 and 1995--1996, enrollments in various vocational associate
degree programs grew (Figure 3.2a) by 27.0 percent overall, perhaps in
response to strong employment growth during that period in fields that
require such training (Silverberg et al. 2002). More recent data suggest
that postsecondary enrollments in general and, for the most part, those
in sub-baccalaureate vocational programs, leveled off between 1990 and
2000.

![](media/image77.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="6.836805555555555in"}

***►*** ***Postsecondary vocational enrollment patterns are generally
consistent with labor market shifts by occupational field.*** The most
recent analysis of the correspondence between enrollments in
postsecondary vocational education and job growth focused on changes
that occurred between 1990 and 1996 in particular fields of study and
occupations (Erard forthcoming). Both health- and computer-related
fields experienced substantial job growth from 1986 to 1996 (Figure
3.2b) and, perhaps in anticipation of robust employment opportunities,
the proportion of sub-baccalaureate vocational students enrolled in
these programs also increased (Figure 3.2a). Fields with relatively slow
or even declining job growth between 1986 and 1996---such as
business---experienced declines in their postsecondary vocational
enrollments.

![](media/image78.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="6.649305555555555in"}

More recent data generally show consistent patterns in enrollment and
labor market demand. For example, enrollments in computer and data
processing associate degree programs nearly doubled between 1996 and
2000, possibly in response to past and projected job growth. Health, a
large sub-baccalaureate program, may be a notable exception. Despite
continued favorable employment projections, enrollments have remained
relatively steady since 1996 (Hecker 2001; Bailey, Leinbach, et al.
forthcoming).

## 2. Characteristics of Participants: Special Populations and Other Students

Postsecondary vocational programs serve a diverse group of students.
Participants include students of all ages as well as those identified as
"special populations" in Perkins III (more detail on these students is
provided below and in Chapter 2). If policymakers choose to reexamine
the role of Perkins at the postsecondary level, it will be important to
have an accurate picture of the kinds of students vocational programs
serve.

Sub-baccalaureate students differ from students in bachelor degree
programs in several important ways. They are older, somewhat more
disadvantaged (both academically and economically), and more likely to
pursue postsecondary education at any time (not just immediately
following high school) and to pursue it with less intensity and
continuity. In contrast, there are fewer differences between
sub-baccalaureate students who choose vocational rather than academic
programs.

***~Postsecondary\ vocational\ students\ are\ older\ than\ students\ in\ either\ baccalaureate\ or\ other\ sub-baccalaureate\ programs.~***

Postsecondary vocational programs serve both students who recently
graduated from high school and older students who may have substantial
work experience and prior postsecondary education (Figure 3.3). This
diversity in students' age, employment experiences, and educational
backgrounds, as discussed later, has implications for the programs they
seek and their goals in doing so.

![](media/image79.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="4.2555555555555555in"}

***►*** ***Vocational programs serve younger and older students at
similar rates.*** More than half (54.9 percent) of students who declare
a vocational major are age 24 and older, with students age 30 and older
making up 34.2 percent of all vocational students.[^90] These figures
leave a similar and sizable proportion of students (45.1 percent) who
are younger and have made a recent transition into postsecondary
vocational education from high school. Perhaps most important for
federal policy, the younger students represent 56.3 percent[^91] of
those who enrolled in degree or certificate programs, excluding
participants who have returned for a second (or even third) credential.

***►*** ***Sub-baccalaureate participants are significantly older than
baccalaureate participants.*** Combining both vocational and academic
majors, just over half (52.3 percent) of sub-baccalaureate students are
age 24 and older. This proportion stands in sharp contrast to that of
baccalaureate students (28.5 percent) who are in that age category.
Together, percentage distributions by age suggest that sub-baccalaureate
institutions, and vocational programs in particular, serve a much
broader population than do four-year colleges and universities.

***~Academically\ disadvantaged\ students\ are\ slightly\ more\ likely\ to\ enroll\ in\ vocational\ programs\ than\ in\ academic\ sub-baccalaureate\ programs.~***

Sub-baccalaureate students, overall, often enter college lacking the
necessary academic skills to succeed (Coley 2000). For example, nearly
two-thirds of students enrolled in community colleges take some remedial
courses (Wirt et al. 2000, p. 152). These statistics signal educational
needs that are particularly important for federal policy to address,
because academic ability and prior academic preparation are among the
strongest predictors of the rates at which students persist in and
complete postsecondary education (Horn and Kojaku 2001). Postsecondary
vocational students, at least those in for-credit courses and programs,
may face some particular challenges.

***►*** ***Younger postsecondary vocational students tend to enter
programs with lower levels of academic achievement and preparation than
their counterparts in academic programs.***[^92] Among younger
sub-baccalaureate students, those who enter vocational programs are more
likely (66.5 percent) than those who enter academic programs (56.2
percent) to have tested in the bottom half (lowest two quartiles) on a
12th-grade academic skills assessment.

In addition, like their academic peers, vocational students in
sub-baccalaureate programs have not typically taken the rigorous
academic curriculum that is required for those who pursue baccalaureate
programs. Although most sub-baccalaureate students met the "New
Basics"[^93] standard for high school academic course taking---a total
of 81.1 percent, including those who were enrolled in a high school
vocational program (10.0 percent) and those who were not (71.1
percent)---postsecondary vocational majors were less likely (79.0
percent) than their academic counterparts (84.7 percent) to have met the
standards. The proportions of both vocational and academic
sub-baccalaureate students who met the "New Basics" requirements are
well below that of their baccalaureate counterparts (94.5 percent)
(Table 3.2).

![](media/image80.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.313888888888889in"}

***►*** ***An increasing percentage of postsecondary students with
vocational majors already possess a postsecondary credential.*** Federal
education policy has long promoted students' attainment of a
postsecondary credential, although some have argued that such a goal is
less relevant for federal vocational policy because so many participants
already possess a credential. In fact, between 1996 and 2000, the
percentage of students in sub-baccalaureate vocational programs who had
already earned a degree (baccalaureate or associate) or certificate
increased from 22.8 percent to 30.4 percent (Table 3.3).
Sub-baccalaureate students in academic programs were less likely to
already possess a postsecondary credential, and this pattern has held
steady.

![](media/image81.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="4.70625in"}

Although just under a third of vocational students in credit programs
already have postsecondary credentials, an increasing share have already
earned a baccalaureate degree. In 1996, only 1.1 percent of
postsecondary vocational program participants entered with a
baccalaureate degree, but that figure rose to 5.1 percent in 2000. The
proportion who entered with a certificate also increased, from 14.6
percent to 19.2 percent, and the certificate remains by far the most
commonly held postsecondary credential among those pursuing for-credit
vocational course work. In contrast, more than a third of those enrolled
in noncredit courses at postsecondary institutions report their highest
educational attainment as a baccalaureate degree or higher.[^94]

***~Vocational\ students\ are\ slightly\ more\ economically\ disadvantaged\ than\ academic\ sub-baccalaureate\ students.~***

Perkins III emphasizes serving students in special populations, such as
those who are economically disadvantaged. Although financial aid is the
primary legislative tool to support these students, by encouraging the
provision of special support services, Perkins III may encourage
low-income students to become successful participants in postsecondary
vocational education.

***►*** ***Vocational programs serve a somewhat higher share of
economically disadvantaged students than do academic programs.*** Among
dependent students---those who live with their parents---a greater
proportion pursuing vocational programs (21.2 percent) than academic
programs (15.8 percent) live in low-income households (earning less than
\$20,000 a year). Among independent students, similar proportions of
low-income students participate in vocational programs (43.5 percent) as
in academic programs (44.6 percent) (Bailey, Leinbach, et al.
forthcoming).

***►*** ***Many vocational students are the first in their families to
attend college.*** Being the first in the family to attend college is
highly associated with limited economic resources and significant
barriers to postsecondary enrollment and success (Warburton, Bugarin,
and Nuñez 2001). Vocational students are more likely than their academic
counterparts at the sub-baccalaureate or baccalaureate levels to be
first-generation postsecondary students (Figure 3.4). However, the
proportion of first-generation students in postsecondary vocational
programs has declined since 1996 (from 55.9 percent to 47.5 percent)
(Silverberg et al. 2002).

![](media/image82.png){width="4.708333333333333in"
height="5.041666666666667in"}

***~Students\ from\ other\ special\ population\ groups\ are\ well-represented\ in\ vocational\ programs.~***

For nearly four decades, federal vocational policy has encouraged
students from specific groups that Congress believed to be underserved
or facing particular barriers to involvement in postsecondary education
to participate in vocational programs and ultimately in the labor
market. Whether due to these legislative provisions or simply
individuals' personal preferences and circumstances, in the 1990s many
of the "special populations" were well-represented in sub-baccalaureate
vocational programs as well as in academic programs.

As described in Chapter 2, these designated "special populations"
include individuals with disabilities, individuals from economically
disadvantaged families, individuals preparing for nontraditional
training and employment, single parents, displaced homemakers, and
individuals with other barriers to educational achievement, including
limited-English proficiency. Nationally representative data on the
postsecondary participation of each of these groups are limited and
available only for those students taking for-credit courses.

***►*** ***Vocational programs are more likely than academic programs to
serve single parents.*** A higher share of sub-baccalaureate vocational
students (19.7 percent) than academic students (12.0 percent) were
single parents in 2000, a group that until the passage of Perkins III in
1998, was the focus of targeted programs with set-aside funding. Single
parents represented an increasing share of vocational program
participants in 2000, up from 16.1 percent in 1996 (Silverberg et al.
2002; Bailey, Leinbach, et al. forthcoming).

***►*** ***Students with disabilities are about equally likely to be
enrolled in a vocational program as in an academic program.*** Students
with disabilities make up a small share of either baccalaureate or
sub-baccalaureate students (less than 2 percent each). These students
participated in vocational and academic sub-baccalaureate programs at
similar rates in both 1996 and 2000.

***►*** ***Enrollments in vocational programs preparing students for
"high-wage"***[^95] ***sub-baccalaureate occupations follow traditional
patterns by gender, but neither males nor females are clearly
advantaged.*** Females increasingly dominate enrollments in fields such
as nursing and social work, while males continue to dominate enrollments
in engineering, mechanics, and electronics. However, among other majors
that prepare students for high-wage occupations (such as finance,
mortuary science, and graphic illustration, industrial, interior, or
product design), enrollment is fairly balanced by gender, and that
balance has not changed substantially between 1996 and 2000 (Table 3.4).

![](media/image83.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="8.894444444444444in"}

In the rapidly growing and generally lucrative field of computer and
information sciences (often referred to as information technology (IT)),
female enrollments have not kept pace with male enrollments. By 2000,
the share of males participating in IT programs was twice that of
females. Further evidence from a survey of two-year colleges indicates
that only about a fifth of those enrolled in some of the most popular IT
certification programs (Novell, Cisco, or Microsoft programs) are female
(Haimson and Van Noy forthcoming). Only a small fraction of community
colleges (about 1 in 20) have programs in which the proportions of males
and females enrolled are about equal.

***►*** ***Sub-baccalaureate students are racially and ethnically
diverse, although vocational programs enroll higher shares of students
from racial and ethnic minority groups.*** A higher proportion of black
students in 2000 chose to enroll in sub-baccalaureate vocational
programs (17.3 percent) than in academic programs (11.8 percent).
Hispanic students, however, were just as likely to pursue academic
programs (14.1 percent) as vocational programs (12.7 percent),
representing a slight relative shift among Hispanic students between
1996 and 2000 toward participation in vocational programs. Asian or
Pacific Islander students and those in other racial groups (such as
Native Americans) continued to be just as likely to enroll in academic
as vocational sub-baccalaureate programs. Many of the noncredit
vocational participants were white (76.6 percent), compared to 61.4
percent of vocational students in for-credit courses (Figure 3.5).

![](media/image84.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="4.364583333333333in"}

## 3. Goals and Pathways of Participants through Postsecondary Vocational Education

Many people, perhaps including policymakers, view "college
participation" in a traditional way. They picture participants as
18-year-olds who attend college in the fall immediately following high
school graduation and who continue to attend full-time until they obtain
baccalaureate degrees approximately four years later. However, this
description of college participation does not describe the majority of
sub-baccalaureate students or of vocational students in particular.
Vocational students typically delay entering college after high school
graduation, are enrolled part-time and intermittently, and attend
multiple postsecondary institutions. Each of these traits is a
well-documented barrier to credential completion.

***~Postsecondary\ vocational\ students\ have\ primarily\ "nontraditional"\ attendance\ patterns.~***

Students participating in sub-baccalaureate programs---both academic and
vocational---do not typically follow the attendance patterns often
associated with "college" enrollment. "Nontraditional
attendance"---part-time, at multiple institutions, with
interruption---is common (Table 3.5) (Bailey, Leinbach, et al.
forthcoming).

![](media/image85.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="4.219444444444444in"}

***►*** ***Most postsecondary students, including those in vocational
programs, work while enrolled; half of sub-baccalaureate students
consider themselves workers first, and students second.*** A large
proportion of students---about four out of five students at any level
(baccalaureate or sub-baccalaureate) or major (vocational or
academic)---are employed while in postsecondary education. Baccalaureate
students describe themselves as primarily students (over 80 percent) and
thus are likely working to defray expenses. In contrast, just over half
of the employed sub-baccalaureate students describe themselves as
workers who are studying.

***►*** ***Increasingly vocational as well as academic students
interrupt their postsecondary education.*** About a third of vocational
(30.0 percent) and 39.8 percent of academic sub-baccalaureate students
interrupt their postsecondary attendance at least once during a
five-year period. Furthermore, among participants younger than age 24,
the rate of interruption has doubled since the 1980s (from 15.9 percent
in 1982 to 33.3 percent in 1990).

***►*** ***Delayed entry into postsecondary sub-baccalaureate education
is common, as is part-time attendance, often in multiple
institutions.*** Just over half of vocational program participants (52.9
percent) begin postsecondary education more than a year after graduation
from high school. This delayed entry is more likely among vocational
(52.9 percent) than academic (42.2 percent) sub-baccalaureate students,
but the likelihood of doing so is even greater for baccalaureate than
sub-baccalaureate students (22.4 percent and 49.8 percent,
respectively). Just over one-fourth of either vocational or academic
students in sub-baccalaureate programs attend full-time, full-year,
compared to 61.8 percent of baccalaureate participants. Recent analyses
of traditional age students (ages 18 to 24) indicate that nearly half of
those who started in community colleges actually attended more than one
institution as an undergraduate (Adelman 2003).

On the one hand, the ability of students to attend postsecondary
institutions part-time when they can and at the most convenient campus
are all hallmarks of sub-baccalaureate institutions. On the other hand,
these attendance patterns raise concerns about the labor market
prospects for sub-baccalaureate students, including those in vocational
programs, because research indicates a relationship between
nontraditional enrollment patterns and lower earnings (Scott and
Bernhardt 1999; Light 1995). To the extent that completion is an
important factor in this relationship, federal policy may wish to
continue to emphasize completion, whether defined as "credential
attainment" (as is currently promoted through the accountability
provisions) or something else.

***~Objectives\ of\ postsecondary\ vocational\ students\ vary,\ but\ most\ report\ seeking\ a\ credential.~***

Given the diversity of those who participate in sub-baccalaureate
vocational education---in age, employment status, income, and other
characteristics---it is not surprising that vocational courses serve a
variety of purposes. Recent surveys asked students to report the primary
reason they enrolled in postsecondary course work, requesting them to
choose from several fixed response categories: job skills, degree or
certificate completion, transfer (to a higher-level educational
institution), or personal enrichment.[^96] Understanding the variation
in students' goals and expectations is useful for judging the success of
both students and institutions (Figure 3.6) (Bailey, Leinbach, et al.
forthcoming).

![](media/image86.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="3.770138888888889in"}

***►*** ***Obtaining a sub-baccalaureate credential or transferring is a
common objective for vocational students but less so for academic
students.*** Just over half of all those enrolled in postsecondary
vocational programs in 2000 reported wanting to earn a degree or
certificate (35.5 percent) or to transfer (14.8 percent). This pattern
represents a change from 1996, with less emphasis in 2000 on
transferring (down from 22.4 percent) and more emphasis on attaining a
sub-baccalaureate credential (up from 23.6 percent) as a primary
goal.[^97] Younger students are most likely to be seeking these
objectives: in 2000 most vocational majors younger than age 20 reported
earning a credential (33.9 percent) or transferring to further education
(26.7 percent) as their primary reason for participating.

The goal of obtaining a degree or certificate or of transferring to
another institution is even more common among students in
sub-baccalaureate academic majors than in vocational majors (a total of
66.0 percent compared to 50.3 percent). The biggest difference by major
is that fewer vocational students (14.8 percent) than academic students
(30.5 percent) cite transferring as their primary reason for enrolling
in postsecondary vocational programs. These differences in objectives
are consistent with differences in students' stated educational
aspirations. Vocational students are less likely (74.0 percent) than
academic students (88.4 percent) to expect to complete
baccalaureate-level or higher degrees. Instead, those who enroll in
postsecondary vocational programs more frequently aspire to earn
certificates or associate degrees. Between 1996 and 2000, there was no
statistically significant shift in the aspirations of either vocational
or academic participants.

***►*** ***Many students enrolled in sub-baccalaureate vocational
programs want to increase their job skills.*** Among those choosing a
vocational major, a significant share (33.3 percent) do so to enhance
their job skills, probably with the intention of obtaining better
employment. In contrast, only 14.7 percent of academic students cite
improving their job skills as their primary reason for enrolling.

Older vocational students are most likely to pursue this goal. Still,
less than half (41.6 percent) of those age 30 and older cite increasing
their job skills as their primary reason for participating in vocational
courses and programs. For many older students (39.7 percent) obtaining a
credential is still important (Bailey, Leinbach, et al. forthcoming).

***►*** ***Some vocational students participate for enrichment
purposes.*** Far fewer students, both vocational (16.4 percent) and
academic (19.3 percent), cite personal enrichment as their primary
reason for enrolling in postsecondary course work.

# C. Implementation: Program Quality and Improvement Efforts

Perkins III provides funding to improve the quality of vocational
programs at both the secondary and postsecondary levels and offers a set
of strategies intended to aid in that progress. However, the effects of
the law at the postsecondary level are difficult to assess for several
reasons. First, postsecondary institutions are historically
autonomous---from each other and from state agencies---yet Perkins
policy is intended to be promoted through state efforts. Second, Perkins
funds represent a very small share---about 2 percent[^98]---of these
institutions' yearly expenditures. Finally, at the postsecondary level,
where participants pay to receive their education and training,
vocational programs are most likely driven by rapidly changing labor
market needs. Postsecondary institutions' response to the challenge of
providing up-to-date technical training and education may be consistent
with federal policy but not largely affected by it.

Still it is worth examining the prevalence of Perkins program
improvement strategies.[^99] Among the most relevant for postsecondary
programs are the integration of academic and vocational instruction,
links between secondary and postsecondary institutions, employer
involvement, education standards, upgrading technology, and assistance
for special populations. Professional development and other efforts to
promote teacher quality are also important and frequently supported with
Perkins funds.

***~Employer\ involvement\ takes\ many\ forms,\ largely\ influenced\ by\ labor\ market\ trends.~***

Employer involvement in postsecondary vocational programs is considered
particularly important because it helps ensure that the content and
focus of these programs are relevant to the labor markets they serve.
Unlike high school vocational students, many of whom will pursue
postsecondary education and eventually jobs outside their local areas,
community college students are likely to work and live in their
communities. Therefore, most postsecondary vocational institutions try
to pursue strategies that are consistent with what will be rewarded in
their local labor markets.

***►*** ***Employer involvement in community college advisory committees
may be growing.*** Industry- or community-based advisory committees,
while not new to these institutions, appear to be gaining influence. The
proportion of employers reporting that they participated in these
committees at the secondary or postsecondary level increased from 12.4
percent in 1993 (Boesel et al. 1994b) to 14.1 percent in 2000,[^100]
although evidence from case studies suggests that much of the increase
has been at community colleges. Advisory committees actively contribute
to vocational programs by providing advice on individual courses and
programs as well as offering off-campus learning experiences for
students and faculty. This level of employer involvement is in contrast
to that provided by previous advisory committees that only met once or
twice a year and had little influence over program design or curricular
content.

***►*** ***Employers increasingly use community colleges for customized
contract training.*** As part of a growing emphasis on economic and
workforce development, community colleges have increased their
customized contract training. The proportion of employers reporting
their use of such training increased significantly during the 1990s,
from 9.9 percent in 1993 (Boesel et al. 1994b) to 17.2 percent in 2000.
Although customized contract training is often distinct from
postsecondary vocational education programs, because training is
conducted at another part of campus, uses separate funds, and is often
taught by a different faculty, the general trend may be indicative of a
broader effort by community colleges to meet local labor market needs.

***►*** ***Employer collaboration on curriculum is geared more toward
local needs than national skill standards.*** According to case studies,
community college curriculum is shaped mostly by a determination of
which skills contribute to employability in the local area (Hudis,
Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming). National skill standards matter, but
only if they have value in the marketplace. So, while community colleges
have been quick to create course work that complements information
technology networking certifications that are nationally recognized,
such as Microsoft's or Cisco's, the colleges have been much less likely
to organize curricula around Microsoft's Microsoft Office User
Specialist (MOUS) certification program, a credential that lacks
employer support.

***~Upgrading\ equipment\ remains\ a\ focus\ of\ community\ college\ efforts,\ but\ the\ contribution\ of\ Perkins\ is\ proportionately\ less\ than\ it\ is\ at\ the\ secondary\ level.~***

"Developing, improving or expanding the use of technology in vocational
and technical education" is a required activity for states and
postsecondary institutions that receive federal vocational funds
(Section 135(b)). Given the pervasiveness of new technologies in the
workplace, there is constant need for technological resources and
technology instruction in community colleges and adult vocational
schools. Employers increasingly demand technological skills and expect
graduates of sub-baccalaureate courses and programs to have knowledge of
and facility with these technologies (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin
forthcoming). Meeting these demands and expectations, though, is a
primary mission of these colleges.

***►*** ***Perkins funds are a relatively small contribution to
postsecondary equipment budgets.*** Postsecondary vocational
institutions, in contrast to vocational programs at the secondary level,
typically have a substantial technology budget. Therefore, ongoing
equipment needs are largely funded by private donations, business
partners, state grants, and college revenues, while state and local
Perkins funds are simply additional but not central contributions. In
addition, community colleges combine Perkins funds with other federal
grants to train faculty to use the new equipment.

***►*** ***Some states use Perkins funds to support distance learning or
development activities such as planning for emerging occupational
areas.*** For example, North Carolina has made distance learning a
priority in its community colleges, reaching more than 12,500 students
via the Internet, satellite transmission, and teleconferencing. In
Michigan, some Perkins state leadership funds are used to fund Emerging
Technologies Consortium Grants, which are intended to encourage
vocational programs to plan for new occupations in high-technology or
other emerging occupational areas.

***~Support\ for\ special\ populations\ generally\ continues.~***

Previous vocational legislation placed special emphasis on serving
particular groups of students known as "special populations." In Perkins
III, Congress continued this focus but through accountability provisions
rather than funding set-asides.[^101] The emphasis on these groups
persists among postsecondary institutions, which often refer to Perkins
funds as their "special populations" money (see Chapter 5 for more
information on funding and accountability). Preliminary evidence
suggests that, in general, the goal of serving special populations has
been institutionalized. At the local level, where most activities
supporting special populations take place, many programs continue to
serve their special needs, and these activities have not changed much
even with the elimination of the set-aside funding streams under Perkins
III (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming).

***►*** ***Support services for special populations funded by Perkins
cover a broad range of activities at both the local and state levels.***
Most postsecondary institutions assist existing special population
students rather than conduct outreach, because they view access as best
provided through student aid.[^102] Both states and local institutions
also provide professional development support and activities for faculty
serving special population students. A primary focus of local
institutions is to help students successfully complete courses and
programs through basic academic support services, such as tutoring,
note-taking services, testing, and the provision of interpreters.
Additional services---such as childcare and transportation---are more
focused on the needs of particular populations.

***►*** ***Postsecondary institutions provide services to help special
population students make the transition into employment.*** These
services, typical of community colleges, include career counseling, job
seminars, and skill-training programs, but they are often tailored to
meet the special needs of particular groups and funded at least in part
by Perkins. Florida and Texas have developed accountability systems to
make sure that community colleges are placing special population
students in good jobs. At the local level, for example, a North Carolina
community college offers classes that give students a broad orientation
to the labor market to meet the needs of older students who are making
transitions into the workforce for the first time (e.g., students on
welfare, displaced homemakers, and single mothers) (Hudis, Blakely, and
Bugarin forthcoming).

***►*** ***Elimination of set-asides appears to have made services
available to a broader population.*** Some local practitioners indicate
that, because of the new legislation, special vocational programs and
services can now serve GED students, economically disadvantaged
students, and individuals with limited English proficiency, in addition
to single parents or single pregnant women and individuals preparing for
nontraditional employment.

***~Other\ program\ improvement\ strategies\ emphasized\ in\ the\ law\ are\ not\ emphasized\ at\ the\ postsecondary\ level.~***

In addition to the strategies discussed above, Perkins promotes linkages
between secondary and postsecondary education and the use of curriculum
integration. However, Tech-Prep and articulation agreements between high
schools and community colleges, in addition to integrating academic and
vocational curricula, are largely viewed by postsecondary staff as high
school programs and strategies designed to raise expectations among
secondary vocational students.

***►*** ***Limited linkages exist between secondary and postsecondary
education.*** Community colleges have played active roles in developing
and updating articulation agreements as part of Tech-Prep, but few of
them have actually changed their offerings or activities as a result of
this initiative (see Chapter 4). Other types of coordination, such as
outreach activities---e.g., bringing students to campus and arranging
meetings between college and high school personnel to discuss student
test scores and required preparation for college---are generally low
intensity (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming). Perkins-funded
state leadership spending at the postsecondary level suggests that
secondary-postsecondary linkages (7.7 percent of these funds nationally)
are not as high a priority as other activities (e.g., more than 15
percent of state leadership funds are used for each of these efforts:
upgrading technology, integration, and data reporting; White et al.
forthcoming).

***►*** ***Dual enrollment is so far a limited, but promising, strategy
for linking secondary and postsecondary vocational education.***
Although neither widely taken advantage of by high school students nor
exclusively or specifically designed for students in vocational
programs, this strategy is increasing in popularity (Bailey, Hughes, and
Karp 2002). High school students can enroll in courses at community
colleges that allow them to earn both secondary and postsecondary
credit. As a result, they can have a wider selection of courses and
learn more about community college life and course expectations.

***►*** ***Curriculum integration remains relatively rare at the
postsecondary level, despite continued emphasis in the law and reported
state activities.*** Certainly, some states and community colleges are
using Perkins funds for faculty workshops on integrating curriculum.
Nationally, strengthening integration of academic and vocational content
is one of the top two expenditure categories of state leadership funds
(15.3 percent). For example, Michigan awarded grants to produce new
curricula, and Florida is developing new certificate programs that
require an integrated course curriculum. One Michigan grant, for
example, brought together 80 faculty members from 15 community colleges
to work on producing integrated curricula that they could use in
classrooms. California has also used state leadership funds to support
statewide conferences and workshops on curriculum integration. However,
these efforts have not translated into widespread action. According to
site visits, most community colleges and their faculties lack the
curriculum materials or professional development opportunities to
achieve meaningful integration (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin
forthcoming).

***~Improving\ the\ quality\ of\ vocational\ faculty,\ a\ goal\ that\ Perkins\ supports\ to\ some\ extent,\ remains\ a\ challenge.~***

Perkins III encourages professional development as a way to improve
teacher quality. States, in particular, but also individual
postsecondary institutions, at times combine Perkins funds with
workforce development and general education funds to compensate teachers
for time and expenses spent at professional meetings, to offer workshops
and conferences, and to support teacher externships. However, many of
the most crucial issues involve hiring and retaining faculty with the
appropriate mix of skills, and doing so in a way that is responsive to
labor market demands. It is less clear what kind of role Perkins can
assume in those efforts.

***►*** ***Some individual institutions and states use Perkins funds to
offer professional development activities to promote technical and
teaching skills.*** These efforts are limited and often primarily
include state-sponsored conferences covering a wide array of
professional development issues. Few faculty members from any single
institution appear to participate, and such once-a-year professional
development activities are often considered fairly ineffective. In
short, there is little evidence of systematic professional development
efforts on behalf of vocational faculties (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin
forthcoming).

***►*** ***Sub-baccalaureate vocational faculties have lower academic
credentials than academic faculties.*** In 1999, a significant share of
vocational faculty members (46.0 percent), compared to their academic
peers (14.4 percent), had bachelors' degrees or less. Academic faculty
members were far more likely than vocational faculty members to have
masters' degrees, Ph.D.s, or first-professional degrees[^103] (85.6
percent compared to 54.1 percent).[^104] These percentages have remained
unchanged between 1993 and 1999 (Figure 3.7).[^105]

![](media/image87.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="4.5680555555555555in"}

In vocational fields, a conflict exists between the need for academic
skills and the need for hands-on technical skills for high-quality
teaching. Industry skill certifications may be equally or even more
important for instructors than academic credentials, particularly in
fields such as information technology and automotive repair. On-the-job
experience or teaching while employed are important ways for faculty to
keep technical skills current, especially because local institutions
seem to have few systems in place to support ongoing professional
development. However, in an environment of increasing academic
sophistication in many vocational fields, academic qualifications may
become more important.

***►*** ***Many vocational instructors, like their academic
counterparts, teach part-time, have multiple jobs, and may work in jobs
related to the courses they teach.***[^106] In 1999, the majority of
vocational (60.0 percent) and academic (66.3 percent) sub-baccalaureate
faculty members taught part-time. These proportions have not changed
since 1993. Among part-time vocational instructors, most reported a
preference for teaching part-time (80.7 percent).

Teaching part-time is often thought to be an indicator of lower teacher
quality, reflecting poorer qualifications or more tenuous connections to
the sub-baccalaureate institution. In the case of vocational education,
though, working part-time may allow vocational faculty members to remain
employed in jobs related to the courses they teach. In fact, the
majority of vocational faculty reported having another job (71.1
percent), and most said they work outside of postsecondary institutions
(92.6 percent). Although information about these other jobs is limited,
many may be employed in occupations in their teaching field (e.g., 49.4
percent of health faculty worked in a hospital as their additional job).

***►*** ***Changes in faculty composition and student enrollment are
consistent with labor market trends---growth in information technology
and declines in business, engineering, and home economics.*** Two-year
institutions, and community colleges in particular, are often thought to
be especially adept at adjusting their offerings in response to
fluctuating enrollment shifts, which often reflect changing labor market
trends. The ability to hire and retain faculty in sufficient numbers,
particularly in high-demand fields, to maintain reasonable
student-to-faculty ratios is crucial to maintaining the quality of
postsecondary vocational education.

Data from the National Postsecondary Student Aid Study (NPSAS) and
National Study of Postsecondary Faculty (NSOPF) confirm a link between
changes in the percentage of faculty who teach and students who enroll
in two-year institutions by vocational field (Table 3.6). Since 1993,
the rates of enrollment in information technology (IT) and trade and
industry have increased, as have the proportions of vocational faculty
teaching IT and trade and industry courses, presumably in response to
increases in enrollment. Between 1993 and 1999, vocational enrollments
shifted away from business, home economics, and engineering---most
likely reflecting reduced demand for occupations requiring such
training. Correspondingly, during that period, the percentage of
vocational faculty teaching in each of these three fields declined. In
other fields---health and agriculture---no significant changes were
observed in the proportions of students and faculty in two-year
institutions.

![](media/image88.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="8.910416666666666in"}

***►*** ***The proportion of vocational faculty members at two-year
institutions declined, and academic faculty members increased during the
1990s.*** Although both academic and vocational enrollments in community
colleges leveled off in the 1990s after a decade of growth,[^107] the
number and proportion of vocational faculty members at two-year
institutions declined by 8 percent (from 98,741 to 90,771), while the
proportion and number of academic instructors increased by 20 percent
(from 160,831 to 193,333).[^108] There are several potential
explanations for this shift in resources. First, there may have been a
change toward having academic faculty teach the academic course work
required in vocational programs rather than offering these courses as
"applied" academic courses taught by vocational faculty. Second, in
recent years, some institutions have paid more attention to providing
students with options to transfer to a baccalaureate degree program,
which may also have increased academic offerings and thus faculty.
Finally, an increase in academic faculty may reflect a growing need for
faculty to teach developmental education courses.

It is hard to gauge the implications of these changes. On the one hand,
the quality and rigor of academic courses may be superior and thus more
beneficial to vocational students. On the other hand, if such courses
are less likely to be connected to particular vocational learning
requirements, then it is unclear whether vocational students, who often
have not been successful in traditional academic course work, will be
able to benefit from the shift in emphasis.

# D. Coordination with the Workforce Investment Act

Coordinating vocational programs with workforce development efforts is a
major issue at the postsecondary level. When Congress enacted both the
Perkins III and the Workforce Investment (WIA) Acts in 1998, it
responded to GAO reports that multiple job training programs created an
excessive administrative burden upon states and discouraged individual
access to services (U.S. General Accounting Office 1994a, 1994b, 1994c,
2000). Many policymakers argued that the system---and, in particular,
federal funding---needed streamlining, and Congress considered combining
the two laws. In the end, however, Congress passed separate acts with
provisions to encourage coordination between activities funded under WIA
Title I and Perkins III. The extent of that coordination, even at this
early stage of implementation, is worth examining.[^109]

Several features of WIA can affect postsecondary vocational education.

***►*** ***State Workforce Investment Boards:*** These boards assist in
the development of the WIA state plans, and the law includes the chief
executive officers from community colleges among the list of required
members (Section 111(b)).

***►*** ***One-Stop Career Centers:*** Governed by Workforce Investment
Boards (WIBs) at both the state and local levels, these centers are
expected to provide information to job seekers and access to a broad
array of employment and training services. Although in some states and
localities postsecondary vocational institutions were involved with past
workforce development efforts under the old Job Training Partnership Act
(JTPA), WIA requires that these institutions be included in the WIBs.
Including them provides new opportunities for previously
nonparticipating postsecondary institutions to become involved with
workforce development. Their involvement as one of the required partners
in One-Stop centers is an indicator that at least some coordination
should exist between postsecondary vocational education and workforce
development systems.

***►*** ***Available services:*** Up to three possible types of services
are now provided sequentially, depending on individual needs and
eligibility: (1) core services---primarily information on job
options---are available to all individuals; (2) intensive services, for
those needing more assistance, include individualized assessments, case
management services, and short-term prevocational services such as basic
adult education courses; and (3) training services are primarily offered
to income-eligible individuals for whom the two previous services are
not sufficient in helping them obtain employment.[^110] This sequencing
of services places greater emphasis on job placement, in contrast to the
past emphasis on increasing an individual's human capital through job
training. Individuals eligible for job training are provided Individual
Training Accounts (ITAs) that can be used to purchase training from any
eligible provider. This practice contrasts with the past one of offering
individuals prepaid negotiated training services. It is not yet clear
whether this new structure is more or less conducive to the involvement
of postsecondary vocational education in workforce development.

***~Perkins\ institutions\ have\ not\ played\ a\ major\ role\ in\ WIA\ decision\ making\ and\ management\ in\ most\ states.~***

In the first few years since the passage of WIA, states have primarily
directed their attention to establishing organizational structures to
implement the act---e.g., state and local workforce investment boards
and One-Stop centers. The role that postsecondary vocational
institutions played in these decisions is likely to affect their
participation in future workforce development activities.

***►*** ***Postsecondary vocational institutions generally were not
involved in early efforts to establish the infrastructure of One-Stop
Career Centers.*** As required in the law, states did include
representatives from community colleges to serve in the new WIBs.
However, in most states and localities, past relationships formed under
JTPA determined the organization and governance for the workforce
development system under WIA. An early Department of Labor report
(D'Amico et al. 2001) indicates that half of the states simply adopted
their existing state workforce investment board, although most local
boards were more likely to be newly formed.

In states where community colleges historically had played a significant
role in either JTPA or economic development (e.g., North Carolina and
Florida), the relationship generally has continued and made seamless
service delivery systems more likely, although the extent of local
participation even in these states is idiosyncratic. In most cases,
though, community colleges and the postsecondary education system have
played a more limited role in setting up the workforce development
system and its rules of governance. For example, the Massachusetts State
Board of Higher Education that oversees community colleges was not
included among the partner organizations that established the workforce
development system. Similarly, in California, the Community College
Chancellor's Office envisions participating in the system only after it
is implemented (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming).

***►*** ***Most One-Stop centers are operated without much involvement
from postsecondary institutions.*** Most states are neutral about having
community colleges become managers of and service providers for One-Stop
centers. But some have discouraged that participation. Despite initial
plans for two-year colleges to be given major responsibilities in
planning the new system, Texas curtailed postsecondary involvement by
prohibiting operators of local One-Stop centers from providing both core
and training services; thus, if two-year colleges want to provide
training, they cannot operate a One-Stop center. In Massachusetts, none
of the centers are operated by community colleges. Although the state
established a competitive process to select One-Stop center operators,
none of the 15 community college and 16 WIB service delivery areas
overlap, perhaps accounting for the colleges' limited participation. In
contrast, in both Florida and North Carolina, where community colleges
are key local participants in the workforce system, these institutions
are well-represented among those operating One-Stop centers; for
example, in 2000 a quarter of the centers in North Carolina were located
on community college campuses, and close to 20 percent of Florida's
centers were administrated or operated by community colleges (Hudis,
Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming).

Involvement in a One-Stop partnership can be important because it can
lead to many referrals for training, although that has not occurred in
most communities. The services available at One-Stop centers allow
individuals to find out about various educational options. Even if
individuals do not use individual training accounts, they may pursue
postsecondary education using other resources such as Pell grants and
student loans (King 2002).

***►*** ***Historical participation in training programs influences the
extent of WIA participation.*** The strongest predictor of a community
college's participation in WIA is its previous involvement in
JTPA-funded training activities. Postsecondary institutions that were
active and major providers of services under JTPA generally have
continued to play important roles under WIA. For example, a
Massachusetts community college that was a significant training provider
under JTPA continues to work closely with the workforce system despite
the fact that a smaller number of students are served under WIA. Even in
states with systems favorable to community colleges, such as Florida and
North Carolina, there appears to be a strong correlation between current
participation in WIA and past participation in JTPA (Hudis, Blakely, and
Bugarin forthcoming).

***~Involvement\ of\ Perkins\ institutions\ in\ providing\ WIA\ services\ has\ been\ limited.~***

Postsecondary vocational education generally has yet to become actively
involved in providing WIA services. Because community colleges primarily
provide education and training, and early WIA implementation emphasized
job search and other core services, community college participation and
interest in WIA activities have been limited.[^111]

***►*** ***Early emphasis on core services favored the involvement of
entities other than vocational postsecondary institutions.*** Core
services---providing information about job opportunities and available
support services---are not a primary part of the mission of community
colleges. Even intensive services (e.g., aptitude and occupational
interest testing and very short-term prevocational services) are not
central services that postsecondary educational institutions offer.
Early indications are that most WIA resources were used for these
services as well as to create the new infrastructure, leaving little
money for vocational training supported by individual training
accounts---the most natural activity for Perkins postsecondary
institutions.[^112] When comparing JTPA carryover and WIA services
provided in 2000, at least two-thirds of JTPA client carryovers in the
adult programs (73.6 percent) and dislocated worker programs (65.8
percent) received training services. By comparison, only about a third
in either program (32.3 percent and 39.6 percent, respectively) received
training under WIA (Table 3.7).

![](media/image89.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="2.964583333333333in"}

In general, community colleges report being sent few students with ITAs.
For example, in 1999, only 12 students with ITAs were referred to a
California campus, although a North Carolina community college reported
170 WIA referrals (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming). On the
other hand, some states---including Michigan and California---report
serving large numbers of potentially WIA-eligible individuals in
community colleges.[^113] However, these students are not referred by
One-Stop centers and are not using ITAs.

***►*** ***Several factors may to lead to greater community college
participation in providing WIA services.*** Although the number of ITAs
issued in the first few years since the passage of WIA has been limited,
several trends are beginning to make training more of a priority. First,
states have mostly completed creating the WIA infrastructure (WIBs,
One-Stops centers, contracting mechanisms), making it possible for them
to focus on other activities and services. Second, in some states and
communities, an emphasis on "work-first" is giving way to greater
balance in determining the appropriate emphasis on training (Barnow and
King 2003). Finally, as unemployment has risen in 2001 and 2002, making
employment for the most "unemployable" more difficult, the number of
ITAs issued appears to be increasing (Administrative Data Research and
Evaluation (ADARE) Project 2003).

***~Divergent\ accountability\ systems,\ poor\ state\ data\ systems,\ and\ limited\ awareness\ among\ participating\ agencies\ hinder\ efforts\ to\ coordinate\ Perkins\ and\ WIA.~***

Accountability systems serve as the foundation for both Perkins III and
WIA. Federal law stopped short of folding Perkins into WIA or explicitly
aligning WIA and Perkins accountability provisions, although the
intention was for states to coordinate them (see Chapter 5 for more
detail on accountability under Perkins).[^114]

***►*** ***Differences in Perkins and WIA accountability measures are a
disincentive for community colleges to participate in workforce
systems.*** First, despite the shared emphasis on accountability and the
intention to coordinate, the two laws mandated somewhat different
outcome indicators; for example, WIA requires reporting of employment
and earnings outcomes, while Perkins requires reporting of educational,
skill attainment, and employment outcomes. Even where the indicators
overlap---e.g., employment indicators---the measures states have
required local programs to use for Perkins and WIA performance reporting
are often different. For example, Section 136 of WIA specifies a
six-month follow-up period to verify employment retention, whereas
Perkins allows states to determine the follow-up period, and many states
have chosen periods other than six months.[^115] This lack of
coordination results in an increased data collection burden for
institutions that are both participating WIA providers and receive
Perkins funding (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming; White et al.
forthcoming).

***►*** ***Extensive recertification requirements are also a
disincentive to participation.*** Most Perkins institutions were
determined to be eligible training providers in the first year of WIA
implementation.[^116] However, in subsequent years, performance and
training cost information provided by the institutions was required to
determine eligibility. Many colleges claimed that the small number of
WIA participants they received, juxtaposed with the costs of the
additional WIA accountability recertification requirements, acted as a
strong disincentive to their continued participation in the workforce
system support by WIA (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming).[^117]

***►*** ***Many states lack adequate structures to support extensive
data collection.*** Although collecting extensive accountability data
can be costly, such costs are compounded in states without central data
collection systems. Meeting WIA reporting requirements to provide
performance data by program and campus is difficult compared to what
postsecondary institutions routinely have reported in the past.
Typically, community colleges in states with extensive data collection
supports have been far less critical of the accountability system. Even
if they had not previously been collecting the specific data elements
now required, the existing data collection capacity enabled them to
adapt more readily (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming).

***►*** ***Participating state agencies are generally not
coordinated.*** So far, the agencies involved in workforce development
continue to operate as separate entities within their state governments.
Despite the fact that some states earned WIA incentive payments for
adequate performance, interviews with these states revealed that their
successful records were built on effective performance by individual
agencies rather than any coordinated effort.[^118] Agencies tend to be
unaware of each other's goals, accomplishments, and performance.

In summary, early implementation of WIA has involved substantial
development of workforce investment boards, One-Stop centers, and other
service delivery infrastructure. Even in states where a transition to a
WIA-like system took place in the early 1990s, many elements still
needed to be constructed. Even where One-Stop centers and their partners
were in place before WIA, it was necessary to develop eligible provider
certification and recertification requirements and accountability
measures consistent with the new law. Finally, developing management
information systems, from scratch or by adapting existing systems, to
reflect the integrated nature of the new law required a substantial
effort.[^119] Nonetheless, progress on all these fronts has been made
(D'Amico et al. 2001).

# E. Outcomes and Effects 

Vocational education at the postsecondary level has a fairly clear
objective---to provide or improve job-related skills that enable
individuals to enter the labor market, switch jobs, or advance in their
current field. Policy encourages participants to complete a
postsecondary program and earn a certificate, associate degree, or
higher degree as a way to enhance their earnings.

A significant amount of debate surrounds the importance of attaining a
credential, particularly for some participants. Some critics contend
that the labor market places far less value on credentials for
occupations at the sub-baccalaureate level than for occupations
requiring a four-year degree, and, therefore, a policy or institutional
focus on credential attainment is misplaced. They argue that even
postsecondary participation in small amounts is beneficial and should be
encouraged. Thus, it is important to look at who actually participates
in postsecondary vocational programs and the amount of postsecondary
vocational education they pursue as well as to examine their educational
and earnings outcomes.

## 1. Attainment of a Postsecondary Credential

## 

Federal policy has long supported the goals of postsecondary program
completion and credential attainment. Federal student financial aid
(Pell grants) and the TRIO programs established in the 1960s are
designed to promote participants' access to and attainment of a college
degree. In the case of postsecondary vocational education, that would
include completion of a certificate or associate degree or transfer in
order to earn a baccalaureate degree.

Most (69.6 percent) of postsecondary vocational students have no prior
postsecondary credential of any kind and over a third are younger than
age 24, with little or no previous experience in the world of work. Some
have argued that these participants, in particular, are unlikely to be
well-served by small amounts of course work and may benefit most from
attaining a credential (Grubb 2002).

***~Postsecondary\ vocational\ participants\ have\ lower\ rates\ of\ persistence\ and\ completion\ than\ do\ academic\ participants.~***

Many students, both vocational and academic, leave sub-baccalaureate
institutions and programs having completed few courses (Figure 3.8).
However, students in vocational sub-baccalaureate programs appear to
complete fewer courses than those in academic programs.

![](media/image90.png){width="6.492361111111111in"
height="4.427083333333333in"}

***►*** ***Many postsecondary vocational students complete less than a
year's worth of courses.*** Most postsecondary vocational students (68.3
percent) complete a year or less of courses within a five-year period,
compared to 46.4 percent of academic students (Figure 3.8). Given these
low rates of participation, a large share of both groups will fail to
obtain any credential or to earn sufficient credits for transferring to
a baccalaureate program.

***►*** ***Less than half of vocational participants complete a
credential of any kind.***[^120] For example, among students who enroll
in and state a goal of completing at least an associate degree,
considerably fewer vocational participants than academic participants
can be considered "successful" completers. Only 38.9 percent complete a
credential of any kind (a quarter of which are certificates, less than
their original goal), and an additional 8.0 percent transfer to earn a
baccalaureate degree within five years of first enrolling. In
comparison, 52.9 percent of their academic counterparts complete some
credential, and an additional 8.6 percent transfer to a baccalaureate
program during the same period. In addition, among those with a bachelor
degree goal, vocational students are less likely to attain any
credential (27.5 percent compared to 32.4 percent) and far less likely
to have transferred to a baccalaureate program (19.6 percent compared to
32.6 percent) (Table 3.8).

![](media/image91.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="8.125694444444445in"}

Not surprisingly, completion rates are higher for vocational students in
certificate programs than for those in associate degree programs. This
pattern is largely due to the fact that certificate programs are shorter
in duration than associate degree programs and generally require less
rigorous academic preparation and course work. Even so, almost half
(47.0 percent) of those who enroll in vocational certificate programs
and state that they intend to attain a certificate still do not attain a
credential within five years.

In contrast to the pattern for sub-baccalaureate students, students in
baccalaureate programs are more likely to complete a credential even
though the program is longer. Among those enrolled in a bachelor degree
program, more than half (58.2 percent) attain that degree, 3.7 percent
attain either a certificate or an associate degree, and an additional
19.1 percent are still enrolled five years later. A total of 81.0
percent are either still enrolled or have attained an academic
credential.

***~The\ characteristics\ and\ goals\ of\ postsecondary\ vocational\ participants\ cannot\ fully\ explain\ their\ lower\ completion\ or\ persistence\ rates.~***

It is useful to examine the extent to which differences in the
persistence and completion rates of academic and vocational majors are
attributable to differences between the two populations of students.
Some argue that vocational students spend less time than their academic
counterparts in postsecondary education because they seek job skills
rather than a longer-term education program culminating in a degree.
Because credentials vary in length and difficulty, it makes the most
sense to compare students who are pursuing similar credentials. It is
not particularly meaningful to compare academic and vocational students
among those seeking a certificate because almost all certificates are
vocational. However, it is possible to analyze the gap in persistence
and completion between academic and vocational students who pursue
associate degrees.

As discussed in a previous section, even more so than their academic
counterparts, vocational students have many characteristics that are
traditionally linked to low persistence in and completion of
postsecondary education (e.g., lower socioeconomic status (SES) and
levels of academic preparation, more sporadic attendance, and less
ambitious credential objectives). In addition, vocational students are
much more likely to report wanting to upgrade their job skills as a
primary reason for participating; earning a credential may not be part
of their plans. The data suggest that these factors can affect the
probability of completing a degree, but in many cases, the differences
between academic and vocational students on these characteristics are
not as substantial as many would think.

The following analyses look at the independent effect of various factors
on the successful completion of educational objectives (Table 3.9).
"Successful completion" is defined here as completing one's stated
degree objective of an associate degree or transferring into a
baccalaureate program. In the main, attaining an institutional
certificate is not considered "a success" because the education it
requires generally falls short of the originally stated goal of an
associate degree. On the other hand, a transfer is considered "a
success" based on the assumption that this puts the student on a path
toward a higher degree. Sensitivity testing of this definition---for
example, including certificate attainment as a successful
completion---suggests that, at least among the younger participants,
vocational students are just as likely as their academic counterparts to
attain a credential; however, they are more likely to attain a
credential that requires fewer years of education than their originally
stated objective (Bailey, Alfonso, et al. forthcoming).

![](media/image92.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.772916666666666in"}

***►*** ***Student demographic, family, and SES characteristics:***
Vocational students are more likely to be older and in the lowest SES
quartile, have a parent who has attained less than a bachelor degree,
and have more family responsibilities---all characteristics, based on
previous research, that are associated with lower persistence and
credential attainment. After taking these characteristics into account,
however, the difference in rates of completion between vocational and
academic students is largely unaffected (-16.8 percent vs. -18.8
percent) (Table 3.9).[^121]

***►*** ***Attendance patterns:*** Enrolling less than full-time and
interrupting one's postsecondary education each decrease the estimated
probability that sub-baccalaureate students will complete an associate
degree. Less than full-time enrollment decreases the likelihood of
completion (by 28.3 percent), as do interrupted enrollment and delaying
enrollment for at least a year (-10.7 percent and -22.6 percent,
respectively). Surprisingly, working students, even those who work more
than half of the time they are enrolled, do not have a lower likelihood
of completion.[^122] Taking all of these attendance patterns into
account reduces differences in rates of completion between students
pursuing vocational and academic associate degrees by almost half (from
-18.8 percent to -10.9 percent), but the difference is still
statistically significant (Table 3.9).

***►*** ***Student high school preparation:***[^123] Among
sub-baccalaureate participants in associate degree programs, students
who pursued an academic track in high school were one-fifth to one-third
more likely than those who pursued a vocational or general track to
attain either a vocational or academic associate degree.[^124] However,
because vocational and academic sub-baccalaureate students are almost
equally likely to have pursued an academic track in high school,
differences in high school preparation do not affect the completion gap
between vocational and academic students, at least among younger
students.

***►*** ***Student objectives:*** In the most recent NCES BPS survey
(1996--98), students were asked to report their primary reason for
enrolling in postsecondary education out of three possible reasons: "job
skills," "degree attainment or transfer," or "personal enrichment." As
expected, students who cite "job skills" or "personal enrichment" are
less likely (between\
-11.4 and -18.1 percent) to persist toward attaining a credential.[^125]
Despite the fact that vocational students are more likely to report
these motivations, which might indicate that they were not seeking a
degree, controlling for the reason students cite for participating in
postsecondary education has no statistically significant influence on
differences in persistence between academic and vocational students.

***►*** ***Varying the definition of "successful completion":***
Including attainment of an institutional certificate and excluding
transfer in the definition of "successful completion" have no
statistically significant effect on differences in rates of completion
between vocational and academic associate degree students. Specifically,
vocational students are still 10.1 percent less likely to "complete"
than academic students after considering all student characteristic
adjustments (Table 3.9). However, when focusing on younger
sub-baccalaureate students---those attending shortly after high
school---differences in completion by major disappear. At least among
younger students who state they want to earn an associate degree,
vocational majors are more likely than academic majors to attain a
certificate and less likely than academic majors to transfer. They are
equally likely, though, to attain a credential (Bailey, Alfonso, et al.
forthcoming).

Completion of a credential has long been a goal of federal policy.
However, this preference is based largely on existing evidence about the
importance of a bachelor degree for long-term success in the labor
market. It is less clear whether a similar preference for credentials
holds for sub-baccalaureate participants. In contrast to those pursuing
a bachelor degree, many sub-baccalaureate students are older and already
have substantial experience in the workforce. The importance the labor
market places on a obtaining credential or even completing a substantial
amount of course work is an empirical question that will be addressed in
the next section.

Also, of potential interest is the finding that vocational students,
especially younger ones, are more likely than their peers in academic
programs to attain a credential that requires fewer years of education
than they originally expected. Because academic students are more likely
than vocational students to continue their education by transferring to
a four-year institution, differences in attainment are mostly
attributable to differences in transfer rates. Further analyses,
however, do not attribute these differences in transferring to
differences in educational aspirations. An alternative explanation may
be that course work in many vocational programs, in contrast to that in
academic programs, is not accepted for transfer credit.[^126] It also
turns out that vocational students who decide to shorten their education
before attaining an associate degree may not have to leave
"empty-handed": they may have earned enough credits to attain an
institutional certificate. Earning a credential for completed course
work short of an associate degree is simply not an option in most
academic programs.

***~Sub-populations\ among\ postsecondary\ vocational\ participants,\ including\ those\ designated\ as\ "special\ populations,"\ have\ completion\ rates\ that\ are\ similar\ to\ those\ of\ other\ participants.~***

Federal policy has encouraged the postsecondary vocational participation
of students from specific groups---those who are economically and
academically disadvantaged, individuals preparing for nontraditional
training and employment, single parents, displaced homemakers, and
individuals with other barriers to educational achievement, including
limited English proficiency. Nationally representative data on some of
these groups are limited, because the numbers of students with these
characteristics in the population and in national surveys are small and
only available for those students taking for-credit courses.[^127] The
educational outcomes of younger participants are also of interest to
policymakers given the efforts of Tech-Prep to improve outcomes among
traditional-age participants (Table 3.10).

![](media/image93.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="3.686111111111111in"}

***►*** ***Economically disadvantaged vocational students complete at
low rates but do at least as well as their academic counterparts.***
Economically disadvantaged students---vocational or academic---are less
likely than economically advantaged students to complete a credential
(Bailey, Alfonso, et al. forthcoming). However, this disadvantage
appears to affect those in vocational and academic programs about
equally; among economically disadvantaged students, the difference
between those in a vocational and an academic program in their
probability of completing is not statistically significant (-10.4
percent) (Table 3.10).

***►*** ***Among academically disadvantaged students, academic and
vocational students are equally likely to complete to a credential.***
As is true for economically disadvantaged students, there is little
difference between academically disadvantaged students in vocational
versus academic programs in their completion rates. Among students who
scored in the lower half of the distribution on a 12th-grade academic
achievement test, the likelihood of completion does not differ
statistically between academic and vocational students (-10.4 percent)
(Table 3.10).[^128]

***►*** ***Differences in completion rates for special population groups
are likely to mirror overall differences between sub-baccalaureate
students seeking an associate degree.*** Separate analyses for other
special populations of interest are not generally possible due to the
small numbers of these students in national data.[^129] However, being a
single parent and having disabilities have no statistically significant
effect on the completion rate of sub-baccalaureate students after
controlling for other differences in background and educational
preparation.

## 2. Earnings Benefits

Increasing earnings is a primary objective for many, if not all,
students who participate in postsecondary education. Past research has
generally shown that postsecondary participation enhances earnings;
however, the majority of this evidence is based on the benefits of
having a baccalaureate degree. Very little research focuses on those
students who pursue sub-baccalaureate programs, and even fewer studies
address the economic returns to vocational programs.[^130] And yet,
vocational programs, by their very nature, are designed to prepare
students for work. Whether or not postsecondary vocational course work
increases the earnings of participants beyond those of a high school
graduate is potentially an important measure of the success of
vocational programs.

Analyses of the economic returns to education typically require data
that follow program participants over a long period of time. If
education enhances labor market skills that lead to better career
opportunities, the economic benefits accrue over time with both higher
earnings growth and potential. Because young people, in particular, can
take several years to settle into their long-term career paths, their
initial earnings are not a good indicator of their earnings potential
and thus the rate of return to education. Instead, to obtain a more
accurate picture of the economic returns to postsecondary education, it
is necessary to gather information about an individual's income many
years after he or she enters the labor market. Therefore, the analysis
here is restricted to graduates from the high school class of
1992.[^131] Although these data cover the early years of the cohort's
career path, they provide a reasonable first snapshot of the benefits of
postsecondary education.[^132]

***~Whether\ small\ amounts\ of\ postsecondary\ vocational\ course\ work\ (without\ attaining\ a\ credential)\ provide\ benefits\ depends\ on\ gender.~***

Because the majority of sub-baccalaureate students take relatively few
courses and most do not attain a credential, it is worthwhile to examine
whether more limited participation does indeed generate economic
benefits (Table 3.11). These earnings returns to education were measured
up to six years after a student's scheduled graduation from a two-year
program. Analyses are conducted separately for male and female students
because schooling and work decisions differ by gender.[^133]

![](media/image94.png){width="6.4944444444444445in" height="7.96875in"}

***►*** ***Even without a credential, a year's worth of postsecondary
credits for male vocational students now pays off.*** In 2000, male
vocational students who did not attain a certificate or degree still
earned 8.0 percent more per year of postsecondary education than did
similar high school graduates. This finding represents a shift from
1986, when a year of courses without earning a credential provided no
real economic return for males. Perhaps newer offerings, such as IT
courses, are more easily recognized and more highly valued in the
current labor market than the individual courses were more than 15 years
ago. In neither year did male students in academic sub-baccalaureate
programs who took a year of courses but did not earn a degree do better
than a high school graduate.

***►*** ***Female vocational students who pursue a year's worth of
credits without receiving a credential do not reap economic benefits.***
For female students in 2000, taking a year of course work led to
earnings that were higher but not statistically different from those of
female high school graduates. This finding also contrasts with the
pattern 15 years ago, when course work without earning a credential did
produce economic advantages. One possible reason for the change is that
females enroll predominantly in health and business programs, fields in
which state licensing and other credentials have become more important
gateways to jobs; it is possible that it is harder now to participate in
those credentialing processes without an institutional certificate. On
the other hand, there appear to be large returns for females pursuing
one or two years of sub-baccalaureate study in an academic field.

***~Those\ who\ pursue\ significant\ amounts\ of\ postsecondary\ education\ and\ earn\ a\ credential\ reap\ the\ greatest\ economic\ rewards.~***

Federal policy places substantial importance on attaining a
postsecondary degree, in part, because of the expected economic benefits
of holding that credential. However, many in the sub-baccalaureate
community argue that in an environment of lifelong learning, students
pursue additional education a few courses at a time, and as they can,
and they may not always be seeking a formal degree or certificate. Given
the potential gap between federal objectives and actual student
participation, it is important to examine the relative economic benefits
of earning a postsecondary vocational credential.

The evidence suggests that, for some, there are benefits to
participation even if a student does not attain a credential, but those
effects are relatively modest. Substantial *additional* income gains
occur for those who attain a credential, bolstering the policy goal of
credential attainment, at least among young participants (Table
3.11).[^134] There is also evidence that the importance of a credential
in the labor market may be increasing for both male and female students.

***►*** ***Female vocational students generally need a credential to
benefit from their postsecondary vocational education.***[^135] In 2000,
female students who attained a vocational associate degree increased
their earnings above and beyond female students with only a high school
degree by 47.0 percent. These figures represent a significant benefit
over completing the amount of course work necessary for the degree but
not the credential itself---earnings of only 11.2 percent more than a
high school graduate (derived by doubling the coefficient for a year of
course work \[.053\] and using that coefficient in the following
formula: e.053 \* 2 - 1= 11.2 percent).[^136]

In 2000, female students also reaped an earnings benefit over female
high school graduates when they attained a certificate (16.3 percent).
That benefit is higher than that of simply completing a year's worth of
courses, approximately the amount needed for a certificate (5.4
percent), but the differences are not statistically significant, perhaps
because of small sample sizes.[^137]

The importance of obtaining both types of credentials may be increasing.
Compared to their counterparts in 1986, female vocational students in
2000 were economically much better off when they attained a certificate
or associate degree than when they completed the approximate course work
needed but did not get the credential.

***►*** ***Credentials seem to matter less for male vocational
students.*** Although the general pattern for male vocational students
appears similar to that for females, the results are not statistically
significant. Estimates suggest that the rate of return for male
vocational students who attain a degree is greater (30.2 percent) than
for male participants who complete two years of course work without
attaining a degree (16.6 percent[^138]). The earnings returns to
completing a certificate also seem higher than the returns for one year
of course work. However, we cannot conclude that, on average, the degree
produces higher economic benefits or that the credential itself adds to
earnings.

On the other hand, the data suggest that the importance of a credential
for male vocational students, as was true for female students, increased
between 1986 and 2000. That is, the economic returns to a vocational
associate degree more than doubled for men during that period (from 12.9
percent more than a high school graduate to 30.2 percent more). The
returns to completing course work without a credential also increased,
but not by as much.

Taken together, the findings indicate that there is economic value to
postsecondary vocational education and that the value increases for both
male and female participants as they earn more credits. The greatest
earnings are obtained by those completing an associate degree, and to a
lesser extent a certificate.[^139] Because these findings are based on
students who are among the younger sub-baccalaureate participants,
additional analyses were conducted with data that include a broader
cross-section of students, although there was a shorter follow-up period
to examine earnings.[^140] The patterns in these additional analyses are
generally consistent with the findings from the younger cohort.[^141]

***~Economic\ benefits\ are\ similar\ across\ the\ diverse\ populations\ served\ by\ postsecondary\ vocational\ education.~***

Current Perkins policy potentially affects all vocational programs and
all of its participants. However, the effects of vocational education
among special populations are of particular policy interest. In
addition, separate funding for Tech-Prep (Title II of Perkins III)
implies an extra policy concern for younger participants making the
transition between high school and postsecondary education. The next
section addresses the economic benefits for many of these
sub-populations.

As is true for postsecondary vocational students generally, the evidence
suggests that various groups of students are mostly well-served by
vocational education, especially those who complete significant amounts
of vocational course work (Table 3.12).

![](media/image95.png){width="6.4944444444444445in"
height="5.239583333333333in"}

***►*** ***Economically disadvantaged students:*** Similar to the
findings for all vocational students, students in the lowest SES
quartile benefit from participating in postsecondary vocational
programs. Males benefit whether they attain a credential or not. Only
females who attain a credential---certificate or associate degree---have
statistically significant higher earnings than their counterparts who
only earn a high school diploma.

***►*** ***Academically disadvantaged students:*** Similar to the
overall findings, male, but not female, academically disadvantaged
students who take a year of vocational course work increase their
earnings beyond what they would earn with only a high school diploma.
Both academically disadvantaged male and female students benefit from
attaining an associate degree, although there are insufficient data to
distinguish between the economic returns to vocational and academic
associate degrees for these students. There is also no statistically
significant difference in earnings between academically disadvantaged
students who obtain a certificate and those with only a high school
diploma, again possibly due to the small sample size.

***►*** ***Students from other special populations:*** The number of
vocational participants in other sub-populations of interest is small,
making separate analyses within these groups impossible. However, in
analyses of the total population, the rate of return to vocational
education is basically unchanged when these characteristics (single
parent, LEP, or disability status) are taken into consideration.

***►*** ***Younger students:*** Among students younger than age 24,
vocational courses are still economically beneficial, and particularly
so for those who earn a credential. Analysis of administrative records
in two states suggests that earnings gains are significantly higher for
those who earn a credential. In contrast, there are no statistically
significant earnings gains for students who pursue sub-baccalaureate
academic programs (Hoachlander et al. forthcoming).

[^1]: The first federal legislation supporting vocational education was
    the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917.

[^2]: Other federal programs, such as student financial aid, tax
    credits, and the Workforce Investment Act, help provide individuals
    with *access* to occupational training at the postsecondary level;
    the Perkins Act provides support to institutions and programs.

[^3]: About 62 percent of Perkins funds are spent at the high school
    level.

[^4]: Occupational concentrators are defined as students who earn at
    least 3.0 occupational credits in one program area.

[^5]: The "New Basics" academic curriculum, as measured here, is
    equivalent to four years of English or language arts, and three
    years each of math, science, and social studies. Many states are
    moving to this standard for core high school graduation
    requirements.

[^6]: Some students enroll in high school vocational education *because*
    they do not plan to attend college, so a negative relationship
    between vocational courses and postsecondary education might be
    expected. However, even controlling for college plans and other
    student characteristics, vocational courses have no effect, on
    average, on postsecondary enrollment.

[^7]: The comparable completion rate for students entering four-year
    postsecondary programs seeking bachelor's degrees is 61.9 percent;
    that is, almost two-thirds of students who enter these longer degree
    programs actually earn a credential of some kind (including less
    than a baccalaureate degree), compared to about half of students who
    enter shorter-term vocational associate degree programs.

[^8]: Perkins III requires the NAVE to provide "findings and
    recommendations resulting from the assessment" (Section 114(c)).

[^9]: Since federal vocational education legislation was enacted in
    1917, the law has responded to changing needs and acquired new
    objectives. Initially, it was a way to prepare immigrant and rural
    populations to work in factories and on farms. At some point it
    became a form of training that might appeal to less academically
    oriented students, perhaps helping to keep them in school by
    engaging them in activities most relevant to future employment. Over
    time vocational education was supported as a strategy to keep the
    United States internationally competitive, by delivering advanced
    technical training to meet the needs of an increasingly high-tech
    economy. More recently, vocational education has been promoted as a
    strategy to enhance academic learning and provide a clearer pathway
    to success in college.

[^10]: Requiring postsecondary institutions to be responsible would not
    preclude other Perkins institutions---secondary districts, high
    schools, area vocational centers, adult centers---from playing major
    roles in these activities, as is appropriate. However, designating
    the lead institutions in law may help ensure that the activities are
    a focus of funded efforts.

[^11]: The first federal legislation supporting vocational education was
    the Smith-Hughes Act of 1917.

[^12]: Other federal programs, such as student financial aid, tax
    credits, and the Workforce Investment Act (WIA), help provide
    students with access to occupational training at the postsecondary
    level; Perkins provides support to institutions and programs.

[^13]: The Perkins Act contains some set-asides (e.g., 1.25 percent of
    appropriations for grants to Native American tribes and tribal
    organizations), which are awarded by the U.S. Department of
    Education through a competitive grant program. In addition, funds
    allocated to states by formula under Title II of Perkins III, the
    Tech-Prep Education Act, can be awarded to local grantees using
    either a formula or a competitive grant process.

[^14]: Under Perkins III, however, federal funds can no longer be used
    to support programs consisting of a single course or those that do
    not include "competency-based learning" (i.e., most leisure- or
    personal interest-related programs could not receive Perkins
    support).

[^15]: The NAVE Interim Report to Congress (2002) is available at
    http://www.ed.gov/rschstat/eval/sectech/nave/reports.html.

[^16]: In the case of the Perkins Act and Title I, the amount of federal
    funds spent on high school activities is determined by state and
    local agencies. Estimates of national high school spending for these
    programs were calculated using the most recently available
    evaluation data regarding the relative split of funds across
    education levels.

[^17]: These initiatives were supported in various ways by the federal
    School-to-Work Opportunities Act of 1994. This grant program
    provided states and local partnerships of educators, employers, and
    community groups with "venture capital" to initiate strategies that
    help students develop better educational foundations for long-term
    career preparation. Although the legislation has expired, many
    School-to-Work tenets can be found in the "new vocational"
    strategies.

[^18]: The National Skill Standards Board (NSSB), created as part of the
    federal Goals 2000 Act (1994), was charged with developing a
    voluntary national system of skill standards, assessments, and
    certifications. Even before the NSSB was formed, the U.S.
    Departments of Education and Labor funded 22 industry groups with
    similar objectives

[^19]: This figure represents an undercount of the total proportion and
    number of schools offering vocational education because the survey
    on which it is based asked about only 28 occupational programs; some
    schools may provide only other forms of vocational education (e.g.,
    general home economics), as described below.

[^20]: The law allows funds to be spent on vocational education in
    seventh or eighth grade. However, such a small proportion of Perkins
    grants (less than 1 percent) are allocated to middle school programs
    that vocational offerings below the high school level are not a
    focus of NAVE analysis.

[^21]: The National Association of State Directors of Career and
    Technical Education is currently leading an effort to reorganize
    occupational groupings into 16 broad career clusters. However, a
    "crosswalk" between that re-categorization and national course lists
    for coding transcripts was not available.

[^22]: Historically, students could be clearly distinguished by the
    "track" or set of courses in which they participated---college
    preparatory, vocational, and general. However, these labels and the
    patterns of course participation they represent are no longer clear
    cut.

[^23]: According to the 2002 *Digest of Education Statistics*
    (nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d02/tables/dt038.asp, Table 38), there
    were 2,799,484 12th-grade students in 2000. If we assume all of
    those students graduated that year, the 26.0 percent who were
    occupational concentrators amount to 727,899 students. These
    students are included in the 44.5 percent of graduates who were
    occupational investors, with the larger group amounting to 1,245,770
    students.

[^24]: Between 1982 and 2000, General Labor Market Preparation courses
    declined from 1.0 credits to 0.7 credits at the high school level
    (Levesque 2003c). In particular, fewer students are taking
    keyboarding or typing courses in high school, perhaps because these
    courses are now offered in middle school. In contrast, average
    credits earned in occupational education---courses such as health,
    business, trade, and industry---have been relatively constant since
    1982.

[^25]: The maximum of 28 credits was calculated based on the assumption
    that most high schools offer seven periods of courses each day (1
    credit for each year-long course) over four years, for a total of 28
    credits. New "block-scheduling" approaches can increase the total
    possible number of credits earned to 32.

[^26]: Most states, for example, increased the years of math or science
    (or both) required from two to three, which would most likely affect
    11th-grade course taking (Education Commission of the States 1990;
    Snyder et al. 2001).

[^27]: The data on which national course-taking trends are based,
    transcripts collected as part of the National Assessment of
    Educational Progress (NAEP), cannot adequately assess quality, so
    some judgment about program areas is necessary.

[^28]: Perkins III requires that state plans describe how "vocational
    and technical education relates to state and regional occupational
    opportunities" (Sec. 122(c)(15)) but does not require states or
    local programs to focus their activities on preparing students for
    occupations for which there is current or projected unmet demand in
    the labor market.

[^29]: It is unclear whether the consistency in course taking and job
    growth reflects changes in school program offerings, changes in
    student preferences, or both.

[^30]: Although enrollments in these program areas grew significantly in
    relative terms, the absolute number of students participating in
    these programs is still small

[^31]: Co-op is offered mostly in the vocational areas of marketing,
    trade and industry, and business. Although more than 16 percent of
    1998 graduates earned co-op credits, only about half of these---9.3
    percent of all graduates---were clearly in co-op related to a
    specific occupational program (Levesque 2003b).

[^32]: Unfortunately, the NAEP transcripts do not contain many
    indicators of student characteristics; some measures were
    constructed based on the characteristics of the students' schools.

[^33]: Area and regional vocational schools, in particular, report
    serving disproportionate numbers of students with disabilities, but
    trends in these schools' participation cannot be separated from
    those of other schools serving students in vocational education

[^34]: The small samples of LEP students in national data preclude
    analysis of their participation by occupational program area. Also,
    the national data sample is of 12th-grade students, with the
    classification of LEP based on students' proficiency in their senior
    year. Students who are LEP in 12th grade are likely to be a small
    percentage of all high school students who were ever limited English
    proficient or who were limited proficient at some point in high
    school.

[^35]: Perkins III also requires states to include in their state plans,
    submitted for review to the U.S. Department of Education, Office of
    Vocational and Adult Education, a description of how individuals who
    are members of special populations will be provided with equal
    access to activities under the act (Section 122(c)(8)).

[^36]: High-income schools and those with low proportions of racial or
    ethnic minorities, some of which require students to pass entry
    exams or focus exclusively on preparing students for admission to
    selective colleges, are also less likely to offer many of the
    specialty vocational programs and strategies.

[^37]: In 1998--1999, average student enrollment in rural public high
    schools was 437, compared to 1,120 for schools in urban and suburban
    areas (Hudson and Shafer 2002).

[^38]: These strategies are conveyed in the Purpose (Section 2), State
    Plan (Section 122), State Leadership Activities (Section 124), and
    Local Plan (Section 134) components of the legislation.

[^39]: Rigorous experimental evaluations have not been conducted to
    determine the impact of various forms of integration, articulation
    agreements, efforts to broaden the curriculum to include "all
    aspects of the industry," greater employer involvement, and so on.
    The Office of Vocational and Adult Education (OVAE) plans to address
    some of these gaps by funding experimental studies of particular
    vocational strategies in the future.

[^40]: Integration is, for example, mentioned as a core strategy for
    addressing the purpose of the law (Section 2).

[^41]: The "dual systems" require students to complete a core academic
    curriculum by age 16 and then to choose between two tracks for
    further education and training: undergraduate academic degree
    programs and apprenticeships for occupational training, which
    typically combine classroom academic and technical course work with
    alternating days of workplace experience.

[^42]: Upward Bound, one of the federal TRIO programs that promotes
    college enrollment and persistence among low-income high school
    students, does not typically involve collaboration between high
    school and college academic faculty. Moreover, that program serves a
    relatively small number of students.

[^43]: Articulation has been in practice in some states since the 1920s
    and was promoted by the National Institute of Education (a part of
    the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare) in the early
    1970s (Hershey et al. 1999). Dual-enrollment programs have been in
    existence for more than 30 years (Bailey, Hughes, and Karp 2002).

[^44]: In some states and communities, after completing an articulated
    high school course, students may have to pass a college competency
    test, complete a certain number of college credits, or enroll in a
    related community college program in order to receive the
    articulated college credit. Students who attend a postsecondary
    institution outside the scope of the articulation agreement do not
    receive articulated college credit.

[^45]: Students may also attend a private postsecondary institution in
    Florida, but the scholarship award is fixed at 75 percent of the
    average tuition and fees at a comparable Florida public institution.

[^46]: National data, for example, suggest that many "high-performing"
    vocational students---even those who do not have access to special
    state scholarship programs---enroll in college (Agodini et al.
    forthcoming).

[^47]: Although not based on a directly comparable survey, data from
    NCES suggests that about 40 percent of all secondary teachers have
    students perform Internet research "to a moderate or large extent."
    This figure includes both middle and high school teachers, and both
    academic and vocational teachers. Moreover, the NCES estimate is
    more inclusive of both "frequent" and "less frequent" activity (see
    Rowand 2000).

[^48]: As discussed previously, for example, students in rural areas
    appear to have access to a smaller range of occupational programs
    and practices

[^49]: Although it appears that the proportion of new vocational
    teachers who had industry experience increased between 1991 and
    2000, because the sample sizes are small, the differences are not
    statistically significant. Similarly, the sample sizes were too
    small to estimate differences in industry experience between
    teachers in comprehensive and vocational schools.

[^50]: In fact, the overall proportion of vocational teachers without
    baccalaureate degrees is likely to be higher than 9 percent. The
    sample on which the teacher surveys are based somewhat
    underrepresents area vocational centers, which are more likely to
    hire teachers without that credential.

[^51]: See http://ets.org/praxis/index.html.

[^52]: It is important to note that "other secondary" teacher candidates
    include those intending to teach math or English and language arts,
    who might be expected to have stronger skills in those subjects than
    teachers intending to teach other types of secondary courses
    including vocational classes.

[^53]: In both surveys, teachers were asked to report on the first class
    of the day. However, the 1992 survey asked teachers to indicate
    whether they used particular instructional practices when the class
    last met, while the 2001 survey asked about the frequency of the
    activities during the school year.

[^54]: Value-added analysis is the most rigorous approach for estimating
    the effects of participating in vocational courses. A randomized
    controlled trial is the preferred approach, where students would be
    assigned by lottery to either participate in vocational courses or
    not to participate. However, schools cannot deny students entry into
    vocational courses so that evaluation method is not feasible.
    Randomized controlled trials (lotteries) have been used to evaluate
    two career-related specialty programs---career academies and career
    magnets. Results from these studies are included under the
    "value-added" heading.

[^55]: These objectives, as noted in Chapter 1, are contained in the
    stated purpose and accountability provisions of the law. They are
    examined here in the order in which the law calls for them.

[^56]: In addition to occupational courses, termed "specific labor
    market preparation," vocational education includes general labor
    market preparation and family and consumer sciences.

[^57]: Recent analysis suggests that the eighth- or ninth-grade test
    scores of students who become occupational concentrators in Texas
    and Florida are very similar to the scores of other high school
    students who do not become concentrators (Hoachlander et al.
    forthcoming).

[^58]: In 2000, occupational concentrators represented 26.0 percent of
    all high school graduates and, according to Table 2.36, just over
    half (51.1 percent) of those students met the New Basics standard.
    The proportion of graduates who both concentrated and met the
    standards is therefore 13.3 percent (.260 \* .511).

[^59]: Another explanation for the improved achievement of 12th-grade
    concentrators over time may be that the groups of students who
    pursued vocational programs of study changed during the decade. As
    noted in Section B, vocational education appeared to be attracting
    relatively more academically talented students during the 1990s.

[^60]: Although a NAEP reading assessment was also administered in 1990,
    the nature of the assessment changed substantially between 1990 and
    1994 so that scores cannot be reliably compared.

[^61]: Some advocates suggest that vocational education is not intended
    to affect academic achievement; on the other hand, the National
    Association of State Directors of Career and Technical Education
    highlight in their mission statement that vocational education is
    "an integral component of the total education mission, contributing
    to the goals of high academic achievement. . ." (see National
    Association of State Directors of Career and Technical Education
    undated, p. 3).

[^62]: Both studies separated occupational concentrators who also
    pursued a strong academic program ("dual concentrators") from
    concentrators who did not meet those academic requirements. The
    studies concluded that dual concentrators experienced higher
    achievement gains than did general education students, while the
    occupational concentrators only experienced lower gains. Combining
    both groups of occupational concentrators produces gains that are
    similar to those of general education students.

[^63]: The academic "program" or concentration is defined as one in
    which a student completed at least the "New Basics" curriculum: four
    years of English or language arts and three years each of math,
    science, and social studies.

[^64]: The evaluation also statistically controlled for student
    characteristics to account for any differences that remained between
    the treatment and control groups.

[^65]: This approach has two drawbacks: it does not include students who
    drop out in 9th or 10th grade, and it does not examine the effect of
    course taking in 11th and 12th grades, when much of vocational
    course taking occurs.

[^66]: The evaluation of career academies did find, however, that the
    program seemed to keep students in school longer even if that
    persistence did not pay off in terms of earning a diploma or a
    General Education Development (GED) credential (Kemple 2001).

[^67]: According to the *Digest of Education Statistics 1998* (Snyder et
    al. 1999), college enrollment rates of high school graduates
    increased from 59.9 percent in 1990 to 65.6 percent in 1998 (Table
    186, p. 214). Enrollments in institutions of higher education as a
    share of 18- to 24-year-olds increased from 32.1 to 36.5 percent,
    and as a share of high school graduates increased from 37.7 to 45.2
    percent (Table 189, p. 216).

[^68]: Eight years after high school graduation, 53 percent of
    concentrators and 66 percent of non-concentrators (64 percent
    overall) had earned a postsecondary degree or certificate; more than
    one-third of all high school graduates had not earned any
    postsecondary credential (Table 2.40 and Agodini, Uhl, and Novak
    2002).

[^69]: For the most part, the impact of vocational education on these
    postsecondary outcomes cannot be measured using the most rigorous
    analytic methods---randomized controlled trials. Only one study, of
    career academies, used that technique to examine college enrollment,
    persistence, and completion. The alternative methods used in most of
    the vocational course taking analyses cannot account for all types
    of bias in who does and does not select to participate in vocational
    education. That is, some students may choose to take vocational
    education in high school because they do not plan to pursue
    postsecondary education or because they want to earn a technical
    associate's degree rather than a baccalaureate degree. So it is
    possible that the estimated relationship between vocational
    education and postsecondary outcomes may include some selection
    bias. Although the Agodini analyses control for students' college
    aspirations and plans, they may not fully eliminate this bias and
    therefore the findings should be interpreted with caution.

[^70]: Analysis of Texas data suggests that, when only students who
    attend college in-state are included, vocational education appears
    to increase the probability of attending college. However, a similar
    result with the Florida data disappeared when information on
    out-of-state college enrollment was obtained. It appears that
    students who take little vocational education are more likely to
    attend college out of state, biasing the results in favor of
    vocational education when those out-of-state students are not
    included in the analysis.

[^71]: However, career academies appeared to reduce enrollment in
    postsecondary education among students who entered the program at
    the highest risk of dropping out of school.

[^72]: The net effect, then, is that occupational course taking has no
    overall impact on postsecondary degree completion.

[^73]: In addition, the average number of hours worked (about 43 hours
    per week) in 2000 was also similar across groups (Agodini, Uhl, and
    Novak 2002).

[^74]: Studies use different follow-up periods to examine short-term
    earnings, but they are grouped here as representing approximately
    1.5 years after graduation. Analyses of 1992 graduates (NELS:88)
    have approximately 20 months of earnings information. State data
    results are based on 15 months of earnings.

[^75]: Another recent paper (Mane 1998) did find earnings effects for
    students who did not enroll in postsecondary education in the
    short-run. However, that paper included in its "noncollege" group
    students who enrolled in college part-time or for a short period of
    time, an increasingly large share of postsecondary students. When
    those part-time students were excluded from the noncollege group,
    the benefits of high school occupational course taking disappeared
    (Agodini, Deke, et al. forthcoming).

[^76]: It is important to note, however, that the career academies who
    were the subject of the study involved employers more intensively
    and offered more extensive work-based learning opportunities than is
    typical in most high school vocational education programs.

[^77]: Vocational fields include agriculture and natural resources;
    business, management, marketing, and support services; allied health
    professions, services, and health technicians; home economics and
    family and consumer sciences; personal services; legal support
    services; protective services; computer and information sciences;
    engineering and related technologies and science technologies;
    communications technologies; construction; mechanics and repair;
    precision production; and transportation and materials moving
    (Levesque et al. 2000).

[^78]: However, under Perkins III, grantees must use funds to support
    programs that consist of a sequence of courses and opportunities for
    competency-based learning. As a result, some offerings (e.g.,
    single-course or limited leisure programs) cannot be funded with
    Perkins grants.

[^79]: State financing policies, which vary from state to state, may
    play a role in the extent of noncredit offerings at public
    postsecondary institutions. For example, in Arizona, the state does
    not pay individual institutions for noncredit courses, and perhaps
    as a result, for-credit enrollments are proportionally higher than
    in other states. In contrast, Texas reimburses its postsecondary
    institutions for enrollments in noncredit courses, and participation
    in these courses is relatively high. The prevalence of noncredit
    courses varies widely from institution to institution as well. In
    Florida "supplemental vocational courses"---noncredit courses for
    people seeking to enhance their job skills---are about 25 percent of
    a given institution's headcount (Teitelbaum 2001, descriptive
    information from Florida state data). In contrast, a community
    college in Michigan reports that noncredit courses are less than 10
    percent of their course offerings and less than half of those are
    job-related (Jacobs 2001).

[^80]: NAVE internal analyses of NPSAS 2000.

[^81]: Descriptive information from Florida state data.

[^82]: Descriptive information from Florida state data.

[^83]: Examples range from a floral arranging program lasting only a few
    weeks to a two-year certificate program in airframe and power plant
    mechanics.

[^84]: Descriptive information from Florida state data.

[^85]: This provision was intended to promote equal access to vocational
    programs by providing relatively more financial support to
    institutions serving large numbers of economically disadvantaged
    students (as approximated by financial aid criteria). Under Section
    132(b), the law permits the secretary of education to approve
    alternative formulas.

[^86]: National data on postsecondary enrollment are reported in
    different ways. Most commonly, the figures are based on fall
    enrollments provided by individual institutions of higher education
    (e.g., to NCES through the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data
    System (IPEDS)). However, limiting enrollment data to the fall
    greatly reduces the number of reported participants at the
    sub-baccalaureate level because many of these students enroll
    throughout the year. In addition, IPEDS enrollment data are reported
    by institution type (four-year and two-year). Because 13.5 percent
    of sub-baccalaureate programs are offered at four-year institutions,
    when aggregate IPEDS enrollment figures are reported just for
    two-year institutions, participation in sub-baccalaureate programs
    is underreported (Bailey, Leinbach, et al. forthcoming).

[^87]: Calculation based on 29.6 percent (see Figure 3.1) of the total
    number of undergraduates. The total number of undergraduates
    (16,539,461) enrolled in for-credit courses is estimated from NPSAS
    2000 (e-mail communication with NCES project officer Andrew
    Malizio).

[^88]: At least in the prominent area of information technology (IT),
    much of the growth in courses occurs outside the formal
    postsecondary education system (i.e., courses offered by commercial
    training providers) (Adelman 2000). A recent survey of community
    colleges (Haimson and Van Noy forthcoming) indicates that only about
    a quarter offer courses that prepare students for IT certification
    in Novell, Microsoft, or Cisco.

[^89]: Findings presented here emphasize associate degree enrollments.
    Enrollments in institutional certificate programs appear to be
    somewhat responsive to labor market shifts as well (see Silverberg
    et al. 2002).

[^90]: By comparison, less than half (45.7 percent) of the
    sub-baccalaureate students enrolled in an academic program are age
    24 and older, and only 27.6 percent are age 30 and older.

[^91]: NAVE internal analyses of NPSAS 2000.

[^92]: Detailed high school preparation and academic test score data are
    available only for high school students (the National Education
    Longitudinal Study (NELS)) and therefore do not represent all
    postsecondary vocational students.

[^93]: The "New Basics" core curriculum is defined as four years of
    English or language arts and three years each of math, science, and
    social studies.

[^94]: Analyses conducted by the American Association of Community
    Colleges (AACC) and ACT Inc. suggest that over a quarter of students
    who enrolled in noncredit courses at community colleges had already
    attained a bachelor's degree or higher (Phillippe and Valiga 2000).

[^95]: "High-wage" occupations in 1998 were defined here as those with
    annual earnings of more than \$35,000.

[^96]: Even though students were asked to select a primary reason, these
    reasons may not be mutually exclusive.

[^97]: Academic majors report similar shifts in objectives.

[^98]: See Chapter 5 for a discussion of the 2 percent estimate.

[^99]: See Chapter 2 for a more detailed discussion of these practices
    and how the law promotes them.

[^100]: NAVE internal analyses of the National Employer Survey, 2001.

[^101]: Perkins II required that at least 3 percent be set aside from
    the basic state grant for programs and services to eliminate gender
    bias as well as at least 7 percent set aside for programs and
    services to meet the needs of single parents, displaced homemakers,
    and single pregnant women. These set-asides were eliminated in the
    subsequent reauthorization in 1998 (Perkins III) and replaced by
    accountability provisions that require states to report progress
    related to educational and employment outcomes for these groups.

[^102]: It should be noted, though, that some colleges support access to
    financial aid by providing services---funded by Perkins---to help
    special population students navigate the complex student financial
    aid system.

[^103]: A first-professional degree is one that signifies both
    completion of the academic requirements for beginning practice in a
    given profession and a level of professional skill beyond that
    normally required for a bachelor's degree. These degrees include
    fields such as dentistry, medicine, pharmacy, law, and theological
    professions.

[^104]: The proportion of faculty with a bachelor's degree or less is
    most characteristic of faculty in the trade and industry field (65.8
    percent). However, the proportion without advanced degrees is still
    significant in other vocational fields, ranging from a low of 27.3
    percent in business to a high of 43.0 percent in health. Part-time
    vocational faculty are also the most likely to be without advanced
    degrees (47.6 percent among part-time and 33.7 percent among
    full-time faculty) (Internal NAVE analyses of NSOPF 1999).

[^105]: In 1993, the proportion of vocational faculty members with a
    bachelor's or less is 46.5 percent and 19.7 percent for academic
    faculty members. Similarly, the proportion of vocational instructors
    with a master's as their highest credential attained is 45.6 percent
    and 64.8 percent among academic faculty members (Internal NAVE
    analyses of NSOPF 1993).

[^106]: NAVE internal analyses based on National Study of Postsecondary
    Faculty (NSOPF), 1993 and 1999.

[^107]: From 1990 to 1993, enrollments at two-year institutions spiked,
    most likely in response to the 1991 recession. Corresponding to the
    economic recovery, enrollment figures returned to 1990 levels, with
    no statistically significant difference between enrollments in 1990,
    1996, or 2000.

[^108]: NAVE internal analyses using NSOPF:1993 and 1999.

[^109]: Given that the Workforce Investment Act and the reauthorization
    of Perkins allow for a transition year, the findings discussed in
    this report are early indicators of the implementation of the two
    laws.

[^110]: WIA requires states and local programs to give priority to
    low-income individuals for intensive training services when funds
    are limited (Sec. 134(d)(4)E) of WIA).

[^111]: Florida and, to a lesser extent, North Carolina are again
    exceptions. In both states, community colleges either played a
    central role in workforce development (under JTPA) or economic
    development. Presumably because of these ties, community colleges in
    these states tended to be involved in WIA beyond training services
    (e.g., they run One-Stop centers and have greater involvement in
    state and local WIBs).

[^112]: Florida is a notable exception in that state policy requires
    local WIBs to set aside 50 percent of their WIA funds for training
    (Hudis, Blakely, and Bugarin forthcoming).

[^113]: Based on the characteristics of recent students, about 10
    percent of the for-credit participants have characteristics similar
    to WIA participants who might receive training services. Although
    this is a relatively small proportion of the postsecondary
    population, the absolute number is large (about half a million)
    (Internal NAVE analyses of NPSAS 2000).

[^114]: Dec. 17, 1998 Memo from Department of Education and Department
    of Labor, www.doleta.gov/usworkforce/documents/misc/dol-edu-memo.htm
    (accessed January 15, 2003).

[^115]: For example, for Perkins employment reporting, Massachusetts
    requires information nine months after leaving education, while
    Michigan requires information after only three months; neither
    requirement coincides with the WIA six-month definition.

[^116]: The law guaranteed eligibility as training providers to
    institutions eligible to receive federal funds under Title IV of the
    Higher Education Act of 1965. Most community colleges, the main
    recipients of Perkins postsecondary funds, were therefore
    automatically eligible.

[^117]: Recertification requirements vary by state but in general
    involve substantial paperwork including periodic reporting,
    tracking, and documentation of outcomes for past participants.

[^118]: Under WIA, the secretary of labor awards incentive grants to
    those states that exceed their state-adjusted levels of performance
    for Title I, Title II, and Perkins III programs to promote
    innovative practices.

[^119]: To reduce the reporting burden, most states have used existing
    Unemployment Insurance (UI) wage data for Perkins employment
    information. Although UI information is not comprehensive, it
    represents the most reliable and least burdensome data source
    currently available. However, efforts to rely on UI data for Perkins
    performance reporting have been complicated by a recent Department
    of Education interpretation of the Federal Education Rights and
    Privacy Act (FERPA), which now limits the extent to which a
    student's personal information can be shared without his or her
    consent between state agencies overseeing higher education and the
    workforce development systems.

[^120]: These findings are based on student-reported results from
    BPS:1989--1994. Transcript analyses of traditional-age community
    college students provide corroborative evidence that less than half
    (45.2 percent) of students earned a credential between 1992 and
    2000, even after excluding those who earned less than 10 credits
    (Adelman 2003). Neither analyses include industry-based
    certifications and are thus likely to understate somewhat potential
    credentials attained. For example, among case study students
    surveyed, about 36 percent of IT students participating in an
    industry-based certification program (Cisco, Microsoft, or Novell)
    passed a certificate test after completing related courses at a
    two-year college (Haimson and Van Noy forthcoming).

[^121]: For purposes of discussion, "successful completion" is defined
    as attaining an associate degree or higher or transferring for the
    purpose of completing a bachelor degree. Only students with an
    original stated goal of completing an associate degree are included
    in the analyses. Including transfers and excluding institutional
    certificates may bias completions in favor of academic students.
    Therefore, additional analyses were conducted and are reported below
    that include an institutional certificate and exclude transfer as a
    "success."

[^122]: Because the analyses control for part-time status along with
    amount of work, this finding indicates that if working causes
    students to attend part-time, then their chances of completion are
    reduced. However, it is the part-time status, and not their working
    per se, that reduces their chances.

[^123]: The National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS), consisting of
    a 1992 high school cohort of students, is used for these analyses,
    and these data are not shown in Table 3.9; high school information
    is not available in BPS.

[^124]: Interestingly, among those who pursue a postsecondary
    sub-baccalaureate program, vocational concentrators are less likely
    than academic students to attain an associate degree, but the
    reduced likelihood of future success for vocational concentrators is
    far less than for general track students (only 20.1 percent compared
    to 32.3 percent for academic students).

[^125]: The "goals" question was included in surveys starting in 1996.
    Because these data have only three years of follow-up information,
    persistence rather than completion analyses were conducted.
    Persistence, however, is a strong predictor of completion (Tinto
    1993; Horn 1996).

[^126]: However, community colleges are increasing their links with
    four-year institutions, and such efforts appear to be stronger than
    those established with local high schools (Hudis, Blakely, and
    Bugarin forthcoming).

[^127]: The national data contain insufficient numbers of limited
    English-proficient (LEP) and disabled students to examine the
    outcomes of these sub-populations. However, sample sizes in state
    record data are sufficient to at least look at educational outcomes
    of LEP students and students with disabilities, and those suggestive
    findings are reported. Neither national databases nor most state
    record systems allow analysis of displaced homemakers.

[^128]: Sample size issues potentially limit these analyses.

[^129]: Separate analyses of LEP students are possible using state
    administrative records data. Analyses of LEP students are suggestive
    of higher completion rates among LEP students who choose a
    vocational rather than an academic major. Even here, though, sample
    sizes are relatively small.

[^130]: Kane and Rouse (1999) provide evidence about the returns to
    baccalaureate and sub-baccalaureate degrees. Grubb (2002) provides a
    comprehensive review of existing research on the economic returns to
    sub-baccalaureate education with and without a degree.

[^131]: Also, due to limitations in information about postsecondary
    course work in the fourth follow-up, analyses were only possible for
    those students who enrolled in postsecondary education within two
    years---by 1994. Available data do not include information about
    course of study for those who enrolled after 1994.

[^132]: Earnings analyses based on data representative of the broader
    population served by postsecondary sub-baccalaureate programs were
    conducted as well (BPS:1989--1994 and state administrative records
    in Texas and Florida). Findings from these analyses, though, are
    only suggestive because the follow-up period is shortly after
    students participated in postsecondary education. Earnings fluctuate
    the most at the early stages of one's career and thus may not be
    representative of earnings over a longer time period. Analyses based
    on the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) indicate that
    very small amounts (less than four weeks) of school-based training
    do not appear to benefit workers. In contrast, and not surprisingly,
    similar amounts of short duration company training (job and company
    specific) do result in an immediate wage increase (Lengermann 1996).

[^133]: The findings here are generally consistent with prior studies in
    the literature: that is, small amounts of postsecondary education
    provide limited economic benefits (Grubb 2002).

[^134]: The analyses include 12th-grade test scores and SES or family
    background variables to correct for biases due to selection. Also, a
    Hausman test confirmed that neither the instrumental variable (IV)
    nor Heckman estimates (that correct for selection bias) were
    significantly different from the estimates listed in Table 3.11.
    Also, these findings are consistent with those in the literature:
    that is, associate degrees provide significant economic benefits
    beyond those of high school diplomas, more so for those who attain
    the credential and more so for women than men (Grubb 2002).

[^135]: Substantial participation by females in the field of health may
    largely explain the heightened importance of attaining a credential
    for females. Many of the occupations in this field require
    licensing, which in turn require attainment of an educational
    credential.

[^136]: The importance of attaining an associate degree credential may
    be increasing for female students. In contrast to 1986, there were
    no earnings benefits for completing vocational course work without a
    credential in 2000. But in both years, there were benefits to
    earning the actual degree.

[^137]: Analyses based on state UI records in Texas and Florida indicate
    that individuals who attain a certificate generally do significantly
    increase their earnings. In addition, it is worth highlighting that
    the certificate credential, although typically a one-year program,
    includes a fairly diverse set of programs, some of which are much
    less than a year's worth of courses serving to dampen the average
    return to such a credential.

[^138]: To obtain the two-year coefficient, the one-year coefficient is
    doubled. The percentage difference in earnings is then calculated
    using the following formula: ecoefficient --1.

[^139]: The rate of return for both male and female students who earn a
    vocational associate degree is nearly double that of completing a
    comparable amount of course work (two years) without attaining a
    credential (47.0 percent compared to 11.2 percent for females and
    30.2 percent compared to 16.6 percent for males). The program or
    "sheepskin" effect is only statistically significant, though, for
    females.

[^140]: Such analyses, though, are limited due to their short follow-up
    period. BPS:1990--1994 provides information about students who
    pursue postsecondary sub-baccalaureate programs, over a quarter of
    whom were age 24 or older at the beginning of the study; however,
    income information is gathered at most three years after students'
    scheduled graduation from a two-year program; thus, the information
    offers very short-term estimates of the benefits to postsecondary
    education. State educational data records linked with UI wage
    information provide additional and more recent information for a
    population similar to the national BPS data. These data include
    students who enrolled in sub-baccalaureate programs beginning in
    1997 and include longitudinal information through 2000; both income
    data prior and subsequent to their postsecondary participation are
    included in these analyses.

[^141]: According to findings from the national data, only females
    obtaining a vocational associate degree realize immediate gains from
    postsecondary sub-baccalaureate programs. Analyses based on state
    data, in which the sample size is larger and the data are more
    recent, indicate that both completers and noncompleters benefit from
    vocational programs. Again, though, economic benefits based on
    analyses using state data increase with vocational credit
    accumulation.