> ACKNOWLEDGEMENT\'S

This author wishes to thank all who have aided in one way or another it
the writing of this report, especially Dr. Fred Kuss, whose professional
contacts in the recreation field led to the contract with the National
Park Service and whose advice greatly benefited the project. The author
had the pleasure of working with Mr. Jim Voigt of Catoctin Mountain Park
and thanks him for his help and hospitality. Archivists at the Roosevelt
and Truman Presidential Libraries and National Archives were most
helpful, as were the staff of the Property Management division of
National Capital Region. Mr. Barry Mackintosh and Mr. Gary Scott
contributed their insight and help. Dr. David Percy, Dr. William Seale,
Dr. Robert Kauffman and Jean Settle gave their comment, moral support
and encouragement. But most of all a loving thank you to my husband,
Ben, and my sons, Rob and Matthew, for their understanding and gracious
support.

BMK

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i

INTRODUCTION 1

Chapter

I. LAND ACQUISITION 4

Decline of Catoctin Mountain's Resources and Economy 4

Early Depression Years in Maryland 6

New Deal and Catoctin Recreational Area 8

> Planning and Land Acquisition 14

II\. PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF CATOCTIN RDA 22

Administrative Headquarters and Central Garage Unit 26

Planning for Group Camps and Picnic Areas 28

Misty Mount and Greentop 31

Camp Hi-Catoctin 39

Blue Blazes Contact Station 43

Catoctin Manor House Day Use Area 49

Catoctin Furnace 52

III\. CIVILIAN CONSERVATION CORP 57

IV\. ORGANIZED CAMPING 1937-1941 65

Misty Mount 65

> Greentop 66
>
> Camp Hi-Catoctin 69
>
> British Sailors Visit-Summer 1941 69

V. CATOCTIN RDA'S CONTRIBUTION TO WORLD WAR II 72

Franklin D. Roosevelt's Shangri-La 72

Creating Shangri-La 76

Cruising on Board the U.S.S. Shangri-La 80

Military Activities at Catoctin RDA 86

The Beginning of the End of World War II 93

Land Acquisition\--1940 95

VI\. CREATION OF CUNNINGHAM FALLS STATE PARK 99

> VII\. MISSION 66 AND CATOCTIN MOUNTAIN PARK 111

First Administrative Transition 117

VIII\. JOB CORPS AND YOUTH CONSERVATION CAMPS 126

Catoctin Job Corps Conservation Center 126

Camp Peniel 134

Youth Conservation Corps 139

IX\. INTERPRETATION AND USE 147

Environmental Interpretation 147

Interpretation in Seasonal Organized Group Camps 149

Misty Mount 149

Greentop 151

Maryland League for Crippled Children 151

Fredrick County Outdoor School 158

Round Meadow Camp 168

Living History Interpretation 171

Folk Culture Center 175

Recreation Management 186

Volunteers 189

X. NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT 192

Fishing Management 192

Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock 205

Credo Brotherhood of J. C. 210

Wildlife Management 210

Soil Conservation 213

Fire Protection 214

Forest Protection 217

Outside Threats 218

Route 77 219

Impounding of Big Hunting Creek 223

SUMMARY 237

APPENDIX A. Copy of Legislation A227

APPENDIX B. Principle Staff A239

APPENDIX C. Illustrations A243

APPENDIX D. Time Line A245

BIBIOGRAPHY B267

INTRODUCTION

Catoctin Mountain Park is located 1,400\' above the Monocacy River
Valley in the Catoctin

Mountains on the western boundary of the Piedmont Plateau, two and a
half miles west of Thurmont, Maryland, in Frederick County. The park is
within an hour of several million urban dwellers who take advantage of
picnic grounds, hiking trails, fishing, and nature talks, the way they
did 50 years ago when the park first opened. Group camps still welcome
Scouts, urban social groups, the Maryland League for the Handicapped and
school children from neighboring counties.

Catoctin Mountain Park is an hour away from the metropolitan areas of
Baltimore and

Washington, D.C. Hunting Creek, on the southern boundary of the park,
remains one of the foremost fishing streams in Maryland. The park offers
the visitor spring wildflowers and fishing, autumn leaves in all their
glory and winter cross-country skiing. Summers at Catoctin are five to
ten degrees cooler than at lesser elevations.

The Catoctin Mountains, located on the eastern edge of the Appalachian
range, were a part of the geographic barrier to the westward movement
that forced settlers south in search of a way west through the
mountains. Route 77, running east and west through Harmon\'s Gap on the
park\'s southern boundary, was once an old Indian path connecting the
Monocacy and Middleton (Harbaugh)Valleys. The path was soon widened and
appeared on a Baltimore and Ohio Railroad map drawn in 1629 by Joshua
Barney[^1]. Palatinate Germans moved south from Pennsylvania and settled
the northern end of the Monocacy Valley. They introduced farming to the
rich valley and industries to tap the mountain\'s natural resources of
timber and iron products[^2]. In the southern Monocacy Valley were
English and Irish families from Southern Maryland. Family names still
remaining in the Catoctin area, such as Addison and Beat, preceded in
Southern Maryland[^3].

Industry was introduced to the mountains when James Johnson and his
three brothers built the first Catoctin Furnace in 1774 near deposits of
iron ore and limestone. The present stacks were built by this
partnership in 1787, three quarters of a mile up Little Hunting Creek
from the original

site, to be closer to the ore banks[^4]. At this same time, residents
who manufactured whiskey from surplus grain and corn for cheaper
transport to the east resisted new federal government excise taxes on
every gallon of whiskey produced. The Whiskey Rebellion in Maryland
resulted in riots that eventually caused the governor reluctantly to
intervene and restore order[^5]. Local sympathy for whiskey stills and
their owners reached far into the twentieth century.

Ultimately its location near Baltimore and Washington, D.C., led to the
federal government\'s decision to develop a recreational demonstration
area in the Catoctin Mountains in 1935. By the early twentieth century,
mountain resources and land were depleted by local farming and
industrial practices, setting the stage for intervention by a New Deal
program establishing a recreational demonstration area on Catoctin
Mountain. Originally 10,000 acres, 4,446 acres of Catoctin Recreational
Demonstration Area south of Route 77 became part of the State of
Maryland park system in 1954. The proximity of urban centers continues
to affect interpretation, resource management, law enforcement and
budgeting. Changes in National Park service policy and priorities are
reflected in the administration of Catoctin Mountain Park. Existence of
the Presidential retreat, Camp David, requires special security measures
necessary to cooperate with the Secret Service. Though it shares
characteristics with other urban parks, Catoctin MP is a unique resource
with a diverse history and interesting cast of characters.

The study of Catoctin historical material reflected four themes: (1)
park land acquisition and development; (2) post WW II educational group
camping; (3) urban program emphasis after the assassination of Martin
Luther King, April 16, 1966; (4) living history and environmental
movement.

This administrative history was prepared under contract with the
National Capital Regional

Office of the National Park Service, located in Washington, D.C.. The
report\'s primary purpose is to present the development and
administration of the Park from 1935 to the 50th anniversary celebration
in 1965.

CHAPTER I

LAND ACQUISITION

[Decline of Catoctin Mountain\'s Resources and Economy]{.underline}

The economy of Catoctin Mountain in the late 19th and early 20th century
was one of subsistence farm living. Food was produced by plowing rocky
soil with horse drawn plows to feed families. Money was earned by
tapping natural resources to supplement the bounty from the land, for
cash was needed to pay taxes, purchase shoes, coffee, sugar and cloth
for clothing. Harvesting valuable timber resources for firewood,
railroad ties, staves, mine supports and charcoal all brought in money
for commodities not produced on farms. Work in numerous sawmills was
readily available. Chestnut trees provided nuts, which were sold by the
bushel, as were huckleberries in season.

Industries sprang up in nearby towns such as Mechanics Town (Thurmont),
Hagerstown,

Frederick and Brunswick, providing employment for men, women and
children. By 1751 a road led from Harbaugh Valley, west of Catoctin
Mountain to Baltimore through Harmon\'s Gap. A few houses, wheelwright
and blacksmith shops built in the woods to accommodate travelers soon
grew into Mechanics Town, named for the \"mechanics\" who worked there.
An edge tool factory was established in 1811 with a tilt-hammer forge
that operated until 1850. The first tannery was built in 1793, and by
1831 the town boasted seven. The first Lucifer matches manufactured in
America were made in Mechanics Town in 1825. A pottery, woolen mill,
nail factory, cooperage, cigar factories, casket works, harness shops,
ice cream plant, flour mill, hosiery and garment factories all produced
goods and employed residents during the nineteenth century in Mechanics
Town. Most people on Catoctin Mountain relied on the rich resources of
the mountain to provide their living. By an act of the Maryland Assembly
in 1894, the name of Mechanics Town was changed to Thurmont, meaning
"Gateway to the Mountain."[^6]

. When Catoctin Furnace converted from charcoal to coal in the
1880\'s,[^7] traditional trades such as colliers, woodcutters and
haulers were eliminated. The opening of Baltimore\'s Sparrow

Point Ironworks in 1889 and the depression of 1893,[^8] coupled with
rich ore discoveries on the

Great Lakes spelled the end of the local iron industry. Catoctin Furnace
closed for good in 1903.[^9] The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad yard in
Brunswick, Maryland, built in 1889, and the C. & 0. Canal in Cumberland,
provided employment to supplement income from farms. Railroads
experienced labor and economic difficulties in the 1920\'s and another
economic recession in 1921 affected the economy of rural areas of
Maryland for the rest of the decade.[^10]

Conservation continued to take a backseat to local economic
interests.[^11] Sawmills dominated the mountain industries from 1911 and
used the small timber that was left to make barrel staves and pins for
mining cars. The stave mill operation finished cutting timber off the
mountain and closed in 1926 or 1927.[^12] Underbrush took over and the
berries were gone. The American Chestnut trees were gone. Their nuts
were no longer a source of fall income, seemingly killed overnight by
the blight. Erosion from poor farming practices, timber cutting, and
slash fires from careless logging resulted in the depletion of the
natural resources of Catoctin Mountain. Sheet erosion began on bare
slopes, washing precious topsoil into streams. But Catoctin was not
alone in this practice. The Conservation Supervisor of the state of
Maryland estimated that 330 square miles of Maryland land had been
displaced by erosion in the years since colonial times.[^13]

Factors beyond control of the Catoctin residents were at work as well.
Baltimore dominated the state, with 51% of the state\'s population in
1920.[^14] The automobile and migration to Baltimore mirrored
developments throughout America as people moved to the metropolitan
areas to work and live. The 1910 census recorded that 70% of the
immigrants to Baltimore had come from rural parts of Maryland.[^15] With
this migration, new middle-class attitudes and conditions developed that
threatened the rural standards and habits. Industrial workers in
Baltimore kept regular hours, had a steady income and more free time
than rural labor. Recreation became an important factor in the
allocation of time. The 1920\'s saw the rise of recreational societies,
clubs, choral groups, sports clubs, and fraternal organizations. Social
welfare organizations in Baltimore sponsored many recreational
activities for low-income families, including trips to the country for
the fresh air and sunshine. Trends toward organized and publicly
supported recreation continued and were recognized by the framers of the
New Deal who used resources of the federal government to provide
recreation for those who were involuntarily idled by the economic
depression that began in 1929.

[Early Depression Years in Maryland]{.underline}

Albert Ritchie was serving his fourth elected term as governor of
Maryland when the depression began. Ritchie, a believer in states\'
rights and admired nationally for his ardent stand against the
Prohibition Amendment on the principles of States Rights, opposed the
extension of federal authority. He was a leader in the fight to repeal
the 18th amendment and supported laws allowing Marylanders to produce
hard cider and 3 1/2% beer.[^16] Ritchie went so far as to order state
law officers not to assist their federal counterparts in dealing with
prohibition enforcement.[^17] Ritchie\'s reputation for resisting
federal encroachment in Maryland earned him consideration for the
nomination for the U.S. Presidency at each convention from 1924 to 1932.
His philosophy of states\' rights extended to relief for the poor as
well and Maryland for the first few years of the depression relied on
independent, local aid.

Baltimore suffered during the depression like other metropolitan areas,
but rural Maryland seemed to fare somewhat better than the rest of the
nation until the end of 1930.[^18] Rural areas sought state funds when
drought and an unusually cold winter in 1930 took their toil. Many
families returned to their rural homes from Baltimore, adding to burdens
in Frederick County on the land and local relief rolls.

Baltimore and other communities could no longer carry the load and by
1933 pleaded for more assistance in handling the crisis. State aid voted
by the legislature during the 1933 session proved to be too little. A
survey of Maryland cities in the summer of 1933 convinced the Governor
that the state of emergency in Maryland warranted a change in philosophy
toward the acceptance of federal aid. He appointed a special liaison,
Frederick F. Lee, to represent Maryland\'s interests in

Washington and formed a committee to draft programs for the Public Works
Administration (PWA).[^19] In April of 1933, Ritchie applied for funds
from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC).[^20] When Ritchie
requested federal funds from the RFC, Maryland was one of eight states
remaining that had not found it necessary to apply for federal relief
funds.[^21]

By 1934 the crisis in Maryland was deepening and it was an election
year. Harry W. Nice, a pro-New Deal Republican, was elected governor and
promised more cooperation with federal programs.[^22] But in general
Maryland officials continued in the mold of Albert Ritchie\'s attitudes
of non-cooperation with the federal government while taking
handouts.[^23]

[New Deal and Catoctin Recreation Area]{.underline}

Franklin Delano Roosevelt was inaugurated to the Presidency of the
United States on

March 4, 1933, bringing with him a hope for better times in the midst of
the Great Depression. The banking crisis had closed or restricted the
operations of all the banks, the stock exchange was closed, social
unrest was prevalent, and national unemployment was estimated at between
12 and 15 million.

FDR began his term by calling a special session of Congress that would
ultimately change the way the federal government did business. In May of
1933 the Federal Emergency Relief

Administration (FERA) was allocated \$500,000,000 in direct relief money
to be spent by the federal government through state and local agencies.
Harry Hopkins, in charge of relief administration when Mr. Roosevelt was
governor of New York, was appointed head of this new organization. FDR
gained control of the banks and moved immediately to open those that
were sound and reorganize others. The National Industrial Recovery Act
passed by Congress and signed by FDR on June 16, 1933, supported an
enormous appropriation of money in the sum of \$3,300,000,000 for relief
through public works to be dispensed at FDR\'s discretion. Congress had
turned over its power of appropriation and authorization of money to
President Roosevelt.

Reflecting this trend, by January 1934, a Land Planning Committee had
been set up within

FERA to consider the problem of land utilization in the country. Land
use and maintenance had become an important economic topic during the
New Deal, since the income from poor lands was less than the cost to
maintain services such as roads and schools for the residents of the
land.[^24]

Serving on the Land Planning Committee were the Secretaries of the
Interior and Agriculture, the FERA Administrator, and the Farm Credit
Administrator. Each member then appointed his own coordinator to the
Committee. Conrad L. Wirth, Assistant Director, Chief of the Branch of
Planning of the National Park Service (NPS), became the Department of
Interior\'s representative.[^25] He was eminently qualified to serve in
this capacity, as he was in charge of the State Park Emergency
Conservation (ECW) Program, managing the planning and coordination with
the State park and recreational authorities. He also had administrative
oversight of all the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camps operated by
the NPS.

Wirth was familiar with the 1928 report of the joint Committee on
Recreational Survey of

Federal Lands entitled [Recreation Resources on Federal
Lands]{.underline}[^26] that revealed an \"urgent need\" for natural
areas near large cities for recreation. The report indicated that
existing state parks were located far from large centers of population.
Also, the study showed that many private, urban social groups could
provide recreation programs, but were unable to afford the investment in
land or facilities. This element was emphasized and perhaps enlarged by
Wirth to sell the idea of recreation development near urban
centers.[^27] Armed with these facts and the knowledge that other
programs provided for facility development but not land acquisition, Mr.
Wirth proposed a program to buy land near metropolitan areas no longer
suitable for agriculture, in order to \"provide quality outdoor
recreation facilities at the lowest cost for the benefit of people of
lower and middle incomes\".[^28] Farmlands sought for this program were
those abused by erosion and poor farming practices and labeled with the
phrase "submarginal land."[^29]

The proposal was accepted by the committee and criteria established for
choosing areas to be purchased and developed. Initial criteria for
proposed sites were:

1\) land submarginal for agriculture

2\) area available must be between 2 and 10 thousand acres

3\) suitable for campsites for year round group and family camping

4\) lots of good water

5\) local building materials

6\) interesting surroundings

7\) price average of \$5 an acre(ended at \$10 an acre)

8\) located within 50 mile radius of a large city

9\) water based recreation available, either natural or man-made.[^30]

From the beginning it was the intent of the Committee that the lands
would eventually be turned over to local park systems.[^31] Both the NPS
and the States were involved in selection, acquisition and development
plans. During the acquisition process, no lands selected would be
condemned and if as suitably large area of land could not be assembled
through voluntary sale of land, the site would be abandoned in favor of
another.

As a result of the Land Planning Committee\'s recommendation and
approval of President Roosevelt, Harold Ickes, Secretary of the Interior
and head of the Public Works Administration (PWA), transferred \$25
million from the PWA to the Federal Emergency Relief Administration.
Five million dollars of that figure was to be used to purchase
submarginal lands for recreational demonstration areas.[^32] Agencies of
governments interested in rural land were notified to "submit their
programs of land use adjustment.\" By the end of 1934, 400 areas had
been investigated and 25 approved for development. Eventually 46
recreational demonstration areas were developed in 24 states.[^33]

The Cooperative Extension Service of the Department or Agriculture had
responsibility for organizing the investigation and classification of
the submarginal land retirement program in each state. Maryland
Extension Service Director Dr. Thomas B. Symons at the University of
Maryland,

College Park, took responsibility for the program in his state in May
1934. Symons assembled a committee composed of officials from state and
municipal agencies to formulate a general plan to convert state
submarginal land to recreation and conservation uses.

Guidelines for the committee were forwarded from Extension Service
Regional Director A.

W. Manchester, in Storrs, Connecticut, emphasizing the need for a range
of \"definite project proposals\" that would take advantage of the
available federal funds. As with FERA\'s Land Planning Committee,
Manchester directed that a major thrust of Symons planning was to be the
retirement of submarginal land. He specifically asked for a project that
would retire a large area of land for recreation development if the
opportunity arose.[^34] The projects were also meant to serve as relief
programs for rural populations and provide recreation opportunities for
the public, but specifically for low income groups. The National Park
Service(NPS) offered consultants with technical expertise and were very
interested in the progress of the individual state committees[^35]

Dr. Symons acted quickly to take advantage of the opportunities for
alternative land utilization and the promise of more jobs. By the fall
of 1934, his committee proposed an investigation for purchasing land in
the Catoctin region of Frederick and Washington Counties in north
central Maryland. The region had been studied by the Land Consultant of
the State of Maryland and other representatives of the University of
Maryland, who found it contained \"many submarginal farms and
constituted a problem region.\"[^36] In a coordinated effort, the State
Planning Commission and other agencies involved had sent approval for
the recommendation.[^37] Further, the agency authorized to manage parks
and forests, the Maryland State Department of Forestry, had agreed to
"administer submarginal lands in Maryland, acquired by federal
government as recreational areas."[^38]

Symons submitted the Catoctin region proposal to the NPS for approval on
December 22,

1934, and offered to organize a meeting to formalize details of
administration and personnel if the project was approved.[^39] The
region proposed by Dr. Symon and his committee fit the Federal Emergency
Relief Administration FEW Land Planning Committee\'s criteria as though
it had been the prototype. All nine areas selected for consideration
matched the description of a recreational demonstration area perfectly.
Declared submarginal for agriculture, the Catoctin\'s mountainous land
had been ravaged by years of industrial and agricultural abuse. Hunting
Creek and Owens Creek tumbled through picturesque valleys, providing
water based activity areas for sportsmen and families from the
population centers 55 miles away in Washington, D.C. and Baltimore.
Blighted chestnut trees and field stone provided building materials and
the former Catoctin Furnace, closed in 1903, provided historical
interest. Conrad Wirth approved the preliminary proposal of 10,000 acres
at Catoctin for inclusion in a recreational project on January 4, 1935.
He then submitted it as a candidate for recreational development to John
S. Lansill, the Land Program Director for the Agricultural Adjustment
Administration.[^40] Lansill communicated his approval on January
7.[^41] Originally labeled A-2, denoting an agricultural demonstration
project,[^42] the Catoctin project received the new designation,
Catoctin Recreational Area, Maryland R-1 by the NPS.[^43] On February 7,
1935 it received a designation as Catoctin Recreational Demonstration
Project, Maryland R-1 by the Land Policy section.[^44] The eventual
title, Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area, first appeared in park
correspondence on August 8, 1936.[^45]

[Planning and Land Acquisition]{.underline}

Within a week of the project\'s approval, the principle personnel
involved in the recreational planning and land acquisition had been
proposed. The NP submitted the name of Garland B. Williams (Mike) for
approval to the Land Policy Section.[^46] Williams had been Chief Land
Appraiser for the C. & 0. Railroad in Richmond, Virginia before the
depression cost him the job. He was the Civil Works Administration
manager for the City of Petersburg, Virginia when Conrad Wirth offered
him the position of Project Manager for recreation of the new Catoctin
Recreational Area (Catoctin RA).[^47] The Land Policy Section appointed
W. W. Simonds to the position of Project Manager for acquisition.[^48]

At a conference held Friday, February 1, 1935 in College Park, Maryland,
high level federal and state officials involved in the development of
the Catoctin project met to draw up a cooperative agreement. Attending
the meeting from the NPS were Regional Director E. L. Lisle, Inspector
Tell

Nicolet, and Project Manager Mike Williams. Representing the Land Policy
Section were Project

Manager W. W. Simonds and Kenneth Seigworth, Assistant try Regional
Director Manchester. Dr.

T. B. Symons of the Extension Service, Maryland State Forester F. W.
Besely and K. B. Pfieffer in charge of parks for the Maryland State
Department of Forestry represented Maryland.

The meeting resolved reporting presses and the responsibilities of the
various agencies and personnel who were conducting the on-site
investigations. Simonds job was to contact land owners, secure options
and make appraisals. Simultaneously, Williams was to investigate and
report on the potential for recreational development. Simonds and
Williams agreed to cooperate on a joint report of their findings
regarding the potential for land acquisition and recreational
development. Lisle and Seigworth agreed to pave the way in their
respective departments to hasten the report through channels so that
land purchasing could begin. It was also understood that the NPS had the
authority to begin drawing up development plans so building could begin
as soon as the project received final approval[^49] Initially Simonds
and Williams were put on equal footing at the Catoctin project, with
separate jobs and authority. But on Monday, February 4, the Land Policy
Section amended the agreement and Simonds became a Field Assistant in
charge of Acquisition. Williams became the Project Manager. Under the
new arrangement Simonds would locate, appraise and option\' land chosen
by Williams. Public relations, selection of office space, the final
report and anything other than the land acquisition process would fall
to Williams [^50] The NPS would essentially shape, sponsor and
administer the project. Williams would also write and submit all reports
to the other agencies for recommendations or approval: [^51]

On February 15, 1935 Williams filed his first of many \"Tri-monthly
Reports." He took a residence at 35 E. Church Street in Frederick,
Maryland and began contacting local officials. At the end of February he
forwarded a clipping from the [Frederick Post]{.underline} to Mr.
Weatherwax in Richmond, indicating that the local Congressman, David J.
Lewis, had been asked by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to provide
names of three persons recommended for supervisor and three for clerk
for a new government project to be started in the county. The Democratic
State Central Committee for Frederick County convened to provide the
requested names [^52]

In early March the land acquisition team arrived in Thurmont to initiate
appraisals of land chosen to comprise the project and secure offers to
sell land to the United States.[^53] Personnel working at the project
were W. W. Simonds, Supervisor of Land Acquisition for the Land Policy
Section, draftsman Frank Kenley, option takers J. G. Constable, Clyde
Findbinder and f . A. Cohill,

Appraisers D. Lee Staley and Jos. C. Goldsborough, abstracter R. W.
Walters, stenographer Beatrice N. Firor, and junior engineer A. W.
Johns, Jr. A second stenographer, Margaret Snively was added to the
office staff and timber appraisers Wenerch, Porter and H. J. Twilley
arrived to begin work.

Thus began the process of assembling the land package that would become
the Catoctin Recreational Area. Letters were sent to the approximately
80 landowners in Frederick and Washington Counties explaining the
project and offering to buy their acreage, timber and improvements at a
fair prices. Letters requested deed descriptions and statements as to
whether owners would be willing to sell their lands.[^54] Appraisers
also approached landowners individually to explain the project.[^55]
Positive responses from resident landowners were followed by appraisals
and signing of offers to sell if the price was agreed upon. Non-resident
landowners were asked what they would sell their property for, and, if
it was equal to or below the appraised value, the offer to sell was
taken for that amount.[^56]

By mid-March the Catoctin community was well aware that something big
was happening

on the mountain. Forty-two landowners had expressed a willingness to
sell their property. Local men and women were being interviewed for jobs
on the project.[^57] In April survey crews composed mainly of men hired
from the local Catoctin area were collecting data for project maps.[^58]

Williams met with the Frederick and Hagerstown Chambers of Commerce and
interviewed local organizations for development and use
information.[^59] He explained the scope of the project and tried to get
a feel for reactions in the communities nearest to the Catoctin
project.[^60] Local newspapers carried articles about the new recreation
project, precipitating numerous letters supporting the project. The
Isaak Walton League and the Maryland Appalachian Trail Club of

Hagerstown were among the first to respond favorably to the development
of a new outdoor recreation area. Several important Baltimore social
organizations including the Henry Watson

Children\'s Aid Society, YMCA, Federation of Churches, Jewish
Educational Alliance, Playground

Athletic League and Family Welfare Association all sent letters to
Williams supporting the project and expressing strong interest for such
an urgently needed facility. Local Lions Clubs, Rotaries and the Zonta
Club of Frederick, Maryland, expressed the same sentiments[^61]

Regardless of the community support, some owners of land within the
22,000 acres mapped for the project were less than willing to sell their
property. Many families had lived there for generations and wished to
stay, despite poor farming returns and dilapidated buildings. Also,
several Philadelphia families owned vacation property in Washington
County and wished to retain their holdings[^62] Rumors spread that the
government was buying the land to build a tunnel from

Hagerstown to Thurmont so cars wouldn\'t have to drive over the
mountains or that land was going to be used for target practice by Camp
Ritchie.

In a coordinated effort to correct the misinformation, Williams and
Simonds personally contacted many members of the community to explain
the project and its purposes. Four land owners initially opposed the
project enough to circulate a petition to block the land acquisition and
write letters to their Congressman and Frederick County Commissioners.
Williams and Simonds attended a meeting in mid-April with the County
Commissioners, the Chairman of the Frederick County Welfare Board and
two prominent Frederick citizens if, favor of the project to discuss the
charges leveled by citizens in opposition. One issue centered on the
threat that lands would be condemned to facilitate the project. Williams
assured the officials that all land sought for the recreational area
would be purchased and not taken by the government. A second concern was
the large amount of revenue lost when the current taxable County land
was taken off the tax rolls. Williams offered to return to the group in
two weeks after computing the maintenance costs of the 68 miles of
County roads, four schools and the families on relief that lived within
the proposed project.[^63]

Public relations and communications efforts were successful in calming
the fears and concerns of the local community and the County
Commissioners. Work proceeded on appraisals and options for the project.
Appraisals had begun on April 16th with an unoccupied Tract 160 owned by
Joseph G. Gernand. Tracts 80a and 80b were appraised the next day. A
lack of personnel delayed optioning so the Land Policy Section assigned
another supervisor, C. C. Freeburn. Added the end of April were
draftsman William Rach, local engineer foreman Herbert Neighbor,
abstracters N. B Dudrow and D. S. Ebersole, and appraiser Luke
Umbarger.[^64] The first land options were signed on May 1, 1935.

By the end of July, Williams had begun the master plan for development
of Catoctin RA. Based on his examination of the area\'s terrain and
proposed land use, the areas to be developed were located on maps. The
Land Policy Section assembled a priority list for appraising and
optioning blocks of land where building would take place.[^65]

After a summer of work, the Master Plan was finished and submitted
September 24,

1935\. Williams recommended that a maximum total area of 15,000 acres of
privately owned land be purchased, at an average price of \$13.33 per
acre. Of this figure only 5,476 acres had actually been optioned.[^66]
The report stated that of the 50 families within the project area, eight
were able to make a subsistence living exclusively from their land, 26
were cutting timber and firewood to supplement their income and 16 were
on relief. A few landowners were paid as much as \$75 per acre for peach
and apple orchards, while those with wood lots of merchantable lumber
were appraised at \$8.00 per acre. Pasture land and grazing acreage was
noted, but for the most part, land and improvements determined the
appraised price.[^67]

The final report was submitted to officials in the Regional office in
Richmond, Virginia and within a week a revised maximum acreage figure
for the project of 10,333 was sent back to Williams. The land purchase
price was slashed by \$45,000.00 to a total of \$155,000.00 and the
development budget estimate cut in half.[^68] The acquisition team had
appraised and acquired offers to sell for approximately half the 10,333
acres needed for the project and its Work was finished except for
checking on the options. The team had been unable to put together a
suitable land package in Washington County and that part of the project
was abandoned.

A new symbol designation, LD-MD 4, was assigned to the project, \"LD\"
denoted a project conducted on NPS areas known as \"Federal projects.\"
The Symbol \"MD 4\" was important for identification and was the
official number given when the project was approved by FDR.[^69] \"Under
the Emergency Relief Act (ERA) of 1935 the LD projects on Recreation
Demonstration Area\'s were approved as federal projects and allocations
made from Works Progress Administration (WPA) funds to the Resettlement
Administration under whose jurisdiction the projects were operated.
Technical supervision, however, was provided by the NPS.\"[^70] The
Resettlement Administration, headed by Rex Tugwell, was created to
specifically address rural poverty[^71] and took over the FERA project
of the Land Policy Section at the Catoctin Project in April of 1935. The
Resettlement Administration ended the direct relief of FERA and
instituted the philosophy of work relief. Those people on direct federal
relief were turned over to state roils and the federal government
provided employment programs.[^72] Later under the 1936 and 1937 ERA,
funds were allocated directly to the NPS for projects and Service
administrative procedures were followed. WPA regulations were followed
with regard to employment of workers, their hours and rates of pay.[^73]

The transition from land acquisition at Catoctin RA to physical
development of took place in the fall of 1935. In November Williams
began interviewing potential local personnel. Informal bids were taken
on a saw mill, a rock crusher and the tools needed to develop the
Catoctin Recreational Area.[^74] Accompanied by a draftsman and an
engineer, he laid out a residential work camp for WPA laborers. Original
plans included construction the camp for employees whose commute was
uneconomical, but exemptions were granted enabling Williams to hire
labor within \"hauling distance of the project, thereby eliminating the
necessity of a work camp.\"[^75] Funds allotted to the work camp were
transferred to other jobs.

By the end of the year the Land Policy Section\'s acquisition work was
essentially done and only three Resettlement Administration employees
remained at Catoctin RA. A new agreement was drawn up and on February
15, 1936 in which the National Park Service took complete responsibility
for all personnel and overhead.[^76]

CHAPTER II

PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT OF CATOCTIN

The physical development at Catoctin Recreational Area (Catoctin RA) was

performed with Works Progress Administration (WPA) funds. Building began
during the winter of 1936 with the Central Garage Unit and ended with
the Blue Blazes contact center in 1941. Guiding architectural
development of the Catoctin project was the style manual [Park
Structures and Facilities]{.underline}. Conrad Wirth commissioned the
guidelines when park expansion was at its height and few resources
existed for planners. Published in November 1935, the manual addressed
problems of signage, building design and materials.

[Park Structures and Facilities]{.underline} presented photographs and
floor plans as

examples of the predominantly rustic architectural style used in
national parks. The

buildings were set in harmony with nature, using natural colors, as few
straight lines as possible and emphasized horizontal lines to achieve
the feeling of integration with the setting. Rough stone served as
foundations; carefully scaled building elements and rough logs all
served to achieve the effect. \"Finally, while seeking harmony with the
natural setting and with the past, rustic structures were to achieve
thematic harmony with other buildings in the same park or vicinity. This
concept was a part of the tenet of the time that attempted to make parks
separate and distinct from the larger world.\"[^77]

Rustic architecture was particularly appropriate to the Catoctin RA, for
the form and construction of local houses and outbuildings closely
resembled the prescribed NPS style manual. A melding of styles, local
vernacular architecture represented both the German and English
influences within the Mid-Atlantic region[^78] Internal, gable-

end chimneys, projecting roofs over out-buildings, symmetrical placement
of

windows and doors, low pitched roofs, and stone and log construction
characterized buildings on the mountain.

Local woodsmen employed by the WPA were familiar with the methods and
tools

needed to build these buildings. Years of experience in the forest and
working in the sawmills were put to use snaking logs and riving
shingles. Logs were brought to the saw

mill erected near the administrative area for shaping and dressing. Only
40% of the logs made good boards, but if squared-off, notched and
saddled, all logs could be used in construction. Log walls were pinned
with locust pins made on the site, alternating sides as the walls
rose.[^79] Chestnut logs were the preferred building material. Local red
oak was used to rive shingles 4\"-8" wide and 26\"long, laid in random
roof courses. Oak used for the tongue and groove floors received a.
paraffin floor oil finish. Interior trim and siding was of chestnut, oak
or hemlock finished with raw linseed oil .[^80]

Initially only dead trees, mainly chestnut or other standing timber,
were harvested, though later consideration was given to any mature live
timber, after it had been located and marked by Maryland state
foresters. \"Picturesque snags, approximately six per acre

were to be left for aesthetic purposes and wildlife consideration.[^81]
Horses were used to drag the logs from the forest, since tractors would
damage the remaining growth and compact the ground.

Work began at Catoctin RA on January 2, 1936. By January 30, 125 men
were

clearing underbrush and slash, cutting timber and clearing for
camps.[^82] Clinton F.

Waesche was hired as labor superintendent in early January[^83] and
landscape

architect, J. C. Milson joined the staff before the end of the
month[^84] William Renner, a

local engineer, worked on the project from its beginning and was a
source for this history.

Renner supervised the reconstruction of rickety bridges, originally
built for light

vehicular traffic, and prepared them for heavy log trucks. Crews
replaced rotted sleepers

with new locust logs and covered the surface of the bridges with new
planking, completing at least one a days.[^85] Preliminary archeological
work began at the Catoctin Furnace under Renner\'s supervision the end
of January.[^86] Sub-zero weather and 30 inches of snow in February
slowed progress.[^87]

Project architect A. R. Vanston arrived at Catoctin RA the end of March
to

prepare plans and justification documents for the central administrative
and garage units, camps and picnic areas.[^88] This important
headquarters and maintenance complex were developed on Tracts, #18 and
#152 on the western side of the park, about one mile northeast of the
village of Foxville. The area chosen was close to building activities of
proposed group camps, near potable water, electricity and telephone
lines.[^89] The sawmill and stone crusher were installed at this
centralized location to prepare local materials for use in the
construction of the camps.

Due to the extended length of time required for necessary title work on

land purchased for the park, individual parcels needed for development
were leased. By the end of January, 7114 acres of land had been leased
from owners, pending final payment by the government.[^90] The NPS
stipulated that only structures of a temporary nature could be built on
the leased land. The rustic building designs lent themselves to this
\"temporary\" condition, as they were built on stone piers and in theory
could be moved.

Property status also affected phasing of the building. Until land
problems

were solved Williams transferred funds from building cabins to
harvesting timber for

organized group camps construction.[^91] Logs from the harvest provided
WPA labor with additional man-hours of work at the sawmill to shape and
dress logs. This arrangement was especially important since Catoctin RA
employed almost 500 men by the end of Apri1.[^92]

Plans and cost estimates, including months of man-hours, had to be
prepared and sent to the 3rd Regional Office in Richmond for comment and
eventual approval. Conrad Wirth and his technical staff in Washington
required they be consulted when buildings deviated from the standard
design, slowing the process by adding another level of bureaucracy.
Project Manager Williams on several occasions complained and stated that
he had men wanting to work who needed jobs and money, but the
bureaucracy wasn\'t helping him.

Approval for the marking of the 60 linear mile boundary of the park was

sent to Catoctin RA on April 9, 1936.[^93] WPA wages totaling \$1,971
for the survey of the purchased area was paid to Resettlement
Administration workers. Stones were set at the corners to mark the
limits of the park before the spring foliage would obstruct the
surveyors.[^94] Markings served to keep hunters from trespassing on the
park and field workers from trespassing on private property.

Catoctin RA provided jobs for hundreds of men the spring and summer of

1936, fulfilling one of its prime purposes. A peak was reached in May
1936 when 595 men were employed at the project logging, clearing slash,
and other jobs needing mainly unskilled labor.[^95] Throughout the late
spring and into June the numbers held steady at about 400 WPA laborers.
As initial work was completed the numbers employed dropped to about 250
men of various skill, levels needed to build the administrative area and
cabins, run the sawmill, supervise the rock crusher and build the roads.

> [Administrative Headquarters and Central Garage Unit]{.underline}.

In late March 1936, Williams submitted the paperwork to build a Central

Garage Unit for storage of trucks, equipment and supplies. The needed
structures included covered bays to park trucks, a toolhouse with an
office and repair shop, grease pit, oil storage for flammable materials
and a blacksmith shop. Plans and estimate forms for the area\'s water
lines were sent to Richmond on March 27, 1936, for skilled and unskilled
labor hours.[^96]

Administration building estimates and plans were sent along next.
Williams

notified the 3rd Regional office that he was starting the foundation for
the temporary

field headquarters on April 2.[^97] The headquarters was completed in
July of 1936, despite delays, to serve as a planning, construction and
operating center and eventually an employee residence.[^98] This
building was still in existence the summer of 1987.

Williams\' biggest headache with this complex came when the blacksmith
shop

plans were submitted the end of June 1936. Initially a rectangular log
on stone structure was proposed with an estimated cost of \$612 for
labor and materials[^99] When the plans were forwarded to Wirth in
Washington, his technical staff felt the design was \"out of scale\" and
prepared alternative sketches \"as an aid in satisfactorily carrying out
the job.\"[^100]

Wirth, sympathetic to the frustrations of those in the field, promised

that. new submissions from Catoctin RA would receive his staff\'s
\"immediate attention!\"

Telegrams, plans and letters exchanged hands during the next two weeks,
resulting in a new estimated cost of \$919.55.[^101] Eventually,
conditional approval was given by Wirth, if new, formal plans,
elevations and bills weir made and were in conformance with sketches
from his staff.[^102]

Construction was completed except for the roof shingles, which had to
have

special approval, since oak shakes were considered a permanent
construction item.

The anvil was installed inside the blacksmith shop on a stump sunk into
the earth floor.

Raymond Toms, a smith recommended by Renner, was hired[^103] Approval of
additional funding for oak shakes and man hours was given in early
November and the blacksmith shop was finished[^104] This project and all
others were subject to available funds. Work had to be planned so \'that
in the event a further allocation of funds is not obtained, jobs already
initiated can be brought to a stage of useful completion upon short
notice.[^105] The blacksmith shop and headquarters were still standing
at Round Meadow camp in summer 1987. Completion of the blacksmith shop
ended necessary work on the Central Garage Unit.

> [Planning for Group Camps and Picnic Areas]{.underline}

While Project Manager Williams wrestled with building the Central Garage

Area in the spring of 1936, four group camps and two picnic areas were
being planned by

architect Vanson and landscape architect Milson. Camp were designated
1-C (coed), 2 A12-C, 3-B (boys) and 4-G (girls). During the late spring
and summer of 1936, paperwork was prepared for submission of plans and
estimates for the first group camp to be built at Catoctin Recreation
Demonstration Area (Catoctin RDA). The NPS had standard camp and cabin
configuration for girls\' and boys\' camps and expected them to be
followed or changes justified. Williams requested plans from Chopawamsic
RDA (later

renamed Prince William Forest Park) for reference[^106]

Landscape architect Milson planned the camps and picnic areas with care

and supervised the work to see that the natural features of the
landscape were preserved

and utilized to best advantage. Light availability, prevailing winds and
views from cabins were taken into account[^107] The site terrain was
taken into consideration and used to best advantage when the pool and
cabin foundations were placed. Stumps and rocks were cleared by
hand.[^108] Trees left within the camps were boxed in to prevent injury
and workers took steps to preserve the top soil[^109] Dead trees were
cut down and taken to the sawmill for squaring into 8\" building members
and boards sawn for flooring and dressed lumber.

Clearing of the land for the day use picnic area on tract 91 began in
June

1936\. Three acres were cleared for picnic tables, a small play field, a
parking lot and

covered pavilion. Chemical latrines were built later within a log
building with a shake roof designed with a roof overhang typical of the
local architecture[^110] This area was submerged when Hunting Creek was
impounded, but was in use by the public up until that time.[^111]

Maryland state foresters located and marked trees for felling on
thirteen

tracts of land leased June 30, 1936, to provide materials for Misty
Mount.[^112] Assistant Forester W. E. Wagner was added to the staff in
June and eventually became one of the project\'s senior foreman[^113]
Project Manager Williams was forced by legal technicalities to rearrange
his selection of lumber harvest locations for this initial phase of camp
construction. Delays developed in optioning and clearing titles for some
of the land needed for logging. Work was strictly prohibited on land not
owned by the federal government unless a lease was signed, for
protection of the U.S. government from property damage.[^114] Timber
harvesting commenced on already leased land with available labor. The
work of harvesting timber for Misty Mount provided \$5,843 in wages for
men on relief[^115]

The planning, refinement and construction of the four camps and two
picnic

areas spread over a four year period from early 1936 to fall 1939 and
involved hundreds

of WPA laborers, NPS planners and administrators. Misty Mount was built
in 1937 on, 30 acres comprising tracts 3, 98 and 146.[^116] Greentop was
built in 1938 up the hill on tracts 26 and 26a where cleared fields and
level ground gave easy access.[^117] Hi-Catoctin (eventually Shangri-La)
and 4-G (never completed) were sited on the brow of a hill north of
tracts 26 and 26a, overlooking the Monocacy River Valley. Tract 91
became a three acre day use picnic area[^118] and a large picnic area
was planned for the Catoctin Furnace Area Tract.

> [Misty Mount and Greentop]{.underline}

From the first announcement of the project at Catoctin Mountain, the

Maryland League for Crippled Children(MLCC) began lobbying the
Resettlement Administration, the National Park Service(NPS) and Project
Manager Williams at Catoctin RDA for a camp with special accommodations
for handicapped children.[^119] Before any promises could be made to the
MLCC, a camping advisory council representing all Baltimore
organizations needed to be created to make recommendations to the NPS.
Contacts were made within the Baltimore community to organize the
council and the MLCC agreed to cooperate in its formation.[^120]

The NPS was receptive to the idea of providing a camp tailored to
accommodate children with handicaps. Stanley Hawkins, Associate
Recreation Specialist for the IFS, attended a meeting with the MLCC
camping committee on October 6, 1936, in Baltimore. Hawkins explained
the NPS policies that applied to their request and the League explained
their needs and objectives for the type of camp wanted, the physical
conditions of the children and proposed staff. Hawkins suggested
modifications that might suit their needs but still come within the
construction plans for the standard organized camps "without too many
special features."[^121]

Hawkins\' report of the meeting with the MLCC reflected needs Conrad
Wirth and the Land Planning Committee had originally anticipated. The
League, though unable to afford to buy land and to build a camp, had
"the money in a special fund to equip it." He felt there was a need for
such a camp and cited the report, [Crippled Children\'s Camps in
America.]{.underline} This report stated only 24 such camps existed in
the United States and three in Canada for the rehabilitation of
children. None existed in Maryland.

Planning began for Misty Mount in 1936. Building plans and
justifications for Misty Mount\'s administrative office were forwarded
to Region One in mid October 1936, and Project Manager Williams
scheduled work on the camp for November and December. The blacksmith
shop at the Central Garage Unit was nearing completion and crews would
be ready to move onto other construction projects. But consultations
with the MLCC effectively stopped work on Misty Mount while decisions
were made on how best to accommodate the children.[^122]

Planners initially designated Misty Mount as the permanent MLCC camp and
Greentop was assigned to the YMCA and YWCA. But further study judged the
terrain of Misty Mount too rugged for children in braces or on
crutches.[^123] Since Camp 2-A/2-C was flatter and suited the needs of
the children it became the future home of Greentop. Eventually Misty
Mount, was planned and built according to. NPS children\'s camp standard
plans the spring of 1937. The MLCC agreed to use Misty Mount the first
year while Greentop was under construction.

On March 18, 1937, Region One requested William\'s best estimate, given
his

knowledge of the current status and availability of labor, of the
possibility of a July 1, 1937 camp completion date.[^124] The MLCC
needed a commitment for their planning purposes; but a serious
bureaucratic development affected the building schedule.

Williams noted that recent changes in the Works Progress Administration
(WPA) dictated that 95% of those employed must be \"from certified
relief rolls after April 15.\"[^125] The federal government made large
cutbacks in its appropriations for the WPA[^126] and the state of
Maryland was afraid that those on relief dropped from WPA jobs would end
up becoming state responsibility[^127] This stipulation made a real
difference in skilled labor available to build cabins and more complex
buildings. Williams lost the flexibility to choose individuals with
specific skills needed to work on the camps. He stated he could

not commit to a completion date of July 1 on the wash house and dining
hall, but that unskilled labor could be used to construct the water and
sewer lines[^128] By the end of March 1937, Misty Mount\'s plans and
estimates for water lines, sewer lines and dining hall were ready to be
sent to Region One and the wash house was pending.[^129]

Approval for electricity for Misty Mount\'s administrative buildings was

requested April 28 and granted June 1, 1937, with a note that Assistant
Architect Parris would discuss the fixtures and their number.[^130]
There was no further correspondence concerning the construction phase of
Misty Mount except an undated winterizing report for \"Camp 1-C\"
listing the following buildings: Dining Hall and kitchen, 20 four-cot
cabins, seven two cot cabins, three unit latrines, one camp office-two
rooms, infirmary, central shower house, help quarters-two rooms, and
staff quarters-five rooms.

To Williams\'s credit, the above were finished on time and occupied the
first summer by children of the MLCC. Williams observed activities all
summer and submitted a sensitive and informative report in support of
building revisions for Greentop requested by Mary E. Church, executive
director of the M LCC [^131]

As Misty Mount was being built, Hawkins requested that Williams, Project

Manager at Catoctin RDA, draw preliminary plans for review that provided
for 150

campers plus staff. The administrative buildings could remain as at
Misty Mount, but Hawkins requested a bathtub with a grab bar, a swimming
pool with facilities and cabins not farther than 600 feet from the
dining hall. He suggested that the camper\'s cabins be constructed with
four beds on either end of a long cabin with counselor\'s sleeping in
the center [^132]

Plans were started for Greentop the winter of 1937 and were on
Hawkins\'s

desk by February[^133] Concern was expressed in some quarters that the
changes not be

so drastic as to make the camp unusable for other populations. But the
majority of the NPS planners considered this a worthy project and were
convinced a flexible plan, using current standards, could accommodate
the special needs of those who would use the camp. Factors such as views
from the cabins, number of campers, light availability, prevailing winds
and trail widths were discussed in the preliminary planning. Much
correspondence and revision took place between Williams and the staff at
Region One.

Plans proceeded with Greentop as Misty Mount was being constructed, but.

problems developed in early May when Assistant Architect Orin Bullock
visited Catoctin RDA and proposed design solutions to "special problems"
that Williams and his immediate superiors didn\'t know existed.[^134]
Williams reluctantly drew new plans that included Bullock\'s
Suggestions, but submitted only one copy, as he did not agree

with the changes. Bullock proposed to change the distances between some
of the buildings that he felt were too close visually. Williams referred
to Hawkins\'s October 1936 report, arguing that the MLCC had specified
the distances between the buildings and that the 20\' elevation change
would solve the \"problem\" when landscaping was completed.[^135] When
on June 21st the revised, approved plans for Greentop arrived at
Catoctin, Williams stated he was \"pleased to note" that except for the
craft shop, the plans stood identical to those originally submitted in
February.[^136]

Because construction of the special camp for the MLCC had not begun,
Williams could observe the first MLCC camping season at Misty Mount to
judge decisions made for Greentop. Campers arrived on July 1st and
stayed for eight weeks, leaving on August 28; 1937. A total of 64
campers, 16 staff members and two helpers in the kitchen were in

residence. He was greatly impressed with the \"remarkable results\"
obtained with the children and remarked on the efficiency of the
organization and the well maintained campground. Williams recommended
that any special facilities requested should be installed at Greentop if
the cost was not too high, for the MLCC planned to use the camp as a
permanent site.[^137]

Williams and Mary Church, Executive Director of the MLCC, submitted a

report at the end of the 1937 camping season containing recommendations
for design

revisions and statements affirming modifications already in the plans.
The administration building eras considered satisfactory, but a canteen
to supply campers with film, stationery and postcards with access from
the outside was suggested. The camp staff was against the "handling of
confectionery.\" A telephone was also considered a necessity. The cabin
distances from 300\' to 600\' to the dining hall were affirmed, as the
younger children were "severely taxed by long distances several times a
day,\" at Misty Mount. It was suggested that older and more able-bodied
children be placed in the farthest cabins.

The dining hall was also satisfactory and glazing was suggested for the
windows in addition to screens, for when it rained shutters were closed
and there was not enough light. The kitchen was staffed by a dietician
and three full time helpers. Larger kitchen staff quarters were
recommended for Greentop with bathrooms attached. The porches of the
recreation lodges were used extensively for activities and it was
decided that outdoor space justified elimination of two of the planned
lodges at Greentop, thus saving \$6,000. The omitted lodges would be
replaced by additional staff quarters and none of the rest of the
buildings on the site needed to be rearranged.

The unit cabin system was successful with one unit used for each sex.
Rough

stone floors were to replace wooden ones in the wash houses, as they
were less hazardous

and sinks were suggested for the porches since their floors dried
faster. No bunk beds could be used. Woodworking, weaving, model making,
beading, sponge painting and nature lore were taught in the craftshop.
The paved entrance was a boon to outdoor activity and were used often.
The infirmary was satisfactory.

Swimming was a favorite activity of the children and staff. The pool
dimensions were 25\' x 75\' with a shallow end depth of 18\" and a deep
end of 7\' recommended. Gravel surface trails wound among the cabins to
the dining hall and Williams suggested that much of the underbrush
should be eliminated along with any trees that shaded an area for more
than two hours a day.

Local farmers benefited from the presence of campers, as they sold fresh

eggs and produce at the dining hall and hauled away the garbage to feed
their pigs. Nearby grocery stores provided perishables such as butter
and milk for the children, and ice came from Thurmont. Meats and
non-perishable staples were delivered from Baltimore.

Refinements of the standard camp arrangements were made in the fall of

1937\. Two unit lodges were eliminated and the camp capacity lowered to
98 campers plus staff. Stanley Hawkins and Regional Director Carl
Russell concurred with the elimination of the two recreation lodges but
plans needed to be submitted to Washington for final approval.[^138]
Changes fell on friendly ears at Region One and the Director suggested
plans be drawn and submitted because they might meet with some
success.[^139] Williams had them in the mail with changes noted on
October 16.[^140] Seven sets of prints, supplemented with letters from
Mary Church, Stanley Hawkins and Project Manager Williams were sent on
November 1, 1937, to the Director of the NPS with a cover letter from
Region One Director Carl Russell recommending approval of changes in

standard facilities for the MLCC camp.[^141]

Williams requested permission to construct water lines to two unit
lodges

in mid-November and on November 23, received communication from Region
One that

they had heard no word of approval from Washington, but had forwarded
plans on Nov. 1 and would let him know the outcome as soon as
possible[^142] Three months passed before a reply came from Washington.
The technical staff implied the changes were to specialized and
questioned whether staff quarters should replace the recreation lodges.
Russell defended the extra staff buildings as necessary to house the
larger staff of the MLCC and since the space remained the same, the
lodges could be built at a future date if the camp needed to be
expanded.[^143]

Russell\'s letter further stated that an Inspector, \'through some
misapprehension,\" had granted approval for starting the two unit lodges
on January 17, 1938, and Region One felt it \"desirable to concur in the
approval of the Inspector\" and \"assumed that the NPS would as well."
Russell claimed the layout had been approved on August 4, 1937 and
\"urged concurrence in the construction of the lodges and leader\'s
cabins in order that work which is urgently needed may not be delayed
longer.\" He added the MLCC\'s request for a museum attached to the
craft shop and asked to be advised if there would to a \"hold up\" in
the approval of the plans[^144] Approval for staff cabins to replace the
recreation lodges came on March 23, 1938, with the request to discourage
the museum attached to the craft shop.[^145]

Williams submitted final plans for Greentop to state and federal
officials

in early April. As per the cooperative agreement, Williams submitted
plans to Karl E. Pfeifer, state of Maryland.[^146] Maryland\'s approval
was received on April 20, 1938 and the camp was finished in time for the
MLCC to use for the summer season. "The camp was named 'Greentop' by the
first group of campers, because of their appreciation of the abundance
of green trees on top of the mountain."[^147] It has been called
Greentop ever since.

> [Camp Hi -Catoctin]{.underline}

While details were being negotiated for Greentop, the Baltimore Camp

Advisory Committee (BCAC) began preliminary studies for a third camp at
Catoctin RDA. Recreational Planner Neasmith and Inspector Woodward
attended a meeting with the Committee in early January 1938 seeking
their views on building plans for summer 1938. J. Hammond Brown,
Chairman of the BCAC reported that the Committee felt the focus of the
next two camps should be toward units for smaller groups. They suggested
one camp for girls and one for boys, \"two camps, each with facilities
for 50 campers...thrown open to small groups for short periods through
the camping season." The Committee would locate a sponsoring \"body\"
for administration of the camps.[^148]

Williams and his staff were well advanced in their plans when Brown\'s

letter arrived and they requested a decision on the capacity and type of
cabins from Region One.[^149] When plans arrived at Region One,
Associate Regional Director Evison queried Inspector Schenck on the
absence of explanatory documents or justification for a camp other than
a standard camp. Williams\'s plans presented eight-cot cabins, implying
a \"nursery camp or consolidation for a particular purpose\' but the
\"symbol number indicates a regular boys camp. The standard boys camp
comprised four-cot cabins with six cabins per unit. Evison requested a
justification for non-standard cabins but commented that the
relationship of the three units was \"well-handled.\"[^150]

A conference was called in Richmond on May 12, 1938 where plans were
discussed for the structures of Hi-Catoctin. Attending the meeting were
Mike Williams and Vanston from Catoctin RDA, Project Architect,
Neasmith, Recreational Planner, 0\'Neil, Engineer and Higgins, Architect
from Region One. The conference report described the camp generally as
\"a three unit camp for children\" and recommended that most units
reflect the standard camp plan for boys or be similar to those
previously approved for Catoctin. The infirmary and dining hall would be
increased to handle the capacity of the camp and A. J. Higgins with Orin
Bullock\'s approval, drew new staff quarters.[^151] Buildings for
Hi-Catoctin were frame construction with rough board siding instead of
logs.

Within a week Williams prepared and forwarded justification for
Hi-Catoctin,

\"an organized group camp for boys\" with a 72 camper capacity and nine
leaders, three in each unit. This combination reflected the standards
for a boys\' camp with four-cot cabins in three units of six. The
administrative unit housed six staff members, one nurse and four kitchen
helpers and included a. swimming pool, craft shop, play field, camp fire
circle, camp office, central shower, recreation hall and a nature lore
building.[^152]

The site was ideal for a three-unit camp. Young timber and a few mature

trees covered the site located in the northeastern section of Catoctin.
The justification documents for the camp submitted in May of 1938,
described 52 miles of hiking trails to such points as Chimney Rock, Wolf
Rock, Black Rock, Catoctin Furnace and Cunningham Falls. \"High points
along the trails afford excellent views of the neighboring
valleys.\"[^153]

A layout plan, #9048, for Hi-Catoctin was forwarded to Schenck on Map
26,

1938\. Also included in the same roll of drawings was drawing #9065
showing locations of Greentop, Hi-Catoctin and 4-G. Camp 4-G, a girls
camping area located approximately 1,400\' from Hi-Catoctin, was planned
but never built. Baltimore Camp Advisory Committee began plans in late
1938 for Camp 4-G, but lack of labor and funding, plus preparations for
World War II, cancelled construction.

By July 1938, Hi-Catoctin\'s Units A and B were well under construction.

Unit C\'s location was being debated by technical staff of Region One
who suggested shifting the lodge farther from other units for "better
operation and non-interference

of unit programs with camps." Williams liked his selected location, as
it afforded a beautiful view of the valleys below. Evison asked for
revisions or explanations from the field as to why changes should not be
made.[^154] Revisions were made on the location of Unit C and the camp
was finished by the end of the year

Construction of Hi-Catoctin had barely commenced when groups began
inquiring

about its use. The Baltimore Camp Advisory Committee (BCAC) was
consulted and asked by Recreation Specialist Neasmith for detailed
information about any Baltimore organizations or others in Maryland
interested in leasing Hi Catoctin RDA. The NPS received a request from a
family camping organization in Washington, D.C. Neasmith needed data on
sex and ages of campers and an opinion from the Committee on the

formation of a "Management and Using organization\" if several groups
were to use the

camp.[^155]

Hi-Catoctin had been built specifically as a boys\' camp and family
group

Usage necessitated modifications in the cabins, latrines and shower
facilities. Williams

requested "early advice"[^156] on any adjustments of existing structures
to accommodate families. Partitions were eventually placed in nine of
the 18 Cabins and each had two outside doors. Changes were made in
latrines and wash houses converting them for use by both sexes.[^157]

In early 1939 it was decided that the sponsoring organization using Hi
Catoctin the first season would be a family organization of federal
employees. In April 1939, Mr. A. J. S. Martin from the Federal Camp
Council of Washington, D.C. asked the NPS about the availability of the
camp for the summer 1939 season. Layout plans were sent to his office in
Washington, D.C.[^158] A highly organized group serving a large
population of federal employees, the Federal Camp Council, Inc. had
operated camps for federal employees since 1935. Programs were promoted
on bulletin boards, in employee publications, drawings for vacations,
photo contests and open houses.[^159] Membership drives recruited
families likely to participate. Dates of winter reunions and
publications of summer camping activities were distributed.

The organization\'s purpose matched the philosophy of the original
mandate

for Catoctin. The Federal Camp Council worked to "meet the needs of
federal employees and their families for a low-cost vacation in an
organized camp." The Council offered -a wholesome program of recreation
amid beautiful surroundings, with opportunities for the

development of latent talents, and adequate provisions for rest and
relaxation.[^160]

Hi-Catoctin was used by the Federal Camp Council during the summers of
1939, 1940 and 1941, after which the camp became Franklin D.
Roosevelt\'s World War II retreat, Shangri-La. Development of camps at
Catoctin ended with the construction of Camp Hi-Catoctin. War in Europe,
defense buildups in Baltimore, and redistribution of funds combined to
end further building of camps.

> [Blue Blazes Contact Station]{.underline}

During development, the Central Administrative Group near Foxville was
the

hub of the project, coordinating building and planning of camps and
roads. As camping

and day-use increased at Catoctin Recreation Demonstration Area
(Catoctin RDA) a new center of activity emerged at the intersection of
County Road 77 and the new road to the group camps. A contact station
was needed to serve as a guide post for visitors and control access to
the group camps. Williams proposed to build the contact station at the
intersection, traditionally called Blue Blazes by the local community.

The name Blue Blazes is thought to derive from the sighting of foxfire
by

early settlers passing through Harmon\'s Gap on their trek west.[^161]
Foxfire emanates from a luminescent. fungus, [Armellaria
mellea]{.underline}, growing on decaying wood, which glows at night in
areas of the Appalachian Mountains. Foxfire emits enough blue light. to
read coarse print at night. Harmon\'s Gap is another early reference to
the area.[^162]

A formal survey to \"collect and tabulate factual data on Attendance and
Use

of Facilities and the habits, customs and preferences of park visitors
participating in

recreational activities in the Catoctin area\" was conducted between
July 1 and September 15, 1938 to support the need for the Blue Blazes
contact station. Williams hoped to assign this project to a student, but
eventually assigned Emergency Relief Administration (ERA) personnel to
the job. Areas surveyed included park picnic grounds, the banks of
Hunting Creek and picnic grounds in Thurmont, Maryland.[^163] The survey
revealed that all visitors to the new West Picnic Area and the three
organized camps passed by the intersection at Blue Blazes and 98%
entered from the east and exited in the same direction.[^164] Other data
from the survey is regrettably not available.

Hikers, fishermen and visitors to Catoctin for general outdoor
recreation

would benefit from the new contact station. The December 1938 Project
Construction Program recommended that during heavy traffic seasons a
watchman be stationed at the building continuously and that sleeping
quarters and cooking facilities be provided. The Report also noted that
timber supply on Catoctin Mountain suitable for building had been
exhausted and logs \"on the stump\" would be purchased and prepared at
the sawmill as they had for Misty Mount and Greentop. Local fieldstone
and a shake roof were incorporated into the design to harmonize with the
rest of the project structures.

Williams visualized the Blue Blazes contact station as the crowning gem
in

the development of the park and the longer architects at Region One
delayed designs, the more elaborate Williams\'s schemes became. What
began as a simple contact station evolved into a stone entrance portico
with pedestrian gate, ranger\'s quarters and parking lot. A curving wall
flanked the east. side and the: large beech and oak trees located behind
the wall were to be saved.

The initial request for drawings was sent to Regional headquarters in

Richmond at the end of September 1939.[^165] Architects and draftsmen
were no longer working at Catoctin RDA and drawings were generated in
Richmond. A second set of plans and bill of materials was requested on
March 28, 1940 and Region one hoped to have them at Catoctin RDA by
April 22.[^166] Williams was especially hopeful plans would arrive as
promised, for funds were available if WPC workers could be found. Labor
was scarce, as Congress had passed the Appropriation Acts of 1939 and
1940 Which contained clauses that forced workers off relief. The clauses
stated that workers could remain in the program for 18 months and then
were to be dropped for 30 days. Eligibility for relief had to be,
reestablished before reinstatement.[^167]

Three months passed and plans were still in Richmond. Williams sent
weekly

notes with suggestions and pleas that drawings be sent so the building
could be completed before winter. Cost estimates had increased with the
added elaborate entrance and the intersection had been realigned for the
safety of cars entering the main road and to accommodate the contact
station.[^168]

Karl Pfieffer, Maryland State Director of Parks, reviewed plans for the
new

Contact station and in his opinion the building\'s orientation was 45
degrees off and not in a position to afford a good view of the road. He
also disapproved of the lack of bathing and cooking facilities for the
ranger and claimed anyone manning the station couldn\'t see to open the
gate.[^169]

By mid-July 1940, Blue Blazes had evolved into the site of the proposed

"permanent Area Office."[^170] Williams had tempered his position on
facilities for Blue

Blazes. Having discussed the project with his immediate superior,
Inspector Heinrich, he agreed that the ranger quarters in the building
were not desirable and suggested an expandable public contact station
that one day would contain offices for the manager and a clerk.
Meanwhile a small building would be built to fill the needs of the
remaining development phase. A new project construction program was
written to include the Blue Blazes site with an eventual Area office and
watchman\'s quarters. Construction of the small contact station was
included in the fiscal year 1941 and had to be completed by May 1, 1942.

Williams was either a very patient man or a very frustrated one. Plans
being drawn at Region One for Blue Blazes were basically the ones he had
proms in his original submission nearly two years before in December of
1938, except that an Area Office would be added at a future date.
Temporary quarters for the watchman were provided by partitioning off
part of the interior. The same experience had occurred on the layout of
Greentop.

Relations were becoming strained with the state of Maryland concerning
the

plans for Blue Blazes. Karl Pfieffer of Maryland State Parks criticized
the plan\'s lack of

foresight in not including a main service area and truck storage near
the office. (Tears later this was done.)[^171] Since he had not been
consulted and had disagreed with the siting all along, he could not give
approval. Heinrich penciled his own feelings of regret on Pfieffer\'s
rejection letter to Williams, and added directions to send the job
application with attached Maryland Park veto directly to him. A week
later Heinrich sent approval for the project with the comment that
although Pfieffer still disagreed, he would drop

the hint to the Maryland official that the NPS \"still owns Catoctin RDA
and holds controlling interest in the planning program.[^172] With
official approval in hand, Williams announced that construction of the
stone wall and portal had already begun by the CCC and the chestnut
paneling and trim had been milled at the Project woodworking shop. Much
of the hardware was WPA surplus from New York City projects.[^173]

Maryland State Park Director Karl Pfieffer, unsuccessful in his attempt
to influence the plans for Blue Blazes registered his protest with
officials in the State

Relations Division of the NPS\'s Washington office. Matt Huppuch, Acting
Chief of that division, wrote a diplomatic memo to Region One October 8,
1940 inquiring about the \"administrative facilities at Catoctin\" and
asked the Region One director for a \"clear picture of planning at the
site."[^174] Huppuch\'s inquiry had the effect of a stop work order and
construction was halted at Blue Blazes.

Region One Acting Director E. M. Lisle responded a week later stating

future needs of Catoctin were \"paramount\" in the decisions made for
the park. Staff consensus supported providing space for four permanent
employees and quarters for employees could be constructed. The project
manager\'s residence had been built just north of Blue Blazes during the
summer of 1939. Lisle did not address the orientation of the building on
the site or mention Pfieffer\'s other concerns.

On October 28, 1940 construction was permitted to resume as \"originally

Proposed.\"[^175] State official Pfieffer grudgingly sent his approval
for the project on

February 26, 1941, stating he thought the building still improperly
oriented, but since \"the job has been started, it should be finished,
and therefore, I have approved the supplement."[^176]

Labor problems continued to plague the project. Roosevelt announced that
the

United States would aid its allies with \"material resources\" and he
started the preparations for an emergency. Congress passed the Selective
Service Act in September 1940 that required men ages 21-35 to register
for possible military duty. Many volunteered for military service.[^177]
Men left the low wages of the WPA relief rolls to work in defense
plants, which resulted in booming ship yards and aircraft industries in
Baltimore. Emigration back to the city after the hard times of the
depression had begun as America mobilized defense efforts in the summer
of 1940.[^178]

Blue Blazes contact station was completed at the end of April 1941, with
Williams inserting a real fireplace instead of a \"dummy\" as shown on
the plans.[^179] Project Manager Williams claimed in his final report:
\'This structure and the stone wall

are probably the most creditable\[sic) pieces of work on the entire
project area and many favorable comments have been made by Service
officials and visitors regarding the layout, design and
workmanship.\"[^180]

The Blue Blazes contact center was enlarged in 1964 with Mission 66
funds.

It remained the visitor center and administrative headquarters until
Supt. Pridemore moved the administrative offices to Camp Peniel in 1973.

> [Catoctin Manor House Day Use Area]{.underline}

As early as January 1937 development of a day-use picnic area near the

Catoctin Manor House was planned with benches, shelters and fireplaces.
Williams submitted layout plans two years later on December 5, 1938 for
a more elaborate picnic area furnished with tables, fireplaces, a
man-made lake, bath house, large parking lots, trails, playfield,
amphitheatre and concessions stand.[^181] Provisional approval for the
location of shelters, concession building, bath house and picnic areas
was received at the Park on December 16, 1938, and Region One staff
complimented Williams on the thoughtful relationship or the various use
areas to each other and preservation of lake frontage in its natural
state. Region One needed justification statements for the whole project
and when those arrived the project would be viewed as a package.[^182]

Williams submitted two justification statements for the 50-acre public

day-use facility along Route #15 near Catoctin Manor House Day Use Area,
one on January 5, 1939, the other February 16, for the water system. He
predicted the heavily used U.S. Route 15 would bring many picnickers to
use the lake, tour the historic sites and hike the trails. Old ore pits
and ditches dotting the area were filled and leveled before construction
commenced but two small spring fed lakes in abandoned ore pits, remained
on the plans. A two-acre swimming lake, 100\' east of Little Hunting
Creek, was configured much like a swimming pool, with a shallow north
end for non-swimmers and diving platform at the south end. Water
diverted from Little Hunting Creek would provide a. constant flow
through the lake before returning to the creek. Two planned parking lots
of 105 and 170 spaces were planned near the entrance. A stone wall was
planned to direct traffic and define the area.[^183]

In the spring, funding became an issue in scheduling work on facilities
at

Catoctin Manor Day Use Area. A Bill of Materials submitted to Region One
April 12, 1939 by Williams cited economics and time as factors leading
to postponement of certain work until after June 30. An entrance road,
two parking lots, two latrines, 100 picnic tables and 30 fireplaces
would be constructed as originally planned since the new Civilian
Conservation Corps(CCC) camp at Catoctin RDA provided labor as of April
1, 1939. Further construction would be delayed, as other jobs on the
project had priority for funds for materials.[^184] The stone wall at
the entrance was completed by the CCC under the supervision of Mr.
Harmon.[^185]

The carrying capacity of the Catoctin Manor House Day Use Area was the
subject of a conference requested by Regional Recreation Planner R. C.
Robinson with Region One and Park staff.[^186] Robinson voiced concern
that decisions were being made for the area based on \`probable demand\"
rather than on the \'available resources.\" He predicted the area could
not handle more than 1500 people at any one time and still provide
\"satisfactory participation in the activities offered." To accommodate
1500 people he recommended a regulation size pool, 100\' x 150\', to
serve swimming events. Robinson questioned the size of the playfield and
suggested that more space was needed throughout the whole system to
fully balance the offered activities.

Robinson\'s concern for development of Catoctin\'s recreational area and
its

link with user satisfaction may have had as its origin a 1936 NPS report
by Service wildlife technician Lowell Sumner, who felt that overcrowded
parks defeated their purpose. While Sumner\'s report referred to
wilderness management, Robinson obviously felt the principles applied to
general recreational facilities.[^187]

The June 1939 Monthly Progress Report summarized construction schedules
at

Catoctin RDA and listed roads, picnic shelter and tables and latrines as
being 100% complete with the water system and fireplaces 37% complete.
Unskilled CCC labor completed the area and provided minimum facilities
for picnics. Though Williams did not abandon plans to completely develop
the Catoctin Manor House Day Use Area, changes in the facilities began
with a memo dated February 20, 1940 from Region One. The Regional staff
concurred with Robinson\'s concerns that mass activity would endanger
the scenic values of the area and replaced the lake with a swimming pool
central to other facilities. An additional concern was an anticipated
need to widen Route 15 to accommodate the public, an issue that would
arise later with great emotion and paperwork.

The Manor Area became part of Cunningham Falls State Park in 1954 when

4,446 acres were deeded to the state of Maryland. Recreational resource:
listed in the

1983 Master Plan for Catoctin Furnace and the Manor Area of Cunningham
Falls State Park(CFSP) cited a concessions stand as the only major
structure added to the Catoctin Manor House Day Use Area since its
initial development in 1939. Day use has remained the principle activity
of the area.

> [Catoctin Furnace]{.underline}

The historic Catoctin Furnace ruins came under close scrutiny by NP S
historians in November of 1935 when Charles W. Porter sent a preliminary
memo to Earl Weatherwax stressing the significance of the Furnace.[^188]
Alerted to the presence of the furnace by the justification section of
the Catoctin final report submitted the end of September 1935, Porter
began the process to verify the significance of the site. Numerous
claims to fame for the furnace stack, located south of Thurmont along
Route 15, included supplying arms for George Washington during the
Revolution and military hardware for the War of 1812. James Rumsey, who
built the first steam boat in America, was reputed to have purchased
iron from the present Catoctin Furnace.

Porter discovered a history of the furnace written by James M. Swank,
"foremost authority on the subject of the history of the iron industry
in America," refuting the claims about the present standing stack.
Swank\'s book, [History of Iron in All Ages and Particularly in the
United States]{.underline}, located the original furnace three quarters
of a mile further down Little Hunting Creek than the present stack.
Porter considered these findings a very \'delicate\' matter and
suggested going slowly on any publicity until the research was done, as
many people in the area took considerable pride in their famous furnace.
He further suggested that since Ronald Lee from the NPS Historical
Division was very interested in Catoctin, he might be interested in a
copy of the Memo.[^189]

NPS interest in the furnace resulted in preliminary archeological work
at

Catoctin Furnace on leased land when WPA funds became available the
winter of 1936.

In a semi-monthly report for January, Williams noted 30 men had begun
work January 20, 1936 at the Furnace in severe weather on job #904.
"Restoration of Historic Structures.\" Under foreman William Renner,
slag and refuse were moved to a site east of the Manor House so digging
could begin. Charles Porter must have disapproved of amateurs doing the
job of a trained archeologist, for on February 7, 1936 Williams received
a stop work order by telegram from the Regional office that disapproved
the job.[^190] Williams, recognizing that the site could not be left
with excavations open, ordered the men to level the area, thus expending
money after the stop order.[^191] At this point, 3rd Regional Inspector
Tell W. Nicholet arrived at Catoctin Furnace for an on-site inspection.

Inspector Nicholet Visited Catoctin Furnace and filed a glowing report
of the work being performed by Mr. Renner and his crew, most of whom
lived nearby and were descended from former furnace employees. He
complimented Mr. Renner\'s thoroughness in recording specimen tags,
whose identifying descriptions and relationships reflected Renner\'s
background and knowledge of furnace operation. Nicolet further noted
that an archaeologist was to be hired for the site in the spring, but
unless he was better qualified and more knowledgeable than Renner, he
would not be necessary and recommended that the work be allowed to
resume.[^192] Despite Nicholet\'s report, work was suspended until an
archeologist could be assigned.

Historian Charles Porter researched the Catoctin Furnace history on a
visit

to the Frederick County Courthouse where he examined deeds and wills
relative to the property. Five and a half days of research revealed that
James Johnson and his brothers, Thomas, Baker and Roger, built the first
Catoctin Furnace in 1774, and operated it until 1787, when they moved
three-quarters of a mile upstream to build a second furnace nearer the
ore banks.[^193] Porter wrote that the second furnace was built on the
present stack site and operated by Johnson until 1803, when it was
rented.[^194] By 1873, three stacks were located at the present site and
the existing stack may have been one of the three listed in the 1876 tax
assessment of the property.[^195]

The Catoctin Furnace operated under various owners until closing in
1903. Mining continued on the property and the ore was shipped north to
furnaces in Pennsylvania.[^196]

Porter concluded there was no validity to claims that the standing stack
provided \"war materials for Washington\'s army," nor was iron provided
to James Rumsey\'s steamboat, as its first trials were in 1787. His
research revealed that Rumsey\'s \"boiler, pumps and pipes were made in
Baltimore and Antietam Iron Works." Porter speculated that the present
stack may have played a role in the war of 1812 or the Civil War,[^197]
though there was little authenticity to the claim that iron was supplied
for the famous Union ironclad ship the Monitor. He further stated that
it would be difficult to date the present stack, as there were three
stacks standing on the site in 1876.

With Charles Porter\'s history report as background, work at Jamestown
as job

experience and Mr. Renner to help him, student archeologist, W. H.
Enslow began a two month exploratory dig at Catoctin Furnace on August
1, 1936. H. Summerfield Day, archeologist from Williamsburg, Inspector
Nicholet, Chafes Porter and Williams met at the site on August 4 and 5
to discuss the project and its logistics. Archeologist Day described the
above ground remains of the furnace as stonework foundations of the
wheel house, casting shed and one other building, and a high wall
against the hill bounding the site on two sides, with slag everywhere.
Day outlined the exploratory techniques planned as several 5\' wide
trenches: 1) a trench east from the southeast corner of the furnace and
parallel to the south side of the furnace; 2) a trench at right angles
to the first. and about 20\' from the east of the furnace. Field
drawings and photographs were planned. Artifacts were kept in the
basement of the caretaker\'s house.[^198]

Enslow was responsible for weekly reports. The first was lost in the
mail

on its way to Richmond, the second described two weeks of work that
included renewing the lease on the land, cleaning up the site, staking
the area in sixteen, 100\' squares and opening trench AA on August 7,
1936. Valuable suggestions and recollections were supplied by two
members of his crew who had worked the furnace before it closed in 1903,
and interviews were scheduled with older residents of the area. Enslow
also reported that he had established the location of the 1774 site
tentatively on the highway one-quarter mile south of the present
furnace. He interviewed the owner of the land who verified the existence
of walls two feet below the level of his \"truck patch\" and said the
owner had removed much slag and iron, which he had sold for junk. Work
ended in mid-September. All notes, photographs, artifacts and maps
disappeared.

Catoctin Furnace became part of the cultural resources of Cunningham
Falls

State Park in 1954 when the state park was created and was designated
tree Catoctin Furnace Complex[^199] by the Catoctin Furnace and Manor
Area Master Plan of 1983. The State of Maryland keeps the vegetation
from growing between the rocks on the dry wall and is responsible for
the maintenance and preservation planning of the furnace stack
\"Isabella,\" casting shed and ironmaster\'s house. A committee of local
citizens, the Catoctin Furnace Historical Society, established in 1974,
works closely with state authorities \"to assist and counsel\" in the
preservation and restoration of the furnace.[^200]

> CHAPTER III
>
> CIVILIAN CONSERVATION CORPS AT CATOCTIN RECREATIONAL
>
> DEMONSTRATION AREA

Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area (Catoctin RDA) welcomed a
Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) contingent April 1,1939, the beginning
of the 13th period of

enrollment.[^201] Housed in the wooded area adjacent tea the Central
Garage Unit, the CCC camped in canvas wall tents until they built their
barracks. A general reduction in the CCC force had taken place
nationally in 1938, but was arrested by supporters in Congress who tried
to save the Corps by appropriating funds to stabilize the program and
allotting more camps to state and national parks. State parks were
allotted a total of 245 new CCC camps and the camp at Catoctin RDA was
established under this measure.[^202] On April 1, 1939, the NPS
maintained 311 standard CCC camps in the United States, down from 561
the same period in 1935.[^203]

The original Civilian Conservation Corps Act was passed March 31, 1933,
and within a week recruits were being enrolled for the first camp at
Luray, Virginia.[^204] Conrad Wirth became the NPS liaison to a CCC
Advisory, Committee that included representatives of the Forest Service,
and the Labor, Agriculture, Education and War Departments.[^205] Robert
Fechner, who headed the CCC at its founding, felt the recruits should
acquire everything they could from the experience.[^206] Study,
recreation and character building experiences were considered necessary
to round out the CCC camp days.

Enrollment periods initially were for three months, eventually extending
to

Six-month terms, with opportunities for reenlistment. Skinny young men
were

Issued uniforms too large, knowing that they soon would fill them out
with a few

months of good diet and hard work. A \"CCC Foremanship\" manual[^207]
profiled enrollees to

assist foremen who supervised the work: the recruits had \"done little
manual

labor, . . . they were not familiar with tools, . . . had little formal
education, . . . and some had poor home training.\" The foremen were
expected to train the recruits to be

useful citizens by teaching them to take orders, use tools, get along
with supervisors and \"give an honest days work willingly and
cheerfully.[^208] The CCC hoped to provide a view of the working world
of men by giving them experience in working systematically together to
complete large jobs.[^209]

The main objectives of the CCC were first and foremost to \"promote

conservation, secondly to instill and develop leadership abilities,
third to train young

men in at least one skill enabling them to get a job in the
future.\"[^210] In addition to

conservation and job training, the recruits were expected try gain
social, educational

and personal skills, a work ethic, self discipline, citizenship and
practice good hygiene.[^211]

The Civilian Conservation Corps, Company 1374, NP-3-MD, arrived at
Catoctin

RDA during the 13th period that began on April 1, 1939[^212] and set up
camp north

of the Central Garage Unit.[^213] Its Company Commander was 2nd Lt.,
Infantry Reserve, Alden F. Church, Subaltern, and 2nd Lt. Ralph J.
Wyman. The educational advisor was Bernard G. Harless. Those supervising
the work under Project Supervisor H. D. Hammond, from Woodsboro,[^214]
were older men entitled \"LEM\'s\" or \"Local Experienced Men\"[^215]
familiar with the heavy labor that would be done at Catoctin RDA.[^216]
Foremen included W. H. Wagner, C. B. Clark, G. D. Paxson, J. R Joy, and
A. S. Gernand. George N. Wolf was the mechanic and C. H Ridgely served
as tool keeper.[^217] Wagner had been

with the Catoctin project since its beginning as a senior foreman.

Williams began planning reforestation work in January 1939, in
preparation

for the CCC\'s arrival in April. Ivan H. Smalley, Assistant Forester of
Soil and Conservation was contacted concerning availability of surplus
\"seedling nursery stock.\"[^218] Williams immediately sent a list of
desired trees, which included most of the native trees of the East Coast
region: oak, chestnut, yellow poplar, locust, pine, maple, ash, gum,
redbud, cypress, beech, birch, basswood, shadbush, hemlock, hickories,
maple, dogwood and elm. He specifically asked that 25% of the 100,000
trees needed to be varieties of oak, and that April first was a good
time to plant trees. It also coincided with the arrival of the
CCC.[^219]

Williams sought trees for planting by the CCC from any source available.
He sent his list to Maryland State Forester Besely, who replied that his
supply for the year

was depleted, but he had 10,000 white pine 4-8\" tall.[^220] John Diggs,
Inspector for the Soil Conservation Service, notified Williams he had
2,000 pitch pine if trucks could be provided by the Park. Transportation
was a problem and 3,000 sugar maples were lost because travel expense
authorization to Blue Knob could not be approved. Eventually 2,000 red
maples and 2,000 pitch pines were picked up in York, Pa., April 13, 1939
and planted by the CCC, over objections of Karl E. Pfieffer, Maryland
Director of State Parks, who disagreed with the varieties chosen for
field planting.[^221]

Williams pulled two plans off his shelf that had been formulated in 1936
and 1937 by technicians Fred Tresselt of the NPS and V. W. Saari of the
Maryland State Forest Service. Tresselt\'s plan involved stream
improvement within Catoctin RDA boundaries to, encourage native fish and
improve fishing. Saari\'s recommendations included planting abandoned
fields to benefit wildlife and cut over forests of the mountain. These

two plans, especially appropriate to the CCC program, were dusted off
and implemented with the newly available labor.

Regional Forester Saari had visited Catoctin RDA on December 6, 1937 and

recommended systematic rehabilitation of 800 acres of open fields
acquired

on Catoctin Mountain to prevent sheet erosion and provide habitat for
wildlife. Diversity of wildlife was promoted and erosion checked by
planting [Lespedeza sp]{.underline}. and grains such as \"buckwheat,
kaffir corn and soy beans in 10-12\" strips along contours to benefit
quail, turkeys, rabbits and song birds.\"[^222] Forest encroachment was
controlled by planting grains provided by the Maryland State Game and
Inland Fish Commission near cover along the outside border of fields
designated to remain open. Wildlife populations increased over the
winters that followed and a marked increase was noted in the number of
deer, mountain grouse and quail.[^223]

The CCC worked to improve Owens and Hunting Creek Within Catoctin RDA
the summer of 1939, under Job #32.[^224] Fred Tresselt\'s plans drawn up
in 1936 called for deepening pools to keep the water cool and to provide
cover for fish. Side springs were cleaned and erosion checked by
strategically placing rocks to deflect the current [^225] Several check
dams were constructed along Owens and Hunting Creeks that significantly
benefited trout during dry seasons. Williams received reports from
anglers that fishing greatly improved and had been complimented on the
\"natural appearance of the streams\" after the work was completed. A
Fisherman\'s Trail was built along Hunting Creek to prevent trampling of
the vegetation along the creek during fishing season.[^226] The improved
area of Hunting Creek was submerged when the dam was built at Cunningham
Falls State Park in the mid-1970s.

Tree planting began again in the fall of 1939. Native trees and shrub;
dug from the woods of Catoctin RDA were transplanted to obliterate
construction roads and old woods roads. More trees were planted to
screen an open playing field north of the Park road leading to Camp #3
that served all the organized camps.[^227] Blue Blazes Contact Station
was also under construction at this time and the CCC dug the water
system for this project. Dry stone walls flanking the contact station,
guard rails, landscaping, and sodding were also done by the CCC[^228]
Mike Williams was very proud of the work done on this contact station
and considered it one of the best projects completed in the park. Work
of the same nature was completed by the CCC at Area Headquarters, where
no landscaping improvement or maintenance had been performed since the
Area was constructed in 1936.[^229]

The CCC helped to dig the water lines and built the water system for
Camp

Hi-Catoctin (Camp #3) in 1939-40[^230] Photographs from the Pictorial
Review for Camp NP-3-MD featured pictures of activities during
construction of the cistern and concrete headwall completed by the CCC.
Presence of the CCC greatly expedited the construction of this camp\'s
facilities, for WPA labor was scarce.

The CCC retrieved fences and prepared needed rails for Gettysburg
National Military Park Superintendent James R. McConaghie, who was
referred to Catoctin RDA in February 1940. The Wildlife Division liked
to leave old worm fences for cover, but McConaghie visited Williams at
Catoctin RDA and they agreed those in the deep woods could be removed
for transport to Gettysburg., since their weathered appearance added a
great deal to Gettysburg\'s restoration effort.[^231] The job was
approved February 14, 1940, with the qualification that no cutting would
be allowed in the forest, but the CCC was \"daylighting the three
organized camps and the West Picnic areas\" and that timber was
used.[^232] On July 16, 1940, a 2-ton stake load of fence rails was
delivered to Gettysburg.[^233]

Reforestation continued in the spring of 1940, when Associate State
Forester V. H. Saari conferred with Senior Foreman Wagner to plan more
plantings in open areas of the park. Their plans included obliteration
of old, unused roads by breaking up the surfaces, hauling in topsoil and
planting trees. It was estimated that 75 openings would be blocked to
prevent cars from backing trees and shrubs. Dumping of rubbish was
greatly reduced by closing up the roadsides with vegetation, improving
the appearance of the county roads.[^234]

At the request of Maryland Director of State Parks and the Potomac
Appalachian Trail Club in January 1939 two trailside shelters were
constructed by the CCC along the Appalachian Trail in Washington County.
They also requested a connecting trail between tree two parks and the
project was given consideration in Williams work plan. The two-trailside
shelters were built in January of 1941 just two miles from Catoctin RDA
for use by hikers and seasonal campers from Catoctin RDA\'s organized
camps.[^235]

Trails, water systems, stream improvement and reforestation programs

completed by the CCC at Catoctin RDA advanced the facilities available
for the enjoyment of the visiting public in Maryland. Projects done by
the CCC in the national parks were said to have advanced development 50
years and the program was considered to be one of the most successful
established by the New Deal. As defense work began to increase in 1941,
fewer young men were available for service in the CCC. April 1941, saw a
23% reduction in the number of camps delegated to the NPS[^236] and on
November 7, 1941, at the end of the 16th Period, the CCC camp at
Catoctin was abandoned.[^237]

CHAPTER IV

ORGANIZED CAMPING 1937-1941

[Misty Mount]{.underline}

The Maryland League for Crippled Children (MLCC) camped at Misty Mount
during the 1937 season while Greentop was in the planning stage. The
Elks and a number of religious organizations inquired about the use of
Misty Mount. On file with Williams were letters from \"colored
organizations\" in Baltimore concerning provisions for their
needs.[^238]

The Salvation Army leased Misty Mount beginning in the summer of 1938,
and

continued to camp the four successive seasons until the Park was closed
after the summer season 1941, for wartime use. A December 1970
presentation to a Rotary Club by Frank

Mentzer, then superintendent of Catoctin RDA Mountain Park, prompted a
letter from Salvation Army Director, Lt. Col. Walter Swyers concerning
the derivation of the name Misty Mount. Swyers wrote that the first camp
director, Mrs. Lt. Col. Harold Stout, had a cabin facing the mountain
and because \"every morning the top of the mountain was covered with
mist,\" Mrs. Stout named the camp Misty Mount.[^239]

Williams\'s report accompanying the 1942 Catoctin RDA Master Plan stated
that \"seasonal and intermediate permits\" were issued to six
organizations for camping the summer of 1941 at Misty Mount Girl Scouts
from Hagerstown camped two weeks as they had done in 1940 and were
interested in longer periods of time. Many groups were unable to be
accommodated because the number of requests received exceeded the
seasonal capacity.[^240]

[Greentop]{.underline}

Program information for Greentop came from two sources: 1) an article by
Maryland League for Crippled Children\'s (MLCC) Executive Director, Mary
E. Church, entitled \"Camping with Crippled Children at Greentop\" and
published in the Department of Labor publication, The Child. June 1941
and 2) Project Manager Williams\'s report to the NPS at the end of the
1937 camping season at. Misty Mount.

Mary Church wrote that Greentop was established for physically
handicapped

youngsters from low-income families. Two-thirds of the children lived in
Baltimore the

remaining in rural Maryland. As a health came, Greentop sought to
improve the physical

condition of its campers through diet., exercise and mental stimulation
by exposing them to new experiences in a nature camp setting. Campers
were required to be ambulatory and capable of walking at least the 600
feet from the farthest cabin to the dining hail, with speed not a
factor. Girls and boys ages 7-16 years old attended camp for eight
weeks; a shorter period was deemed too little time to achieve the
desired goals and see a difference in the child\'s condition and
attitude. Poliomyelitis was the most prevalent cause of campers\'
disabilities, making up 82% of the population; bone tuberculosis was
next in frequency. MLCC staff social workers determined the needs of
each child. Some benefited from social interaction with other children
as much as the physical demands of camp. Not only did the children have
physical disabilities, but many had suffered through long
hospitalizations. Others seldom left their homes or came from an
overprotected environment where the presence of playmates was an
exception. The MLCC perceived Greentop as a place where children could
operate under new rules in a new environment.

Camp staff were generally physical education teachers and school
administrators with many years experience with children. Counselors were
chosen for their talents in nature programming, music, recreation and
leadership. All were over 21. A junior staff of college and older high
school students supplemented the senior staff. Training classes were
mandatory and in-service sessions were held at Greentop.

Occupational and physical therapy through nature and recreational
activities were emphasized. Hikes, nature craft., gardening,, swimming,
croquet, and active games with modified rules were available. Camper
committee established schedules. Organized activities and with help from
staff carried out. their plans. Outdoor cookouts and swimming were
favorite activities.

All 16 orthopedists in Maryland served on the League\'s Medical Advisory

Committee, two of whom visited the camp each week during the eight week
session.

Entrance and exit physicals were given to each child and children were
weighed each

week to measure effects of diet and exercise. A dietician worked in the
camp kitchen supervising meals and menus.

The summary of Mary Church\'s article emphasized the social benefit of
Greentop\'s program to the campers and improved behavior when they
returned home.

She reported that parents commented on their children's happiness and
increased consideration for others at home. Friendships formed at camp,
spiritual renewal and a new appreciation of nature were all valued
acquisition\'s at Greentop.

Williams\'s comments on the camping program were observations of a.
practical

nature. He was very impressed with the efficiently operated and
maintained camp and noted details concerning the operation of the camp
and participation of the campers. Williams related that the most active
campers assisted in kitchen duties and everyone ate family style in the
dining hall, with the junior counselors putting food on the tables.
Cooking was done in the outdoor kitchens at least twice a week, with
food and utensils

coming from the main kitchen. Campers rested for an hour in the morning
and an hour in the afternoon, with the balance of the day spent in
activities.

Williams estimated that unit lodges were used four hours during the day
and evening for indoor recreation programs and that porches greatly
expanded the usable space of the buildings. Craft provided a large part
of Greentop\'s program and included woodworking, weaving, bead and
leatherwork, sponge painting and nature lore. After

watching the swimming program, Williams recommended that the size and
depth of the swimming pool be changed from that at Misty Mount to 16\"
at the shallow end and 7\' at the deep end to best accommodate the
children.

The Project Manager\'s glowing comments on the remarkable progress made
by

the children during the first camping season were sent to Region One
with recommendations to accommodate the group in every way possible in
building Greentop. The MLCC used Greentop four seasons before World War
II, when they

were moved to French Creek, Pennsylvania for the duration.

[Camp Hi-Catoctin]{.underline}

The Federal Camp Council leased Hi-Catoctin RDA a total of three
summers, from 1939 to 1941, using the camp for five weeks each year.
Girl Scouts and Boy Scouts from Frederick County and Washington, D.C.
camped for two-week periods in the summer of 1941.[^241] While military
use closed all campgrounds at Catoctin RDA during World War II,
Hi-Catoctin was permanently closed to the public when Franklin Roosevelt
chose it as the site for Shangri-La in spring of 1942.

[British Sailors Visit\--Summer 1941]{.underline}

British sailors, whose ship was in dry dock in Baltimore, were bused to
Catoctin RDA for rest and relaxation under a cooperative agreement
between the Navy and the Department of the Interior. Permits for the
Royal Navy\'s use of Catoctin RDA were signed by the Secretary of
Interior the Harold Ickes, at the request of the Secretary of the Navy,
who commented on the \"excellent cooperation\" of the Department of the
Interior and stated that two camps were occupied by the British.[^242]
George Calcott in his general history, [Maryland and America, 1940 to
1980]{.underline} stated that in 1941, Baltimore was overcrowded with
industrial defense employees and men from nearby military bases who
overtaxed public services and crowded restaurants, grocery stores and
recreational services.[^243] There was little chance for the sailors to
escape the noise of repair onboard their ship and a mountain retreat was
a chance to rest and relax. The men were housed at Greentop and Mt.
Lent, on tract, \# 215, a three story stone and frame house outfitted
for short-term use. The first group of 75 officers and men arrived June
5, 1941[^244] and all other short-term reservations at the Park were
cancelled.[^245]

Williams reported that extra time was spent by supervisory personnel at
Catoctin RDA to \"entertain the guests with dances and tours.\" Natives
from nearby towns were impressed with the \"exemplary conduct\" of the
sailors and they could easily get a ride on

county roads with their thumb and their accent.[^246] Williams noted in
his periodic report of July 23, 1941, that the British were entertained
by the Fountain Head Country Club of Hagerstown, the Washington County
Rod and Gun Club and many private citizens. The men reciprocated by
holding exhibition games of cricket, soccer and rugby. Tree Royal Navy
occupied various camps at Catoctin RDA from June 10 to November 8, 1941,
accounting for 6,383 camper days, and leaving many phone bills that
arrived after they had gone.[^247]

CHAPTER V

CATOCTIN RECREATIONAL DEMONSTRATION AREA\'S

CONTRIBUTION TO WORLD WAR II

In the spring of 1942, five months after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, J.
Hammond Brown, chairman of Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area\'s
Camp Advisory Committee, announced in his column for the Baltimore
American on April 5, 1942 that Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area
(Catoctin RDA) had been closed to the public and \"taken over for use in
the present war effort.\" No specific use was cited for the area and the
fishing season would proceed as planned, but short-term camping permits
were cancelled for the Angler\'s Campfire planned for May 1942. The
Salvation Army and Maryland League for Crippled Children were notified
that all their camping equipment would have to be removed from the camps
with no guarantee they would use

the camps during the coming summer.[^248]

[Franklin D. Roosevelt\'s Shangri-La]{.underline}

Catoctin RDA, was closed to the public in the spring of 1942, when
President Franklin D. Roosevelt, under the stress of war-time activity,
chose Catoctin RDA as his hideaway to relax, away from the sultry
Washington summer. Though air conditioning had been installed in the
White House family quarters in 1933[^249] doctors were concerned for
FDR\'s health and prescribed mountain air for his asthma, preferably
2,000\' above sea level. Before World War II, FDR traveled by train to
Hyde Park, New York or cruised on his yacht, the [USS
Potomac]{.underline}, when he needed a respite from duties of the
Presidency.

Ben Bagdikian, in an article for the [New York Times]{.underline} in
1962, noted precedent for

presidential escapes from Washington summers. The White House was built
on the swamps of the Potomac River 50\' above sea level. Cleveland Park
and the Naval Observatory, presidential retreats within the city of
Washington, D.C., were at 270\' above sea level. Jefferson escaped from
the pressures of the presidency to Monticello, Hoover to the Rapidan and
Lincoln used the Old Soldier\'s Home. Hoover\'s camp on the Rapidan was
considered for FDR\'s retreat, but the terrain was judged too rough for
his wheelchair and too low in elevation.[^250]

In addition to the humid summer weather, security and accessibility were
wartime factors. German U-boats threatened the East Coast of the United
States, and the Secret Service prohibited use of the presidential yacht.
Hyde Park\'s distance from Washington proved inconvenient for carrying
on the nation\'s wartime business. Presidential aides began looking for
alternatives to FDR\'s customary vacation retreats.

Secretary of the Interior Ickes was alerted to the search in March 1942.
He requested that National Park Service (NPS) officials survey potential
secluded sites within 100 miles of the White House that met the altitude
requirements.[^251] Newton B. Drury, Director of the NPS, delegated the
confidential job to Conrad Wirth, Director of Recreation and Land
Planning. Wirth, in his book [Parks Politics and the
People]{.underline},[^252] stated that several locations came to mind as
he conferred with Drury, and he planned on-site inspections immediately.

On short notice, Wirth, accompanied by landscape architect Ben Thompson
and architect Ab Good, surveyed seven or eight sites in Virginia and
Maryland. Each site was judged for its altitude, road conditions,
utilities, beauty, woodland character and view.[^253] The "Selection of
Sit" chapter in A Summary of the Development of \"Shangri-La\" Summary)
recorded three alternatives, at two geographic sites, presented for
FDR\'s consideration:

1\. Comer\'s Deadening in the Shenandoah National Park, 3 hours travel
time

from the White House over good roads and at an elevation of 3,300\'. The
cost to build the camp was estimated at \$150,000.

2\. Catoctin RDA campsite #4, two hours from Washington, at 1,700\'
above sea level at approximately the same estimated cost for facility
construction as at. Comer\'s Deadening

3\. Catoctin RDA camp site #3, Hi-Catoctin, 1/2 mile from #4 at 1,800\'
in elevation and could be \"revamped\" at a cost of \$25,000 to meet the
President\'s needs.[^254]

The Summary recorded President Roosevelt\'s visit to Catoctin RDA on
April 22, 1942, and the choice of Camp #3\'s \'Unit. E\" recreation
lodge as tree \"nucleus\" of his \"mountain retreat colony.[^255]
Project Manager Williams accompanied the party to Camp #3 and was to be
supervisor of the building of the President\'s new hideaway.[^256]
Frederick newspapers also recorded the amazement of the few townspeople
Who glimpsed Roosevelt and his entourage of five cars as they drove
through town on April 22. Frederick police officer, manning lights at
the intersection of South and South Market Streets, reported FDR\'s
return trip and commented on his deep conversation with his \'American
looking\' passengers and the agility of the Secret Service men. Later
that evening the White House refused to answer questions about FDR\'s
destination.[^257] Mrs.

Roosevelt, in a June 9, 1942, news conference referred to Catoctin RDA
briefly as a place \"up the river,\" but would say no more[^258].

It was generally accepted that FDR named his mountain retreat after the
mountain kingdom of Shangri-La in James Hilton\'s novel Lost Horizon.
Hilton sent a copy of his novel to FDR on October 5, 1937. In his thank
you note to Hilton, sent shortly before Christmas 19,7, Roosevelt
expressed the wish that more people throughout the world could read the
book. FDR felt the took asked just the proper questions he needed to
prepare his speech for the Chicago Democratic Convention.[^259]

Hilton wrote to FDR again on May 6. 1942, after Jimmie Doolittle bombed

Japan on April 16, 1942, explaining the origin of the name Shangri-La.
It came, the author said, at "a certain corner of Paternoster Row, near
St. Paul\'s Cathedral. Today, all that lovely part of London has been
blitzed into rubble; and today also, as you have stated (and who should
know better?) American planes and battleships are based at
Shangri-La."[^260] Jimmie Doolittle and his aviators had gained heroes\'
status with their bombing of four Japanese cities, after having secretly
launched their B-25\'s off the carrier U.S.S.
[Hornet]{.underline}.[^261] When reporters later questioned Roosevelt
about the origin of the mission his reply was Shangri-La."[^262]

[Creating Shangri-La]{.underline}

A detailed explanation of the creation of Shangri-La was contained in
the

Planning of Site portion of the Summary. Immediately after FDR\'s visit
April 22, 1942,

architects began planning the expansion of the unit lodge and
adaptations to other camp structures to accommodate an estimated 40
people. Existing cabin design made them easily movable, facilitating
relocation and remodeling.[^263] FDR sketched a new bedroom wing to be
attached to the lodge for architect Ab Goode. He specified 11\' high
ceilings and asked that the beams be left exposed in the dining room and
porch.[^264] Aware of history, FDR asked that the sketch be returned to
hurl for deposit at the FDR Library.[^265] On April 30, 1942, Roosevelt
made another inspection visit to Catoctin RDA and gave

final approval for the new design of his quarters.

On May 7, 1942, Williams received authorization from Hillary A. Tolson,
Acting Associate Director of the National Park Service (NPS) to use any
resource he needed to complete tree refurbishing of Hi-Catoctin. Funds
provided from the Emergency Fund for the President, National Defense,
1942, were \"unlimited in their use.\" Materials could be purchased as
needed on the open market and Williams was assigned a procurement
officer to expedite the purchase orders. Williams was free to hire
whatever labor was needed, Civil Service restrictions were lifted for
those hired for less than 30 days.[^266]

Foundation plans arrived at Catoctin RDA May 11, 1942. By May 16, a set
of working drawings was on site for the rest of the lodge. Williams was
receiving better service from the architects in Washington than on any
previous project at Catoctin RDA. Unit lodge "B\", a 17\' x 28\' rustic
room with a fieldstone fireplace, became a combination

living-dining room. An attached 15\' x 18\' screened porch on the east,
overlooked the valley. Bedrooms heated with fireplaces were to be
constructed in a wing set 30 degrees to the existing building, as the
hill fell sharply away beyond the southwest corner of the lodge. A
kitchen and butler\'s pantry were added to the northeast side of the
lodge.

As a safety feature, architects specified an exit directly to the
outside from the Roosevelt\'s bedroom. Built in the section of an
outside wall between FDR\'s bedroom windows, the fire escape had hinges
at floor level. A button activated counter weights within the wall,
causing the wall to fall to the ground, forming a. ramp for the
President\'s wheelchair.[^267] On a visit to Camp David during the
Johnson administration, Wirth could not find evidence that the device
still existed in the wall at Camp David.[^268]

Another fire-related feature was added a year later when an outdoor
cistern with a fountain was added to the space in the loop of the
approach road.[^269] The cistern was naturalized with rocks and plants
to appear part of the landscape. When Winston Churchill visited
Shangri-La the weekend of May 14, 1943, he mentioned a pond containing
trout recently caught in a nearby stream, "awaiting the consummation of
their existence."[^270] Thomas Jefferson constructed a. similar pond at
Monticello both to keep fish fresh for his dinner guests and naturally
air condition his house with water cooled wind.[^271]

Cabins intruding on main lodge vistas were moved from their original
positions and joined together under one roof for use as quarters for
staff, communications and guest cabins. The craft shop became sleeping
quarters for servants. A rustic sentry house with a gate was constructed
at the entrance to the main lodge from \"hand hewn post-and rail
fencing, fabricated out of salvage collected from abandoned farms in the
vicinity.[^272]

The Development-Landscape Architectural section of the Summary listed
impressive amounts of heavy landscaping done to naturalize the new
construction and improve vistas. During his April 30, 1942, inspection
visit, FDR indicated the scope of \"selective cutting" he desired to
open the view to the east of the lodge. Great care was taken to preserve
desirable native trees and shrubs, plus trees needed to frame the views.
One southeastern view was improved and another developed due east of the
lodge.[^273] Another view from the bedroom wing looking toward
Keysville, highlighted the valley and distant wooded hills. Plant
materials dug from surrounding woods and fields and large rocks
completed naturalization of the surrounding landscape.

Security for the President was planned at a conference the end of May
1942. Attending were Lt. Col. Charles Brooks, U.S. Marine Corps, Michael
Reilly, Chief of U.S. Secret Service, Lt. Col. William A. Beasley,
Signal Corps and Conrad Wirth from the NPS. Protection for the President
was described in a memo from Reilly to Asst. Secretary Gaston: (1) 20
Marine sentry posts with 20-40 men at Catoctin RDA at all times and 100
Marines when the President was in residence; (2) a nine foot barbed wire
fence built by Army engineers who provided 40 men for the work; (3) a
fence alarm system triggered if wires were cut. (4) intercom system
between posts and agents\' cabins; (5) 250 watt receiver station for
constant contact with Washington, D.C.. Agents practiced sharp shooting
at the pistol range already constructed by the U.S. Army at Catoctin
RDA. Captain C. T. Farber of the British Army, formerly Chief of Police
of

Shanghi, China, and \"recognized as the world\'s foremost expert of
jujitsu, \"was stationed at the Army camp and would instruct agents when
possible.[^274]

Labor and materials for building Shangri-La came from every branch of
military service except the Army Air Corps.[^275] A cost. breakdown on
the last. page of the [Summary]{.underline} listed \$8,283 in physical
labor and equipment costs funded by the WPA. Skilled masons and
carpenters were hired at a cost of \$3,121 and paid for with specially
appropriated funds. National Park Service employees worked on the lodge
at a cost of \$4,036.55. Heavy rains plus wartime shortages of labor and
materials slowed the pace of construction, but the camp was ready when
FDR and his party arrived on July 5, 1942, for the weekend. Unfinished
details were completed by mid-July and the transfer of Shangri-La from
the NPS responsibility was\" effected.\"[^276]

[Cruising on Board the U.S.S. Shangri-La]{.underline}

Franklin Roosevelt, his secretary, Margaret Suckley and four guests
launched the U.S.S. Shangri-La,\" July 5, 1942. His land based yacht
offered familiar furnishings and staff. Navy Filipino mess personnel
were transferred from the U.S.S. Potomac to Catoctin RDA and furniture
was brought from the Yacht and the attics of the White House. Fala,
FDR\'s dog, even came along and was provided with a rustic doghouse
beside the main lodge.

A navy blue leather logbook with heavy, cream colored pages recorded
dates

of all of FDR visits and signatures of his guests as they pretended to
sign aboard for the \"cruises.\"[^277] Roosevelt, in his heavy script,
declared the U.S.S. Shangri-La \"Launched\" on July 5, 1942, with the
"1st Trial Run" two weeks later, on July 16. "Final Trials\" were held
July 25-27, and the yacht was \"Accepted\" on the cruise of August 8-11.

By the end of August the \"yacht\" had been \"Commissioned\" and was
going

"Full Steam." Admirals Leahy and Forestal made an inspection tour that
first summer. A log entry in November noted radio broadcasts announced
heartening news of American landings November 7, 1942, at Algiers. The
last cruise of the season on November 22, found U.S.S. Shangri-La
"Cruising with the Atlantic: Fleet" before she was winterized.

Days at Shangri-La were spent. in such restful pastimes as chatting,

playing cards, swimming and fishing. Roosevelt worked on the porch on
his stamp

collection, one of his favorite pastimes.[^278] He visited with Marine
security forces at Misty Mount and took interest in their drill
schedules and training. Dispatches arrived daily from Washington, and
the telephone was ever present.[^279] Roosevelt routinely stayed in bed
all morning, working with William Hasset, his personal secretary.

At the end of the first summer season, Grace Tully, private secretary to
the President, asked NPS Director Newton Drury to look into the
where-abouts of FDR\'s original sketch and in a few days received notice
that a development portfolio was being prepared.[^280] The handsome
portfolio, presented to FDR for his library at Hyde Park, recorded the
building of Shangri-La. Bound in blue leather with gold letters, [A
Summary of the Development of "Shangri-La\": The Presidents Lodge on
Catoctin RDA Mountain, Maryland]{.underline}, contained a history of the
Catoctin RDA area, notes on the discovery of the site, building
construction chronology and a set of working drawings. Conrad Firth
prepared the surprise for presentation by Hon. Harold Ickes, Secretary
of the Interior, to a delighted FDR on February 19. 1943.[^281]

U. S. S. Shangri-La was \"Recommissioned\" for the \"1st Cruise\" of the
new

season on May 14, 1943. Winston Churchill, Harry Hopkins and Mrs.
Roosevelt were along that weekend and Churchill described the lodge,
\"which was in principle a log cabin with all modern improvements.[^282]
Washington, D. C. was experiencing a warm May and the two statesmen
escaped to Catoctin RDA to fish and rest from discussions of Sicily and
Burma.[^283] Churchill and Roosevelt spent Sunday fishing but caught
nothing. The President enjoyed the afternoon and did not "measure the
pleasure by the catch.\"[^284]

Subsequent cruises were each numbered dated and signed by FDR\'s many
illustrious guests. Comments in the log for July 10,1943, noted the news
of the landing on Sicily. The next entry the end of July noted the Rome
broadcast of the resignation of Mussolini. After the \"9th Cruise\" at
the end of October 1943, the U.S.S. Shangri-La was \"placed in
\'commission in reserve\' until the spring of 1944.\"

Presidential security was a constant concern and private airplanes had
been spotted flying over Catoctin RDA. Letters to airfields at
Taneytown, Frederick, Baltimore and Waynesboro from Earl Ward, Chairman
of the Interdepartmental Air Traffic Control Board requested to
voluntarily restrain pilots from flying over Catoctin RDA.[^285] Ward\'s
letters failed to attain the desired cooperation and the problem of
planes buzzing Catoctin RDA was addressed again on July 22, 1943, by
Secret. Service Chief Reilly, who requested that orders be sent to
Gettysburg and Hagerstown airports prohibiting pilots from flying over
Catoctin RDA[^286]

The first serious breach of secrecy occurred in press articles,
published October 15, 1943, headlining a Presidential hideaway at the
Catoctin Recreational Area[^287]. The

news, carried by both the AP and UPI wire services, was the \"subject of
a conference\" between Michael Reilly and Mr. Byron Price, Director of
the Office of Censorship. The latter had decided the articles on
Catoctin RDA weren\'t within jurisdiction of the Censorship Act as they
made no mention of a specific trip taken by the President. But Reilly
was furious and commented that the \"exact location may be censored, but
any foreign agent could find the camp after reading the idem \[sic\]
herewith.\"[^288]

Among FDR\'s personal papers at Hyde Park Library was a letter from a
concerned \"neighbor\" expressing her feelings about the press\'s
publication of the secret site of Shangri-La. Proud that FDR had chosen
her mountains as a resting place from his rigorous schedule, she wrote a
letter to FDR, expressing her belief that \"outsiders\" who had recently
moved to the Catoctin RDA area had spread news of the location. She
noted that even \"Republican Thurmont had been equally pleased and
silent towards outsiders\" regarding Shangri-La. Her family had lived
near Catoctin RDA for over 100 years and along with the community, knew
through the "grapevine" when FDR first came and \"were thrilled to have
history being made at our very door.\" She felt that perhaps if the news
was important, the papers would not have printed it, but expressed
regret that through carelessness, the Catoctin RDA community might have
been responsible for

the slip[^289]

Thurmont residents knew when a visit by the President was imminent, for
a

Marine guard appeared on the bridge crossing Hunting Creek just outside
of town.

Official cars zipped through town, usually on warm summer Fridays, and
turned up the dirt road to the mountain. Project Manager Williams often
kidded FDR about the roads and tried to convince him to provide money
for paving them to keep the dust down. But FDR always went up the road
first and had no trouble with the dust.[^290] Townspeople speculated on
the occupants of the cars and those that missed the event could catch
the news later on the telephone. Visits by FDR remained the topic of
conversation for years in Thurmont.[^291]

The glamour and excitement for Thurmonters was coming to an end, for FDR

only visited Shangri-La three times in the spring of 1944.[^292]
Election campaign trips for

his fourth term of office required considerable time and his health was
failing rapidly. Can April 12, 1945, Roosevelt died of a cerebral
hemorrhage in Warm Springs, Georgia, and Shangri-La belonged to
President Harry Truman.

Reporters got their first glimpse of Shangri-La September 16,
1945.[^293] A large

map on the wall of the retreat designated various areas by names of
those who usually occupied the buildings. President and Mrs. Truman used
Shangri only a few times each summer during his Presidency, preferring
Key West, Florida or their Independence, Missouri home. Mrs. Truman
caught a cold at Catoctin RDA on her first trip in August. of 1945,
which may have set the tone for the rest of the Truman\'s visits to
Catocti RDA.[^294] Margaret Truman considered Shangri-La damp and cold
because it was so deep in the woods and judged it a. \"terrible place\"
and \"went there as little as possible."[^295]

When President Eisenhower was elected, he changed the name to Camp
David,

his grandson\'s name, thinking the name Shangri-La too grand. Previous
to Ike\'s first visit to Camp David, the White House called Catoctin RDA
requesting the name on the sign

be changed in time for the President\'s arrival. Park staff nailed a
piece of plywood over the Chinese red letters, "Shangri-La,\" flipped
the plank over, and routed "Camp David" into the back or the old sign.
Silver paint was added and the sign rehung.[^296] Camp David was used as
a jumping off place for the refurbishing of Ike\'s farm near Gettysburg.
With the help of a horticulturist from Florida, sycamores and shrubbery
from Catoctin RDA were transplanted to Gettysburg.[^297]

Many changes have taken place at Camp David over the years, but the
atmosphere of informality and escape appears to persist. The main lodge
was called Aspen, another structure named Laurel, after native flora. At
various times in the 50 years of the camp\'s existence, security has
dictated the sign on Park Central road read Camp Three. President Carter
enjoyed fishing in Hunting Creek and may have used the park itself more
than any other recent President.

[Military Activity at Catoctin Recreational Demonstration
Area]{.underline}

Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area (Catoctin RDA) played an active

support role in World War II. The military decision to begin planning
for the invasion of France across the English Channel, the survey
conducted by Wirth of sites for FDR\'s retreat and arrival of the Army
at Catoctin RDA all took place the month of April 1942. In a letter to
Interior Secretary Ickes on May 3; 1942, Secretary of War Henry L.
Stimson requested permits to occupy lands and facilities at Catoctin RDA
for the "duration of the present emergency."[^298] Acting Secretary of
the Interior John J. Dempsey forwarded the permits with maps by mid-May.
He added that any construction and development, or alterations as to
design and location should be subject to approval by the National Park
Service (NPS)," and promised prompt consideration to all requests
submitted. The

War Department intended to purchase lands within Catoctin RDA that would
later be

transferred to the Interior Department and Dempsey promised cooperation
if legislation was needed in the future [^299] Permits to the War
Department were to expire on June 1, 1943, and Interior Secretary Ickes
hoped that other arrangements could to made by the Army, so the park
could resume its \'originally intended use.[^300]

The Army lost no time in altering the landscape of Catoctin RDA to suit
it\`, needs. A pistol range and target pits were bulldozed out of the
forest, bombing ranges were set up for explosives, and several obstacle
courses were constructed. By June 11, 1942, plans were in effect "to
move the stuff from the crippled children\'s camp to French Creek\" near
Reading, Pennsylvania with drivers, trucks and gas provided by Fort
Belvoir.[^301] Williams was obviously getting ready for Roosevelt\'s
first. visit slated for July, 1; 1942, and want Greentop vacated to make
way for military occupation. Route 77 from Thurmont caused Williams
concern before Roosevelt\'s visit as well, for increased traffic by the
Army and construction of Shangri-La had damaged the road.[^302]

Williams\'s job at Catoctin RDA, in addition to full cooperation with
staff

at Shangri-La, evolved into protection of the camps he had built from
abuse by Army personnel and enforcement of safety measures to protect
local civilians affected by the warfare exercises. Speeding military
vehicles and overzealous army guards at entrances to the park became an
irritant. Williams called a halt to demolition demonstrations
threatening the pumping station and utilities and requested guards be
posted to stop traffic on county roads when hazardous operations were
being conducted.[^303] (Wild Bill Donovan\'s Office of Strategic
Services had redesignated Greentop as Camp B-2.) An Army unit vacating
the camp on Oct. 2, 1942, was thanked by Williams for cooperation by the
officers and men and wished them \"every success,\" since they were
perhaps leaving to participate in the invasion of North Africa on
November 7.[^304]

The Army used the former Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp to house

Troops the summer of 1942. A letter to Frederick County Commissioners
announced the closing of the mountain road from Foxville to Lantz to the
general public with a. postscript adding that anyone wishing to protest
could contact Project Manager Williams.[^305]

Williams turned over responsibility for maintenance of camps to their
occupants the winter of 1943 [^306] and eventually all utilities fell
under the jurisdiction of military commanders. The NPS ceased paying for
any utilities. Use by park personnel Interior Department offices was
minimal acid was supported by the War Department while they were using
most of the facilities.[^307]

Year-round use of the camps introduced new logistical problems and
stressed

the facilities meant. for intermittent use by children and families. A
large garbage dump used by the Army and Marines required periodic
burning. Marines detailed to guard Shangri-La. used trucks provided by
the NPS to haul sewage four and three-quarters miles from the camp to
protect the watershed supplying drinking water to the camps. Fuel was in
short supply and Williams estimated at one point that the park would run
out of gas within 24 hours if the Marines didn\'t provide gasoline for
their own use and reimburse the park the 169 gallons loaned to
them.[^308]

Army and Marine personnel occupied Catoctin RDA throughout World War II,
the OSS for training purposes and Marines for security of Shangri-La. A
Secret Service

Report filed March 23, 1944, listed 132 enlisted men stationed at
Catoctin RDA, four officers and 13 patrol dogs who worked four hour on
and eight hours off duty patrolling the 15-mile perimeter. When the
President was not in residence there was rigid training and "all
personnel except two officers are physically fit and ready for combat."
The Marine detail rotated constantly and all men assigned in March 1944
were in their late 30\'s.[^309]

On May 31, 1944, six days before D-Day, Acting Interior Secretary, Abe
Fortas, wrote War Secretary Stimson, acknowledging receipt of notice by
the Army that

Catoctin RDA was no longer needed by the Office of Strategic Services. A
new permit. was issued on June 1 to cover the remaining Marines at
Camps: #1 and #2 and use of 2,000 acres at Catoctin RDA.[^310] The Real
Estate Branch of the War Department accepted the permit on July 25,
1944.[^311]

War in Europe ended May 1, 1945, with the fall of Berlin and suicide of

Adolph Hitler. Fighting continued against the Japanese on the Pacific
Front. General

MacArthur had entered Manila February 6, and Island hopping began:
toward the Japanese homeland. Iwo Jima fell the middle of February and
Okinawa was captured June 22, 1945.[^312] The Marine Corps requested use
of Camp. #2, Greentop, for the "physical rehabilitation" of men
-returning to the U.S. after long periods of combat duty in the tropical
islands of the Pacific.[^313] The Marines may have been from the
Baltimore, Washington D. C. area, as the War Department did its test to
send men to rehabilitation centers near their homes to recover from
battle fatigue.[^314]

War in the Pacific ended on September 1, 1945, with surrender ceremonies
held

on board the U.S.S. Missouri in Tokyo Bay. Within two months Catoctin
RDA had been

\"classified as surplus to War Department needs effective 31 0ct. 45.\"
The Corps of Engineers requested the Interior Department send
information on the restoration of permitted areas or alternatives to
physical restoration.[^315]

By November 1945, Williams was back in charge of Catoctin RDA and
supervising the "rehabilitation\" of Camp #2. A progress memo to Region
One

Reported the Army spent the six weeks between Thanksgiving and the first
week in

January 1946, staining buildings, replacing plumbing, repairing door and
windows, installing new power lines and clearing downed timber from two
severe ice storms. Target pits, log obstacle courses, the 500\' rifle
range and demolition areas were all regraded and returned too their
original condition. Marines continued to use the 300\'

rifle range, playing field, recreation hall, exchange and movie theatre,
but. the buildings were removed when they left. A log and earth
embankment 10\' high and 300\' long used for shelling practice Was
removed and the ground was regraded. Williams recommended retaining the
CCC camp buildings, since new plumbing had been installed by the Army
and there might be a future use for the site.[^316]

On February 26, 1946, Williams furnished Charles E. Spear of the Army
Bomb and Shell Disposal Team with maps of tracts 104, 106 and 226. The
three tracts had been used by the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) and
Military Intelligence Training Center for mortar, rocket and grenade
firing. After searching the area visually and with mine detectors and
finding no duds, the site was declared safe for use by the NPS for
public recreation.[^317]

The NPS granted a Special Use Permit for Camp #2 (Greentop) to the
Marines

Guarding Shangri-La on October 19, 1945.[^318] The Marines vacated Camp
#1 (Misty Mount) in January 1946 and moved to Camp #2 giving Williams
the opportunity to prepare Misty Mount for a normal summer camping
season. He hoped that the White House would grant permission for the
Salvation Army to use Misty Mount as it had before World War II.[^319]
Acting Director of Region One, Elbert Cox, relayed Williams\' request to
A. E. Demaray, Associate Director of the NPS, on January 21, 1946, and
urged that permission be granted for immediate resumption of organized
group camping.[^320] The Salvation Army was granted permits for Misty
Mount the summer of 1946 but they were cancelled[^321] and the camp was
unoccupied until the summer of 1947.

While Williams was busy refurbishing Misty Mount, the Marines were doing

some unauthorized work at Greentop. To Williams\' dismay, the Marines
appropriated without permission 15 truckloads of stockpiled stone to
crush for roads from Greentop to Mt. Lent. He was furious when he
returned from a two-week trip on NPS business to find 150-year-old stone
walls the NPS had preserved to mark park boundaries used for road crush.
Eight large oak trees had been felled and roads cut for the Marines
convenience without consulting NPS officials. Williams lodged a formal
complaint with Major W. J. Dickinson on October 2, 1946, for violation
of their special permit.[^322]

[The Beginning of the End of World War II]{.underline}

By the fall of 1946 the Maryland League for Crippled Children (MLCC)
began

to lobby for the return of Greentop to their program, no doubt with
Williams\'s blessing. H. T. Thompson, Assistant Superintendent of
National Capital Parks (NCP) circulated a memo dated December 4, 1946,
noting a series of letters from Maryland Senators and Congressmen who
initiated an inquiry to the White House administrator of the Catoctin
RDA orations, Commander Rigdon, about the return of Greentop to use by
the MLCC the summer of 1947. President Truman had been consulted and had
directed Naval Hide Rear Admiral James H. Foskett to discontinue the use
of Greentop in time for the children\'s, use.[^323] An article in [The
Washington Post]{.underline} on January 17, 1947, indicated the White
House was considering relinquishing Greentop to the MLCC, but park
correspondence revealed that terms for canceling the special permit were
already being negotiated with the Marine Corps by that date.[^324]

Williams began negotiation with the Marines for vehicles and equipment
needed at Catoctin RDA. He wanted to trade the Marines\' two trucks, a
tractor and a Quonset but for an estimated \$1,500 worth of labor needed
to renovate Greentop after the Marine occupation. He further proposed
that the vehicles would be available to the Navy at Shangri-La on demand
\"within the boundaries of Catoctin RDA.a"[^325] By the end of January
the Marines made and offer, the Navy at Shangri-La would keep the
vehicles and Williams could use them on demand.[^326] The Navy would be
responsible for maintenance and provide drivers, as there was a shortage
of NPS personnel. In addition, Williams received authorization to accept
the Quonset but and all valuable electrical and plumbing work done
within the park if he could negotiate with Shangri-La to use the
equipment.[^327] The agreement was negotiated when Williams and Marine
1st Lt. Carroll D. Rowe toured Greentop on March 28, 1947. It was agreed
the NPS would \"accept the property (Greentop) in its present
condition\" and cancel the permit. A puzzling statement ended the
official release letter from the Interior Department to the Commandant
of Marines. It read, we \"sincerely regret that for economic reasons it
has become necessary to abandon the camp.[^328] The way was now clear
for the refurbishing of Greentop for use by the MLCC the summer of 1947.
In the future the Marine contingent guarding the President was
transported between Catoctin RDA and Washington, D.C. as needed.[^329]

[Land Acquisition\--1940\'s]{.underline}

For security reasons during World War II, the War Department acquired
eight tracts of land totaling 274.75 acres, within the boundaries of
Catoctin RDA that could not be originally purchased when money ran out
in the 1930\'s. The Real Estate Section of the War Department allotted t
13,000 for the purchase of the tracts optioned by June 4, 1942, one
month before Shangri-La was completed. In December of 1945, Interior

Secretary Harold Ickes began efforts to transfer the acreage from the
War Department, citing the Act of June 6, 1942, (56 STAT. 326) \"which
authorized transfer without consideration\" of lands to the Interior
Dept.[^330]

But it was not so easy; justification statements were necessary to
support the claims that the lands acquired by the War Department were
essential to the "proper development and administration of the
area."[^331] Although the War Department had declared Catoctin RDA
surplus and had been \"relieved of custody and accountability,\"
legislation had to be proposed and passed by Congress for the transfer
to, take place.[^332] It was also necessary for the Department of
Interior to circulate a notice of intent to transfer the land among
other government agencies to ensure there was no other agency whose need
for the property was more important.86[^333]

HR 3807 was introduced 12 Jun 1947 to the first session of the 80th
Congress by Glenn Deall and referred to the Committee on Public Lands.
The bill provided for the land transfer from the War Department to the
Interior Department approximately 280 acres at Catoctin RDA to be
administered by the NPS. On April 24, 1946, Public Law 497 was passed by
the 80th Congress, declaring that property appraised at \$500,000 or
less and declared surplus by a government agency, could, with the
President\'s approval, be transferred to the Department of Interior
\"without reimbursement of funds in order to

Consolidate Federal holdings within such areas." By mid-May an appraisal
of the approximately 280 acres was requested for Catoctin RDA and
paperwork was being processed.[^334] In June, Paul L. Mather, Associate
Administrator of War Assets Administration, notified C. Girard Davidson
that three criteria had to be fulfilled before the property could be
transferred: (1 ) Proof provided that the properties were within the
boundaries of Catoctin RDA; (2) Proof the Secretary of Interior felt it
was in the best interest to consolidate holdings; and (3) proof that.
the Department of Interior was authorized to receive the property. When
the above were satisfied Mather stated the process would proceed on the
"desired property", and noted the land had teen purchased for \$5,165.

In July, J. A. Krug, Secretary of Interior, sent a request to President
Truman for the transfer of the property at Catoctin RDA along with a
history of the request. He rioted that Presidential approval amounted to
giving the Interior Department authority to acquire the property and the
Secretary of Interior\'s request was proof that Krug felt. it in the
best. interest of the Park to consolidate holdings. Krug recommended the
transfer and confidently enclosed a draft of a letter to be sent to the
War Assets Administration giving approval.[^335]

Bill 3807 was a catalyst in Maryland\'s renewed efforts to secure
Catoctin RDA for a state park and is discussed in Chapter Six on the
formation of Cunningham Falls State Park.

CHAPTER VI

CREATION OF CUNNINGHAM FALLS STATE PARK

From the beginning of the recreational demonstration area program it was
intended that lands and improvements would be turned over to state park
systems.[^336] Both the National Park Service (NPS) and Maryland had
been involved in selection, acquisition and development plans, but World
War II and President Roosevelt intervened to change the original plans
for the area north of Route 77. The Act of June 6 1942 (56 Stat. 326),
was the basis for recreational demonstration area transfers to
respective states and ultimately the southern portion of Catoctin
Recreational Demonstration Area (Catoctin RDA) in 1954 to the state of
Maryland.

Lobbying by Maryland state officials for possession of Catoctin RDA
began shortly after World War II when Joseph Kaylor, Director of Forests
and Parks, noted in a NPS annual report that 13 RDA\'s had been released
to their respective states. Kaylor wrote to NPS Director Drury on May
26, 1945, indicating his department was ready to administer Catoctin RDA
and asked to be advised when he could expect transfer of the park.[^337]
Senator Millard E. Tydings of Maryland sent a letter of the same nature
to Drury and received notice that Catoctin RDA was still being used by
the military and the NPS would not make a commitment try Maryland.[^338]
On December 0, 1945, President. Truman notified Maryland Governor
Herbert R. 0\'Coner that:

> "because of historical events of national and international interest
> now associated with Catoctin Recreation Area this property should be
> retained by the Federal Government and made a part of the National
> Capital Parks System under the administration of the National Park
> Service of the Department of the Interior.
>
> This action is in accord with the position expressed by the late
> President Roosevelt before his death.
>
> The Catoctin Area is not now available for public use but eventually
> under the policies of the National Park Service, Maryland residents
> will be urged to enjoy the many recreational opportunities which that
> beautiful area affords.\"[^339]

Truman\'s letter put a hold on transfer efforts by Maryland officials,
but in 1948 Congress authorized a survey of the Chesapeake & Ohio (C &
0) Canal for a possible parkway from Cumberland to Great Falls, that
included a width of 100 acres per mile of parkway of Maryland
countryside.[^340] About that same time Rep. Glenn Beall of Maryland
introduced a bill in Congress to transfer parcels of land at Catoctin
purchased by the War Department to the Interior Department. With two
Federal land use bills in Congress, Maryland officials became very
sensitive to potential encroachment within the state. Support from
Justice William 0. Douglas, who hiked the length of the canal to protest
the \"desecration of the old canal,\"[^341] did not relieve Maryland\'s
sensitivity to the issue and officials continued to level charges at the
NPS concerning continued federal presence at Catoctin RDA.

Beall\'s bill, H. R. 3801, was perceived by H. C. Buckingham, State
Forester, as an effort by the NPS to permanently administer Catoctin, in
violation of the agreement try turn the park over to Maryland.[^342]
Buckingham notified Conrad Mirth that his department opposed Bead\'s
bill. He felt the people of the state of Maryland would oppose permanent
federal presence in their park system and would want the land returned.
Wirth replied that the intent of Beall\'s bill had been misunderstood,
that the bill merely would \"facilitate administration and budgeting\"
of the park, not put the NPS in the business of managing a state park.
He reminded Buckingham that the original agreement committed Maryland to
"accept and maintain" the federally developed and funded area when the
NPS received authorization to transfer the park and that the word
"return" was not appropriate. Wirth went on to say that Congress gave
transfer authority in 1942, but World War II intervened and prevented
action on the matter. Wirth also reminded Buckingham that the NPS had
\"willingly and cheerfully cooperated with the state in the development
and planning of its state park system when requested by the state\" and
would continue to do so, as each state should take care of its own
needs.[^343]

[The Frederick Post]{.underline} on June 15, 1945, reported Maryland
Park Director Joseph

Kaylor\'s, testimony opposing the proposed C & O parkway and comments on
Catoctin RDA. Kaylor charged that the NPS had no intention of
"returning\" the park to Maryland, but would keep it \"to the exclusion
of Marylanders who needed the recreation facilities.\" He further
charged that the park had become a haven for "all kinds of vermin to the
annoyance of Frederick County farmers" since no hunting was
permitted.[^344]

C & G Parkway hearings were not Kaylor\'s only vehicle for denouncements
of

NPS management of Catoctin RDA. In 1951, before the Maryland Senate
Finance Committee of the Maryland General Assembly, he chose to attack
the litter problem along Route 77. Harry T. Thompson, Acting
Superintendent of National Capital Region (NCR), in attendance at the
above hearing, wrote Project Manager Williams on March 22, 1951
requesting letters be solicited from Maryland based groups using
Catoctin RDA. Thompson wanted descriptions of the \"nature and kind of
service\" rendered by the NPS to benefit Marylanders free of charge. He
requested that Williams \"undertake this mission on behalf of clearing
the record\" and that copies be sent to him and the Senate
Committee.[^345]

Williams called a conference with directors of the organized camps and

requested an \"honest\" appraisal of the service received by the NPS at
Catoctin RDA. In

April Girl Scout Councils of Prince Georges, Frederick and Washington
Counties responded to Williams\'s request with letters citing regular
maintenance of camps, splendid services of the Naturalist, new kitchen
facilities and porches, high standards and cooperation of the NPS staff.
The Maryland League for Crippled Children and the Carrollton Church of
God in Westminster, Maryland sent similar letters of praise. Williams
assembled data. on use of the park by Maryland groups and watched local
newspapers for information to rebut Kaylor \'s charges.

Thompson received a letter from Williams, dated March 27, answering
point

by point Kaylor\'s charges for future information and use. Route 77\'s
right-of-way was maintained by Frederick County and the area discussed
by Kaylor as being littered. Williams felt he couldn\'t expect his crews
to police the litter problem on a county road. As to inspections of
camps by the health department, they had given such a clean bill of
health to Catoctin\'s camps that they deemed it unnecessary to even do
the periodic inspections. Williams felt strongly that the camps were
well kept and invited official visits from any Maryland agency so the
\"statements may be visually repudiated.\"

William\'s 13 page letter further cited visitor statistics for organized
groups using the camps by state as well as estimates of the numbers of
Maryland residents using the picnic areas. Maryland Senator Barton of
Maryland had claimed the state was loosing needed tax dollars because of
the presence of the federal park and Williams computed the amount of
taxes lost to Frederick and Washington Counties as he had in 16 years
before. Deemed nominal, they amounted to under \$1000 a year for both
counties and state.[^346]

The League of Maryland Sportsmen, led by Baltimore airplane manufacturer
Glenn L. Martin, joined the fray in October 1951 by appointing a
committee to \"facilitate the transfer\' of Catoctin RDA to Maryland and
added that it should be open to hunting. The Baltimore Sun reported on
October 28, 1951 that Representative Glenn Beall had been negotiating
with the NPS for the \"return\" of Catoctin RDA. Beall had gotten the
impression that the area south Route 77 might be considered for transfer
if Mr. I. Alvin Pasarew, State Planning Commissioner, made an official
request on behalf of Maryland and President Eisenhower approved the
transfer.[^347]

In December 1951, Conrad Wirth became Director of the NPS and within
three months he notified Maryland Governor Theodore R. McKeldin that the
President had approved the transfer of the southern area of Catoctin RDA
to the state of Maryland. As directed by Secretary of Interior Chapman,
Wirth inquired if Maryland would accept the lands under the \"provision
of Act of June 6, 1942 (56 Stat. 326). If this was acceptable, meetings
could begin between Wirth and Governor McKeldin or his designated
representative.[^348] Joseph Kaylor, upon hearing the news, commented
that the state would be \"only too glad to accept the land" because of
the shortages of recreational areas in the

state for public use. With the addition of the acreage south of Route
77, Maryland State parks would total 5000 acres, including Sandy
Point.[^349] Kaylor announced that fees would be charged for parking,
use of fireplaces and other special services at the new park, for state
appropriations were too low to maintain the area.[^350] Williams
forwarded the above information to Thompson noting that Maryland would
charge for facilities the NPS had provided free of charge.[^351]

Maryland officials citing Eisenhower\'s press secretary\'s comment that
the President \"had no specific plans to use the Catoctin mountain
retreat\" began pressure in the spring of 1953 for possession of all of
Catoctin RDA. President Eisenhower had given up the yacht Williamsburg
as an economy measure and Maryland Senator Beall hoped he would do the
same with Shangri-La.[^352] Dean proclaimed \"\' the people of Maryland
would be proud to have the President as a. summer resident\" and that
the agreement with the Interior Department stated that when the
President no longer needed the retreat it would transfer to
Maryland.[^353] Harry T. Thompson, Associate Director of the NPS,
announced that the NPS would keep Shangri-La, as: he had stated two
years previously in a letter to State Senator Hubert P. Barton of
Baltimore.[^354] Barton was angry at the NPS refusal and used the
occasion of a hearing on the C & 0 Parkway for expressing his
indignation. State Senator Jacob R. Ramburg (Republican-Frederick)
decided not to press for the "return" of the northern portion of
Catoctin RDA.[^355]

On December 9, 1953, Williams forwarded to Harry Thompson the deeds,
plats and two court records of condemnations on the land tracts
transferred to Maryland, that were without title, as none could be
established. Part of tract \'98 was retained as it was the site of the
Hunting Creek pump house bringing water to Misty Mount, Blue Blazes
Visitor Center and the manager\'s residence. Williams requested that Mr.
Fish (Manus J.)[^356] be sent to survey the boundaries on the retained
portion of tract 098 in time for the land transfer.[^357]

In ceremonies held June 11, 1954, NPS Director Conrad Wirth presented
the title of 4,446.879 acres to Maryland Governor McKeldin for inclusion
in the Maryland State Park System.[^358] Governor McKeldin\'s
introduction to the Catoctin Mountain came when his car over heated
while driving to the West Picric area for the ceremony, arriving an hour
late.[^359] Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area became Catoctin
Mountain Park on July 12, 1954 and new signs erected in appropriate
places.[^360]

Maryland officials were not familiar with maintenance requirements for
the

facilities at the new state park. Less than three weeks after the
official transfer Thompson

received reports from NPS Chief Engineer, Robert C. Horn, about tree
\"filthy\" sanitary conditions of the picnic areas and relayed results
of inspections to the Maryland Department of Health and Joseph Kaylor.
The NPS was getting the blame and Horne suggested additional signage was
needed to differentiate between the two jurisdictions.[^361] The state
park officially opened the weekend of July 4, 1954, to campers and
picnickers. Joseph Kaylor asked the public\'s cooperation in keeping the
area clean, as budgetary provisions were not in place for maintenance
and manpower. The State Board of Public Works had teen asked for a
\"guard, equipment and labor to take care of the area.\"[^362]

The name of the new state park was to be Cunningham Falls State Park,

after the main scenic feature, the cascades \"from the Foxville Plateau
down a rocky gorge to the valley below.\" Joseph Kaylor announced the
name in the September issue of \"The Old Line Acorn\" and stated that
\$10,992 had been allotted to maintain the area for 1954.[^363] Marc
Sagan was hired by the state of Maryland as the first administrator and
guard for Cunningham Falls State Park.[^364]

Under Maryland jurisdiction the land south of Route 77 was opened to
hunters in the fall of 1954. Williams objected strenuously when he heard
hunting would be allowed and solicited letters from groups using the
campgrounds at Catoctin MP to protest the policy. 90% of Cunningham
Falls State Park was opened for the fall hunting season in 1954, except
for 375 acres of the West Picnic Area, Cunningham Falls and the 55 acres
of picnic area near Catoctin Furnace west of the stone wall.[^365]
Cunningham Falls State Park was deeded to Maryland with the condition
that it be used \"exclusively for public park, recreational and
conservation purposes . . .\"[^366] It was Williams opinion that the
area had been opened to hunters to \"appease\" the League for Maryland
Sportsmen headed by Glenn Martin. He felt that the examples of
\"conservation and preservation" set by the service were being
contradicted and was upset that they could be set aside so arbitrarily
when the need arose. Williams further suggested that Maryland but would
abide by the conditions of the deed but interpret the "conservation"
clause narrowly as it applied to soil and forest, but not to the hunting
of wildlife.[^367]

H. E. Corner, Executive Director of the Maryland League for Crippled

Children (MLCC), protested the new hunting regulations in letters to
Governor McKeldin and Joseph Kaylor. [^368]Kaylor replied that the
entire federal park area had previously been closed to hunters by
\"recreation minded people\" but that now the land was \"thrown open\"
to hunters since a large number had no place nearby to engage in their
recreational pastime of hunting. He further noted that the Frederick and
Thurmont watersheds and areas surrounding the park had always been used
for hunting. Kaylor could see no way that the winter hunting season
would interfere with the children camping at Catoctin MP in the summer.
Management of Cunningham Falls State Park would be \"for the greatest
common good of the largest number of citizens of the state\" and hunting
was a \"fair policy for public lands acquired through tax dollars.[^369]

Hunting continued to be legal within the boundaries of Cunningham Falls

State Park during hunting season and the perimeter of Catoctin MP
vigorously patrolled for violators of the no hunting regulations within
the federal area Williams predicted that. the regulations would be
nearly impossible to enforce and suggested that security around Camp
David would be threatened along with the wildlife of the area.[^370]
With the first allegation Williams hoped to alarm the Secret Service
enough that they would join in protesting the hunting, the second
concern came to pass, but not because of hunters. [^371]

In 1987 Cunningham Falls State Park provided two concentrated use area;
for

over 300,000 visitors a year.[^372] One, the William Houck Area
containing camping and picnic areas and a lake for swimming, boating and
fishing. The second, Catoctin Furnace and Manor Area, was developed by
the Works Progress Administration in 1938, near Routs 15. Considerable
collaboration between Cunningham Fails State Park and Catoctin MP in the
areas of interpretation and programming forged a cordial relationship
between the two parks. Visitors expected that each know details about
the other and efforts were made by all to keep the relationship healthy.
A unified master plan for both parks was proposed, but the bureaucratic
structure of the two facilities was so different that it was impossible
to achieve.[^373]

CHAPTER VII

AT CATOCTIN MOUNTAIN MISSION 66 PARK

When Conrad Wirth was promoted to Director of the National Park Service

(NPS) on December 9, 1951, it was his opinion that \"people were loving
the parks to death.\"[^374] Lack of funding for park maintenance and
personnel during World War II led to

deterioration of roads and facilities that was exacerbated by an
enormous influx of peacetime visitors. Between 1945 and 1955 park
visitation had doubled and traffic of tourists caused old asphalt roads
and neglected trails to crumble; moreover there was a severe shortage of
trained personnel.

A large amount of money was necessary to bring the parks up to
acceptable Condition standards.[^375] After analyzing the problem, Wirth
realized the NPS always went to Congress for funding of relatively small
projects and he decided to follow the example of other agencies who
addressed their funding problems with large monetary requests and long
range timelines. In February 1955, a committee composed of branch office
heads in the Washington office were relieved of their regular duties and
instructed by Wirth to meet and come up with a plan to revitalize the
national parks. Initial meetings produced the short and easily
remembered title \'Mission 66.\" It expressed the direction and goals of
the mission to refurbish the parks and projected a deadline of 1966, the
50th anniversary of the establishment of the National Park
Service.[^376]

Mission 66 was intended to be a study of problems in the national parks,
rather than a specific, definite plan. Wirth\'s select committee looked
at \"protection, staffing, interpretation, use, development, financing,
needed legislation, forest protection, fire and all other phases of park
management.\" visitor use had a high priority; information centers,
accommodations and activities were closely examined.[^377] Wirth and his
staff presented their ideas to President Eisenhower and his Cabinet on
January 27, 1956, and after 20 minutes of discussion the president
approved the plan.[^378] Further presentations at Congressional budget
hearings were supported by a specially commissioned movie by Walt
Disney, a special booklet entitled [Our Heritage]{.underline} outlining
the program\'s objectives and popular publications designed by the NPS.
Mission 66 was funded with \$786,545,600[^379] and officially began on
July 1, 1956, or Fiscal Year 1957,[^380] though Congress had given the
NPS an increased appropriation in FT 1956 to get the process started
immediately.[^381]

[Mission 66 and Catoctin Mountain Park]{.underline}

A Mission 66 prospectus for National Capital Parks (NCP) arrived in
Williams\'s office at Catoctin Mountain Park (Catoctin MP) on November
25, 1955. The prospectus inventoried the major problems of the National
Capital Parks system, especially highlighting the tremendous increase in
population of the Washington area which had grown from 972,198 people in
1940 to 1,452,349 people in 1950. A population of 2,000,000 people was
predicted for 1980.[^382]

Though Catoctin MP was \"not officially a part of the National Capital
Parks

System ",[^383] its administration was the responsibility of that office
and was included in the action plans. Most of the facilities at Catoctin
MP had seen no major maintenance or rehabilitation since they were built
in the 1930\'s, and Mission 66 proposed to spend \$17,200 on resurfacing
roads within the park, paving the utility area and rehabilitating trails
at a cost of t 15,000. An addition to blue Blazes visitor center had
high priority and \$29,400 was allotted for construction. Planned new
construction also included a nature museum, another cabin unit for Misty
Mount, two more 96 person camps, two primitive camps, a recreation
building for Greentop and a ranger\'s residence. All the swimming pools
and camp utilities were to be upgraded when the new facilities were
built. Cost of the above construction and renovations totaled t
1,730,000.[^384] Also included in the total was money to acquire two
inholdings: tract #21 comprising 8 acres belonging to Stanley E. Hoover
and tract \# 149, five acres in size belonging to the Church of the
Brethren.[^385]

Wirth directed each park to plan a celebration to kick off Mission 66
and Catoctin MP held ceremonies on August 22, 1956 at Blue Blazes and
Greentop.[^386] A Navy Color Guard from the Naval Gun Factory in
Washington, D.C. raised an American flag at Blue Blazes donated by the
Maryland League for Crippled Children. Guest speaker for the day, Dr. J.
Walter Coleman, Superintendent of Gettysburg National Military Park,
addressed 115 invited representatives of camping organizations using the
park and local civil officials who later toured facilities at
Greentop.[^387] Photographs of the event were taken by Fred Schumacher
of the Thurmont Photo center, since Marc Sagan was participating in the
ceremony and couldn\'t take the pictures.[^388] Complimentary
photographs were mailed to various dignitaries after the ceremonies by
Asst. Manager Boley. NCP\'s Superintendent Edward J. Kelly complimented
Catoctin MP staff on their "ingenuity and foresight" for inviting Dr.
Coleman to be their guest speaker.[^389]

Fiscal Year 1956 money for Mission 66 reached Catoctin MP the end of
summer 1955, and the Chimney Rock Trail parking lot and trail sign
project was started. A nearby spring eras improved, adding beauty to the
spot.[^390] By April 1956, Chimney Rock Trail had been cleared, its
entrance and parking lot completed and trailside information, including
a photographed hiking map, installed.[^391] Just before Mission 66
ceremonies, the main park road between Camp 3 and Blue Blazes was
resurfaced and a new 126 foot well dug near me entrance to Misty
Mount.[^392] The injection of funds provided new trail signs, traffic
control signs, bulletin board displays and posters for the park and
several miles of trails were refurbished by the Park crews.

Work at Catoctin MP in the early years of Mission 66 consisted of
renewing

buildings, rehabilitating old trails and building new ones, installing
interpretive signs, and planning park circulars for visitor information.
Soon after Catoctin MP\'s inauguration of Mission 66, several boxcar
loads of shingles arrived to reroof all 121 buildings in the park.[^393]
Beginning in August, 1956, crews spent two weeks rehabbing the
maintenance area, the carpenter\'s shop received new plumbing and
insulation.[^394] A new map sign was routed and placed outside at Blue
Blazes and work began on a new nature trail.[^395] The kitchen and
dining hall at Greentop was replaced with Mission 66 funds after an
earlier fire and completed before the 1957 camping season.[^396]
Throughout the winter of 1956-1957 trail and sign work continued and the
new Frederick County Outdoor School program students took advantage of
renewed facilities and hiking traits the following spring. Heavy use by
school groups kept the trails in such good shape that the usual spring
clearing was not necessary.[^397] Sagan chose Hog Rock Trail as the new
nature trail and planned interpretive signs for a self-guided tour. By
fall 1957, more than 20 signs had been erected on Hog Rock Trail and a
small shelter at Blue Blazes displayed a map of the trail together with
information circulars for visitors.[^398]

During the fail of 1957 a major administrative change occurred at
Catoctin

Mountain Park. In August of 1957, Project Manager Garland B. \'Mike\'
Williams went on sick leave and retired after serving 22 years at
Catoctin MP.[^399] Williams had guided the formative years of the park,
protected it during World War II and finally supervised its refurbishing
during Mission 66. Williams was absent from his post for weeks at a time
in his later years with health problems and passed away shortly after
his retirement on March 1, 1959;[^400] Garland Williams, Jr., Catoctin
MP\'s Chief of Maintenance for ten years, became superintendent of the
upper C & O Canal; Mr. Jack Boley, assistant manager of the park since
1945, left September 15, 1957, to take a position with NCR in
Washington, DC..[^401] Marc Sagan left Catoctin MP to take a position on
the Regional interpretive staff. Sagan wrote his final naturalist\'s
report summarizing me 1957 summer camping season and made suggestions
for future interpretive development. In his report, Sagan stated that
Assistant Manager Jack Boley \"was always helpful"[^402] in program
development and problem solving. The Frederick County Outdoor School
program was in its second pilot season and Sagas remained with the park
until the end of their camping season.

[Catoctin Mountain Park\'s Administrative Transition]{.underline}

Charles E. Shank became Catoctin MP\'s new project manager the first
week in September 1957.[^403] He had been assistant manager of Prince
William Park since 1954, having joined the Service as a clerk and
assistant interpretive specialist after World War II.[^404] Shank was a
logical choice for Catoctin MP\'s project manager, as Prince William
Park\'s programs and facilities were similar and Sagan had visited there
to glean ideas for his own interpretive programs.

A boundary-marking project begun by park naturalist Sagan was completed
by his

successor Derek Hambly who continued to interview neighbors adjacent to
the park to determine the park\'s boundaries.[^405] Elderly people who
had the needed information were not going to be available much longer
and both naturalists felt a need to hasten the project. Hambly
proclaimed the entire boundary marked with \"no hunting\" signs on
November 1, 1960, the first since the park was originally marked:[^406]
He had found original markers by accident on the northwest corner of the
park which completed the job.[^407]

During his administration, Shank provided services and amenities to
Visitors but undertook no major building projects within the park to
upgrade the interpretation or provide more short term camping. New
picnic tables set along park roads attracted families and were usually
occupied each weekend.[^408] Poplar Grove overnight campground was
completed as previously planned on Manahan Road the fall of 1958.[^409]
By August 1959, no new facilities were planned for Catoctin MP, but a
Statistical Statement of Program Elements for the park noted a need for
a new public campsite and visitor or nature center.[^410] A visitor auto
counter was installed the fall of 1960, to verify the needs provided
inaccurate readings due to weather and technical problems.[^411]

In their 1958 Annual Report the Maryland League, lauded Mr. Shank on the
excellent condition of Greentop (especially the plumbing) when they
returned for the camping season. They appreciated his willingness to
accommodate their special needs.[^412] His death in 1961 was heartfelt
by the staff and children of Greentop, who found him the \"kindest most
sincere, and hardest working man in the interests of the National Park
Service and our handicapped children.\"[^413]

Charles Shank died unexpectantly on July 17, 1981, a few days after
surgery at Frederick Hospital. His position was filled by Paul Webb who
arrived October 19, 1961.[^414] The arrival of Paul Webb signaled major
changes to Catoctin MP\' administrative practices. A botanist who had
begun his career at Glacier NP in 1942, Webb was an accomplished
administrator, familiar with the bureaucratic methods of the NPS:[^415]
Within a month of his arrival all trails had been inspected with repairs
and improvements listed. All park buildings had been measured and
counted to bring the park\'s square footage up to date for accurate
reporting.[^416] Within 18 months a contract had been let to J. B.
Ferguson & Co. for a professional survey of Park boundaries.[^417]

A management appraisal was done November 6-8, 1963, to measure
management effectiveness, policy conformation, internal controls and
pressing problems of the park.[^418] The appraisal noted that Webb felt
key Regional staff had treated Catoctin MP indifferently by not visiting
and taking an interest in the park. Since Catoctin MP was used by the
highest officials in the government, the appraisal report recommended a
schedule for the development of visitor facilities should be drawn up
and the Mission 66 program accelerated to put the Service\'s \"best foot
forward" for important guests.[^419] New park staff quarters were
recommended, as both the naturalist and the Park Ranger lived in 28 year
old log buildings, one the former headquarters building the other a
converted lodge at Greentop. Neither building was suitable for year
round occupancy nor provided much privacy for families.[^420] Road
maintenance budgeting needed to be increased from \$7,000 to \$19,000,
as 11 miles of paving and two graded roads required snow removal and
sanding in the winter months. Civilian Conservation Corps barracks at
Round Meadow were recommended for rehabilitation in preparation for use
by the Youth Conservation Corps program.

Webb\'s claim that Catoctin MP had been neglected by officials at Region
Seemed to strike a sensitive area and correspondence thereafter
addressed remedies to the situation. A follow-up report from Operations
and Maintenance recommended several visits to assess problems with
trails, Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) buildings, and the trash dump.
Visits were made and plans drawn up for rehabilitation of the old CCC
area and it was noted that with little notice a Youth Conservation Corps
program of 50 people could easily be activated at Catoctin MP.[^421]
Indeed, within four months the site was being investigated by Office of
Equal Opportunity (OEO) as a possible site for the first job Corps
Conservation Center [^422]

Webb began a master plan for Catoctin MP to reinforce the changes he

believed were needed at the park and laid the groundwork for remaining
development under the Mission 66 program. Initial development of the
master plan began in March 1963[^423] and the process stepped up in July
of 1964 to adhere to NCR schedule for meeting master planning
objectives. Catoctin MP was in the \"Recreation Area" management
category and used the new Master Plan Handbook as a reference for
preparing their document.[^424]

Work Started in March 1964 with tables, trash receptacles and fire
places installed throughout the Park. By June, electricians began a
two-year, \$30,000 protect to wire Misty Mount for electricity. During
the winter of 1964/65 the utility system for Owens Creek Campground was
installed and the first of three comfort stations stetted. Begun in
April, two comfort stations were completed by December 1965,[^425] the
third was never built.

Preliminary drawings for the rehabilitation and enlargement of Blue
Blazes into an administrative and visitor\'s center were approved by
Sutton Jett, Regional Director of NCR, in June of 1964.[^426] Work began
in early spring.[^427] Costs more than doubled during the ten years that
elapsed between the original estimate of \$30,000 in 1955 a \$70,000
cost when the job was completed by Rockwell Construction Company of
Mercersburg, Pennsylvania in November 1965.[^428] Blue Blazes,
principally used as an office and contact station for 25 years, received
a new wing measuring 22\' x 72,\' constructed of materials compatible
with the original 1939 building. The addition housed a naturalist room,
ranger\'s office, superintendent\'s office, and a visitor\'s lobby with
an information desk and orientation map.

The former ranger\'s office in the old section became exhibit
space.[^429] With backlighted transparencies to offset the dark paneling
in the room and keep costs to a

minimum [^430] Exhibit plans the new visitor\'s center were initiated by
Naturalist Duncan Burchard in 1963 who made suggestions for titles,
text, illustrations and materials.[^431] The project was stepped up in
priority the summer of 1964 and Marc Sagan of the Museum Lab was
"loaned" to Catoctin MP to assist Naturalist Duncan Burchard and
expedite the interpretive prospectus[^432]. The exhibit planning team
was alerted to the changed time frame.[^433] A rough draft of the
prospectus was reviewed in January of 1965 and approved by Sutton Jett,
National Capital Region Director, with his editorial changes and
comments within a week. Jett agreed with the interpretive story and the
topical approach, since there was "no central theme or story which must
be told through a series of exhibits." He further congratulated Burchard
on \'a very fine piece of work\" and asked that the review be hastened,
as the Museum planning team was scheduled the end of January.[^434]

Interpretive exhibit plans were interrupted when Superintendent Paul
Webb left Catoctin MP in May 1965 to become Superintendent of Carlsbad
Caverns. Webb was replaced by Earl M. Semingsen(Tiny), former
Superintendent at Dinosaur National Monument. Exhibit plans and lab
memoranda were sent to Semingsen for review September 10, 1965, and held
for two months while he compiled his comments. He stated that the
exhibits had to be first class. The President, Secretary Udall, Cabinet
members and foreign dignitaries stopped at the visitor center and judged
the exhibits to be typical of those produced by the Service.[^435] After
a meeting in December with Dr. Alan Kent and Ed Bierly of the Eastern
Museum Lab, plans were finalized and seven exhibits installed. The
staffs of the park and the lab were complimented for an "imaginative and
effective solution to a difficult exhibit problem."[^436] The visitor
center at Blue Blazes along with grading, seeding and paving the parking
area were completed by the end of December 1965.[^437] Formal
landscaping was done by job Corpsmen in the spring of 1968 [^438]

Semingsen held the position of Superintendent for six months before
retiring to Homestead, Florida Jan 15, 1966.[^439] Harold R. Jones,
appointed Catoctin MP\'s superintendent by NPS Director George Hartzog
as of February 24, 1966, was formerly on Hartzog\'s new park planning
staff.[^440] A graduate forester with background in resource management,
park planning and park administration, Jones had served the NPS for many
years[^441] and remained at Catoctin MP until June 1968.

Picnic areas, ranger residences, visitor center, trails and parking
lots, sewer systems, electrical systems, swimming pool rehabilitation
and a new campground with three comfort stations were built between 1955
and 1966. When Supt. Webb was transferred in 1965 he left a list of
further improvements needed, including some new construction he thought
necessary. But it would be many years before his recommendations were
realized and extensive maintenance performed.

CHAPTER VIII

JOB CORPS AND YOUTH CONSERVATION CORPS

[Catoctin Job Corps Conservation Center]{.underline}

Investigation of Catoctin Mountain Park (Catoctin MP) as a possible site
for the first job Corps Conservation Center began in May 1964, six
months before the Economic

Opportunity Act of 1964 was passed in November of 1964. The Office of
Economic Opportunity (OEO) inspected both the Central Garage Unit Area
and the unfinished Camp 4-G location as possible choices.[^442]
Photographs were taken and plans developed for the expansion of
utilities. A Job Corps Conservation center at Catoctin MP was judged
"realistic and adequate" as existing facilities provided the flexibility
necessary for the fledgling program.[^443] Within a month ORO began to
convert the 60-acre Central Garage Unit Area (eventually Round Meadow)
into a job Corps Center.[^444]

Catoctin MP Superintendent Webb received authorization for new personnel

slots, justified by the anticipated work load of the job Corps and the
existing increase in visitation brought on by Mission 66 improvements. A
Property Clerk position with 700 hours and a clerk typist limited to
\$1000 in the fiscal year were added to his staff.[^445] Webb and his
staff conducted a Community Survey in August of 1964 and several
projects were proposed for the new program.[^446] OEO, National Park
Service (NPS) and Interior Department officials met with officials of
nearby towns, since good relations were necessary if Corpsmen were to be
welcome in their free time. Mayors, police, schools, churches and
service organizations in Thurmont and Hagerstown were contacted early in
the planning process. Job Corps staff spoke at over 100 meetings in the
first 18-month of the Catoctin job Corps\' existence.[^447] Thurmont
merchants were wooed by an expected \$200,000 in revenue from supplies,
equipment and food sold to the camp for the program.[^448]

Webb conducted tours of the proposed campsite for local elected
officials and officers of several nearby fraternal associations. William
Houck, the area\'s state delegate was in close contact with Webb during
this time and arranged a meeting in Annapolis with Governor Tawes\'
Executive Assistant, Edmund C. Meister.[^449] Local doctors and dentists
were contacted to care for the new recruits. Dr. Gray from Hagerstown
supervised the medical facilities and had performed the same function
for the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp when they were at
Catoctin RDA.[^450]

Stewart Udall, Secretary of Interior, sent a memo to NPS Director
Hartzog stating that Catoctin MP\'s choice as the first center was a
\"major honor of highest significance\" and that he wanted it finished
on time. Park staff worked ten hour days, seven days a week to prepare
the job Corps Center and meet the deadline.[^451] Between May 1964 and
January 1965 Round Meadow was transformed into the first job Corps
Center in President Johnson\'s \"War on Poverty.\" President Johnson had
been \"Texas director of the National Youth Administration, a New Deal
program similar in objective to the Job Corps\" and convinced Congress
it could work again.[^452]

The NPS hired construction workers from nearby towns to build the
laundry building, administration building, a wood frame dorm and a 190\'
long concrete block and brick work area. Magnolia Mobile Homes of
Virginia received the contract for six prefab trailer units, 52\' long
and 10\' wide, to be delivered and set up on site by January 1965. Two
prefab units served as dorms, one as an educational building and three
were used for staff housing.[^453] Constant maintenance of the Magnolia
buildings became a major project within a year, when the roofs began to
leak, locks and screens began to break and continual painting was needed
to keep them looking presentable.[^454]

On January 15, 1965, 85 young men between the ages of 16 and 21 arrived
at Catoctin MP to inaugurate the job Corps Program at a site \"largely
unimproved\" since the CCC left in 1941.[^455] The Catoctin Job Corps
Conservation Center was dedicated on February 27, 1965 at 10:45 AM, in a
ceremony preceded by a concert given by the Thurmont High School Band.
R. Sargent Shriver, Jr., Director of the OEO, presided and introduced
distinguished guests who each made salutary comments. They included:
Otis Singletary, Job Corps Director, Hon. Orville L:Freeman, Secretary
of Agriculture, Hon. Stewart L. Udall, Secretary of Interior. The
dedication was followed by a tour of the Catoctin Job corps
center.[^456]

Staffing problems and a steady stream of dignitaries hampered the first
year\'s program and led to a high drop out rate of recruits. Continual
recruitment brought a total of 157 recruits into the program but 57 left
before the end of June. The bleak winter contributed to homesickness;
stark conditions of the camp without indoor recreation facilities and
high expectations added to the general \'depressive atmosphere.[^457]
Television, magazine and newspaper reporters\' interviews with staff
caused many interruptions. The educational officer\'s position was
filled by five different people in

the first five months of the Camp\'s existence and not until September
1965 was a permanent staff of adequate size provided. Visitors within
the first 18 months included: President Johnson, Vice-President
Humphrey, Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of Defense McNamara,
Maryland Senator Daniel Brewster, seven Congressmen from four states,
Maryland officials Finan and Goldstein and groups from Japan, Canada,
British Guinea, England, Israel, the Philippines and the Ivory
Coast.[^458]

Personality problems, camp conditions, national attention and visitors
contributed to a rocky first year at the Catoctin Center. C. A. Maxey,
the first camp director, cited \'temperamental and emotional problems in
boys who had known little but failure" in their lives as a major
problem.[^459] Like the CCC\'s before them most did not know what it was
like to get out of bed in the morning and go to work. The camp placed
emphasis on developing good "work habits and a good attitude about
work." Job Corpsmen were recruited from families earning less than
\$3000 a year and most averaged a 9th grade education.[^460] Corpsmen
earned \$32 a month plus \$50 banked for them. If they made a family
allotment of \$25 from the \$50, the government matched it with another
\$25.[^461] Of the 80 Corpsmen in camp in October 1965, none had a high
school diploma.[^462]

Job Corpsmen spent the early months of 1965 completing the camp by
building sidewalks, underpinning the trailers and landscaping. The
program consisted of one half day of work and one half day of education
during winter months, changing to full days of each as the weather
improved. Projects performed for the Park in the next ten months
included 15 miles of trail repair and a new storage area completed
December 1966, to replace the one taken over by the center.[^463] During
the winter of 1965/66 Corpsmen

built 150 picnic tables for National Capital Region (NCR) parks in
Washington, D.C. and had orders for 300 more.[^464] Two large fireplace
circles were constructed for use by the organized camps using skills
needed to build with native stone and cinderblock.[^465]

As the young men became more skilled, staff members developed more
meaningful and complex projects requiring leaders among the Corpsmen to
schedule and complete tasks on a production line. A sign construction
program teaching printing, mechanical drawing, hand routing, measurement
skills, painting, and organizational skills produced 225 signs for
Catoctin, Greenbelt, Cunningham Falls State Park and Antietam Parks in
Fiscal Year 1965-1966. In May of 1965 Catoctin MP Supt. Webb was
transferred to Carlsbad Caverns, leaving a long list of signs needed for
Catoctin MP.[^466] Community oriented work included building a ball
field and picnic complex for the Thurmont Community Park Development
Board, taking 42 man days for grading and clearing the site. Corpsmen
built and delivered two elaborate sandboxes for use by children of
migrant workers of the Frederick County Migrant Workers Association.
Catoctin Corpsmen participated in recruitment efforts for the Maryland
and Pennsylvania Bureaus of Employment Security and acted as guides when
the Harper's Ferry Center opened.[^467]

Work and academics were supplemented by recreational activities in
nearby towns and large cities. Good relations were fostered with
soldiers from Fort Ritchie, local colleges and YMCAs, where dances were
a favorite activity. Corpsmen played baseball and basketball in local
leagues and attended athletic and cultural events in Washington and
Baltimore.[^468] By January of 1966, what had started out as a
\"boondoggle and a farce\" had become a \"place of hope\", in the
opinion of new center director Jack Wheat.[^469] Volunteers were
solicited to help with the reading program and a stable staff was
established. More rural young men were being recruited and the job Corps
established a policy of assigning Corpsmen near their homes,
contributing to a sense of community lacking at Catoctin.[^470] For the
first 18 months ending June 30, 1966, 439 young men had come to the 100
person capacity Catoctin Center, 102 had transferred out, 165 had
resigned, 24 graduated, 16 went back to school or jobs, leaving 111
Corpsmen in camp at the end of June 1966[^471]

By summer 1966, the job Corps program became an election year issue and
received heavy criticism in Congress.[^472] A staff reduction of 20%
resulted from a

funding cut and Catoctin suffered though they were solving many of the
problems experienced by other Centers. Discipline problems plagued many
centers and Congress was not pleased with the management of the camps.
Community relations received much attention in the press and many
detractors saw the program as a \"large flop." Racial tension was an
element in some camps as the job Corps program was functioning at the
height of the civil rights movement.[^473]

Catoctin job Corps Center experienced its share of problems but by
spring of 1967 had performed many useful projects. Three large projects
for Gettysburg National Battlefield included the removal of six miles of
modern fencing and installation of 2,300 feet of mid-nineteenth century
style fencing. A vista comprising 35 acres was cleared to recreate an
area similar to Civil War battle years and a general improvement work on
the grounds of the battlefield was performed. Teams of 16 Corpsmen
rotated in and out of Gettysburg, alternating with a week of classroom
work [^474]

During the spring of 1967 Frederick County Outdoor School principle, Roy

Okan proposed a cooperative venture with the job Corps to give on the
job experience to job Corpsmen in the school system camps at Catoctin
MP. Two Corpsmen selected by job Corps Camp Director Jack Wheat worked
six weeks in the Frederick County Outdoor School as handymen, kitchen
help, and general maintenance personnel. The program benefited both
organizations and after a successful trial run two other young men were
assigned.[^475]

February 1968 found another new director of the Catoctin Job Corps camp
when Glenn Hill, a guidance counselor at Harper's Ferry camp, became the
new Director.[^476] Meanwhile Superintendent Frank Mentzer proposed a
new four year project for the job Corps developing a large building
complex planned as a conference center for NPS environmental education
on the Camp Peniel site, formerly owned by the Church of the Brethren of
Hagerstown, Maryland.

[Camp Peniel]{.underline}

A major and lasting contribution by the job Corps to Catoctin Mountain
Park (Catoctin MP) was the present administrative office at Camp Peniel.
Originally owned by the Church of the Brethren of Hagerstown, Maryland,
Camp Peniel was an inholding not available when land was being purchased
in 1935. The five acre campground was offered to the NPS in 1950, but no
funds were available to acquire lands at that time.[^477] The church
negotiated a land exchange in 1959 and acquired a good spring and
additional road frontage on Rt. 77 that included portions of the Chimney
Rock Trail. At the time of the exchange, church officials verbally
agreed to offer the government first right of refusal when the land was
sold. In a February 6, 1962 memo to NCR, Supt. Paul Webb recommended
negotiations be started for acquisition of Camp Peniel when it was
offered for sale at that time, but no definite word of government
interest was received in response to this suggestion.[^478]

Two years elapsed when Webb again wrote on February 3, 1964, explaining
that the church had not heard from the federal government and was
offering Camp Peniel to "any interested party." Webb considered purchase
of the camp vital to Catoctin MP and alluded to "undesirable
enterprises\" rumored for the property. Church officials had scheduled a
board meeting for February 20, 1964, and asked for \"definite
commitment\" on the camp, appraised at somewhat less than
\$35,000.[^479] When the sale was finally negotiated and the deed signed
for 19.5 acres on August 19, 1964.[^480] W Buildings on the property
included an auditorium, dining hall and nine cabins:[^481]

In June of 1965, Supt. Webb was transferred before plans for Camp Peniel
could be finalized for a third organized camp.[^482] After
Superintendent Mentzer was assigned the job Corps razed the old cabins
and wooden toilets, saving salvageable materials.[^483] The dining hall
was stripped to the stone walls.[^484] Plans for Camp Peniel lay dormant
until July 17, 1968 when Wayne Miller, Special Assistant to Director
Hartzog for Special Projects, visited Catoctin MP. Superintndent Frank
Mentzer proposed to Miller that a NPS Environmental Education Conference
and Resource Center be established at Camp Peniel, [^485] to include a
repository for environmental materials and a staff to research

and develop environmental education programs and curricula.[^486] In
February of 1967, NPS Director George Hartzog had proposed new
guidelines for Service participation in environmental education by
establishing a Cooperative Program for Environmental

Education. The new program would provide NPS leadership to encourage
education, communication and cooperation among the many private Sector
groups such as fishermen, campers and birders to preserve and enhance
the environment.[^487]

The nature of the program appealed to Mentzer, who saw Catoctin as a
potential model in the new program. He envisioned a cultural and
environmental center working just outside the door of a national
resource center located in a metropolitan area. Mentzer proposed to take
advantage of Catoctin\'s proximity to Washington D.C. and the presence
of job Corps labor to put Camp Peniel on the map. At this time the NPS
was encouraging a national program of Environmental Study Areas (ESA)
for school children in each park and by 1970, 63 ESA\'s were in place
and 25 more planned.[^488] The NPS was also encouraging parks to include
environmental themes into their interpretation programs. Courses for
park personnel were offered to implement the educational approach
complete with a consulting service contracted to develop curriculum
materials and train park rangers. Mentzer envisioned Camp Peniel and
Catoctin MP as a national center for ESA staff and an adult conference
center.

Drawings, cost estimates and job Corp schedules for the re-direction of
the project were assembled. Plans included an auditorium/recreation
building for 200 people, a dormitory for 50 persons, a cafeteria seating
100, and an employee residence. With Job Corpsmen providing the labor to
build the facilities the auditorium was slated for a June 1969
completion, dorms by Fiscal Year(FY)1970, cafeteria by FT 1971 and
residence by FY 1972. Miller recommended that the Master Plan be changed
to \"designate Camp Peniel as Environmental Education Conference and
Resource Center.\" He also recommended that the Job Corps schedule
reflect priority of the project[^489] and that the Job Corps start the
\"rehabilitation of the auditorium into a mess-recreation hall: \"[^490]

Richard Nixon\'s election to the U.S. Presidency resulted in the
abolishment of the job Corps, and Mentzer\'s vision for Camp Peniel died
with it. Catoctin MP\'s new master plan, so dependent on the job Corps,
had become a worthless document. Supt. Mentzer in an April 17, 1969,
letter to the NCR Region Director, stated that \'it was assumed the job
Corps program would continue in perpetuity at the time the plan was
developed and approved,\" and no provisions or plans were made if the
program was discontinued. The unexpected closing of the job Corps\'
program at Catoctin MP left Camp Peniel incomplete and Mentzer requested
\"immediate consideration\" for the best use of the facility. Mentzer
recommended three steps to continue the Environmental Conference Center:
(1) convert the job Corps Center into the conference center, (2)
transfer from OEO to NPS equipment and supplies to operate the center
and (3) provide funding in FT 1970 for operation of the center.[^491]

By the end of September 1969, Mentzer had received approval to use the
job Corps Center buildings for a living history program. Funds were made
available from the Regional Offices to \"upgrade the facilities and
maintain the program.\" Buildings not used were declared excess and
turned over to the General Services Administration who would then offer
them to the NPS. At that time they would either be accepted or
removed.[^492]

Office of Equal Opportunity property from the Catoctin job Corps Center
was

transferred to the park on November 28, 1969 for use in a new
program.[^493] Catoctin MP

would house a program endorsed by the Director of Management Operation
\"designed to reach disadvantaged youth.\"[^494] This arrangement was
still in existence in the summer of 1987.

Environmental programs were held in the auditorium at Camp Peniel the
after its completion in early 1970,[^495] but never achieved the
attendance or scope hoped for by Supt. Mentzer before he left in
September of 1972. New Supt. Frank Pridemore, looking for new
administrative space, considered adding on to blue Blazes Visitor Center
until a \$50,000 estimate for the addition was received. Pridemore
decided to renovate and partition the auditorium at Camp Peniel to
create new offices at that site, making more space available for visitor
services at Blue Blazes.

[Youth Conservation at Catoctin Mountain Park]{.underline}

The Youth Conservation Corps (YCC) was established by Public Law 93-408
within the Departments of the Interior and Agriculture to provide a
program to hire young people, age 15 through 18, to perform conservation
projects on public lands. The enabling legislation stressed three
objectives of the program: (1) to provide a paying summer job for
teenagers in a healthful outdoor atmosphere; (2) to give an
\"understanding and appreciation of America\'s outdoor heritage and
environment;" (3) give the nation\'s youth, who would eventually have
responsibility for their country\'s resources, a first hand experience
in resource maintenance and development.[^496]

YCC camps were located in areas that had facilities available for
housing of residential programs and potentially meaningful projects that
met the objectives of the program. Geographic distribution was also
considered when choosing sites. Personnel supervising camps were drawn
from federal and state employees who could be detailed to the program
and temporary employees or other personnel hired through cooperative
agreements with local government agencies.[^497] The latter arrangement
was used at CMP. Projects at Catoctin MP considered for the YCC program
had to meet the objectives of the program and were judged for their
\"honest and valuable contribution toward the quality of our public
lands and waters."[^498]

Unlike the Civilian Conservation Corps and Job Corps, the YCC was
organized as a coeducation program. Young people were considered for the
program who had no history of serious crime, were physically able to
handle the strenuous work and

had a current work permit. Recommendations by an adult other than their
parents, such as a school administrator or teacher, were required.
Individuals provided their own clothing and suitable footwear except in
the case of a true hardship. Maryland youths were recruited for work in
their state with considerations given to equitable \"racial, economic
and social\" distribution as well as a mix of those from urban and rural
areas.[^499] Information ways distributed on camp locations and
recruiting was done through the local news media, school guidance
offices and a national office in Washington, D.C.

The first YCC camp at Catoctin MP was held for eight weeks in the summer
of

1971 and administered by Ken Morgan. Fifty Frederick County young people
lived at

Round Meadow and were led by a staff of teachers contracted from
Frederick County Schools and professional park personnel. A variety of
projects initiated by the YCC the first summer included trail work, camp
ground clearing, park maintenance, research on the vertical saw mill
site, and preparation of 14 miles of snow mobile trails.[^500] Hikes on
the Appalachian Trail, trips to Baltimore Harbor, western Maryland mines
and Assateague Island further inculcated the objectives of the program.

After a successful first summer, Frederick County YCC members and staff

found themselves testifying in front of the U.S. Senate Interior and
Insular Affairs Full Committee in favor of expanding the YCC program
from 2,600 youths to 100,000. Of 50 YCC members at Catoctin the first
summer, 30 made the trip to Washington D.C, along with Supt. Frank
Mentzer and Paul Lambertson, director of the YCC camp at Catoctin MP and
a social studies teacher at Catoctin High School. Two Frederick County
youths, Nancy Croghan and Richard Love, spoke before the committee and
told of their historical research on the sawmill, conservation projects
performed at the park and their overall experience. While the hearing
did not result in expansion of the pilot program, a one million dollar
increase in appropriations was promised to support the 1972 summer
program.[^501]

Sawmill restoration begun in 1971 continued in 1972 along with trail
work, maintenance and community projects. Several young people who had
been corps members in 1971 returned as youth leaders for the crews the
second year.[^502] The assistance of YCC crews was requested by the
Frederick County Parks and Recreation Council and Army Corps of
Engineers to clean-up debris at Pine Cliffs Park after hurricane Agnes.
YCC members voted it a worthy project and spent three days clearing
storm damage. The Army Corps of Engineers appraised the value of the
teenagers\' work, based on comparable cost estimates if done by
professionals, at \$15,000.[^503]

Frank Pridemore was assigned to Catoctin MP as Superintendent in the
fall

of 1972 and during the winter of 1973 became the director of the three
YCC Camps in

Maryland.[^504] 1973 projects at Catoctin MP included building an
Adirondack shelter in the Raven Rock Area and work at Cunningham Falls
State Park. Crews accomplished erosion control on Hunting Creek lake,
maintenance on Cat Rock Trail and stream improvement on Little Hunting
Creek. The YCC reconstructed water boxes at springs near Lantz, Camp
Peniel and the Wolf Rock Parking Area. Rain shelters along Wolf and
Chimney Rock, Hog Rock and Thurmont Vista Trails at Catocin MP added to
facilities for hikers.[^505] A spike camp, made up of a single team of
YCC campers, was located on the C & 0 Canal and an improvement project
in the Woodsboro Community Park served as the YCC\'s community
contribution. YCC teams also reconstructed the tailrace for the pond of
the sawmill to begin its recreation.[^506]

During the three-year pilot program the YCC was being evaluated for
Congress by researchers from the University of Michigan. Reports to
Congress at the end of 1973 indicated significant positive changes in
participant attitudes and that project values more than equaled
operating costs. The monetary value of completed projects was computed
and compared to operating costs. Pre and post camp tests were given each
year to measure gains by participants in \"environmental knowledge\" and
changes in \"social attitudes.\" The positive results of these test
results enabled Congress to justify increased funding for the program at
Catoctin MP and seven new day-camp operations were added in Maryland for
the summer of 1974.[^507]

University of Michigan staff continued to monitor YCC camps and 1974
developed into a banner year when Catoctin MP camp was rated \'first
among all federal and state camps in corps member satisfaction.\" A
large gain in environmental knowledge at Catoctin MP supported the
theory that \"a high level of satisfaction in participation,
interpersonal relations, quantity and quality of work /learning projects
completed, and a gain in environmental knowledge will increase the value
of work/learning.[^508] Survey questions also revealed that participants
put high value on the four-day spike camps. The next year YCC Director
Pridemore scheduled spike camps at Greenbelt Park, Fort Ritchie and the
C & 0 Canal.[^509] Much of the success of the YCC program in Maryland
was attributed to the leadership and interest of Pridemore.[^510]

The arrival of Tom McFadden as Superintendent of Catoctin MP in 1975
continued the emphasis of YCC maintenance of trails and buildings at the
park. Environmental work on trails and streams still predominated, but
painting windows, signs, buildings, and chinking and staining cabins,
building park gates and repairing the floor of the old blacksmith shop
appeared on the work lists.[^511] Trail maintenance, research and work
on erosion control, construction and improvement of bridges, and
painting buildings were included in the 44 projects completed in 1975,
at a value of

\$68,152.93. Education and recreation activities supplemented the work
program for YCC members who came from Montgomery, Frederick, Carroll,
Anne Arundel and Baltimore Counties and two Virginia schools that
season.[^512]

During the 1976 season, the YCC became entirely administered by the
Department of Interior[^513] and administrative responsibilities shifted
to National Capital Region.[^514] That year crews began a four-year
project at Poplar Grove Campground that included a picnic pavilion and
stone fireplace. Ramps for wheelchairs, a trail from Greentop to the
Chestnut Picnic Area,[^515] stream flow study and stream rebuilding at
Owens and Hunting Creek and work on the gym at Round Meadow were major
projects completed in the summer of 1976.[^516] A wide range of
electives became available for YCC members covering health topics,
photography and first aid. Classes in air and noise pollution, water
shed protection, timber and wildlife management rounded out the program
of work, education and recreation.

Decreases in the 1981 budgets for the YCC changed the Catoctin camp from
a

Residential one to a day camp and shortened it tea six weeks. Even with
the budget crunch the program remained a successful and viable source of
labor for the park and enrichment for the members of the crews:[^517]
Yearly fall planning meetings generated lists of projects and
appropriate ones were chosen for the YCC matching the skill and
capability levels. It was estimated in 1981 that the YCC accounted for
12% of the \"financial maintenance budget in on-going maintenance
projects at Catoctin MP.\"[^518]

Professional teachers from Frederick County Schools continued to provide
the leadership in camp to fulfill the goals of educational and work
projects. Ken Morgan justified the non-competitive awarding of the camp
contract to the Frederick County Board of Education by citing the value
of civic involvement. Many local teachers returned to the park as
volunteers and overall had the interest of the park at heart after
working with young people. YCC members also returned to the park as
members of the volunteer group Catoctin Area Mountain Park Environmental
Resource, Inc. (C.A.M.P.E.R.) and contributed as adults to the park
where they worked as youths.[^519]

Erosion control, trail work and stream improvement continued as the
primary projects for the YCC in the 1980\'s. Energy concerns at the park
led to the installation of wood stoves to heat administrative buildings
and the jobs of splitting and stacking wood from dead trees were added
to the list of needed projects. Gypsy moth research and other survey
work begun in the park in the early 1980\'s benefited from the time
spent by the YCC.[^520] Veteran YCC campers in the summer of 1986
claimed work in the out of doors much better than that in fast food
restaurants and applications received were three times the number of
slots available. Like their counterparts in the 1970\'s the experience
of group living and hard work were judged by the young people of the
1980\'s as the most rewarding aspects of the program.[^521]

CHAPTER IX

INTERPRETATION AND USE

[Environmental Interpretation]{.underline}

Environmental interpretation by NPS personnel began in organized camps
and at picnic grounds after World War II. Before that time any
programming within the organized camps was planned and presented by camp
staff and interpretive services at picnic areas were nonexistent.
William E. Randall, the first Interpretive Specialist assigned to
Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area (Catoctin RDA), arrived in the
summer of 1948 and filed a report on September 10, 1948. The report
outlined programming objectives and established basic natural resources
interpretation at Catoctin RDA[^522] that continued into the 1980\'s.
William Randall\'s objectives the first summer were to provide
"information and ideas to the counselors of Misty Mount and Greentop and
instill, the children with an appreciation of nature.\" He tried to
spend every spare minute working individually with the leaders, since
many were overwhelmed by the amount of information to learn. Greentop\'s
campers were given the same programs as Misty Mount\'s and though they
couldn\'t run or walk fasts they "were mentally awake, interested and
capable (for the most part) of walking about unaided." Wildflower walks,
scenic hikes, illustrated flora and fauna talks, bird watching, stream
exploring, berry picking, butterfly collecting, geology, nature crafts
with native materials, knife use, nature stories and animal study
comprised Randall\'s program. An overnight hike with Scouts explored the
difference in flora at different elevations and studied the stars. He
commented that campers appreciated plant life\'s struggle for existence
and that they understood the principles of light tolerance, erosion,
seed dispersal and concerns of forest management.[^523]

In addition to initiating lasting interpretive programs at Catoctin RDA,

Randall supervised crews clearing overgrown trails cut by the CCC to
Black, Wolf, Chimney and Hog Rocks and Cunningham Falls. He began
observation lists of flora and fauna, had the grass cut at the picnic
areas and made two herbarium collections, one for the Park and one for
the Smithsonian. In his report conclusion, Randall wrote that he felt he
had made a real difference in leaders\' and campers\' awareness of
nature and recognition of outdoor education. He especially noted a spark
of interest in the campers at Greentop and was pleased that a camp
counselor from the Virginia Military Institute had decided to take up
public school camping studies because of his experience at Catoctin MP
and was changing schools; another had decided to become a forester and
was entering college.[^524] Randall went on to earn his Ph. D. and
eventually became a professor in the Recreation Department at the
University of Massachusetts.

No naturalist was assigned to Catoctin RDA in the 1949 season, but the

Position was reestablished permanently June 15, 1950 by Interpretive
Specialist Evan A. Hayes and Marc Sagan[^525] who arrived in early July,
1950.[^526] Hayes\'s bimonthly report mentioned for the first time the
potential need for interpretive services to visitors at the Manor picnic
area, where hundred\'s of people gathered each weekend. Since Project
Manager Williams requested equal weight be given to each of the areas,
Hayes suggested organized camps begin providing their own nature craft
counselor, allowing park naturalists time to work with all groups. Many
local people still thought the park was closed to the public and it
became an additional job of the naturalist to encourage park use and
dispense information. Marc Sagan became Catoctin RDA\'s year round
naturalist at the beginning of the 1954 season.

Beginning in 1956, Mission 66 provided funds for an addition to the
visitors center at Blue Blazes, increased exhibits, services and tenting
sites. Many of the same activities offered to school groups and Scouts
were then offered to weekend campers. A newly constructed amphitheater
provided a site for Ranger interpretive programs at Owens Creek
Campground. Campfire programs, nature walks and orienteering were
scheduled services for the public. Seasonal festivals celebrating spring
wildflowers and fall tree colors brought tourists viewing scenery. Year
round use of Catoctin MP arrived with cross country ski trails and a
winter carnival.

[Interpretation in Seasonal Organized Group Camps]{.underline}

[Misty Mount]{.underline}

By 1948, Girl Scouts were again camping at Misty Mount, 65 girls and 20

leader\'s stayed for two week periods from June 15 to mid-August,
totaling 260 Scouts

and 40 leaders for the camping season[^527] Miss Katherine McCullough
directed the Scout camp in 1951 and was very cooperative, participating
in precamp training sessions consisting of orientation walks and nature
game demonstrations. Marc Sagan established an elaborate nature crafts
program and constantly combated craft programs involving commercial
materials. In August of 1954, at the suggestion of camp counselors he
spent time making a \"project specimen" collection of honeysuckle and
grapevine baskets,

cat-tail mats, totem poles, basswood whistles, witch hazel and birch
brooms, leaf prints, floating candies and acorn lapel pins as examples
so nature counselors could, see the numerous possibilities within the
Park.[^528]

Organized groups signed contracts the winter of 1956, formally agreeing
to hire a nature counselor, instead of having a regular staff member
take that on as an extra duty.[^529] The next summer produced nature
programs of high standards[^530] Nature counselors were usually college
students with either biology backgrounds or a great willingness to take
direction and learn the information. At this stage the park naturalist
contacted the camps weekly after an initial pre-camp orientation.[^531]

Beginning on May 29, 1961 until the spring of 1978, the Washington
County School System held its outdoor school program at Misty
Mount,[^532] modeled after

The Frederick County Outdoor School at Greentop. Washington County
started building their own camp in the early 1970\'s and were
negotiating to have Misty Mount\'s cabins helicoptered out to their new
site when Supt. Tom McFadden was assigned to Catoctin MP in 1975 and
called a halt to the plans.[^533] Misty Mount closed between 1978 and
1982 for installation of a new sewer line. The cabin camp was reopened
in 1984 as a seasonal family camp for rental by the day and weekend
between mid-April and mid-October. Local Girl Scouts camp in the summer.
All permitting and maintenance was coordinated by the Catoctin Area
Mountain Environmental Resource Corporation (C.A.M.P.E.R.). Nomination
to the National Register for Historic Places was also prepared for the
cabins at Misty Mount and Greentop.

[Greentop\--Maryland League for Crippled Children]{.underline}

Immediately following World War II, efforts began to reopen Camp
Greentop to campers of the Maryland League for Crippled Children (MLCC).
Marines guarding Shangri-La, the presidential retreat, occupied Greentop
and Maryland Congressmen, Rotary clubs, and other service organizations
joined the MLCC in lobbying the White House to relinquish the camp. The
MLCC had camped five seasons at Hopewell RDA, near Reading,
Pennsylvania, but the park was turned over to the state of Pennsylvania
in 1946 and the League wanted to return to Greentop, the camp especially
designed for their program. By December 1946, President Truman had
ordered the transfer of the Marines occupying Greentop in time for use
by the children in the summer 1947.[^534]

Mary Church, executive director of the MLCC was elated and declared
Catoctin RDA "ever so much more suitable than the camp near Reading,
Pa."[^535] Campers arrived at Greentop July 1 for an eight-week stay,
continuing the policy that the most benefit was reaped by the extended
stay.[^536] Many things were different, the cabins had been winterized
and with lack of NPS staff many maintenance jobs were left undone,
especially the plumbing which was a real trial that first summer back.
The staff removed boards from the craft shop windows and cleared debris
before the shop could be used by the children.[^537] An outdoor chapel
used at Hopewell RDA was recreated at Greentop.

A Quonset but left by the Army became a new and spacious recreation hall
for rainy days. A stage had been requested for the Quonset hut, but was
not built because lumber was in short supply. Thurmonters welcomed the
campers home by taking the

entire population of the camp on trucks to see the fireman\'s parade and
treated them to

ice cream cones. Scouts from Misty Mount visited and presented a program
that first season back at Greentop.[^538] Renewed relations with
Shangri-La excited campers who invited President Truman to their "camp
just down the road." Mary Church, spending the week at camp, took the
letter to guards at the gates of Shangri-La. At 10 AM on a Sunday
morning Truman driving a green convertible and accompanied by Admiral
Leahy and staff stopped and shook hands with all the children, then
toured the camp and walked back to Shangri-La.[^539]

Nature activities were integrated into Greentop\'s programs when the
MLCC

accepted Project Manager Williams offer of Naturalist William Randall\'s
services in1948. Catoctin RDA\'s first naturalist coordinated
presentations of nature lore, crafts, slide programs and special camp
events available for the first. time at Greentop. Counselors and campers
spent the entire camping season at Greentop, instead of weekly sessions
like the Girl Scouts at Misty Mount. Ongoing projects and themes
developed an appreciation for the out-of-doors and gave the children a
real experience in the field of natural history. Campers were given bird
picture cards before bird watching rides and naturalists followed up
with bird song records and games. During the 1948 season the totem pole
was built and erected outside the camp office, symbolizing the
Coordinated work of campers who planned and executed the idea.[^540] The
totem pole still stood in the summer of 1987.

NPS naturalists, Hayes and Sagan were complimented in Greentop\'s 1950
annual

report for \"humbling their scientific knowledge to establish a good
rapport with the entire camp\" and for their \"understanding and
willingness to comply with the business policies of the camp.\" Park
naturalists accompanied campers on 40 hikes during the summer of 1950
and took cabin groups in station wagons to hike outside Catoctin

RDA\'s boundary. Hikers were grouped by the distance they were able to
hike.

Children in group A were able to hike a half a mile, B one mile, C a
mile and a half, D two miles and those in E group were able to hike
three miles or more.[^541]

Project Manager Williams Circulated Greentop\'s 1952 annual report among
officials in the NPS \"so they would be aware of the benefits being
derived from NPS facilities by the handicapped children.\"[^542]
Circulation of the report resulted in a special

commendation to the Baltimore League for Crippled Children and Adults,
Inc., from the Department of Interior for their excellent program,
including Greentop, \"social services in hospitals, clinics and nursery
schools for cerebral palsied children and training workshops for
adults.\"[^543] The organization\'s name had been changed the previous
year.

Live animals, pictures and a craft display formed a \"zooseum\" set up
on the porch of the boy\'s Lodge, and trips were taken to jungle Land
Snake Farm and Lily Pons fish farm.[^544] A contest entitled Bring \'em
Back Alive Live[^545] was an enthusiastically received new innovation in
1952 that involved points for live specimens brought by children to the
\"zooseum.\" On one trip several snakes were donated to the reptile farm
and two tame descented skunks were presented in return.[^546] Campers
using wet and dry thermometers, a weather vane and a barometer made
weather predictions and raised appropriate flags each morning.[^547]

By 1953, adults with disabilities were camping at Greentop for a
two-week session in August. An adaptation of the children\'s program
that provided 35 campers aged 16 and older with an \"economical
recreation and health-building holiday too seldom

available to adults handicapped by crippling.\"[^548] Adults enjoyed
seated activities in the

evenings such as star gazing and tall tale telling. Hand shadows, car
caravans and recorded music of nature sounds were very popular. A
flexible schedule with leisurely breakfasts and late summer evenings was
available for \$35 for two weeks camp. The original dining hall burned
in 1955 and ways replaced by a more modern structure more suited to the
uses of the campers. Easily accessible, it became a programming asset in

concert with the Quonset hut.[^549]

Two years of hard work by NPS Naturalist, Marc Sagan, paid off when
nature

counselors became required by contract for the 1956 season. The MLCC
hired a nature counselor versed in all facets of crafts, museums and
hiking.[^550] Camp administrators were sold on the value of natural
science programs and integrated them into every aspect of camp life.
Greentop\'s 1956 Annual Report. reflected campers\' and staffs\' real
eagerness to learn about their surroundings and the popularity of the
hikes and programs.[^551] Although the gimp, leather and beads were not
totally left in the city, real inroads had been made in natural science
programming. Park naturalists continued to contribute to the programs at
Greentop, but on a special event basis. Nature council fires, indoor
evening programs and animal displays were conducted by naturalists,
featuring the history of the Catoctin area, primitive tools and bird
banding.[^552]

Catoctin Mountain Park (Catoctin MP) personnel assisted the MLCC with

maintenance of the camp, pool operation, garbage pick-ups, grass cutting
and wood supply for fires being the principle contributions.[^553] In
1960, Mission 66 projects were making a noticeable difference and
Greentop s Annual Report noted the superb condition of the camp on
opening day. The YIPS, Mr. Shank and his crew were much appreciated by
those in the organization who remembered \"the not so good old days\"
when money and staff were short at Catoctin MP.[^554]

By 1965 hikes and programs taking advantage of newly built Mission 66
facilities broadened Greentop camper\' hiking and natural science
experience. Cunningham Falls, Wolf Rock Nature Trail, Thurmont Vista,
Hog Rock, Chimney Rock via Camp Peniel, Charcoal Trail and Chestnut
Picnic Area weather Station were part of the summer agenda. Wheelchair
outings were arranged to Owens Creek, Hunting Creek and the weather
station. Children hiked on the Appalachian Trail and Cat Rock in
Cunningham Falls State Park and used Catoctin MP for berry hikes,
sassafras tea hikes, fishing and daily outings. The 1969 Annual Report
affectionately referred to the Park and its inhabitants as \"the
glorious flora and fauna of Burchard\'s wonderland.\"[^555] Blue Blazes
Still, the Deerfield Nature Trail and Folk Craft Center were
destinations of the early 1970\'s. Park Rangers led leaf identification
at Chestnut Picnic area and conducted treasure hunts following the
program [^556]

Program innovations in 1964 introduced a split session for campers,
reflecting an increase in the \"more severely involved child who imposes
multiple stresses on staff\" and a change in camp philosophy. Camp
Greentop had evolved from a physical health camp to one of social
rehabilitation.\" Statistically, the camper population included
approximately 66% campers with cerebral palsy and 35% all other
disabilities combined.[^557] Another change of a social nature took
place in 1973, when a teens session and a younger children\'s session
was introduced. Deemed very successful by staff and campers, the
innovation mad planning easier for each group.

During the 1973 session the wheelchair campers were again distributed

between cabins in a successful mainstreaming experiment.[^558] Ramps for
Greentop\'s buildings and the Spicebush Nature Trail to the Chestnut
Picnic Area were completed by the Youth Conservation Corps in 1976. The
Spicebush Nature Trail, built for wheelchair hiking, enabled more
children increased access to the park[^559] was an especially positive
addition to the program at Greentop.[^560] In 1980 "severely profoundly
handicapped\" youngsters went to camp for a week and a special session
was held for the deaf in additon to regular sessions.[^561]

Catoctin Mountain Park, its\' staff and many volunteers continued to an
integral part of camp life at Greentop, providing the children with
special programs and physically maintaining the camp. \"Programs are
adjusted to the abilities of the campers and abilities, not disabilities
are stressed.\"[^562] In 1982 the volunteers of the C.A.M.P.E.R.
organization introduced an innovative and successful horseback-riding
program. C.A.M.P.E.R. also was responsible for maintenance of the camp
and handles all administrative duties. In August of 1987, the Baltimore
League celebrated their 50^th^ anniversary at Greentop.

[Frederick County Outdoor School at Camp Greentop]{.underline}

Catoctin Mountain Park\'s Camp Greentop became the site of the first
outdoor

Education program in Maryland and one of the earliest in the United
States when the Frederick County School Board established their program
in the spring of 1957. When first contacted in October of 1956 the park
staff was unsure of the nature of the program and its relationship to
the park, but they soon learned they were involved with an energetic and
enthusiastic educator. Dr. Warren Evans, Frederick County Supervisor of
Health and Physical Education had attended a Virginia State Workshop in
Outdoor Education in September 1956 along with Herbert Stiener, State
Supervisor of Health, Physical Education and Recreation. While at the
workshop they learned of California\'s successful outdoor school program
begun in San Diego, in 1947, as an \'addition to the Yosemite Field
School of Natural History.[^563] In October 1956 Evans suggested a
similar outdoor curriculum to Dr. James A. Sensenbaugh, Superintendent
of Frederick County Schools.[^564] With Sensenbaugh\'s approval, Dr.
Evans took charge of the program and began groundwork for its
implementation by reserving Misty Mount from May 20 to 30, 1957. They
ultimately would camp at Greentop.

Jack Boley, Assistant Project Manager and Park Naturalist Marc Sagan met

with Frederick County School Board officials on December 7, 1956, to
describe camp

facilities at CMP.[^565] [The Frederick Post]{.underline}, December 8
issue reported at length the attendance and contents of the meeting. In
addition to Dr. Evans and the Frederick County School Board, Albert M.
Powell of the Maryland Game and Inland Fisheries Division, Jack Karnig,
Frederick County Assistant Forester for the State Department of Forests
and Parks, George Swartz, Federal Soil Conservationist for Frederick
County and Baron Ashbaugh, Educational Assistant try the Board of
Natural Resources of the State Department of Resources and Education
attended the meeting as consultants from their departments.

At the meeting, Dr. Jackson Anderson, an expert in recreation and
outdoor education from the American Association of Health, Physical
Education and Recreation presented the philosophy and background of
existing outdoor programs. He defined outdoor education as "simply the
provision for educational experiments best conducted out of doors," an
actual experience in a natural climate with hands-on, organized learning
and stressed that outdoor education was not new. New Jersey school
systems first experimented successfully with outdoor education in the
1940\'s, sponsored by Life magazine and the Kellogg Foundation. After
Anderson\'s presentation Dr. Evans called on state and local experts to
give their time to implement the program in their respective fields at
Catoctin. Stream ecology and fishing, water shed studies, fire
prevention, and tree planting were elements of the program that could be
taught by those present at the meeting. Maryland Department of Resources
and Education representative Ashbaugh warned that the children needed to
come to camp in good physical condition and suggested good preparation
before \"pushing out the school walls all the way into the
mountains."[^566]

Two committees emerged from the December 7 meeting. A program

committee to plan the curriculum and trips for the students and an
administrative committee to handle the logistical operations of the
site. Jack Boley acted as a special advisor to the administrative
committee. Professors arid students from Johns Hopkins, Hood College and
the University of Maryland were invited to participate, with credit
offered if arrangements could to made with their respective schools.

Evans has heartened by the enthusiasm for the program. By December
10,1956 he had chosen the two classes to attend the pilot camp in the
Spring of 1957, based on their teachers\' enthusiasm for the
program.[^567] Miss Janet Wickless and Mrs. Juanita Shanholtz would
\"live and learn\" at camp, advised by Marc Sagan, Park Naturalist and
former school teacher, and other experts. Audio visual programs and
field trips to points of interest in the area were planned to supplement
the out of doors. The cost per student was estimated at \$7-10 a week
for food with the board of Education paying the rest of the

expenses of curriculum, staff and transportation.

Within a week of the initial meeting, Dr. Evans had his camp staff

appointed and a list of planned activities. The two committees had met
on December 10, 1956 at Catoctin MP and made progress on the problems
confronting the new program.[^568] The [Frederick News]{.underline}
reported on December 15, that his administrative staff would consist of
a Director, Program Chairman, Food Service Director, Camp Clerk and Camp
Nurse. Three local boy Scout officials and five physical education
teachers were to be cabin counselors for the boys, the women teachers
and administrators doubled as cabin councelors for the girls.[^569]

The program committee proposed hikes to Chimney Rock and Cunningham
Falls,

Nature walks to study birds and trees, illustrated lectures, movies, a
trip to the Lewistown Hatchery, campfires, folk and square dances, cook
outs, bait and fly casting, tree planting, erosion studies, softball,
horseshoes and archery[^570]

Throughout the winter Sagan prepared illustrations for talks and
Frederick County Outdoor School teacher\'s booklet.[^571] On April d b,
1957, a training session for the new staff was held at Catoctin MP and
Sagan visited the two 6th grade classes in early May to

introduce the children and teacher to their camping experience at
Catoctin MP and reviewed park regulations. Preparation activities were
chosen from lists provided by the teachers and involved compasses,
topographic maps and road maps to compute travel time and teach the use
of compasses.[^572] Teachers and children participated in menu planning,
a student operated store and classroom work related to special
activities at camp.

The first session of the pilot outdoor school was held the last two
weeks in May. Daily programs varied with the weather. Park Naturalist,
Marc Sagan did most of the instructing and held a hike a day, to
dispense a \"maximum dose of trailside interpretation.\"[^573] Campers
were briefed on safety and given a special poison ivy identification
session. Teachers were encouraged to take a bigger part in the next
sessions. Sagan judged the program "highly successful and an enlarged
program was planned" for the next fall. Increased use by the campers
kept the trails open and they were in unusually good condition for the
spring, with no need for park trail clearing crews.[^574]

A second probationary two week session was held in the fall of 1957.
After the

two sessions of camping at Catoctin, Dr. Evans felt the educational
theory that \"conservation and democratic living can best be taught in
an outdoor setting" was alive and well. Students learned about nature
and getting along with one another. New skills

and exciting stories were carried home and Evans tried to make sure that
no one did anything at camp that they could do just as well in
school.[^575]

Two reports were filed after the second camping period in the fall of
1957, one by Park Naturalist Marc Sagan, the other by Dr. Evans, Camp
Director. Each reflected their area of expertise and described the
activities and philosophy of the camp during its first two seasons and
as it continues today with minor changes. Marc Sagan considered the
Frederick County Outdoor School camping program to be "the best
experience of wise park use\" he had seen. He reported that the
camper\'s week began with treasure hunts to orient the children with
their temporary home and continued the games with the use of compass
relays, leaf relays, and bird card games. Crafts included track casting,
ozalid printing, nature collections, and Indian loom grass mat weaving.
Children hiked to Thurmont Vista Overlook, Cunningham Falls, a fire
tower and collected specimens at Owens Creek that were examined and
discussed before being released. Roadside hikes \"examined trash for
evidence of the offender\'s identity." Sagan thought this latter hike
one of

the more worthwhile teaching activities since no single class of park
user could be

pinpointed as the offender and the children learned a lot. A trip to
Catoctin Furnace included nature study, folk lore, exploring and
adventure. A fishing trip featured State Fish and Game officials plus
\"local casting enthusiasts." Fire making demonstrations, tree
plantings, snake exhibits, stargazing and a slide presentation on local
mammals rounded out the activities. Sagan described the camping as \"a
learning experience of the kind that will shape attitudes towards the
Park and its use.\" The report concluded with the suggestion that in the
future the naturalist should concentrate efforts on teacher training so
the school system could take charge of its own program with NPS
assistance for

special events only.[^576]

Dr. Evans\'s report to the Board of Education of Frederick County
accented the administrator\'s view of the camp. He presented lists of
goals and objectives, long range planning ideas and staffing suggestions
discovered over the weeks of camping. Five objectives of the curriculum
included: (1) Recognition of tike value of natural resources and \"learn
to use them wisely; (2) Emphasis on science education and the kindling
of children\'s interest in science; (3) Provide a hands on experience;
(4) \"Learn to live democratically with other children and with adults
through experiences in outdoor living;\" (5) Learn outdoor living skills
and interests that have a lasting effect on adult life.

Evans reported that eight classes of sixth graders totaling 300 children

had camped at Catoctin MP from September 23 to October 18, 1957.
Staffing had

changed from volunteers to salaried personnel who provided continuity
throughout the eight weeks. Frostburg State Teachers College assigned
student teachers as camp counselors for a week at a time on a
cooperative agreement. Long-range plans called for every sixth grader in
the Frederick County School System to attend the Outdoor School by the
fall of 1958 and for every teacher attend as well. Teacher attendance
was not mandatory, but was "key to the effectiveness\" of the program,
as cooperative student/teacher preparation for camp was part of the
curriculum of the classroom and a component of the school year.

In conclusion, Dr. Evans wrote that the program had potential as a great

educational tool, as children found the experience very motivating. He
felt that the

\"conservation of natural resources, the natural sciences, democratic
living and wholesome use of leisure can be taught most effectively in a
outdoor setting.\" Evans emphasized the obvious need for science
education and that the Outdoor School could provide such a
program.[^577]

The Frederick County School Board agreed with Dr. Evans and the Outdoor

School opened again the spring of 1958. Catoctin MP had experienced a
full administrative staff turnover the end of the 1958 summer camping
season.[^578] Dr. Evans requested a meeting with W. Drew Chick, Jr.,
Interpretive Branch Chief and Maurice Sullivan to discuss National Park
Service(NPS) park naturalist assistance during the spring of a 1958 for
the Outdoor School. Evans also wanted to discuss a permanent permit for
use of Catoctin MP for the School. Chick in a memo to the Superintendent
of National Capital Parks (NCP) highly recommended continued use for the
"wholly worthwhile activity" with the stipulation that the programs
follow NPS regulations concerning resource protection. Chick was
concerned about the fire line construction demonstrations and planting
of exotic species in the tree planting programs.[^579]

With the blessing of the NPS and the School Board, the Frederick County
Outdoor School grew within five years to serve 1300 sixth graders each
year at Greentop. A press release dated July 25, 1961 reported that
teachers colleges and high schools provided 65 student teachers and 16
volunteers by the spring of 1961, providing a student/teacher ratio of
one teacher for every eight students.

A permanent principle, Roy Okan, was hired to oversee four permanent
teacher, a nurse, four cooks and a handyman. Okan, a high school history
teacher, had previous experience with similar programs at Battlecreek,
Michigan and a master\'s degree in guidance counseling. In the off
season he traveled to various schools as a visiting science teacher.
Students reported they were willing to go to school from 7:30 am to
5:30pm if it could always be like the Outdoor School.[^580]

At the end of its first decade of operation, the Frederick County
Outdoor

School was more than able to take its rightful place in the forefront of
the environmental movement developing in the United States. The program
had changed little from that established in 1956, but class labels
reflected the new philosophy, becoming geology, botany and wildlife
management.[^581] In addition to the 12,000 Frederick County sixth
graders, 500 high school seniors and 500 college student teachers acting
as counselors had been influenced by attending camp, many of whom had
attended previously as campers. The job Corps program benefited too, as
Corpmen from the Catoctin Center were hired to perform the heavy work in
camp and worked in the kitchen.[^582] Six other Maryland counties had
established outdoor classes modeled after the \"pioneering Frederick
County program\" and educators from Norway, India, Philippines and
Australia had visited over the years.[^583]

At the twenty year mark the original program was still intact and the
camp proclaimed an \"educational \'piece de resistance\'\" by the
Frederick News on June 9, 1976. The newly impounded lake at Cunningham
Falls State Park enabled campers to benefit from U. S. Coast Guard water
safety classes in canoes. For the first time, at \$.50 fee for

each camper\'s meals was levied. High school student still acted as
volunteer counselors and parents still were encouraged not to visit camp
except in emergencies. Reflecting the increased community activities for
children, sports events, recitals and parades were not considered
acceptable excuses for leaving camp. No candy, comics, money, radios,
stereos or knives: (not even pocketknives) were allowed in camp.[^584]

The pattern of camp life and natural science principles established in
1956 continued into the eighties in the Frederick County Outdoor School
Program. Interrelationships between man and nature studied in the out of
doors became environmental education and ecological theories in the
1970\'s that.

taught man\'s place in the environment. Children through the years
learned by doing; to absorb common sense rules they needed to preserve
their environment and get along with others.

[Round Meadow Camp]{.underline}

Round Meadow camp evolved from the original Central Garage Area chosen
by Project Manager Mike Williams as a park headquarters and staging area
for the development of Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area
(Catoctin RDA) in 1935. Originally the site of garages, oil pit, sawmill
and rock crusher, the first modification of the complex began when a
Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp was built nearby in April of
1939. The former CCC technical service quarters site became a trailer
park for Navy personnel and their families at Camp David. CCC buildings
had been sold to the highest bidder and removed. Initial opposition by
the NPS to the trailers was overcome and a community of four portable
structures was agreed to on November 9, 1955 for a fee of \$6.00 a month
for utilities.[^585]

Additional construction in the winter of 1964 of a brick and block work

shops and portable dorms by the job Corps further changed the Central
Garage Area and

added to the traffic, general congestion and conglomeration of different
building types. After the Job Corps Center closed in May of 1969 the
Folk Culture Center was created at Round Meadow and the complex of
buildings assumed a new purpose. Job Corps dorms continued as a year
round camp for a variety of social programs serving disadvantaged youth,
as dictated by the Office of Economic Opportunity. Young people from the
Youth Conservation Corps began an eight week summer residential camp at
Round Meadow in 1971. The Mid-Atlantic Conference on Outdoor Education
was held at Round Meadow as was a Maryland Biology Teacher\'s
Association meeting.

A \"Summer in the Parks\" program occupied Round Meadow in 1969 as part
of a

National Capital Parks summer program for inner city youngsters. Summer
in the Parks, initiated by the NPS in the summer of 1968 to "lure people
to the parks," was modeled after a program developed by NPS consultant
and industrial designer Russell Wright in New York City\'s Central Park.
NPS Director, George Hartzog presented plans for the program in February
1968 at a meeting with representatives of Congress, Defense Department,
Smithsonian, Boy Scouts, Girls Scouts and Washington Mayor Walter
Washington. The program bused children to a \"mystery\" campsite in
three Washington D.C. area parks, Catoctin MP, Greenbelt and Prince
William Park in 1969. Hartzog planned to borrow buses from the
Department of Defense and recruit volunteers to get inner-city children
out of the city and "acquaint them with life in the out of doors."[^586]

Though plans for the Summer in the Parks program were well underway in
the spring of 1968, tension after the assassination of Martin Luther
King in April of 1968 increased the urgency to implement the program and
it was giver priority.[^587] Round Meadow welcomed 30 inner city
children at a time for seven day periods of camping, fishing, hiking
field trips and swimming in July and August of 1969, six weeks after job
Corpsmen vacated the camp. The program was so successful that officials
extended it to include weekends in September.[^588] The 1970 camping
season featured a three-week cultural arts camp staffed by music and
dance professionals with an educational background supported by a
\$75,000 budget.[^589]

At the same time Summer in the Parks began, NPS Director Hartog involved

District of Columbia schools. A pilot National Environmental Education
Development

(NEED) program developed by the University of California was proposed to
send school children to camp for a week at Prince William Forest Park
with intentions to expand the school program if successful.[^590] The
program was a success and District of Columbia school children came to
Catoctin MP under this program for an outdoor school in 1971. The
curriculum was similar to the Frederick County Outdoor School and took
advantage of the Folk Culture Center and Environmental Museum. A
cooperative agreement was signed with the District of Columbia School
system in October of 1979.[^591]

Funding was jeopardized in 1980 but the National Football League Players

Association rescued the program with a grant of \$900,000, one of eleven
in the nation

and the only one to emphasize environmental education.[^592] A
cooperative agreement with the Players Association was signed in October
of 1980[^593] and lasted for two years. District of Columbia Schools
resumed their camps the summer of 1984 with a six and eight week summer
computer/nature camp.[^594]

[Living History Interpretation]{.underline}

Park Naturalist Marc Sagan introduced living history interpretation to
Catoctin Mountain Park (Catoctin MP) 1956 with an \"illustrated talk on
Catoctin Coal Hearths\" and a land use history.\" After talking to local
residents and recording interviews \"about

the steps involved in the process of charcoal production,\" Sagan
presented his program on the subject to 150 members of the Maryland
Ornithological Society in Baltimore.[^595] The next summer he adapted
his presentation for children in the organized camp programs at Misty
Mount and Greentop.[^596] Ranger programs integrated local history,
charcoal hearths, and local customs into Catoctin MP\'s environmental
interpretation of the park.[^597]

Catoctin MP\'s 1965 Master Plan highlighted potential living history
themes in park interpretation. Charcoal hearth waysides were already
established near Hog Rock parking lot, \"pre-park farm ruins\", the
Emmitsburg mileage marker near Ike Smith pumphouse, and the sawmill site
on Owens Creek and George Washington\'s survey marker near Camp Peniel
were noted. Superintendent Webb was deeply interested in the blacksmith
shop, and considered it a valuable and significant structure.[^598]
Living history formally came into favor in the NPS when George Hartzog
succeeded Conrad Wirth as Director in January 1964. Beginning with
living farm programs the NPS broadened the concept to include military
sites and demonstrations in period dress.[^599]

Living history became a major interpretive theme at Catoctin MP with the

arrival of Superintendent Frank Mentzer in June 1968. illustrator,
advertising executive, and self described \"shade tree historian,\"
Mentzer had six years experience as \"assistant for public affairs to
the Regional Director of the NPS\'s 16 state NE region\" in
Philadelphia. He had edited Family Camping magazine before going to work
for the NPS.[^600] In mid-September 1968 Mentzer took initial planning
steps for a feasibility study to explore a living historical mountain
farm project.\" Tasks included examination of base maps to locate
potential restorable farms in the park, research on farm practices and
ultimately a farm prospectus and chronology for reconstruction[^601].

Mentzer enlarged and broadened the interpretation and public awareness
of Catoctin MP within months of his arrival. He was shocked his first
summer at the park to realize that many people still thought the park
was closed to visitors. "Local people remembered when the road was
fisted with no admittance signs\' during World War II.[^602] When
Mentzer arrived two campfire programs a week were held during the summer
and a Sunday morning nature walk with a ranger comprised the
interpretive program, supplemented with fall and spring special events.
Mentzer\'s use-oriented background was challenged by the situation anti
he began to focus on adding park interpretation for

day-use visitors.[^603] From \"first hand experience\" the new
superintendent knew that urban

populations needed \"destinations and reasons\" to visit natural
environments. He intended to provide the destination and attract
visitors to Catoctin MP with programs targeting

nearby metropolitan areas.[^604]

Mentzer began by interviewing his staff, giving special attention to
local people who worked in the park. Research into the history of the
area led to the rediscovery of the charcoaling industry within the park
boundaries.[^605] Mentzer had found his interpretive vehicle and began
to develop it in earnest, to the consternation of Duncan Burchard, chief
naturalist of the park. Burchard insisted that only nature-oriented
interpretation was appropriate, but Mentzer prevailed, arguing that the
\"recreational area" management status of the park described in the 1965
master plan permitted the additional focus.[^606]

Mentzer had experience with the coaling industry after working on a
project at Hopewell Village and pursued the subject at Catoctin MP with
the help of local people on the staff and members of Catoctin Tourist
Council. The Council had been formed by former superintendent Harold
Jones in the spring; of 1965 and consisted of representatives of
businesses, service clubs, churches, camp grounds, orchards and motel
owners who organized to promote the Thurmont area.[^607] An elderly
coalier, Elmer Cole, was. borrowed from Hopewell to supervise the
recreation of a charcoal hearth and but to be built by tile maintenance
staff of the park. The local men on the maintenance staff became
enthused about the project and soon other residents were participating,
appreciating the interest of a locally bred superintendent in their
heritage.[^608]

The formal dedication of outdoor living history exhibits on the Charcoal

Trail and the new visitor center expansion coincided with the annual
Colorfest, on October 20, 1968.[^609] An article by Anne Burnside Love
in [The Baltimore Sun]{.underline} described the trail as featuring a
mule drawn sled, a restored section of the old charcoal road to Catoctin
Furnace, a charcoal hearth stacked with several dozen cords of wood
arranged for burning and a replica of a coalier\'s hut.[^610] Russell E.
Dickenson, Associate

Regional Director of National Capital Region (NCR) spoke and tours of
the new facilities were held every half hour. A choral group from
Frederick, Maryland completed the dedication and Blue Blazes visitor
center exhibits received new installations to complement the outdoor
interpretation.[^611] Mayor Weddle of Thurmont issued a proclamation
recognizing Catoctin MP\'s special programs and contributions to
citizens of the area and articles appeared in local papers publicizing
Catoctin MP\'s virtues, features of interest and programming. Large
picture spreads of Catoctin\'s vistas, wildlife and camping enticed
newspaper readers to \"get away from the hustle and bustle of everyday
living.\"[^612] Mentzer contributed a weekly newspaper column to the
Catoctin Enterprise to publicize the park to Frederick County residents
and let them know the park was open and available.[^613]

[Folk Culture Center]{.underline}

Within a year of Mentzer\'s arrival at Catoctin MP the rural job Corps
Conservation Camp located at the Round Meadow was eliminated by
President Nixon. The unexpected closing of the job Corps program left
vacant buildings, prompting a request for \"immediate consideration\"
for the best use of the facilities.[^614] Supt. Mentzer, in an April 17,
1969 letter to the Regional Director, stated that "it was assumed the
job Corps program would continue in perpetuity" and no provisions or
plans were made at Catoctin MP if the program was discontinued. Several
state agencies expressed interest in the Job Corp site for a possible
drug rehabilitation center or prison facility.[^615] Following visitor
service trends within the NPS, Mentzer himself proposed a living history
program in the complex of buildings vacated by the Job Corps.

Mentzer\'s newspaper column an the history of the area paid dividends
when

he proposed the formation of a Catoctin Heritage Association to assist
in living history programming at Catoctin MP. The Association\'s first
meeting was held on May 22, 1969 at Catoctin High School, thus beginning
the interaction of the community with programming at the park.[^616]
Group organizers, citing other successful programs recognizing
distinctive American sub-cultures, hoped to gather resources for the
program through oral interviews, local period photographs and artifacts.
Proposed geographic boundaries included Catoctin Mountain from the
Pennsylvania line to the

Potomac River and the area east to the Monocacy River[^617] Planning
also involved the Catoctin Mountain Tourist Council.

Mentzer forwarded a memo dated July 23, 1969 to NCR recommending a

"conservative trial effort too test the validity of the living history
idea and identify problems.\" Approval was received in September and
funds made available from the Regional Offices to \"upgrade the
facilities and maintain the program.\"[^618] Wasting no time, the
concept was tested the weekend of the October 1969 Colorfest. A
blacksmith and apple butter demonstration attracted 1400 visitors that
fall Sunday, a 400% increase in visitation and an all time high for
attendance. The program also received gratifying response and
participation from local residents. Tools and other artifacts were
loaned, time donated and a \"tide of local interest\" existed [^619]

Encouraged by the crowds and citing Interior Sectretary Hickel\'s
general

memo of June 18, 1969, \"calling for program innovations that will
enhance the "educational, inspirational and recreational values of all
parks, especially for our youth,\" Mentzer requested permission to
create a \"Folk Culture Center\" (Folk Culture Center). A justification
statement for proposed construction at Catoctin MP to support the new
program was compiled and forwarded too NCR on November 3, 1969.[^620]
Permission was granted on February 4, 1970 to open tree Folk Culture
Center every other weekend during the summer visit-or season of
1970.[^621]

Works Progress Administration and Job Corps buildings at the Service
area

were adapted to house activities and the area was renamed Round Meadow.
Williams\'s

original headquarters building became a country store and the blacksmith
shop was integrated into the interpretive program. Existing park
personnel and budgets were used.[^622] The long brick and block building
constructed in the winter of 1964 for job Corps training was subdivided
into a series of demonstration spaces for mountain crafts by park crews
under the direction of Ray Nogle. Arthur Webb, park carpenter,
contributed many hours to the sets, working from perspective drawings by
Superintendent Mentzer.[^623] Staff members visited Hopewell Village
National Historic Site\'s costumed interpretation program as a resource
for the Folk Culture Center at Catoctin MP.[^624] NPS historian and wool
spinner, Janet Chess, was assigned to Catoctin MP for a short while to
get the program off the ground and see it through the first three

weekends.[^625]

On the weekend of June 20, 1970, set against the backdrop of cinder
block walls, urban trainees and volunteers from the Catoctin Mountain
Heritage Association opened the Folk Culture Center.[^626] Catoctin High
School students staffed the General store where visitors could purchase
candies and preserves and items similar to those made in the craft
demonstrations. Proceeds from the sale of crafts financed materials
needed by demonstrators through the Parks and History Association. Paul
Lewis, a local resident, rived shingles in the "carpentry Shop" with a
shaving horse and drawknife. Tyson Welty manned the forge in the
blacksmith shop, 9th grader Elizabeth Anderson dipped candles, and
Melissa Weinstein quilted. Ken Morgan, Catoctin MP Administrative
Officer, demonstrated a broom-making machine after being taught to use
it by Mr. Jess Willard of Catoctin Hollow Road.[^627] The park carpenter
had patterned the broom making after a picture[^628] and measurements
taken from a machine owned by Willard. Volunteers in the kitchen exhibit
stirred applebutter in iron kettles, made soap and demonstrated apple
peelers.[^629]

Also opening June 20, 1970 was a whiskey still demonstration at the
reputed

site of a Frederick County Sheriff\'s raid on a large commercial still
in 1929, locally called the \"Blue Blazes.\" Mentzer\'s research and
talks with local people had revealed that such a site existed within the
park. At a Job Corps meeting in Washington he learned that the Smoky
Mountain National Park had several stills in a warehouse that had been
obtained in raids.[^630]

NPS policy dictated that stills had to be part of an integrated program
of living history, to dispel the idea that the demonstration was \"a
monument to the distilling industry, legal or otherwise.\" The Women\'s
Christian Temperance Union had protested the operation of whiskey stills
in other parks and the Service was especially sensitive to the
appearance of the interpretive device.[^631]

Mentzer felt the living history program at Catoctin MP fulfilled the NPS
requirements for an integrated program and made arrangements to obtain a
copper still from Tennessee where it had been seized in a raid at Cades
Cove. Using diagrams from Foxfire magazine, Mentzer\'s maintenance staff
assembled the still and permission was received from the Alcohol Tax
Division of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to run it. The IRS
required \"bitrex\"[^632] be added to the mash to make people vomit if
they drank the product. Trial runs at the still were held in late May of
1970, before the first weekend of demonstrations.[^633] Park staff later
appeared on the Gary Moore Show, \"To Tell the Truth\" as legal
moonshiners and their winnings were donated to Eyler\'s

Valley Chapel to fence the site.[^634]

Mentzer felt confident enough after the third trial weekend of the
living history program to request a modification in Catoctin MP\'s
master plan to include a Folk Culture Center.[^635] June 20, 1970 the
first weekend of the pilot program, attracted 609 visitors. Subsequent
weekends of July 3 and July 18 attracted a total of 4973 visitors.[^636]
Mentzer\'s plan proposed a cooperative agreement with the Catoctin
Mountain Heritage Association and the Catoctin Mountain Tourist Council
for operation of the Folk Culture Center during the 1971 tourist season.
Volunteer participation had been good and plans included establishment
of an apprenticeship program \'by cooperating organizations to
perpetuate the skill we are endeavoring to save.\" Future plans included
the addition of music and dancing, a \"cooperative agreement with the
National Folk Festival Association\" and consideration of another site
within the park.[^637] Tree season\'s series of six weekend trials were
successful and plans were made to add a cider press and pottery
demonstration for the 1971 season. The Catoctin Mountain Tourist Council
hoped to enlarge the inventory of the store by seeking related items
from local handcrafters.

Alice Allen, a cultural anthropologist and historian from the University
of

Texas with a specialty in traditional folk crafts, transferred from
Gettysburg to Catoctin MP in December of 1970. As park historian she
promoted and expanded the Folk Culture Center at Round Meadow and
researched of the theme \'Man at Catoctin Mountain.\"[^638] Elaborate
settings built over the winter for craft exhibits transformed the
interior of the subdivided Job Corps building. A barn interior housed
the broom-making machine and settings for a carpenter\'s shop were
built. Other sections featured a mountain home with a quilting frame set
up in the living room, a bedroom and a country kitchen.[^639]

Interpretive problems, costuming and themes were discussed over the
winter

as construction proceeded. Dating each exhibit was particularly
difficult. Staff decided

that unless a major technological advancement served as a demarcation or
an obvious reason existed to date a craft no arbitrary date would be
assigned. The approximate era depicted encompassed the 118 years from
1732 to 1850, as \"it was soon after this latter date that the major
changes in lifestyle occurred.\" Mentzer reasoned that each exhibit
would evolve into its own cut-off date, but meanwhile \"functional
accommodations\" were made until they could be corrected.[^640]

Costumes reflected the early 19th century and a need was expressed \"to
be quite definite in the costuming details that will distinguish
costumed craftsmen from visiting Georgetown hippies.\"[^641]
Interpretive themes fused on man\'s uses of mountain resources and their
effect on the environment. Interpreters emphasized life styles and the
interdependence of man and nature to tell the story of Catoctin
Mountain. Mentzer considered the human element of the Folk Culture
Center as opposed to static displays, to be a most effective and unique
aspect of the working craft program.[^642]

The Folk Craft Center grew and matured over the next two seasons to
include

more elaborate and refined exhibit areas, more crafts presented and
dancing and singing. Folk music, introduced on a trial basis at the
COLORfest in October of 1971, explored the requirements for public
address systems, platforms and accessories. No budget existed for the
activity so performers donated time while staff explored ways to finance
recognized performers for its programs.[^643] A seasonal demonstration
of hog butchering[^644] was presented on the weekend of November 20 and
21, 1972, along with blacksmithing, pottery making, shingle riving,
spinning, weaving, broom making and kitchen craft demonstrations.[^645]
Teacher\'s manuals, brochures and movies were produced to add to the
educational value of the Folk Culture Center with contributions from
staff and energetic leadership from Frank Mentzer.

Another project initiated by Frank Mentzer was the recreation of a
vertical saw mill located in the vicinity of Owens Creek Campground.
Begun in 1971 by the Youth Conservation Corp, and dedicated in 1973, the
sawmill depicted a mill used on Catoctin Mountain at the turn of the
century. Mentzer researched vertical sawmills and drew plans for
reconstruction from Oliver Evan\'s Millwright\'s Handbook. The park
maintenance crew under direction of expert carpenter Arthur Webb built
the mill from hand hewn beams with traditional building methods.

Mentzer also found the site of a gristmill near Deerfield -Manahan Road
and began plans for reconstruction on the site.[^646] Mentzer had
selected this portion of the park as the future site of a larger living
history farm reconstruction. The nature trail behind Owens Creek
Campground wound through the site of an old farmstead that Mentzer
proposed to reconstruct for Folk Culture Center\'s new home.

In September of 1972 Frank Mentzer was transferred to Santa Fe, New
Mexico.

Park development plans abandoned when Mentzer left Catoctin MP included
the rebuilding of Owns Creek Campground into a picnic area and a
350-site camp to be built elsewhere in the park to accommodate
anticipated visitor increases.[^647] He had proposed a public
transportation system for the park that linked the various points of
interest with those at Cunningham Falls State Park. Cabins at both Misty
Mount and Greentop were slated for removal and replacement with more
modern structures, sacrificing the ambiance but providing more space for
people to enjoy the facilities of Catoctin MP.

Frank Pridemore replaced Mentzer as Superintendent of Catoctin MP and

served until August 1975 when Tom McFadden was appointed.[^648] The
living history program continued to be a viable and valuable program
throughout the 1970\'s, serving school children and weekend visitors.
University of Maryland drama department students contributed to the
program in 1976 when a cooperative program researched and presented
sketches \'indigenous to the Western-Central Maryland region.\"[^649] A
Maryland Folklife Festival at Catoctin MP sponsored by the Maryland Arts
Council was attended by 20,000 people in September of 1977 and brought
70 craftsmen.[^650]

The Folk Culture Center at Catoctin MP functioned smoothly until NPS
trends, park maintenance and budget constraints forced an examination of
the program. As early as 1972 a Conservation Foundation report
recommended management decisions be based on -physical, ecological and
psychological carrying capacity- indicating a swing in emphasis toward
consideration and protection of park natural resources. The report urged
that visitor statistics be a secondary criterion for funding allocations
and that parks

should emphasize their \`dominant values\' through participation
activities rather than spectator experiences.[^651] With the growth of
urban centers parks were seen by the authors as places where people
could escape from noise and crowds to natural, quiet and open
space.[^652]

At Catoctin MP the impact of tourists on the natural environment of the
park became a concern. Traffic jams on weekends, trampled vegetation,
and overuse of trails threatened resources. The Denver Service Center
examined the carrying capacity of the

park in 1977.[^653] The peak visitation year for the Folk Culture Center
was in 1977 when 73,000 people attended the demonstrations.[^654]

Other factors influenced the decision to study and eventually close the

Folk Culture Center Program. Craft festivals and shows became a very
popular commercial venture during the late 1970\'s and many communities
around Catoctin MP and throughout the region sponsored their own shows.
Catoctin MP\'s operating budget supported the Folk Culture Center at the
expense of maintenance items and new priorities needed
examination.[^655]

Budget cuts and increased program costs in 1980 closed the Folk Culture
Center on weekends and shortened its weekday hours. Reacting to a memo
from Region calling for budget reductions, Catoctin MP\'s FT 1980
Financial Plan also Cited rising supply costs, step increases for
salaries and general cost increases in to justify the reduction. The
Country Store closed, ending the Park and History Division involvement.
Interpretation at Blue Blazes Still and budgets for interpretive
brochures were cut.[^656] Public hearings, held in October 1980 on
planning alternatives for Round Meadow, reviewed management objectives
as outlined in the 1965 Master Plan. The hearings identified "park
needs, potential and impacts on the local Community" and mailings
informed the public about alternatives at Round Meadow.[^657]

Ultimately the Round Meadow Folk Culture Center was not reopened the
1981

season.[^658] An attempt was made to relocate the Folk Culture Center
outside the park when Maryland Park Service officials were approached
about creating a craft center near the Manor area at Cunningham Falls
State Park. After discussion among state officials

the idea was deemed not feasible at the state level. No storage facility
was available for

artifacts, no money was available for salaries and the whole program was
duplicated at Steppingstone Museum in Susquehanna State Park.[^659]

Finally three exhibit areas were donated to the Frederick County Parks
Department and reconstructed at Rose Hill Manor in Frederick Maryland
for use in their

living history program. Remaining materials and artifacts from the Folk
Culture Center were cataloged and sent to Museum and Archeological
Regional Storage (MARS) in Greenbelt, Maryland.

[Recreation Management]{.underline}

The 1965 Master Plan was an important document that broadened the
Interpretive programming at Catoctin MP by recognizing the year round
use of the park for day-use visitors. Previously, interpretation had
focused on the organized camps but when Superintendent Webb compiled the
1965 plan he recorded for the first time that Catoctin MP\'s mountains,
forests and streams provided a scenic experience for general visiting
public year round. In addition Catoctin MP\'s interpretive prospectus
recognized the opportunities and developed programs for those using the
park, but not attached to the organized camps of Misty Mount and
Greentop.

The Master Plan noted that scenic auto touring was the main use of
Catoctin Mountain Park by the greatest number of visitors. \"Panoramic
views of the Piedmont

Plain could be seen from "trail vistas at Thurmont Vista, Wolf Rock and
Chimney Rock."[^660] The Master Plan proposed a turn out near Thurmont
Vista parking lot so motorists could look toward Sabillasville and
Eyler\'s Valley. Frank Mentzer formalized a self-guided motor tour along
an unpaved backroad beginning at the intersection of Park Central and
Manahan Road in the fall of 1970. A mimeographed guide sheet identified
points of interest, provided a history of the area\'s industry and gave
an environmental lesson on man\'s relationship to the land,[^661] but
the turnouts were never formally constructed.

Superintendent Webb instituted seasonal festivals to showcase the scenic

wonders of Catoctin MP and at the same time take advantage of auto
touring. Spring wildflowers were featured on special interpretive hikes,
photography Jaunts and slide presentations. A wildflower information
center at Blue Blazes Visitor Center identified what flowers were
blooming and their location. Blue Blazes also provided keys, guides and
checklists of flowers found within the park. Self-guided trails and
ranger led walks filled the weekend of recreation at Catoctin MP.[^662]

Fall color walks began on a limited scale in 1963 to celebrate the
changing

colors of the leaves on the mountain trees and encourage families to
visit the mountains

to see the leaves and visit the orchards. After the Completion of Owns
Creek Campgrounds and amphitheater, evening campfires continued after
Labor Day. Superintendent Mentzer\'s arrival in 1968 signaled an
increased interpretive program of weekend hikes, fly tying, and living
history demonstrations that produced the largest crowds of the tourist
season at COLORfest fall activities. More than 25,000 visitors enjoyed
Indian Summer weather at Catoctin MP during the fall of 1974 when the
Catoctin Mountain Tourist Council and communities surrounding Catoctin
MP participated in the event with parades, Civil War skirmishes and flea
markets.[^663]

The 1965 Master Plan also noted the potential for winter sports and
Catoctin MP arrived as a four seasons park when snowmobile trails opened
with the first snowfall of 1971. An eight to ten mile loop of hiking
trials linked together by Youth Conservation Corps labor the summer
before provided a new use for park facilities. Snowmobiling continued
until the mid-1970\'s when horse trails were instituted. A winter
festival was organized by the Catoctin Mountain Tourist Council in
February of 1972 at Round Meadow. Dog sled running, cross country
skiing, and free snowmobile rides were featured outdoor activities.
Displays by businesses selling winter sports equipment filled

the gymnasium and attracted 8,500 visitors.

Catoctin MP\'s winter facilities attracted national attention when the
New York Times and Glamour Magazine included the park in their lists of
cross country skiing areas. Glamour listed the 16 miles of ski trails in
the same billing with Lake Placid, NT and St. Moritz, Switzerland.[^664]
Twelve miles of trails were "brushed out" and provided a good place for
intermediate and advanced cross-country skiers.[^665]

Following scenic auto touring, hiking rated the second most popular
activity at Catoctin MP. "From Hog Rock a view of Hunting Creek Valley
with the Piedmont Plain

beyond\" had been a favorite of hikers for years.[^666] Self-guided
nature walks, the charcoal

trail and a trail to Cunningham Falls offered information and specific
destinations. A 1974 summer schedule of hiking events featured insects,
geology, fungi, photography, stream ecology, edible plants, berries and
even a graveyard hike within the confines of the park.[^667] Trails of
several difficulty levels catered to different age and ability levels
and rangers considered hiking the number one visitor activity by the
summer of 1987,[^668] taking the place of auto touring. Rock climbing
gained popularity in the late 1970\'s and attracted another level of
expertise. Picnicking and fishing rounded out the top four activities of
visitors to Catoctin MP, offering something for everyone.

[Volunteers at Catoctin Mountain Park]{.underline}

Figuring into the recreational activities and facilities of Catoctin MP
were a large corps of volunteers who spend many hours assisting the NPS
staff. Park historian, Alice Allen considered volunteers to be the
mainstay of the Folk Culture Center. From January 1 to June 1, 1971
volunteers gave a total of 370 hours of their time to ready the Folk
Culture Center and included teenagers and grandparents in their
ranks.[^669] Volunteers assisted at the Blue Blazes still, manned the
environmental center, the visitor center and Country Store.

At a time of severe budget cuts at Catoctin MP in 1975, Executive
Director of the Appalachian Trail Club, Les Holmes, supplemented the
recreational program with a successful orienteering program.[^670] This
program began a liaison with volunteers and staff of Catoctin MP\'s
recreation outside the Folk Culture Center. With Mr. Holmes help an
organization named Friends of Catoctin Mountain formed to assist. The
staff and management of Catoctin MP.[^671] Budget cuts continued to
plague the NPS as: a whole and the "Friends" group incorporated in March
1982 to take on some major projects: within the park. The resulting
organization, was named C.A.M.P.E.R., an acronym for Catoctin Area
Mountain Park Environmental Resource.[^672] C.A.M.P.E.R. took on the
task of revitalizing Misty Mount, which had been closed for four years
due to sewer problems and lack of money for maintenance. Misty Mount was
reopened as a family camp for the 1983 season under the management of
C.A.M.P.E.R. and realized a profit after expenses. The organization
sponsored a horse patrol within the park, and an Explorer post.[^673]
Volunteers of C.A.M.P.E.R. spent their recreation time working thousands
of

hours so Catoctin MP can serve its visitors. In 1982, 350 volunteers
contributed 5000 hours in the visitor center, resource management
projects, cabin camp maintenance, horse

patrol and regularly scheduled interpretive programs.[^674] The
volunteer effort has grown to include all aspects of park operations. By
1986, C.A.M.P.E.R. members contributed 14,000 hours and approximately
\$180,000 to park programs.[^675]

:

CHAPTER X

NATURAL RESOURCES MANAGEMENT

Relations between federal, Maryland State and Frederick County officials
have been generally cordial, but history has revealed disagreement on
matters of natural resources management and development. Fishing
regulations, road building, hunting,

impoundment of Big Hunting Creek, and widening of State Road 15 were the
major areas of contention impacting the environment in and around
Catoctin Mountain Park (Catoctin MP).

[Fishing Management]{.underline}

Big Hunting Creek, running through Catoctin Recreational Demonstration
Area (Catoctin RDA), was one of Maryland\'s the most respected trout
streams in the 1930\'s. Anglers arrived on April first, opening day for
fishing in Maryland, knowing the size of their creel take would more
than pay for their license. Fishermen were known to fish with blankets
wrapped around them to keep warm in the cold and blustery dawn.[^676]
Many had camped the night before along the banks of the stream, cooked
their breakfast and were ready to fish at day break. Big Hunting Creek
was a typical mountain stream with rapid descents, pools and variations
in water flow. Stream temperatures supported Brook trout, though the
summer temperatures reached the upper tolerance level for the species.
The creek, easily accessible from Route 77, had been named a \"key"
stream by the state and traditionally received a larger stocking because
of the number of anglers.[^677]

As early as June 1936 fishing on Big Hunting Creek and Owens Creek was

recognized as an important recreational feature in the development of
Catoctin Recreation Demonstration Area (Catoctin RDA).[^678] Frederick
Tresselt, wildlife technician from Region One, made recommendations for
improvement of the six mile section of stream between the municipal
power dam at Thurmont and the source of Big Hunting Creek near Foxville
to increase the recreational fishing potential.[^679] Proposals
included: 1) deepening of existing pools and building of new ones with
naturalistically built dams to a total of 250; (2) deflection of the
current from the exposed clay banks and side channels which would
inhibit erosion and cut off the shallows contributing to rises in water
temperature; 3) clean side springs and branches to permit the flow of
cold water into Big Hunting Creek, as some spread out too form marshes
that seeped warm water into the creek and finally the construction of
rearing pools for trout conveniently located nearby.

Frank L. Bentz, Chief Clerk of the Conservation Department of Maryland
and

Lee LeCompte, state Game Warden were quick to register their concurrence
with the recommendations at a meeting held at Catoctin on July 7,
1936.[^680] LeCompte\'s followup letter expressed confidence that
improvements too Big Hunting Creek would \"materially increase\" the
fish population if implemented and noted that the Maryland Conservation
Dement maintained rearing pools near the Manor Day Area. The six
additional could be supervised by the caretaker already on site.

Though all the land along Big Hunting Creek had been optioned, only the
2000 feet west of the highway had been paid for by March 31, 1937.[^681]
The delay in the purchase of the land affected issuing fishing
regulations for the April 1, 1937, opening of the trout-fishing season
in Maryland. Williams heard through press and phone calls that the
Maryland State Game Commission and Federal government had been
discussing a cooperative venture to devote streams in his project area
to fly-fishing only.[^682] While Williams didn\'t disagree with the fly
fishing concept, he felt the timing was inappropriate, since fishing
season had already started and most local anglers fished with bait.
Enforcement of the new regulation would mean his men would have the
unpopular duty of patrolling private lands.

After observed two fishing seasons at Catoctin, Williams concluded that
an effective introduction to Special Park fishing regulations would be a
program stressing the conservation of the streams and their
surroundings. Since camping along streams resulted in destruction of
cover, he suggested that during the 1937 season campfires and night
fishing be prohibited. Further regulations reduced the creel limit from
10 to 5 fish, and legal fish size raised from 7\" to 9\".[^683]
Suggestions for the prohibition of fires and destruction of property
were approved within four days by Region One.[^684] State regulations
were followed in all other instances.

The next year fishing enthusiasts proposed regulations for Catoctin RDA
modeled after a successful experiment on Pennsylvania's Spring Creek
called \"Fishing for Fun.\" Baltimore sports writer, Peter Chambliss,
referred to the potential program at Catoctin RDA as a \"Fisherman\'s
Paradise,\" where 100 fresh water anglers a day could pay \$0.50 above
the cost of a Maryland fishing license to fish only with artificial
flies.[^685]

Three and one half miles of Big Hunting Creek was to be set aside for
fly fishing in a cooperative program between the Maryland Conservation
Commission and the U.S. Bureau of Fisheries who would provide brook and
brown trout from the Leetown, West Virginia hatchery.

Director of the NPS Arno Cammerer disappointed those from Maryland who
hoped for a full blown program like the one in Pennsylvania. On March
31, 1938, the day before fishing season was to start, he sent a telegram
approving the use of artificial flies and a 6:00 A.M. to 7:00 P.M.
fishing day. The more elaborate system of number controls and fees was
not approved.[^686] Owens Creek was to be left to bait fishermen and
stocked. Maryland participation in the program was limited to stocking
the streams. On the first day of the 1938-fishing season, 50 signs went
up on trees announcing the new regulations.[^687] Williams must have had
some prior notice of the new regulations, or a

printing press at his disposal for overnight work, as Cammerer\'s
telegram came at the eleventh hour.

Williams\'s main concern for the 1937 and 1938 fishing seasons had been
enforcement of rules and regulations on big Hunting Creek that were
different from those followed in the rest of the state of Maryland.
Complaints about the new program filed with the NPS and local newspapers
by fishermen over the two-year period were addressed at the end of the
1938-fishing season. Williams was asked to prepare a letter far Acting
Region One Director Herbert Evison\'s signature to Arno Cammerer,
explaining the situation.[^688]

The resulting letter to Cammerer on June 18, 1938 stated that
fishermen\'s complaints mainly concerned abuse of the rules, such as
\'robbing\' of streams by fishermen who took their limit, went home,
dumped the fish and returned for more. Others claimed never to have seen
a warden in all their trips to Catoctin RDA and said signs along the
creek did not discourage bait fishermen. Evison reported that there was
no basis for complaints after the first few violations in April and that
project personnel who made rounds of the streams each day usually heard
of the inability of fishermen to catch their limit rather than about the
of use of bait. Evison concluded that since only 50% of the stream from
Thurmont to the western boundary of the Catoctin RDA was under the
program, assumptions could have been made that anglers an other parts of
the stream were under the same constraints. \"We have attempted to
pursue a tasteful course in carrying out the regulations governing
Recreational Demonstration Project Areas . . .in view of the customs
that have been recognized as law in this section for several
generations, we are of the opinion that all Federal regulations
affecting these customs adversely have been observed to a remarkable
degree.\"[^689]

Enforcement was aided by the state of Maryland in July 1938 when three
game

Warden commissions were offered to Catoctin RDA personnel, pending
approval by the

Secretary of theInterior. While state authorities could not be involved
in prosecution of a

violation of a federal regulation, project personnel, who were also
state game wardens, would be of benefit to enforcement.[^690] Williams\'
formal recommendation that himself, J. C. Goldsborough and Frank, McAfee
accept commissions as Maryland state game wardens to assist in the
prevention of violations was sent to the Director of the NPS for
approval and forwarding to the Secretary of the Interior.[^691]

Williams hoped early planning for the 1939-fishing season would preclude
the embarrassment of the last minute confusion experienced in 1938. In
midJanuary 1939, he requested that 1938 regulations be enforced with
only a change in the fishing hours.[^692] Five days later he met in his
home with sportsmen and officials from the state of Maryland who still
pushed for the original stream improvement planned for Catoctin RDA in
1936 and Pennsylvania\'s \"Fishing for Fun\" concept. Recommendations
from that meeting included barbless hooks and a five fish creel limit in
addition to the already existing artificial flies regulation. Frank
Bentz of the State Conservation Commission offered to print regulations
for public distribution without cost to the federal government. Williams
disagreed with barbless hooks from an enforcement standpoint and
requested two additional men if new restrictions were imposed.[^693]

Five days before the beginning of the 1939 fishing season regulations
covering the fishing at Catoctin RDA were received, with a note that
signs were being prepared.

The only change from previous years was a creel limit of five fish per
day.[^694] Newspapers were informed of the regulations setting fishing
hours from 7:00 A.M. tea 7:00 P.M. and stating only artificial flies
could be used on Big Hunting Creek within park boundaries.[^695] Fishing
was poor early in the season, even though streams were fully
stocked.[^696]

Williams began his yearly requests for a decision governing the 1940
fishing season in September, 1939, stating in a memo to the Region One
Director that regulations had been received hours before the 1938 and
1939 seasons had opened and had caused a delay in notifying the
public.[^697] Williams had observed the streams within the Catoctin RDA
for four years and concluded that poor fishing and cold weather
justified moving the opening date of fishing season to April 15th. Use
of artificial lures were difficult to enforce, as anglers became
discouraged with their low catch in the still cold weather and used
bait. In addition, Maryland was the only state in the region with an
opening date of April 1. On January 11, 1940 Williams wrote again,
requesting an answer to hip. September letter, stating that Regional
Wildlife Technician, Willis King concurred

and requested approval for the plan.[^698]

Tree well intentioned recommendation to change tale opening of fishing
season was met. with a storm of protest from officials of the State Game
and Inland Fish Commission. Warden Lee LeCompte felt his office had been
left. out. of the decision making process and should be consulted more
often[^699] LeCompte requested a meeting with A. E. Demeray, Acting
Director of the NPS, to discuss the date change.[^700] Objections to the
isolated opening date focused on the confusion of having two opening
dates in Maryland and the overburdening of other streams in the State on
April 1, if Big Hunting Creek within Catoctin RDA opened April 15.
Director of State Parks Pfieffer pushed for an early decision since he
had sportsmen "clamoring" for a date so they

could make their plans.[^701] J. Hammond Brown wrote in his fishing
column that informed circles felt that state officials would succeed in
their efforts.[^702]

Game warden Lee LeCompte, a "staunch supporter of state\'s rights in the
matter of administering its own fish and game\"[^703] challenged the
federal government\'s right to set fishing dates, saying only the State
of Maryland had that authority.[^704] LeCompte, in a

letter to Arno Cammerer, NPS Director, claimed Maryland had sole
authority to vary fishing dates and cited a Supreme Court opinion that
fish and game were the property of the people. He spoke highly of the
cooperation between Maryland and Federal officials at Catoctin RDA, but
declared all opening dates must remain the same.[^705]

Region One Director Tillotson notified LeCompte that opening day for
fishing at Catoctin RDA would remain April 1 and apologized for not
consulting him on the initial study.[^706] Two days later Williams
received notice from Conrad Firth that subsidiary regulations approved
March 25, 1939 for Catoctin RDA had been revoked. New regulations at
Catoctin RDA and 30 other RDA\'s would conform to an April 19, 1937
decision made by the Secretary of the Interior that no subsidiary
regulations could be at "variance with the state laws and regulations
governing fishing."[^707] Williams received a telegram from NPS Director
Cammerer the same day with the message that \"CRDA regulations approved
25 March 1939 (Sec. 20, 24, Chapter I, Title 36, Code of Federal
Regulations) revoked-as were regs at 30 other RDA\'s.\"[^708]

Peter Chambliss\' [Baltimore Sun]{.underline} article of March 10, 1940
reported that Cammerer had "consigned to purgatory\" the experiment at
Catoctin RDA and that state laws would be followed from now on. Big
Hunting Creek was now just another trout stream, a result of the
"contention\" over the proposed opening date. The article further noted
that the

NPS could exclude all fishermen from the park and Lee LeCompte did not
want

that to happen to the popular stream.[^709]

Ever optimistic and privey to inside information, J. Hammond Brown
reported the same day in the Baltimore American, that the NPS had
followed the recommendations of their wildlife technicians, but rather
than get into a controversy with state officials had temporarily dropped
the program altogether. Brown stated that the abolishment of the
Catoctin RDA experiment would be mourned by a large majority of trout
fishermen and three years of hard work to improve Maryland fishing had
gone into the trash bin. \"The experiment was going along nicely and
there was a healthy increase in the numbers of those who vent trouting
for the sake of the sport alone and not for the size of the creel.\" He
noted that interest in trout fishing had increased and tackle stores
sold more \"trouting paraphernalia in one year than in the last five."
It was his opinion that if the State

Commission would act, the experiment at Catoctin could be saved.[^710]

Within three days of Cammerer\'s telegraphed message, the Maryland State
Game and Inland Fish Commission \"assumed jurisdiction of big Hunting
Creek from the federal government," reinstating the program at Catoctin
RDA with an April 1 opening date. Cammerer informed LeCompte that
Maryland would control the fishing in Big Hunting Creek rather than the
NPS \"infringe on state\'s rights."[^711]

Although Lee Lecompte disagreed with the federal government changing the
fishing season within Catoctin RDA\'s boundaries without consulting
state officials, he evidently was convinced that the opening date for
fishing season should be moved to April 15.[^712] A bill was introduced
to the Maryland General Assembly to change the fishing date in December
of 1940. Regulations adopted by the Maryland State Game and Inland Fish
Commission on February 12, 1941 declared that opening day of fishing
season for waters within the boundaries of Catoctin RDA was 7:30 A.M. on
April 15. State game wardens and federal personnel would \"cooperate in
the enforcement of the regulations.\"[^713] But the General Assembly
voted the date be effective June 1, 1941 and the new law did not affect
the 1941-fishing season.[^714] A creel limit of five fish a day still

stood, as did the use of artificial lures.

Maryland State Inland Game and Fish Commission kept figures used to
estimate the angler use days on Owens Creek and Big Hunting Creek.
Wardens counted cars parked along the stream every third day and
estimated two persons per car. Since 1/7^th^ of the Big Hunting Creek
flowed through Catoctin MP that figure was used to calculate the number
of use days. A Fisheries Resources Report for 1960 estimated 423-angler
use days for the park, with 100 days at Owens Creek and 323 at Big
Hunting Creek. The latter had a more stable water flow and tying more
heavily stocked.[^715] Stocking was accomplished by parking a tank truck
close to the stream and fish were hand carried in buckets to the stream.
Stocking for a \"put and take\" fishery program was seen as the only
feasible one far the mile and a half stretch of stream given the large
population of anglers.[^716] Fishing was interrupted in May of 1960 by
"heavy soil pollution\"

resulting from road work done on the entrance to Cunningham Falls State
Park. Widening the road at that site had stripped a large area of
vegetation and rain was eroding the soil into Big Hunting Creek.[^717]
The creek would suffer the same fate over the next 15 years with the
building of a dam to impound water for Cunningham Falls State Park.

In 1965 the Department of Game and Inland Fish instituted a successful
"catch and return\" program on big Hunting Creek for one-mile from Camp
Peniel east to Crows Nest Lodge,[^718] the first change in fishing
regulations at Catoctin MP since 1942. Planning for the change began on
May 5, 1964 when federal arid state officials met at Catoctin MP and
agreed to a \"Fishing for Fun Program." They reasoned that since
fishermen had been using only flies on the stream for 27 years such a
program as Big Hunting Creek would find favor with the public Owens
Creek would remain as it had been since the park was founded.

The new program called far fishing an Big Hunting Creek to follow the
general state fishing regulations requiring that ail Maryland streams be
closed for stocking between April 15 and May 1. Streams opened May 1 on
a \"catch and take" basis. All other regulations agreed with those in
the rest of Maryland except at Catoctin anglers were permitted to \"fish
only with one artificial fly armed with a single barbless hook,\" some
40 years after it was proposed.[^719] State game wardens enforced the
rules and

signs came from

park funds.[^720]

The Frederick Post on December 26, 1973 reported that the fishing season

of 1974 would extend catch and release restrictions to Big Hunting Creek
from Cunningham Falls to the Crow\'s Nest Lodge campground (This
coincided with the opening of the lake at Cunningham Falls State Park to
the public for the first season.) Also regulated were the materials used
to make the fishing fly. Only "conventional materials-fur, feathers,
hair, tinsel, etc." could be used. \"Spincasting gear\" was banned and
rules stated that the \"method of angling where the fly is cast directly
from the reel is prohibited.\"[^721] One fish could be kept per day if
it measured 15\" or more.

Between 1975 and 1979 a stream bred brown trout (*Salmo trutta*)
population

Developed in Big Hunting Creek from the stocked population. The Youth
Conservation

Corps began a stream improvement program the summer of 1976 on Owens and
Big Hunting Creeks and continued each summer to improve fish habitat. A
survey in 1979 indicated that some natural reproduction had occurred in
the rainbow trout (*Salmo girneri*). To promote the breeding of the wild
trout general stocking was limited except for light stocking of \"trophy
fish over 15 inches."[^722] Stocking took place from the lake outlet to
Crow\'s Nest Lodge, and it was hoped that the wider distribution would
relieve fishing pressure on the area of Big Hunting Creek West of Camp
Peniel.[^723]

[Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock]{.underline}

In the midst of the disagreements over the fishing regulations in 1939,
the

Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock was established at Catoctin RDA at an
April 1939 Angler\'s Campfire. Attended by many luminaries of the sports
writing world, the new

environmental group sought to further the principles of sport fishing
and resource protection.

When the federal government began developing Catoctin RDA an idea to

establish Big Hunting Creek exclusively for fly fishing was proposed to
Williams by

prominent sportsmen from Baltimore who saw an opportunity to further
their sport and preserve the fish. At the forefront of the effort was
the Maryland State Game and Fish Protection Association, a private
organization established in 1895, to develop outdoor recreation
facilities and protect wildlife.[^724] J. Hammond Brown, President of
the organization during the development of Catoctin RDA, was also
director of the Catoctin RDA\'s Camping Advisory Committee. Brown, Joe
Brooks, nationally known author, journalist and eventual TV personality
on \"American Sportsman,\" along with Jack Bentz of the Game and Inland
Fisheries Commission, gained Williams\'s support for the idea that
originated in Pennsylvania.

To promote the concept of fishing for sport instead of the frying pan,
the organizers of the movement for fly fishing on Big Hunting Creek
created a brotherhood to further their aims of conservation and
preservation of the environment. The Maryland Conservationist in it\'s
Spring issue of 1940, announced the formation of the Brotherhood of the
Jungle Cock at a campfire meeting at Catoctin RDA on April 12 through
the 14. Newspapers in the area advertised the weekend event, offering
cots, cabins and six meals available to those reserving space in
advance. Nationally recognized outdoor writers and sportsmen were
invited as special guests and most reportedly had accepted. Sponsored

by the Maryland State Game and Fish Protection Association, the new
national organization\'s purse was the "promulgation by personal example
of better trouting ethics on our streams, and whenever it is possible to
take a boy a-fishing.\"[^725]

The Maryland Conservationist reported the first meeting was held April
12-14, 1940, after a three day blizzard swept Maryland. Over 100 anglers
and invited guests from the Mid-Atlantic Region, Ohio and New York
gathered for the \"gala opening" of the Catoctin area. Officers of the
Maryland State Game and Fish Protection Association and Joseph W.
Brooks, chairman of the organization\'s Fresh Water Committee, arranged
an Angler\'s Campfire at Misty Mount.

Those attending from Virginia, New York and Ohio made plans to hold
similar

campfires in their states and members hoped the conservation Credo would
spread as far

away as Alaska. Clark Venable of Virginia composed a creed for
publication and distribution to all who requested it. It was resolved at
the first meeting that they would gather again the following year to
"rededicate and redramatize their movement and affirm their creed."

Membership in the Brotherhood required nothing more than taking the
creed to heart and practicing the conservation ideals of the
organization. There were no membership rolls and no dues, an angler had
only to place a white-eyed black feather from the neck cape of the
Jungle Cock in his hat band to proclaim his membership. The Jungle Cock
lives in the forests of India and before importation was prohibited, its
feathers were popularly used in tying trout and bass fishing
flies.[^726] Officers elected at the first campfire read like a who\'s
who of American sport fishing journalists:

"President: Van Campen Heilner, sportsman and noted sports writer

Vice Presidents: Ozark Ripley, of Chattanooga, Tenn., sportsman and
writer about the out-of-doors; Talbot Denmead of Baltimore, Md.,
sportsman and member of the staff of the U. S. Bureau of Fisheries.

Executive Secretary: J. Hammond Brown, of Baltimore, sportsman author
and

Outdoor writer for the Hearst newspapers.

Board of Directors: Dan Holland of New York, sportsman and trouting
editor

for [Field and Stream]{.underline}: Ray Camp, of New York, sportsman,
author and outdoor writer for

the [New York Times]{.underline}: Joseph W. Brooks, Jr., of Baltimore,
sportsman and active in

conservation projects for inland fisheries for the Maryland State Game
Association; John Alden Knight, of Orange, New Jersey, sportsman,
trouting authority and originator of the Solunar Theory; Dave Roberts,
of Cincinnati, Ohio, sportsman, author and President of the Outdoor
Writers Association of America; Clark Venable, of Potomac Beach,
Virginia, sportsman and writer of outdoor subjects; Percy T. Blogg,
sportsman and head of juvenile activities for the Maryland State Game
Association; Paul Townsend, of Delaware and Washington, D. C., sportsman
and pioneer in deep-sea angling; Charles E. Jackson, of Washington, D.
C., acting head of the U. S. Bureau of Fisheries; Lynn Bogue Hunt, of
New York, sportsman and famous illustrator of wildlife."[^727]

The Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock\'s mission was the dramatization of
the

environmental movement. The members' access to the publications of the
sporting world put them in a unique position to accomplish their goals.
In a speech delivered at the annual meeting of the Izaak Walton League
in March of 1941, J. Hammond Brown declared the printed word would lead
the fight for preservation of the nations natural resources. He lamented
the fact that the word "propaganda" had gained such a bad connotation in
recent years, for it was a good word to describe the conscious effort
made by sports journalists seeking to turn the tide of resource abuse.
He cited the Brotherhood of the jungle Cock and its name as the type of
\"Mumbo jumbo\" needed to get the cause into the paper:: and dramatize
the conservation efforts of the men who formed the organization.

He declared that individuals had to dedicate themselves to spreading the
gospel of conservation. Personal example was by far the best method of
publicity and he stated that \"a good sportsman makes a good
conservationist.\" Warning that industry in the \"guise of 'National
Defense'\" could damage natural resources in time of war, Brown urged
members of the Izaac Walton League to be especially watchful and to
communicate with others of like sentiments.

The Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock held its second annual Angler\'s Camp
at

Catoctin RDA May 2, 3, and 4, 1941, with "most of the best known fresh
water anglers

in the east\" in attendance. The fall issue of the 1941, [Maryland
Conservationist]{.underline} reported

the meeting and election of new officers, including several additional
writers of prominent newspapers from Delaware and Florida to the Board
of Directors. A reported 125 anglers attended the camp to fish and plan
publicity crusades for conservation. Members fished Big Hunting Creek
and held a memorial service for two colleagues who had died the previous
year.

In addition to the Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock annual campfires, the
Maryland State Game Association provided camping throughout the trout
season at Catoctin. To accommodate fishermen, Williams\'s long range
planning included a Fisherman\'s Club

Lodge \"north of the access road between the project office\" and Misty
Mount and possibly a two-unit camp "east of the access road."[^728] The
Lodge and camp were never built, as economy and World War II intervened
to stop development of planned camps at Catoctin RDA. Association
members supported the revolutionary fishing program at Big Hunting Creek
and provided moral support for Mike Williams, who had to enforce the
regulations.

Except during the war years, the Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock
continued to meet at Catoctin Mountain Park. The Spring 1966, Maryland
Conservationist highlighted the unique conservation organization and
reported 426 men and boys from nine states and the District of Columbia
registered for the campfire held May 13-15, 1966. Featured at the
campfire were instructions by Lefty Krey in the art of fishing and
dedication of a memorial pond at Mount Airy and tablets. Ideals of the
Brotherhood were renewed and transmitted to future fishermen:

Creed of the Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock

> We who love angling, in order that it may enjoy practice and reward in
> the later generations, mutually move together toward a common
> goal\--the conservation and restoration of American game fishes.
>
> Toward this end we pledge that. our creel limits shall always be less
> than the legal restrictions and always well within the bounty of
> Nature herself.
>
> Enjoying, as we do, only a life estate in the out-of-doors, and
> morally charged in our time with the responsibility of handing it down
> unspoiled to tomorrow\'s inheritors, we individually undertake
> annually to take at least one boy a-fishing, instructing him, as best
> we know, in the responsibilities that are soon to be wholly his.
>
> Holding that moral law transcends the legal statutes, always beyond
> the needs of any one man, and holding that example alone is the one
> certain teacher, we pledge always to conduct ourselves in such fashion
> on the stream as to make safe for others the heritage which is ours
> and theirs.

[Wildlife Management]{.underline}

Wildlife management began at Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area
(Catoctin RDA) when the land was set aside for recreational purposes and
allowed a rest from its commercial and farming purposes. Cooperative
efforts between federal and state wildlife management officials were
instituted at Catoctin RDA from the first publication of the project, as
the original intent was to turn the developed facility over to Maryland
for a state park. Local forestry representatives participated in plans
and decisions about wildlife habitat and restoration. Works Progress
Administration (WPA) labor began clearing slash from the forest to
lessen the danger of fire, but hollow trees, old snake fences and snags
were left as habitat for wildlife at the direction of state wildlife
officials.[^729] The arrival of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) in
April of 1939 provided a work force to sow grain supplied by the state
of Maryland on perimeters of open fields to support small mammals and
birds. States had been helped to fund such projects when President
Roosevelt signed on September 2, 1937 the Federal Aid in Wildlife
Restoration Act, or the Pittman-Robertson Act(\"P-R\"). The \"P-R"
levied a 10% federal tax on ammunition and guns used by sportsmen that
would be distributed to states for restoration of wildlife. Research,
restocking and habitat management were funded under the program. The
Dingell-Johnson Act in 1950 achieved the same for sport fishing in
1950.[^730]

After World War II, park naturalists assigned to Catoctin RDA developed
observation card and slide files of flora and fauna recording reptiles,
flowers, herbs, birds, small mammals, and stream life. Live animals were
captured for short periods of time for interpretive purposes in
organized camps.[^731]Sangan introduced a \"staff wildlife observation
record\" in 1956 that was left at Blue Blazes and the Service
Area.[^732]

Hunting and trapping were prohibited at Catoctin RDA from its inception
and

the area was maintained as a wildlife sanctuary. Williams\'s sanctuary
plan called for nurturing white-tailed deer, bobwhite quail and wild
turkey populations that would then spread and reestablish populations
outside the park boundaries. White tailed deer

and wild turkey, extirpated from the mountain by hunting and habitat
destruction, hadn\'t been seen in years when Williams and his crew
arrived. Deer and quail reestablished themselves naturally as habitat
became available within the park. A marked increase in

deer, mountain grouse and quail wars noted in early 1942 due to the
three year winter feeding effort supported by Maryland state officials
and CCC labor.[^733] Wild Turkey

raised by the state of Maryland were released experimentally in
1952.[^734]

Naturalist reports submitted in March of 1960 noted meetings between
Park

Naturalist Hambly and \"local game reps\" to discuss the \"large deer
population.\" Hambly

had judged the many questions about the deer to be \"a lot. of wishful
thinking by hunters,\" that the deer were in good condition and noticed
no browse lines.[^735] "No formal management\" plan was in place or
needed for the deer, but vegetation within the park warranted
observation for any signs of concern. Packs of wild dogs roamed the park
threatening deer, and were captured periodically by Frederick County dog
catchers.[^736]

As forests at Catoctin MP matured and changed, turkey and deer
populations

grew but were not formally "managed.\" The first natural resource
management plan

approved in 1981 reported that deer and turkey were "under
consideration" for management, as the numbers of deer were coming close
to the carrying capacity of the park.[^737] Harvest by hunters on lands
adjacent to the park controlled the deer, but not sufficiently to keep
the population down. Development activity in other parts of Frederick
County drove the deer to the forests of the park where browse lines
began to appear and less favorite flora was being eaten by the
deer.[^738] Future research was needed

to keep a close check on the condition of deer killed by cars in late
winter and on browse lines. Turkey population was exacted too rise,
since a climax forest was prime habitat for eastern wild turkey.[^739]

[Soil Conservation]{.underline}

Commercial and farming practices in the early 20th century accelerated
the natural erosion of Catoctin RDA\'s thin rocky, soil and beginning in
1936 recreational use continued the process, though at a slower pace.
Located within the park were 800 acres of recently abandoned cultivated
land, some on hillsides. Four different habitat for flora existed at
Catoctin RDA: (1) ridge and upper slopes, (2) lower slopes, (3) cones
and bottom lands, and (4) clearings.[^740] The Soil Conservation service
classified park lands as entirely \"rough and stoney\" and frost
permeation averaged 30". To prevent sheet erosion on slopes, associate
Maryland forester V. W. Saari recommended planting grains for wildlife
and the preservation of some open spaced for diversity of habitat.
Korean [Lespadeza sp.]{.underline} was planted on hillsides along with
10\"-12\" strips of various grains sown along contours.[^741]

Erosion from man\'s recreational use began as the park was used and
developed. Campgrounds, picnic sites, a service area and a visitor
center totaling about 500 acres plus hiking trails were subjected to
erosion and compaction. In the 1960\'s primary and

secondary paved roads totaling 21 miles and three paved trails traversed
the park causing gullies from the rain run-off.[^742] The Youth
Conservation Corps (YCC) contributed many hours of work to trail
maintenance by building water bars and other water diversion devices.
Trails built by the CCC from 1939 to 1941had seen many years of heavy
use by hikers and experienced severe compaction leading to vegetation
loss, compounding the erosion. Proposed in the 1981 Resource Management
Plan was a trail maintenance and rehabilitation program to be formulated
with the aid of NPS designers and experts.[^743]

Heavy use of campgrounds and picnic areas from April through November
caused

erosion on designated footpaths and \"social trails.\" Misty Mount,
Greentop, Round Meadow and Owens Creek campground experienced
considerable soil compaction and vegetation recovery had to be assisted
with winter fertilizers and spreading organic material. The two camping
loops at Poplar Grove group tent campground were rotated on a three year
cycle to allow recovery of vegetation. The worst sites at Owens Creek
Campground were closed during rehabilitation work plus a one year rest
period, with signs explaining the erosion management plans.[^744]

[Fire Protection]{.underline}

Fire protection was high on Project Manager Williams\'s list in the
winter of 1936 and among the first jobs assigned to Works Progress
Administration workers in the new park was clearing of slash to prevent
forest fires. Williams again had fire control in mind when he negotiated
for equipment surplused by the military when they left Catoctin RDA
after World War II. The 1948 cooperative agreement signed with the Navy
at Camp David mentioned fire protection assistance to the park by
military personnel. Early orientation of camp staff at Misty Mount and
Greentop stressed fire control measures and the Frederick County Outdoor
School curriculum included a class on the effects and prevention of
forest fires.

Though no formal fire records were kept before 1962,[^745]
correspondence revealed three major structure fires took place within
Catoctin RDA before 1955. The first

was the accidental destruction of Mt. Lent allegedly by gun fire when
British troops were in the park [^746] Another fire in 1945 destroyed
Williams home near Blue Blazes, though Marines tried to extinguish the
blaze.[^747] The dining hall at Greentop burned in 1954 and was replaced
in time for the 1955 season.[^748] The new facility was still in use at
Greentop in 1987 and much more accessible than the original
building.[^749]

Catoctin MP\'s 1965 Master plan noted that a major forest fire would
destroy the hardwood forest covering the mountain, the principle reason
visitors came to the park. The Plan stressed thorough orientation of
campers, the general public and park staff. Maintenance of fire fighting
equipment and continued cooperation with the state of Maryland and local
fire officials under the proprietary jurisdiction was stressed. The
process of preparing a fire protection plan according to the NPS\'s
\"Fire Control Handbook\" had been started in the park and more fire
control equipment was needed.[^750]

The 1981 Natural Resources Management plan stated fire protection eras
second in priority only to \"safeguarding human life\" and reiterated
the importance of the forest as the most valuable resource to visitors.
\"Without these natural values and related facilities, or with them
seriously damaged or depleted, the park would become unsuited for the
purpose for which it was intended.\"[^751] Users of the forest resources
also caused the most hazards-campfires and trash fires. The 500,000
visitors generally used a campfire to some extent during the most
dangerous times of the year for fires, fall and spring.[^752]

The front line for fires in the park has always been the park staff,
with action plans published for each personnel classification and
division within the park. The 1981 plan listed the following fire
fighting resources: (1) Thurmont Volunteer Fire Department, (2) U. S.
Navy, Camp David, (3) Maryland Park Service, CFSP, (4) Maryland Forest
Service, Frederick County Warden, (5) Frederick County Central Alarm
System, (6) U. S. Army, Fort Ritchie. Responsibilities within the park
were divided as follows: Chief of Interpretive Resources and Resource
Management\--park

fire chief, Chief of Ranger Division-fire prevention and Chief for
Maintenance\--equipment maintenance.[^753]

[Forest Protection]{.underline}

Once the Civilian Conservation Corps and Works Progress Administration
left

Catoctin RDA little was done to change the natural course of events in
plant succession until the Youth Conservation Corps supplied a new
source of labor. Early relief programs instituted fire protection,
closed old logging roads, planted roadsides to prevent cars from pulling
off and planted trees and grains for erosion control. Conservation
projects sought to reverse the effects of commercial timber operations
and allow the original climax forest to regenerate itself. By 1963 the
forest was in its second growth and "striving toward a climax forest,\"
the dominant species being red oak and

yellow poplar.[^754]

Several diseases and insects invaded the park in the 1970\'s,
threatening the forests. Among them, resource managers judged the gypsy
moth had the most potential for harming Catoctin MP\'s forest. The
Maryland Department of Agriculture surveyed the

park in 1978 and discovered isolated infestations of the moth. In June
1981, the management staff began a \"control program\" for gypsy moth in
cooperation with the Maryland Department of Agriculture and U.S. Forest
Service by monitoring the density of eggs and larvae. Visitors and staff
reported the infestation of larvae were becoming a nuisance as they
crawled over cars and buildings and tree defoliation was
noticeable.[^755]

In 1981 three alternatives for the control of gypsy moth were available:
(1) no treatment which could lead to loss of the forest as the larvae
defoliated, weakened

and killed the trees, exposing the soil to erosion and loosing forage
and cover for animals; (2) disparlure tape, known to be effective for
low populations of moths; (3) biological control with *Bacillus
Thuringiensis* application through aerial application in the spring of
the year when the larvae hatch, at approximately \$30 an acre.[^756] The
later choice was made and spraying commenced in a regional program with
the state of Maryland.

[Outside Threats]{.underline}

[Route 77]{.underline}

Fall 1941 found Catoctin officials recommending consideration of an
offer from Frederick County Roads Engineer, Roger H. Willard to pave the
section of Route 77 that bisected Catoctin RDA. Willard proposed to
provide equipment, supervision and asphalt if the NPS would provide the
crushed stone and labor.[^757] At this time Route 77 was paved from
Thurmont try 1/2 mile inside the eastern boundary of the park. Where it.
became a dirt road maintained by the NPS for its own equipment and
visitor use. Williams estimated that maintenance on the two mile stretch
from Thurmont to the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) camp entrance
could be reduced by accepting the offer from Frederick County and asked
that the matter be decided quickly, as state budget hearings were
scheduled for early October[^758]

The bureaucracy of the regional office in Richmond determined that use
of CCC and Works Progress Administration labor was not appropriate to
building major roads and the project was disapproved, even though
Catoctin RDA was the destination of 90% of the traffic and \$4200 in
maintenance was expended in 1939. Williams continued to press the issue
and estimated the road would cost 12400 in \"LD labor\"[^759] and stated
that a similar amount would be required each year to keep the road
serviceable. NPS Director Drury concurred with Regional officials and
the effort was dropped for the time being.[^760]

Within six weeks a larger road project for Rt. 77 loomed when Williams

encountered a Maryland State survey party looking over the area "in
connection with a

proposed road through the Catoctin RDA.\"[^761] Inquiries revealed plans
for an \"east-west highway across the northern portion\" of Maryland
leading to the new Susquehanna River bridge at Harve de Grace. The new
road would eliminate Route 77\'s dangerous curves and steep grades, to
meet modern standards of design for secondary roads.[^762] Williams
began gathering allies to oppose the "speedway" through Catoctin RDA.
Maryland State Park director, Carl Pfieffer, Frederick County officials,
the Maryland State Game and Fish Protective Association headed by J.
Hammond Brown and the Izaak Walton

League joined forces to prevent the destruction of the scenery and
fishing along Big Hunting Creek.

Ezra Whitman, Chairman of the Maryland State Roads Commission, replied
to the Maryland State Game and Fish Protective Association with a letter
stating that the proposed road would serve all of Maryland\'s residents
and that it was "not a local road serving local people." The improved
road was part of a larger system that would provide a direct route
across the northern portion of Maryland and local traffic was considered
incidental.[^763]

Carl Pfeiffer, who initially felt the state\'s plans, could not be
stopped, soon realized that the highway could be blocked by refusing to
grant permits for the 60 foot right of way necessary to build the state
road.[^764] Inspector Heinrich, who felt the issue was a tempest in a
teapot, passed the tip on to Williams who was preparing an information
package for Richmond Regional officials. High speeds, stream pollution
from cuts and fills, pedestrian safety and increased traffic were cited
by Williams as the main objections to the proposed road that would
detract from the primitive atmosphere of Catoctin RDA and ruin Big
Hunting Creek.[^765]

Williams noted in his four page report to Region One that the State Road

Commission knew of the concerns four years previously when they proposed
to build a 1/2 mile road from the Washington County line to Foxville.
Pfieffer\'s objections were cited in the report along with his
suggestion to refuse the right of way. Williams requested that the NPS
contact the Maryland State Roads Commission with the stated objections
and inform them that the right of way would not be granted for the type
of road being proposed.[^766] Bursley of the Regional office forwarded
Williams\'s memo along with a cover letter to NPS Director Drury on
March 6, 1941.

For the second time in 12 months the NPS Director intervened to settle a

Dispute between state and NPS officials. NPS Director Drury in a letter
to Ezra

Whitman, Chairman of the Maryland State Roads Commission on April 6,
stated how \"surprised" he was that the NPS had not been consulted on
the matter of Route 77 since the highway seriously affected use and
planning at Catoctin RDA. He argued that

the trout stream, wildlife, scenery and recreational planning of the
"narrow and picturesque Big Hunting Creek valley\" would be damaged by
the proposed state highway and pose a rife hazard to the area. The NPS
would gladly assist in a solution that wouldn\'t harm the Park\'s
program or environment, but opposed the highway as presented.[^767] No
mention was made of refusing the permits for the right of ways.

Whitman\'s reply to Drury was much different in tone than the
heavy-handed

reply to the Maryland State Game and Fish Protective Association. He
expressed astonishment that the matter had gone beyond Williams and
assured Drury that the plans were just on paper. Whitman wrote that the
Commission\'s work on defense highways was keeping it very busy and they
would forego \"any idea of building any roadway in the area for the
present year\" and would consult the NPS when plans developed later
\"for getting through the Catoctin Recreation Area."[^768]

Thirteen years later in 1954, as Cunningham Falls State Park was being
formed, Route 77 was paved by Frederick County still under the direction
of Road Engineer Roger Willard, using the same permits issued in 1941.
Paperwork for special permits was finished September 13, 1954.[^769]
Twenty-five years later with the growth of population in Frederick
County and increased traffic, Route 77 was again considered for widening
and straightening. Large tractor-trailers and commuters discovered a
short cut to newly widened Route 15. Beginning in 1985 truck weight
limits were enforces on Route 77.[^770] Maintenance edged the asphalt
closer and closer to the creek, killed trees and caused cave-ins on the
banks of Big Hunting Creek. As trees died, water exposed to the sun
warmed up and jeopardized trout habitat and the scenic beauty of the
drive between Catoctin MP and Cunningham Falls State Park.[^771]

[Impoundment of Big Hunting Creek]{.underline}

A second environmental threat to Big Hunting Creek was initiated in 1961
by the Maryland Department of Forests and Parks who proposed the
impoundment of Big Hunting Creek to form a lake within Cunningham Falls
State Park.[^772] Superintendent Paul Webb recommended a professional
study of trio proposed impoundment as it could drastically change the
ecology of the creek as drought had already decreased the creek flow and
water tables were low in the summer.[^773] Ronald F. Lee, Third Regional
Director in Philadelphia, received the \'Feasibility Report for
Construction of an Impounding Dam at Cunningham Falls State Park\" in
January of 1965 along with a Master Recreational Plan. A cover letter
from William Parr, Maryland Supt. of State Parks, requested comments on
the plans. State officials had been working with the planning division
of NCP staff on plans for the dam, the relocation of Catoctin Hollow
Road to accommodate the dam. Improvements on Route 77 were planned for a
proposed visitor center.[^774]

Six months later Region Three answered Parr\'s inquiry, stating they
were pleased with plans to increase public recreation at the former
Catoctin RDA and complemented the state on its coordination with the NCP
staff in plans to meet the recreational needs of the public. In their
opinion the dam \"would be consistent with the purposes for which the
property was transferred to the State of Maryland."[^775]

But sportsmen did not agree and efforts to stop the dam began
immediately. Dr. H. Hanford Hopkins wrote Sen. Joseph Tydings alleging
that siltation from the dam building would destroy the \"only decent
free-stone trout stream within one and one-half

hours of Washington and Baltimore." He stated that recreational uses of
the dam were a smoke screen for the town of Thurmont to gain a water
supply and sewage treatment plant with state money and asked for an
investigation.[^776] These allegations were not without foundation, as
Donald Lewis had requested information from the NPS in December of 1961
about the possibility of a dam as \"new source of water for
Thurmont.\"[^777]

C. Boyd Pfieffer, President of the Baltimore Chapter of Trout Unlimited,

appealed for a review of the proposed darn and urged anglers write to
public officials and

attend hearings to speak against the planned impoundment. Dr. James
Gilford, chief of the Entomology Division at Fort Detrick and a
prominent regional sportsman, took up the fight and published strident
articles in local newspapers against. the certain ruin of Big Hunting
creek and its many fine fishing pools. Dam opponents cited similar
facilities 15 miles away at Greenbrier and felt that recreation was not
the real reason the dam was being pushed through the legislature by
local delegates. They worried

about the \"free and uninterrupted flow of waters in Big Hunting
Creek.\"[^778]

Throughout the summer Gilford bombarded federal officials with letters
trying to elicit a response. The Dept. of Interior and NPS were
officially silent, except to transfer periodic inspections of Cunningham
Falls State Park from Region Three to National Capital Region to more
efficiently handle data gathering and the many objections to the dam by
sportsmen.[^779]

Proponents of the dam felt the water based recreational advantages far
outweighed potential damage to Big Hunting Creek. The dam was slated to
cover 43 acres of swampy land and a small picnic area, less than 1% of
the total park acreage.[^780] Delegate WM. M Houck (Dem. Frederick)
blessed the project and proclaimed more people could enjoy the lake and
benefit from the added recreation opportunities without detriment to
fishermen. The stream was 100% "put and take\" and as such would not
affect the trout population. Houck denied that the dam\'s purse was to
supply water to Thurmont.[^781]

The Maryland Department of Natural Resources (DNR) granted a permit for
the

dam on March 5, 1967, but Baltimore Attorney Lloyd Gerber filed an
appeal on behalf of Maryland sportsmen, trying to block the permit on a
technicality.[^782] The DNR refused to hold hearings and six months
later Gerber took the matter before judge Meyer M. Cardin, who ordered
new hearings.[^783] The commission for Maryland State Water Resources,
headed by Maurice Siegel, heard the appeal of dam opponents the end of
January 1968, and voted to support the dam, contending; that any more
delay would create more problems.

The contract to build the dam was awarded to the M. J. Grove Lime
Company\'s with a bid of \$848,000. A threatened lawsuit by sportsmen
did not materialize.[^784] Catoctin Hollow Road was moved 600\' to the
east to make way for the dam and erosion from that project caused Big
Hunting Creek to "run mud red\", since nothing was done to control the
erosion. Siltation began as land clearing for the dam began, amid
charges that the State did not put in appropriate catch basins.[^785]

Eight years after the first funds were appropriated for the dam, it
still was unfinished. Bureauocratic delays, weather, and no time limit
on the contract pushed the opening of the facility back, until officials
hoped that the lake would be open to the public during 1974. More
pessimisticpeople thought 1975 was more likely.[^786]

Since 1975 the lake has proven too be a great magnet attracting many
people. However Big Hunting Creek has suffered as a result of the dam.
Lack of a constant water flow has evolved as the biggest problem on the
creek for dry, hot periods of weather result in less water released from
the dam into Big Hunting Creek.[^787] A C.A.M.P.E.R. stream committee,
headed by Dr. James Gilford, has worked to coordinate efforts to
minimize the effects of the dam and improve stream habitat for the
benefit of sportsmen and fish.

CHAPTER XI

PROTECTION

Two objectives of equal importance were recognized in Catoctin Mountain
Park\'s 1965 Master Plan that expressed the purpose of the park and
dictated the extent of protection services: (1) to provide outdoor
recreation and education to the public while preserving and interpreting
the environment; (2 ) to act as a buffer for the Presidential Retreat by
providing both privacy and security.[^788]

[Visitor Safety]{.underline}

In the years before Mission 66, visitor safety at Catoctin Mountain Park
(Catoctin MP) involved principally campers in organized camps,
fishermen, and hikers in the warmer seasons of higher use. Picnicking
and a high percentage of day use traffic became the jurisdiction of
Maryland State officials when Cunningham Falls State Park was formed in
1954. Catoctin MP naturalist reports from the 1950\'s discussed
protection matters such as littering, vandalism, feral cats and dogs,
traffic and hunting violations. Speeding by Navy personnel was often
mentioned as an offense. Trash dumping on Route 77 received much concern
in Naturalist reports, but Williams steadfastly refused to put trash
barrels at strategic places, as they encouraged illegal
picnicking.[^789] When Shank became superintendent the policy changed
and in 1959 picnic tables and trash receptacles were installed on many
park roads.[^790]

The Master Plan approved in 1965 contained the first formal discussion
and description of Catoctin MP\'s protection services. At that time the
park maintained a

proprietary jurisdiction, meaning the park had the same rights as any
home owner if there was a fire or help was needed.[^791] Violations were
ticketed by Rangers under Title 36 of the code of Federal Regulations.
Military personnel from Camp David were cited and/or referred to the
camp commander for discipline. Maryland State Police handled serious
felonies and U. S. Park Police efforts were supplemented with police and
detective services when necessary.[^792]

Mission 66 development of Owens Creek Campground, Poplar Grove youth
group tent campground and Chestnut Picnic Area increased visitation to
Catoctin MP and protection duties. In the years between 1960 and 1963
hiker increased from 45,000 to 70,200, picnickers increased from 22,500
to 42,500, visits to Blue Blazes more than tripled from 3,000 to 10,000
and year round automobile sightseeing almost doubled from 60,000 to
106,000.[^793]

[Camp David]{.underline}

From the time of its selection by Franklin Roosevelt, Shangri-La, later
Camp David, was discreetly but firmly guarded by the United States Navy.
The end of World

War II lessened the need for closing the park to the public but. privacy
and security needed to be maintained. During the summers of 1947 and
1948 organized groups of campers from The Maryland League for Crippled
Children and the Girls Scouts returned to Misty Mount and Greentop and
overall use of the park began to increase.

A formal arrangement was deemed necessary for security within the buffer
zone of Catoctin MP. In a November 1, 1948 cooperative agreement, the
park area outside of Shangri-La was defined as the 24-hour
responsibility of the National Park Service (NPS). The NPS agreed to
maintain park roads and utilities, especially in winter when snow,
downed trees and power failures were common. The land at Shangri-La
remained under the jurisdiction of the NPS and the rules governing the
land followed "where applicable and not inconsistent with the use and
occupancy of the 'Shangri-La' area by the Navy Department for the
purpose contemplated by this agreement."[^794]

Under conditions of the agreement the NPS was no longer responsible for
\"administration, protection, operation\" or for making improvements at
Shangri-La. The Navy agreed to cooperate when necessary to fight fires
and would assume responsibility for the swimming pool, all roads and
costs of utilities within the compound. Another item in the agreement
obligated the Navy to maintain a historical record of the use of the
presidential retreat by "important. historic and eminent
personages."[^795]

A paragraph from Catoctin MP\'s 1976 Statement for Management sums up
the impact of the cooperative agreement: Camp David

> "receives priority treatment in matters of park facility use, access,
> protection and any other assistance the park is capable of rendering.
> On the occasion when such treatment is requested and pre-empts the use
> of previously reserved facilities, park personnel are required to
> tactfully resolve any conflicts to the satisfaction of all
> parties."[^796]

The presence of Camp David within the buffering boundaries of Catoctin
MP

increased the responsibility and awareness of the protection function
enormously. Quarterly meetings were instituted with security officials
at Camp David in 1975 to improve cooperative efforts and "create a
harmonious working atmosphere\" between the agencies involved with
protecting the retreat and maintaining privacy.[^797] Primary NPS staff
duties were investigation of intrusions of privacy, escorts and 24 hour
availability of specified park personnel with law enforcement
qualifications.[^798]

Tom McFadden became Superintendent of Catoctin MP in August 1975[^799]
and soon

realized that fulfilling the terms of the 1948 agreement would be
expedited if the protection category was changed from proprietary to
concurrent. A memo to the Regional Director requested a change of
status,[^800] to give Catoctin MP\'s protection force and local police
officials equal authority. Eighteen months later, in June of 1977, the
Regional Director named McFadden \"individually responsible to the
Regional Director for the law enforcement. within his area.\"[^801] His
jurisdiction; governed under Section 2 of

the Code of Federal Regulations, included 185,000 square feet of cabin
and full-use facilities, a 51 site campground, two primitive camp areas
and three overnight

facilities that housed up to 500 guests.

In 1980 traffic back and forth from Camp David increased and
presidential visits included 26 continuous weekends.[^802] Vandalism,
poaching and hunting along park boundaries increased to the point where
more personnel hours were needed to protect the park and support the
presidential retreat.[^803] Even with Park Police supplements, and
overtime paid by the Secret Service, six full time positions were
needed. State police were unavailable and the involvement of the County
Sheriff\'s Department was impractical.[^804]

McFadden and National Capital Region solicitors began researching a
solution to the problem and found it in the state and federal laws.

> \'The laws of the state of Maryland (Sections 28,32 and 46, Article
> 96, Maryland Code, Annotated 1951 ) permit the assumption of
> concurrent. federal jurisdiction over lands within the state acquired
> by the U.S. for public purposes.\"
>
> Further, federal law stated:
>
> \"under Section 355, Revised Statutes, as amended by the act of
> February 1, 1940,(54 Stat. 19), and by the act of October 9, 1940 54
> Stat. 1083 40 U.S.C. 255), it is provided in effect that unless and
> until the United States has accepted land acquired after February 1,
> 1940, it shall be conclusively presumed that no such jurisdiction has
> been accepted.\"

McFadded requested a letter drafted by the Secretary of the Interior to
the Governor of Maryland accepting such jurisdiction.[^805] Solicitors
eventually took the process a step further and interpreted the above
laws to mean that lands acquired by the U. S. for public use prior to
February 1, 1940 were under the jurisdiction of the federal government
and thus McFadden had exclusive jurisdiction within Catoctin MP.[^806]

[Boundary Protection]{.underline}

Boundary marking for wildlife protection was an early priority in April
1936 and \$1971 was approved for marking the 60 linear mile boundary of
recently purchased land for the Catoctin Recreation Demonstration Area
(Catoctin RDA) project with stones at the corners. The Land Utilization
Division of the Resettlement Administration estimated the job for the
Works Progress Administration (WPA) project and Williams hoped to begin
before tree foliage became to thick. This project was not executed and
was ultimately delegated to the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) iii
April of 1941. 400 locust posts were prepared to allow for stapling of
nine guage smooth wire four feet above the ground along property lines
that. were \"difficult to control, especially during hunting
season.\"[^807] Though job approval had been given and the wire
purchased, CCC labor soon became uncertain due to the beginning of World
War II[^808] A supplemental work application for job #57 was filed on
October 27, 1941, for 40 miles of work, 1400 man days, and \$783.39 for
wire, indicating some work was done. The CCC camp

closed on November 7, 1941[^809]

Marc Sagan began a boundary project in September 1955 To better acquaint
himself with the general area of the park and define its
perimeter.[^810] He posted \"No

Hunting\'\" signs on the eastern boundary below the Mt. Lent are, and
Camp David and replaced some in other areas.[^811] Several important
corners had been found through interviews with adjacent land owners in
the spring of 1956 before the project was shelved for the summer camping
season.[^812] Sagan started the boundary survey again in September and
estimated that two more weeks would be needed to complete the job. He
noted that those elderly people who had the needed information would not
be available long and the project should not be delayed.[^813] Posting
continued during the winter of 1956. Interviews conducted during the
boundary project led to Sagan\'s initiating the Charcoal Hearth
interpretive program.[^814] Sagan left the park naturalist position in
the fall of 1956.

Naturalist Derek Hambly continued the boundary work with the help of
park: neighbors and discovered some bones of contention about who owned
what land. Four miles of boundary were marked in October of 1959 with
the help of G. Wilhide who lived along Route 81 (now Maryland Rt.
550).[^815] Two more miles, were marked with Mr. I. McPherson and J.
Willard in January of 1960.[^816] Hambly declared the entire boundary of
the park marked for the first time since the origin of the park in
October of 1960:[^817]

Boundary survey work continued to be important to park staff. A
professional survey was ordered in 1964 and 1965 by Superintendent Webb
and a contract signed with J. B. Ferguson &Co. A resurvey of the eastern
park boundary in 1956 identified errors in earlier surveys and the
information used to justify the need for new surveys of the remaining
park boundaries.[^818]

SUMMARY

The administrative history of Catoctin Mountain Park chronicled a
cooperative effort between stag and federal officials who participated
in a New Deal land program to rehabilitate worn out farm land for
recreational purposes. A major element of the story

was Garland G. (Mike) Williams, who as Project Manager acted as midwife
and father of the Catoctin Recreational Demonstration Area. Hand picked
by Conrad Wirth, Williams consulted local officials and residents to
determine their recreational needs and chose the land to be purchased
for the park. Though frustrated by bureaucratic requirements of the
National Park Service, Maryland government and the Works Progress
Administration (WPS), Williams orchestrated the building of three
complete group camps, on time and in a workmanlike fashion. Hiking
trails and roads were created from old logging and charcoaling roads.

In the years before World War II Williams worked with many different

officials from all levels of government to develop all facets of
Catoctin RDA. He had a working relationship with conservation,
recreation, wildlife and highway officials from state and local offices.
Several hundred men from different New Deal programs were under
Williams\'s supervision, including, those of the Agricultural Adjustment
Administration, the WPA, and the Civilian Conservation Corps. The
Maryland League for Crippled Children had a friend and mentor in
Williams when lie planned their camp in 1936 and convinced the Regional
office in Richmond that building designs should accommodate the
children.

Wildlife and conservation were served by Williams\'s pragmatic
supervision. An innovative fishing program on Big Hunting Creek served
as a model conservation effort. The Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock was
founded and flourished at Catoctin RDA when sportsmen from Baltimore
contacted Williams about an organization for fishermen. The Civilian
Conservation Corps improved the streams and the state of Maryland
stocked them in a coordinated effort to improve fishing at Catoctin RDA.

World War II came to the Catoctin RDA when British sailors were hosted
in the camps while their ships were refurbished in Baltimore. The U.S.
Army was accommodated in 1940. In the spring of 1941 Williams received a
visit from his long time boss Conrad Wirth, who proposed to remodel
Catoctin RDA\'s Camp Hi-Catoctin into a wartime retreat for President
Roosevelt. Wirth recognized and respected Williams\'s accomplishments
during the development phase at Catoctin RDA. Williams ability to work
with other agency officials and his track record for meeting deadlines
strengthened the case for Catoctin RDA as the choice for the
President\'s hideaway. Wirth was not disappointed. As scheduled, the
weekend of the 4th of July, 1941, Roosevelt made his maiden voyage on
the U.S.S. Shangri-La. A cooperative agreement between the Navy and the
National Park Service signed in 1948 was still the basis for the
relationship between the two agencies in 1987.

In 1950, near the end of William.: career, the Frederick County Outdoor
School was instituted at Catoctin Mountain Park. One of the first in the
United States, and the only one in Maryland at the time, the program
taught environmental science to County 6th graders in the spring and
fall at Camp Greentop. By this time Williams had a larger staff that
included full time naturalist, Marc Sagan and Jack Boley, the assistant
manager. Sagan had considerable latitude in creating interpretive
programs for the school program and other groups using the camps. He
visited numerous museums on the east coast and had the opportunity to
make use of the Regional museum resources, thus enlarging on the work
done by the first seasonal interpreter at Catoctin RDA, William Randall.
Before his retirement in 1957, Williams supervised the beginning of the
refurbishing of the park under Mission 66.

Mike Williams would still recognize the cabin camps at Misty Mount and

Greentop. The Frederick County Outdoor School and the Maryland League
for the Handicapped still send children to camp at Greentop. Scouts
still camp in the summers at Misty Mount. Fish are still caught by
anglers with artificial flies, though now with barbless hooks. The
President of the Unified States continues to relax in the quiet retreat
at Camp David. Deer, turkey, grouse and other wildlife thrive on the
mountain.

Buildings and innovative programs that have stood the test of time are
Mike Williams\'s legacy tic Catoctin Mountain Park. A summary of deeds
certainly does not tell all about the man, his personality, foibles or
flaws, but those fine achievements were

instrumental in producing a unique national park. Catoctin Mountain\'s
forest forms a superlative natural and recreational area that still
serves the metropolitan area identified by planners in 1935. The
cooperative effort between man and nature rejuvenated unique animal and
plant life. Fishing streams, ridges and hiking trail vistas, combined
with the scenery of changing seasons now offers visitors an atmosphere
of serene beauty only achieved in nature.

Originally planned as a park for organized group camping and picnicking
development during Mission 66 altered the focus by adding more visitor
services. Camping facilities, an enlarged visitor\'s center and paved
roads encouraged a steady increase of park users who enjoyed the natural
wonders so close to the growing metropolitan areas of Baltimore and
Washington. As visitation increased the interpretive program expanded
beyond the traditional environmental education emphasis. Crowds,
attracted by the Folk Culture Center at Round Meadow Camp, stayed to
hike and picnic within the park. Weekend campfire programs, living
history, seasonal festivities and new

recreation facilities combined to attract families, sportsmen and craft
enthusiasts from the Mid-Atlantic region.

In the past decade the pendulum of use versus protection has moved in
favor of resource protection. The Leopold Report of 1963 advocated an
administrative policy that allowed nature to manage itself, but man\'s
influence is everywhere and without appropriate intervention ecological
islands such as Catoctin MP will not exist. Commuters utilize Route 77
more frequently, growth of facilities at. Cunningham Falls State Park
and increased population in Frederick and Washington counties threaten
the natural environment of Catoctin Mountain Park. Management has had to
respond to these external forces. Developments outside park boundaries
affect the park and add to the stresses. The story of the administration
of Catoctin\'s natural resource; for recreational purposes illustrates
the paradox of use and preservation purposes expressed

by Congress in 1916 when the National Park Service was formed.

[^1]: Joshua Barney, Map, Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 1829, Library of
    Congress, MD HR G1213-478.

[^2]: Souvenir Program, Thurmont Bicentennial and Homecoming, 1951.

[^3]: Dr. C.E. Schildknecht, Frederick News. 11 Jul 1973, p. D-2.

[^4]: Charles Porter, Catoctin Furnace Report, 1 l May 1936, copy CMP.

[^5]: Richard Walsh and William Lloyd, eds., Maryland: A History 1632
    -1974 (Baltimore: The Maryland Historical Society Press,
    Scheidereith & Sons, 1974), p.149.

[^6]: Souvenir Program, Bicentennial 1951, Catoctin Mountain
    Park(hereafter referred too as CMP )

[^7]: Maryland Its Resources, Industries and Institutions. Prepared for
    the Board of World\'s Fair

    Managers of Maryland, by members of Johns Hopkins University and
    others(Baltimore: The Sun

    Job Printing Office, 1893), p.106.

[^8]: Richard Walsh and William Lloyd, eds., Maryland: A History 1632
    -1974 (Baltimore: The Maryland Historical Society Press,
    Scheidereith & Sons, 1974), p.403.

[^9]: Master Plan, Catoctin Furnace and the Manor Area of Cunningham
    Falls State Park. 1983, p. A-1.

[^10]: Walsh, p 703.

[^11]: George H. Calcott, Maryland & America: 1940-1980(Baltimore: Johns
    Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985), p. 259.

[^12]: William Renner, Youth Conservation Corps interview, 1972, CMP.

[^13]: Charles Byron Marsh, "Soil Erosion," May 10, 1939, University of
    Maryland, McKeldin Library, WPA Papers, Box 2.

[^14]: Calcott, p. 1.

[^15]: Ibid, p. 503.

[^16]: Walsh, p. 679.

[^17]: Ibid, p. 712.

[^18]: Ibid, p. 730.

[^19]: Ibid, p. 740.

[^20]: Gerald E. McCarron, "Governor Albert C. Ritchie and Unemployment
    Relief in Maryland, 1929-1933," Thesis, University of Maryland,
    1970, p. 11.

[^21]: McCarron, p. 110.

[^22]: Walsh, p. 748.

[^23]: Calcott, p. 20.

[^24]: Conrad Wirth, Parks, Politics and the People (Norman, Univ. of
    Oklahoma Press, 1980), p. 176.

[^25]: Ibid.

[^26]: Harlan D. Unrau & G. Frank Williss, [Administrative History:
    Expansion of the National ParkService in the 1930\'s]{.underline}
    (Denver Service Center Publication, 1983), p. 108.

[^27]: Personnel interview with Conrad Wirth, 10 Mar 1986.

[^28]: Wirth, 1980, p.186.

[^29]: Ibid, p.176

[^30]: Ibid, p. 186.

[^31]: Ibid, p. 189.

[^32]: Unrau, p. 13.

[^33]: Unrau, p. 184.

[^34]: 29A.W. Manchester, Letter to Dr. Thomas B. Symons, 15 May 1934,
    National Archives, RG ?9, Entry 54, Box 61. (Hereafter referred to
    as Natl. Arch.)

[^35]: 30Ibid.

[^36]: A.W. Manchester, Regional Director, Dept. of Agri., Letter to
    H.E. Weatherwax,

    14 Jan 1935, CMP.

[^37]: Symons, Letter to H.E. Weatherwax, District 5 Officer, NPS,
    Richmond,

    Va., 22 Dec 1934, Natl. Arch, RG 79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^38]: Letter, F.W. Besely, Maryand State Forester to H.E. Weatherwax,
    District Officer NPS, 28 Nov 1934, CMP.

[^39]: Symons, Dec 22, 1934.

[^40]: Wirth, Letter to John Lansill, Director of Land Program, 4 Jan
    35, CMP.

[^41]: Lansill, Letter to Wirth, 7 Jan 1935, CMP.

[^42]: C. F. Clayton, Asst. to the Chef in charge of Projects, Land
    Policy Section, Letter to Manchester, 7 Feb. 1935, Natl Arch., RG
    79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^43]: Ibid.

[^44]: Clayton, 7 Feb 35.

[^45]: Wilbert C. Dennis, Junior Geologist, Report to Regional Officer,
    8 Aug 36, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^46]: Weatherwax, Telegram too Manchester, 14 Jan 1935, Natl. Arch., RG
    79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^47]: Telephone interview with Garland Williams, Jr., 1 Mar 87.

[^48]: Report, Conference on Acquisition and Development of Catoctin
    Area, 1 Feb 1935, RG 79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^49]: Ibid.

[^50]: Seigworth, Letter to Simonds, 4 Feb 1935, Natl. Arch., RG 79,

    Entry 54, Box 61.

[^51]: F.Clayton, Letter to Manchester, 7 Feb 1 935, Natl. Arch. RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 61.

[^52]: Willams, Letter to Weatherwax, 27 Feb 1935, CMP. There is no
    evidence in the files that the individuals were hired.

[^53]: Williams, Letter to Horne, Cf, Eng. Dept. Natl Cap Pks 19 Jan
    1955, CMP.

[^54]: W.W. Simonds, Field Asst. in Charge of Acquisition, Letter to Dr.
    Michael

    Abrams, 28 March 1935, CMP.

[^55]: William Renner, Personal interview, March 15, 1987

[^56]: Weatherwax, Letter to State Park ECW, 24 Apr 1935, Natl. Arch.,
    RG 79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^57]: Tri-monthly Report, 15 Mar 1935, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 61.

[^58]: Tri-monthly Report, 25 Apr 1935, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 61.

[^59]: Tri-monthly Report, 5 Apr 1935, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54, Box
    6 1.

[^60]: [Hagerstown Daily Mail]{.underline}, 30 Apr 1935.

[^61]: Letters, Organizations to Williams, CMP

[^62]: D. Lee Staley, Letter to George Demming, 10 Doc 1936, CMP.

[^63]: Williams, Letter to Weatherwax, 15 Apr 35, Natl. Arch., RG ?9,
    Entry 54, Box 61.

[^64]: Tri-monthly Report, 25 Apr 1935, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 61.

[^65]: Lawrence C. Merriam, Acting Assistant Director, Resettlement
    Administration, Letter to Clayton, 29 Jul 1935, Nati. Arch., RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 61.

[^66]: Williams, Final Catoctin Recreation Area Project Report, to
    Wirth, 2 4 Sep 1936, p. 1, CMP.

[^67]: Appraisal Report, date unknown, CMP.

[^68]: Memo, 1 Oct 1935, CMP.

[^69]: NPS-ERA, Administration Introduction, unknown publication, CMP.

[^70]: Ibid.

[^71]: William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal:
    1932-1940 (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), p. 140.

[^72]: Leuchtenburg, 1963, p. 124.

[^73]: NPS-ERA, Administration Introduction, unknown publication, CMP.

[^74]: Tri-monthly Report, 15 Dec 1935, Natl. Arch., RG 70, Entry 54,
    Box 61.

[^75]: Job \# 608 Timber Harvest Justification, 23 Apr 1936, CMP

[^76]: Dorothy M. Beck, Region One Director, Resettlement
    Administration, Letter to Rex Tugwell, 29 Feb 1936, Nail. Arch., RG
    79, Entry 54, Box 61.

[^77]: William, Tweed, "Parkitecture: Rustic Archetecture in the
    National Parks," p. 113.

[^78]: Henry Glassie, Pattern in the Material Folk Culture of the
    Eastern United States (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylavania
    Press, 1983), p. 54.

[^79]: Personal interview with William Renner, 1987.

[^80]: Justification and Specifications for Camp C-1, undated, CMP. \>
    Herbert Evison, Letter to Williams, 9 Oct 1936, CMP.

[^81]: Herbert Evison, Letter to Williams, 9 Oct 1936, CMP.

[^82]: Christian Science Monitor, 30 Jan 1936, p. 4, col. b.

[^83]: Tri-monthly Report, 15 Jan 1936, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 58.

[^84]: Tri-monthly Report, 31 Jan 1936, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 58.

[^85]: Renner 1987.

[^86]: Williams, Letter the 3rd Regional Office, 3 Mar 1936, CMP.

[^87]: Tri-monthly Report, 15 Feb 1936, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    box 58.

[^88]: Vanston was a young architect, 20-25, who had an agreement with
    Mr. Renner to note \"to be determined in the field\" on plans if
    there was a detail Van didn\'t know how to handle. Renner claims to
    have \"pulled his chestnuts from the

    fire\" on many occasions.(Renner, I987).

[^89]: Narrative Report to Accompany Layout Plans, Area Service Group,
    Drawing

    Cat2 018, no date-pre-1939, CMP. The first telephone had been
    installed in May 1935.

[^90]: Tri-monthly Report? 31 Jan 1936, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 58.

[^91]: Timber Harvest Justification, 23 Apr 1936, CMP.

[^92]: Tri-monthly Report, 30 Apr 1936, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 58.

[^93]: Job #105 Approval, 9 Apr 1936, CMP.

[^94]: T.W. Fergusen, Jr., Acting Recreational Planner, Letter to
    William, 10 Apr 1936, CMP.

[^95]: Tri-monthly Report, 15 May 1936, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 58.

[^96]: Job #222 estimate, 27 Mar 1936, CMP.

[^97]: Williams, Letter to 3rd Regional Office, 28 Mar 1936, CMP.

[^98]: Narrative Report to Accompany Layout Plans, Area Service Group,
    Drawing #Cat2 018, no date-pre-1939, CMP.

[^99]: Williams, Estimate to 3rd Region, 30 Jun 1936, CMP.

[^100]: Wirth, Letter to A.P. Bursley, Assistant Regional Officer, 3rd
    Region, 28 Jul 1936, CMP.

[^101]: Central Garage Unit Group justification, 6 Aug 1936, CMP.

[^102]: Wirth, Letter to Regional Officer, Region One, 15 Aug 1936, CMP.

[^103]: Renner, 1987.

[^104]: Permanent Roofing Material Budget approval, 14 Nov 1936, CMP.

[^105]: Wirth, Letter to Regional Officer, Region One, 26 Aug 1936, CMP.

[^106]: A. P. Bursley, Letter to Williams, 29 May 1936, CMP.

[^107]: Fred T. Johnson, Letter to Williams, 18 Feb 1937, CMP.

[^108]: Estimate of land clearing, 2 9 Jun 36, CMP.

[^109]: Camp 1-C, justification, no date, CMP.

[^110]: Inspector Woodward, Letter to Williams, 21 Sep 1936, CLIP.

[^111]: Report on Rt. 15, 1964, CMP 36 Job #608 Estimate, 8 act 1936,
    CMP.

[^112]: Job #608 Estimate, 8 Oct. 1936, CMP.

[^113]: Tri-monthly Report, 30 Jun 1936, Nall. Arch., RG 79, Entry 54,
    Box 58.

[^114]: Lisle, Letter to Williams, 24 Dec 1936, CMP.

[^115]: Job #608 Estimate, 8 act 1936, CMP.

[^116]: Estimate of Land Clearing, 29 June 36, CMP.

[^117]: Renner, 1987.

[^118]: Justification, 9 Sept 36, CMP.

[^119]: Stanley Hawkins, Letter to Lisle, 13 Oct 1936, CMP.

[^120]: Ibid.

[^121]: Ibid.

[^122]: Estimate, 27 Oct 1936, CMP

[^123]: Renner, 1987.

[^124]: Bahlman, Letter to Williams, 16 Mar 1937, CMP.

[^125]: Williams, Letter to Region One, 19Mar 1937, CMP.

[^126]: Richard Walsh and William Lloyd, eds., Maryland: A History
    1632-1974(Baltimore: The Maryland Historical Society Press,
    Scheidereith & Sons, 1974), p. 753.

[^127]: Ibid, p. 342.

[^128]: Williams, Letter to Region, 19 Mar 1937, CMP

[^129]: Williams, Letter to Region, 19 Mar 1937, CMP.

[^130]: Herbert Evison, Letter to Williams, 1 June 1937, CMP.

[^131]: Williams, Report on 1st Summer Season to Woodward, 28 Sept 1937,
    CMP.

[^132]: Stanley Hawkins, Letter to Lisle, 13 Oct 1936, CMP.

[^133]: Johnson, Letter to Williams, 18 Feb 1937, CMP.

[^134]: Woodward, Letter to Orin Bullock, 5 May 1937, CMP.

[^135]: Williams, Letter to Region, 24 May 1937, CMP.

[^136]: 60Williams, Letter to Region, 21 Jun 1937, CMP.

[^137]: Williams, Report on 1st Summer Season to Woodward, 28 Sep 1937,
    CMP.

[^138]: Russell and Hawkins, Letters to Williams 6 Oct 1937 and 13 Oct
    1937, CMP.

[^139]: Russell, Letter to Williams, 13 Oct 1937, CMP.

[^140]: Williams, Letter to Region One, 16 Oct 37, CMP.

[^141]: Carl Russell, Letter to NPS Director, 1 Nov 1937, CMP.

[^142]: Russell, Letter to Williams, 23 Nov 37, CMP.

[^143]: Russell, Letter to Director of NPS, 8 Feb 1938, CMP.

[^144]: Ibid.

[^145]: Russell, Letter to Inspector R.M. Schenck, 23 Mar 1938, CMP.

[^146]: Williams, Letter to Karl E. Pfeifer, 31 Mar 1938, CMP.

[^147]: Mary E. Church, \"Camping with Crippled Children at Greentop°,
    The Child. May 1941, pp. 311-315, United States Labor Library.

[^148]: J. Hammond Brown, Letter to Neasmith, 24 Jan 1938, CMP.

[^149]: Williams, Letter to Region One, 29 Jan 1938, CMP.

[^150]: Evison, Letter to Schenck.- 25 Apr 1938, CMP.

[^151]: Memo 12 May 1938, CMP.

[^152]: Camp 3-B Administrative Unit justification, 19 May 1938, CMP.

[^153]: Ibid.

[^154]: Williarns, Letter to Reg One Director, 26 Jul 1938, CMP.

[^155]: Neasmith, Letter to J. Hammond Brown, 10 Dec 1938, CMP.

[^156]: Ibid.

[^157]: Lisle, Letter to Director of NPS, 6 Feb 1939, CMP.

[^158]: Lisle, Memo to Williams, 2 9 Apr 1939, CMP.

[^159]: Aneta E. Bowden, Report of Summer Season, 16 Dec 1940, CMP.

[^160]: Ibid.

[^161]: William Renner, Youth Conservation Corps interview, 1972, CMP.

[^162]: Joshua Barney, Map, Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 182 9, Library
    of Congress, MD HR 1213-478.

[^163]:

[^164]: ^87^Survey justification, 13 Jun 1938, CMP.

[^165]: ^88^Williams, Memo to Region One, 15 Nov 1939, CMP.

[^166]: ^89^Job application, 27 Sep 1939, CMP.

[^167]: ^90^Ferguson, Acting Asst. Dir. Memo to Heinrich, 3 Apr 1940,
    CMP.

[^168]: ^91^Josephine Brown. Public Relief 1929-1q39(New York: Octagon
    Books,1971), p. 391.

[^169]: ^92^ Williams, Letter to Region One, 21 Jun 1940, CMP.

[^170]: ^93^Pfieffer, Letter to Williams, 29 Jun 1940, CMP.

[^171]: ^94^Williams, Memo to Region One, 19 Jul 1940, CMP.

[^172]: ^95^Pfieffer, Letter to Williams, 21 Sept 1940, CMP.

[^173]: ^96^Heinrich, Letter to Williams, 27 Sept 1940, CMP.

[^174]: ^97^#272 Job application, 26 Sept 1940, CMP.

[^175]: ^98^Huppuch, Memo to Regional Director, 8 Oct 1940, CMP.

[^176]: ^99^Bursley, Memo to Heinrich, 28 Oct 1940, CMP.

[^177]: ^100^Pfeiffer,

    Letter to Williams, 26 Feb 1941, CMP.

[^178]: ^101^Richard Walsh and William Lloyd, eds. Maryland: A History
    1632-1974

    (Baltimore: The Maryland Historical Society, Schneidereith & Sons,
    1974), p. 784.

[^179]: ^102^Ibid, p. 785.

[^180]: ^103^job Completion record, 15 Jan 1942, CMP.

[^181]: ^104^1bid.

[^182]: ^105^Evison, Letter to Schenck, 16 Dec 1938, CMP.

[^183]: ^106^Ibid..

[^184]: ^107^Manor House Justification, 5 Jan 1939, CMP.

[^185]: ^108^Williams, Bill of Materials, 12 Apr 1939, CMP.

[^186]: ^109^Renner, 1987.

[^187]: ^110^Robinson, memo to Region One, 2 May 1939, CMP.

[^188]: ^111^Roderick Nash, \"Wilderness Management: A Contradiction in
    Terms?\", presented at the Wilderness Resource Distinguished
    Lectureship, Univ.

    of Idaho Wilderness Research Center, Moscow, Idaho, 18 Apr 1978.

[^189]: ^112^111charles Porter, Memo to Weatherwax, 23 Nov 1935

[^190]: ^113^Ibid.

[^191]: ^114^Williams, Letter to 3rd Regional Office, 3 Mar 1936, CMP.

[^192]: ^115^Ferguson, T. W., Jr. 3^rd^ Regional Office, Letter to
    Williams, 2 Mar 1936, CMP.

[^193]: ^116^Tell W. Nicholet, Regional Inspector, Letter to 3rd
    Regional Office, 20 Feb 1936, CMP.

[^194]: ^117^Charles Porter, Catoctin Furnace report, p 1, CMP.

[^195]: ^118^Ibid, p.3

[^196]: ^119^Ibid, p. 6

[^197]: ^120^Ibid, p. 7

[^198]: ^121^Ibid, p. 9

[^199]: ^122^Day, Report try Evison, date unknown, CMP.

[^200]: ^123^Master Plan, Catoctin Furnace and the Manor Area of
    Cunningham Falls State Park, 1983, p. 2.

    ^124^Ibid, p. 6

[^201]: l John C. Paige, The Civilian Conservation Corps and the
    National Service, 1933-1942, An Administrative History(National Park
    Service, U.S. Department

    of Interior,1985), p. 191.

[^202]: Ibid, p. 26.

[^203]: Conrad Wirth, Report to Ickes, Jan 1944, p.14, Maryland Hall of
    Records.

[^204]: Conrad Wirth, Parks, Politics and the People(Norman: Univ. of
    Oklahoma Press, 1980), p. 70.

[^205]: Ibid. p. 80.

[^206]: Ibid. p. 81.

[^207]: \"CCC Foremanship\", Manual, Records Group 1778, Item 82,

    Maryland Hall of Records.

[^208]: Ibid. p. 1.

[^209]: Ibid. p. 2

[^210]: Ibid. p. 4.

[^211]: Ibid. p. 7.

[^212]: Paige, p. 50.

[^213]: Williams, Memo to Robert C. Horne, Cheif, Engineering Division,
    NCP, 19 Jan 1955, AMP.

[^214]: William Renner, personal interview, 15 Mar 87.

[^215]: Paige defines this acronym as \"locally employed men\", p. 12.

[^216]: Norman Newton, Design on the Land(Cambridge: Belknap Press,
    1971), p. 577.

[^217]: Pictorial review; Co 1374, CMP.

[^218]: Smalley, Letter to Region One, 4 Jan 1939, CMP.

[^219]: Williams, Letter to Arnold, 9 Jan 1939, CMP.

[^220]: Besely, Letter to Williams, l1 Mar 1939, CMP.

[^221]: Pfieffer, Letter to Williams, 28 Apr 1939, CMP.

[^222]: Saari, Report. to Woodward, 6 Dec 1937, CMP.

[^223]: Supplementary Report on the Master Plan: Catoctin RDA, State of
    Maryland,

    1941 edition, Feb 1942, pp. 12, CMP.

[^224]: Williams, Memo to Region One, 22 Sept 1939, CMP.

[^225]: Fred Tresselt, Recommendations for Stream Improvements of
    Hunting Creek, Thurmont, Maryland, June 1936, CMP.

[^226]: Supplementary Report on the Master Plan: 1941 edition, 24 Feb
    1942 pp. ICS, CMP.

[^227]: Application, job #243, 26 Oct 1939, CMP.

[^228]: Job Completion Form, 15 Jan 1942, CMP.

[^229]: Williams, Report, Aug. 40, CMP.

[^230]: Job approval, 5 Oct 1439, CMP.

[^231]: McConaghie, Letter to Region One, 1 Feb 1940, CMP.

[^232]: Smalley, Letter to McConaghie, 24 Feb 1940, CMP.

[^233]: Handwritten note, 16 Jul 1940, CMP.

[^234]: Job Approval, CCC #38, 19 Feb 1940, CMP.

[^235]: Supplementary Report on the Master Plan.- 1941 Edition, 24 Feb
    1942, p. 10, CMP.

[^236]: Paige, p. 50.

[^237]: Williams, Memo to Roger Horne, Chief, Engineering Division, NCP,
    19 Jan 1955, CMP.

[^238]: Formulation of Future Work. Program, Tentative, 19 Jan 1937.

[^239]: Lt. Col. Walter Swyers, Letter to Mentzer, 17 Dec 1970, CMP.

[^240]: 1942 Master Plan, Report, CMP.

[^241]: 1942 Master Plan, Report, CMP.

[^242]: Sec. of Navy, Letter to Sec. of Interior, 12 Jun 1941.

[^243]: George H. Calcott, Maryland & America: 1940-1980(Baltimore:
    Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1985), p. 259.

[^244]: Baltimore [Sun.]{.underline} 23 Sep 1941.

[^245]: Williams, Periodic Report W

    Region One, 2 G Jun 1941.

[^246]: Baltimore Sun. 23 Sep 1941.

[^247]: Williams, Periodic report; 10 Nov 1941.

[^248]: Baltimore American, 5 Apr 1942.

[^249]: William Seale, The President\'s House(Washington, D.C.: White
    House Historical Association, 1986), vol II, p. 927.

[^250]: Ben Bagdikian, New York Times Magazine. 20 May 1962.

[^251]: A Summary of the Development of "Shangri-La" .1942, p. 2,
    Franklin Roosevelt Library. (hereafter referred to as FDR Library).

[^252]: Conrad Wirth, Parks, Politics and the People(Norman: Univ. of
    Oklahoma Press:, 1980), p. 201.

[^253]: Ibid.

[^254]: Summary, F. 9.

[^255]: Ibid, p. 16.

[^256]: Wirth, p. 202.

[^257]: [Frederick Post.]{.underline} 23 Apr 1942 .

[^258]: [Washington Post]{.underline} 9 Jun 1942 .

[^259]: Roosevelt, Letter to James Hilton, FDR Library, President\'s
    Personal File, Box 5066.

[^260]: Ibid.

[^261]: Edward Joblonski, America in the Air War(Alexandria: Time-Life
    Books,

    1982), p. 28.

[^262]: FDR Library, President\'s Personal Papers, 9 Jut 1942, Box 8086.

[^263]: [Summary]{.underline}, p. 16.

[^264]: Ibid. p. 5.

[^265]: Grace Tully, Private Secretary to FDR, Letter to Drury, 15 Aug
    1942, FDR Library, President\'s Secretary File, Box 185.

[^266]: Hillary A. Tolson, Letter to Williams, 7 May 1942, Natl. Arch.,
    RG 79, Entry 54, Box 57.

[^267]: Summary, p. 21

[^268]: Personal interview with Conrad Mirth, 10 Mar, 1986.

[^269]: Demarey, Memo to Director of NPS, 25 Feb 1943, Natl. Arch., RG
    79, Entry 54, Box 57

[^270]: Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War. The Hinge of Fate.
    Volume IV(London: Cassell & Co., Ltd., 1951), p. ? 12.

[^271]: Frederick D. Nichols and Ralph E. Griswold, Thomas Jefferson,
    Landscape Architect(Charlottesville: Univ. Press of Virginia, 198
    1), p. 111.

[^272]: Summary, p. 23.

[^273]: Ibid. p. 25.

[^274]: 27Michael Reilly, Chief of U.S. Secret Service, Memo to Asst.
    Sec. Gaston, 27 May 42, FDR Library, Secret Service File.

[^275]: [Summary]{.underline}, p. 29.

[^276]: Ibid. p. 30.

[^277]: U.S.S. Shangri-La FDR Library, President\'s Naval Collection.

[^278]: Churchill, p. 712.

[^279]: Bagdikian, 2 a May 1962 .

[^280]: Grace G. Tully, Letter to Drury, 2 Sept 42, FDR Library,
    President\'s Secretary File, Box 185.

[^281]: Summary, p.1.

[^282]: Churchill, p. 712.

[^283]: Ibid, p. 709.

[^284]: Ibid, p. 712.

[^285]: Earl F. Ward, Letter to airports, 14 May 1943, FDR Library,
    Secret Service File; 103A-3.

[^286]: Reilly, Letter to Ward, 22 Jul 1943, FDR Library, Secret Service
    File, 103A-3.

[^287]: [Frederick News]{.underline}, 1 s Oct 1943, [Washington Daily
    News]{.underline}. 15 Oct 1943 and [Washington Times
    Herald]{.underline}, 16 Oct 1943.

[^288]: Reilly, SS Report. filed 1\$ Oct 1943, FDR Library, Secret
    Service File, Box 16, File 103A-3.

[^289]: Louise McPherson, Letter try FDR, 21 Oct 43, FDR Library,
    Presidents Personal Papers, File 8086.

[^290]: Personal interview with Conrad Mirth, 10 Mar 86.

[^291]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 16 Sept 1945.

[^292]: U.S.S. Shangri-La Log.

[^293]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}, 16 Sep 1945.

[^294]: Telephone interview with John Boley, 15 Dec 86.

[^295]: Margaret Truman, [Harry S. Truman]{.underline}(New York: William
    Morrow & Co., Inc., 1973), p. 334.

[^296]: Telephone interview with Marc Sagan, 12 Feb 1987.

[^297]: Ibid.

[^298]: Dempsey, Letter to Stimson, 1 6 May 1942, CMP.

[^299]: Ibid.

[^300]: Ickes, Letter to Stimson, 10 Jun 1942, CMP.

[^301]: Evison, Memo to Williams, 11 Jun 1942, CMP.

[^302]: Williams, Letter to Roger H. Willard, Frederick County Roads
    Department, 26 Jun 1942. CMP.

[^303]: Williams, Letter to Commanding Officer, Area B-2, 31 Aug 1942,
    CMP.

[^304]: Williams, Letter to Capt. Chas. M. Perkins, Jr. 2 Oct. 1942,
    CMP.

[^305]: Letter to Frederick County Commissioners, 22 Jun 1943, CMP.

[^306]: Williams, Letter to Commanders, 13 Feb 1943, CMP.

[^307]: Stuart, Letter to Williams, 6 July 1943, CMP.

[^308]: Williams, Memo to Commander #1, 5 Mar 1943, CMP.

[^309]: Secret Service Report, 23 Mar 1944, FDR Library, Secret Service
    File, 103-A.

[^310]: Fortas, Letter to Stimson, 31 May 1944, CMP.

[^311]: Stimson, Letter to Fortas, 25 July 1944, CMP.

[^312]: The Lincoln Library of Essential Information (Buffalo: The
    Frontier Press Company, 1964), p. 548.

[^313]: Request, Marine Corps, 3 July 1945, CMP.

[^314]: Telephone interview with Mr. & Mrs.D.L. Marshall, 4 Feb 1987.

[^315]: C.J. Blair, Jr., Corps of Engineers, Letter to Department of
    Interior, 3 Dec 1945, CMP.

[^316]: Williams, Memo to Region One, 7 Jan 1946, CMP.

[^317]: \'Charles E. Spear, Letter to Real Estate Office, 4 Mar 1946,
    CMP.

[^318]: Use Permit, 19 Oct 1945, CMP.

[^319]: Wiiliams, Memo to Region One,7 Jan 1946, CMP.

[^320]: EIbert Cox, Letter to Demaray, 21 Jan 1946, CMP.

[^321]: Lisle, Memo to Director, 21 Aug 1946, Nat\]. Arch., RG 79, Entry
    54, Box 60.

[^322]: T Williams, Letter to Major Dickinson, 2 Oct 1946, CMP.

[^323]: H. T. Thompson, Memo 4 Dec 1946, CMP

[^324]: .Williams, Letter to Commandant, Camp #217 Jan 1947, CMP.

[^325]: Ibid.

[^326]: Naval Aide to President, Letter to Commandant of Marine Corps,
    22 Jan 1947, CMP.

[^327]: 80Irving Root, Memo to Williams, 28 Jan 1947, CMP.

[^328]: Dept of Interior, Letter to Gen. A. A. Vandergrift, Commandant
    of Marine Corps, 28 Mar 1947, CMP.

[^329]: Telephone interview with Garland Williams, Jr., 1 Mar 87.

[^330]: Ickes, Letter to Secretary of Year Patterson, 19 Dec 1945, CMP.

[^331]: Tolson, Memo to Demaray, 26 Feb 1946, CMP.

[^332]: Oscar L. Chapman, Acting Secretary of Interior,

    Letter to Rbt. P Patterson, Secretary of War, 18 Nov 1946, CMP.

[^333]: Chapman, Letter to R.M. Littlejohn, Administrator, War Assets
    Administrator, 18 Dec 1946, CMP.

[^334]: C. Girard Davidson, Assistant Sec. of Interior, Letter to Jess
    Larson,

    Administrator, War Assets Administration. 13 May 1948, CMP.

[^335]: J. A. Krug, Secretary of Interior, Letter to President Truman,
    July 1948.

[^336]: Conrad Wirth, Parks, Politics and the People(Norman, Univ. of
    Oklahoma Press, 1980), p.169.

[^337]: Joseph Kaylor, Letter to Newton Drury, 28 May 1945, CMP.

[^338]: Drury, Letter to Tydings, 5 June 1945, CMP.

[^339]: 4President Harry S. Truman, Letter to Maryland Governor
    O\'Conor, 6 Dec

    1945, CMP.

[^340]: 5John Ise, Our National Park Policy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
    Press, 1961), P. 52 9.

[^341]: Ibid.

[^342]: H. C. Buckingham, Telegram to Wirth, 31 Mar 1948, Copy CMP.

[^343]: Wirth, Letter to Buckingham, 1 Apr 1948, CMP.

[^344]: Frederick Post, 15 Jun 1948.

[^345]: Thompson, Letter to Williams 22 Mar 1951, CMP.

[^346]: Williams, Memo to Harry T. Thompson, Associate Supt., NCR, 27
    Mar 1951, CMP.

[^347]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 28 Oct 1951.

[^348]: Wirth, Letter to McKeldin, 26 Mar 1952, CMP.

[^349]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 30 Mar 1952.

[^350]: [Frederick Post]{.underline} 14 May 1952.

[^351]: Williams, Letter to Thompson, 14 May 1952, CMP.

[^352]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 24 Apr 1953.

[^353]: [Washington Times Herald]{.underline}. 15 Mar 1953.

[^354]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 15 Mar 1951.

[^355]: [Frederick Post.]{.underline} 19 Mar 1953.

[^356]: In 1987 Mr. Fish was Regional Director of National Capital
    Region.

[^357]: Williams, Memo to Thompson, 9 Dec 1953.

[^358]: NCR press release, 11 Jun 1954, CMP.

[^359]: [Hagerstown Herald]{.underline}, 12 Jun 1954.

[^360]: Edward J. Kelly, Superintendent, NCP, Memo, 26 Jul 1954,
    Suitland Records Center, RG 79, Box 18, item 36.

[^361]: Robert C. Horne, Memo to Thompson, 30 Jun 1954. CMP

[^362]: [Hagerstown Herald]{.underline}. 3 July 1954.

[^363]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}. 3 Sept 1954.

[^364]: Sagan resigned to work for tree NPS in Nov 1955.

[^365]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 27 Oct 1954.

[^366]: Quitclaim Deed, 2 June 1954, CMP.

[^367]: Williams, Memo to Thompson, 12 Nov 1954, CMP.

[^368]: H. E. Corner,Letter to Governor McKeldin, 8 Dec 1954, CMP.

[^369]: Kaylor, Letter to

    H.E. Corner, 14 Dec 1954, CMP.

[^370]: Williams, Memo to Thompson, 12 Nov 1954, CMP.

[^371]: See chapter on Natural Resources Management.

[^372]: Catoctin Furnace and the Manor Area of Cunningham Falls Stag
    Park Master Plan, April 1983.

[^373]: Personal interview with Superintendent Tom McFadden, 22 March
    1987.

[^374]: Conrad Wirth, Park, politics and the People(Norman, Oklahoma
    Press, 1980), p. 234.

[^375]: Ibid.

[^376]: Ibid. p. 240.

[^377]: John Ise, [Our National Park Policy: A Critical
    History]{.underline}(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1961 ), p. 547.

[^378]: Wirth, 1980, pp. 254, 255.

[^379]: Norman T. Newton, [Design on the: The Development of Landscape
    Architecture]{.underline}(Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1971), p.
    552.

[^380]: Wirth, 1980, p. 262.

[^381]: Ibid, p. 258.

[^382]: mission 66 Prospectus, National Capital Parks, 1955 p.9, CMP.

[^383]: Ibid. p. 5.

[^384]: Ibid. p. 7.

[^385]: Ibid. p. 5.

[^386]: Williams, Memo to Supt., NCP, 16 Aug 1956, CMP

[^387]: The Frederick Post. 22 Aug 1956.

[^388]: Williams, Letter to Fred Schumacher,

[^389]: Aug 1956, CUP. 16Edward J. Kelly, Memo to Williams, 19 Sept
    1956, CMP.

[^390]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report 30 Sept 1955, CMP.

[^391]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 30 Apr 1956, CMP.

[^392]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 1 Aug 1956, CMP.

[^393]: Telephone interview with Garland Williams, Jr., 1 Mar 1987.

[^394]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 3 Sept 1956, CMP.

[^395]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 31 Dec 1956, CMP.

[^396]: General Information for Management Review, Catoctin Mountain
    Park, 1963, CMP.

[^397]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, l1 June 1957, CMP.

[^398]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 9 Sept 1957, CMP.

[^399]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 14 Aug 1957, CMP.

[^400]: Telephone interview with Garland B. Williams, Jr, 1 Mar 1987.

[^401]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 9 Sep 1957, CMP.

[^402]: Seasonal Report of Park Naturalist Marc Sagan, Resident Camps,
    Summer 1957, 11 Oct 1957, CMP.

[^403]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 9 Sept 1957, CMP.

[^404]: NCR news release, 18 July 1961, CMP.

[^405]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Reports 4 \]an 1960, CMP.

[^406]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Report, 1 Nov 1960, CUP.

[^407]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Report, 3 Oct 1960, CMP.

[^408]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Reports August 1959, CMP.

[^409]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Report, 1 Doc 1958, CMP.

[^410]: Statistical Statement of Program Elements, Catoctin Mountain
    Park, 28 Aug 1959, CMP.

[^411]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Report, Nov 1961, CMP.

[^412]: Camp Greentop Annual Report, 1958.

[^413]: Camp Greentop Annual Report of Business and Maintenance, 16 Aug
    1961.

[^414]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Reports Oct 1961, CMP.

[^415]: Catoctin Enterprise. 12 Aug 1966.

[^416]: Hambly, Naturalist Activity Report„ Nov. 1961, CMP.

[^417]: I.J. Castro, Assistant Regional Director, Letter too J. B.
    Ferguson & Co, 14 Mar 1963, Suitland Record Center, D24. (hereafter
    referred to as SRC)

[^418]: I. J. Castro, Assistant Regional Director, Administration, Memo
    to Regional Director, SCR, D24.

[^419]: Management Appraisal Report, SRC, RG 77, 68A 3201, Box 18, Item
    18, p. 4.

[^420]: !bid. p. 20. Both buildings were standing in 1987.

[^421]: Rudolph R. Bartel, Assistant Regional Director, Operations and
    Maintenance, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 7 Feb 1964, SRC, D24.

[^422]: Robert E. Kloske, Memo for the record, subject Job Corps, 17 Jun
    1964, RG 79, Box 3, SRC, D 24.

[^423]: Raymond L. Freeman, Assistant Regional Director, Resource
    Planning, NCP,

    Letter to Mr. Davenport, 25 Mar 1963, SRC, D24.

[^424]: Sutton Jett, Regional Director, NCR, Letter to Webb, 1 July
    1964, SCR, D24.

[^425]: Catoctin Mountain Park, Monthly Progress Reports December 1965,
    SRC, RG 77, Bog 3, Item 41.

[^426]: Chief, Program Coordination, Letter to Chief, NCDC, 26 June
    1964, SRC, D24.

[^427]: Robert C. Horne, Acting Regional Director, NCR, Memo to
    Director, 7 Aug 1964, SRC, RG 79 Box 3, D 3415.

[^428]: Ibid.

[^429]: [The Morning Herald]{.underline}. 28 May 1965.

[^430]: Drew Chick, Memo to Semingsen, 2 Dec 1965, CMP.

[^431]: Chief Branch of Museums, NPS, Memo to Drew Chick, Regional
    Chief, Division of Interpretation, NCR, ll April 1963, SRC, RG 79,
    Box 28, D6231.

[^432]: Marc Sagan had been the Park Naturalist at Catoctin MP and had
    begun a museum prospectus for Blue Blazes in 1957. Sagan, Naturalist
    Activity Report, 11 Oct 1957.

[^433]: Robert C. Home, Acting Regional Director, NCR, Memo to Director,
    7 Aug 1964, SRC, RG 79 Box 3, D 3415.

[^434]: Sun Jett, Regional Director, NCR, Memo to Webb, 13 Jan 65, RG
    79, Box 28, Item 36, WASO.

[^435]: Semingson, Memo to Chief, Eastern Museum Lab, 1 Oct 1965, SRC,
    RG 79, Box

    28, Item 36.

[^436]: Regional Chief, Division of Interpretation and Visitor Services,
    Memo to Semingsen, 2 Doc 1965, SRC, RG 79, Box 28, Item 36.

[^437]: Monthly Progress Report, Catoctin Mountain Park. Doc 1965, SRC,
    RG 77, Bog 3, Item 41.

[^438]: [Federal Times]{.underline}. 12 June 1968.

[^439]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}, 21 Jan 1966.

[^440]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 24 Feb 1966.

[^441]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 7 May 1966.

[^442]: Rest E. Kloske, Memo for the record, subject Job Corps, 17 Jun
    64, Suitland Records Center, RG 79, Box 3, D24. (hereafter known as
    SRC)

[^443]: T. Sutton Jett, Regional Director, NCR, Memo to Director, 28 May
    1964, SRC, D24.

[^444]: History of the Planning, Construction and Administration of the
    Catoctin Job Corps, Vol. 1, FY 1965-1966, p. 1, CMP. (hereafter
    called History)

[^445]: I.J Castro, Assistant Regional Director for Administration,

    Letter to Regional Chief,

    Division of Budget and Finance, 15 Jul 64, SRC, RG 79, Box 3, D24.

[^446]: Robert Horne, Acting Regional Director, NCP, Letter to Director,
    NPS, 6 Aug 64, SRC, RG 79, Box 3, D24.

[^447]: History, FY 1965-1966, p. 5.

[^448]: [The Washington Post]{.underline}. Sec. B, 13 Dec 1964.

[^449]: T. Sutton Jett, Regional Director, NCR, Memo to Associate
    Director, 15 Sept 64, SRC, D24.

[^450]: Clyde A. Maxey, Center Director, Memo to Webb, May 1965, Box 3,
    Item 41.

[^451]: Personal Interview with Ken Morgan, 22 Mar 1987.

[^452]: [Christian Science]{.underline} Monitor. 22 Mar 1965.

[^453]: History, p. 6.

[^454]: Ibid., p. 15.

[^455]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 9 Jul 65.

[^456]: Program of Dedication Ceremony, 27 Feb 65, CMP.

[^457]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 9 July 65.

[^458]: History, App. IV.

[^459]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 9 Jul 1965.

[^460]: Christian Science Monitor. 22 Mar 1965.

[^461]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 8 Jan 1966.

[^462]: [FrederickPost]{.underline}. 25 Oct 1965.

[^463]: History, p. 9.

[^464]: Ibid. p.10.

[^465]: Ibid. p. 11.

[^466]: Clyde A. Maxey, Memo to Webb, May 1965, SRC, RG 77, Box 3, Item
    41.

[^467]: Ibid, p. 5.

[^468]: Ibid, p. 12.

[^469]: [Baltimore Sun.]{.underline} 8 Jan 1966.

[^470]: Hagerstown Morning Herald. 26 Apr 1966.

[^471]: History, Appendix.

[^472]: [The Washington Post]{.underline} 10 June 1966.

[^473]: [Wall Street journal]{.underline}. 10 Aug 1967.

[^474]: [Gettysburg Times]{.underline}. 21 Apr 1967.

[^475]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 17 May 1967.

[^476]: [The Frederick News]{.underline}. 1 Feb 1968.

[^477]: Leo J. Diedrich, Acting Chief of Land Planning, NCP, Letter to
    Mr. Paul D. Horst, Secretary, Brethren Mutual Fire Insurance Co.,
    Hagerstown, MD, 4 May 1950, CMP.

[^478]: Webb, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 3 Feb 1964, SRC, D24.

[^479]: ibid.

[^480]: Acting Attorney General, Letter to Stewart Udall, Sec. of
    Interior, 19 Jan 65, SRC, RG 79, Box 18, item 36.

[^481]: Frank Mentzer, A Proposal to Create at Catoctin Mountain Park a
    National Park Service Environmental Conservation Program Center.
    date post-June 1968, CMP.

[^482]: Wayne Miller, Special Assistant to the Director, Special
    Projects, Letter to NPS Director, George Hartzog, 26Dec 1968, CMP.

[^483]: Maxey, Memo to Webb, 9 April 1965, SRC, RG 77, Box 3, Item 41.

[^484]: Mentzer, Environmental Conservation Program Center, CIO
    \'Miller, 26 Dec

    1968, CMP.

[^485]: Miller, 26 Dec 1968,CMP

[^486]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 29 May 1969.

[^487]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 10 Aug 1968.

[^488]: Barry Mackintosh, [Interpretation in the National Park Service:
    A Historical Perspective]{.underline}(Washington, D.C., History
    Division, 1986), p.68.

[^489]: Ibid.

[^490]: Mentzer, Environmental Conservation Program Center, CMP

[^491]: FrankMentzer, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 17 Apr 1969, CMP.

[^492]: Harthon L. Bill, Acting Director, NPS, Memo to Regional
    Director, NCR, 22

    Oct 1969, CMP.

[^493]: William F. Hagan, Department of Labor, Division of
    Administrative and Property Management Services, Letter to Russell
    Dickenson, Supt, NCP, 18 Feb 1970, CMP.

[^494]: Luis A. Gastellum Assistant Director of Administration, NPS,
    Memo to job Corps Program Office, 25 Mar 1970, SRC, File Code
    A6423-APJ.

[^495]: The Hagerstown Morning Herald 15 May 1970.

[^496]: U.S. United States Department of the Interior and United States
    Department of Agriculture, United States Youth Conservation Corps
    (Washington, D.C.: Jan. 1975), p. 2.

[^497]: Ibid. p. 3.

[^498]: Ibid. p. 4.

[^499]: Ibid. p. 6.

[^500]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}, 20 July 1971.

[^501]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}, 15 Oct 19? 1.

[^502]: The Frederick Post. Aug 1972.

[^503]: Orientation Packet for Corpsmembers, 1973, CMP.

[^504]: Personal interview with Bart Truesdell, 26 Aug 19\$7.

[^505]: Ibid.

[^506]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}, 31 Aug 1973.

[^507]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}, 13 June 1974.

[^508]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}, 14 Mar 1975.

[^509]: Catoctin MP YCC Annual Report, 1975, CMP.

[^510]: Truesdell, 1987.

[^511]: Catoctin Mountain YCC Press. 18 Aug 1981, CMP.

[^512]: Ibid.

[^513]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 12 July 1976.

[^514]: Truesdell,1987.

[^515]: The trail from Greentop to the Chestnut Picnic area had been
    proposed in the 1965 Master Plan as it was smooth and had a gentle
    grade, unlike most trails within the park.

[^516]: Interview with Tom McFadden, 26 March 1987.

[^517]: Ken Morgan, Project Manager, Catoctin MP YCC Memo to Chief,
    Division of

    Youth Accounting, NCP, 31 Aug 1981, CMP.

[^518]: McFadden, Memo to Chief. Division of Youth Accounting, NCP, 16
    July 1981, CMP.

[^519]: [The Frederick News]{.underline}. 2 July 1980.

[^520]: Ibid.

[^521]: [The Frederick News]{.underline}. 2 July 1986.

[^522]: William E. Randall, Season Naturalist Report, 10 Sep 48, CMP.

[^523]: Ibid.

[^524]: Ibid.

[^525]: Marc Sagan would one day be Director of Harper\'s Ferry Design
    Center.

[^526]: Segan, Report of Naturalist-Sponsored Activity at CRDA, 15
    July-July 7, 1950, 31 Aug 1950, CMP.

[^527]: Randall, 1948.

[^528]: Sagan, Monthly Naturalist Report, 14 Aug 1954, CMP.

[^529]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 31 Oct 1955, CMP.

[^530]: Sagan, Monthly Naturalist Report, July 1957, CMP.

[^531]: Sagan Monthly Naturalist Report, 14 Aug 1957, CMP.

[^532]: Monthly Naturalist Report, 3 June 1961, CMP.

[^533]: Personal interview with Tom McFadden, 26 Mar 1987.

[^534]: H.T. Memo, 4 Dec 1946, CMP.

[^535]: [Washington Post]{.underline}. 17 Nov 1946, p. 19m, col. 1.

[^536]: Camp Greentop 1947 Annual Report, The Baltimore-Central Maryland
    League

    for Crippled Children and Adults, Inc.

[^537]: Ibid.

[^538]: Ibid.

[^539]: [Baltimore Evening Sun]{.underline}. 6 Aug 1947, p. 36, col. 6.

[^540]: Greentop Annual Report, 1948. Eleanor Wolfe, Camp Director, Camp
    Greentop:

[^541]: The Report for the 1950 Season. Baltimore League for Crippled
    Children and

    Adults, Inc, CMP.

[^542]: Williams, Letter accompanying 1952 Greentop Annual Report to
    Drew Chick, Naturalist Division, NCR, 19 Feb 1953, CMP.

[^543]: Catoctin Enterprise. 10 Apr 1953.

[^544]: Wolfe, Camp Greentop, 16th Annual Report. 1952 Season. CMP.

[^545]: The name of a book popular at the time.

[^546]: Sagan, Monthly Naturalist Report, 24 Jun 1954, CMP.

[^547]: Wolfe, Camp Greentop, 16th Annual Report, 1952 Season, CMP.

[^548]: Brochure, Maryland\'s 1st Summer Camp for Crippled Adults.
    Greentop \"Senior Camp," 1953, CMP.

[^549]: Personal interview with Ralph Smith, former counselor and
    Director of Greentop, 6 Feb 1987.

[^550]: Sagan, Monthly Naturalist Report, 34 Jun 1956, CMP.

[^551]: Greentop Annual Report, 1956 Camping Season, The
    Baltimore-Central Maryland League for Crippled Children and Adults,
    Inc.

[^552]: Greentop Annual Report, 1957 Camping Season, The
    Baltimore-Central Maryland League for Crippled Children and Adults,
    Inc.

[^553]: Ibid.

[^554]: Ibid. 1960.

[^555]: Duncan Burchard was Park Naturalist at the time.

[^556]: Greentop Annual Report, 1970.

[^557]: Camp Greentop, Director\'s Report, 1964, The Baltimore-Central
    Maryland League for Crippled Children and Adults, Inc.

[^558]: Greentop Annual Report, 1973 Camping Season, The
    Baltimore-Central Maryland League for Crippled Children and Adults,
    Inc.

[^559]: The Frederick Post. 12 July 1976.

[^560]: Smith, 1987.

[^561]: Camp Greentop, Information Brochure, 1980.

[^562]: [League Lineup]{.underline}, Vol. 1, No. 1, June 1982.

[^563]: The Frederick Journal 1 Aug 1984.

[^564]: Dr. Warren R. Evans, Report on Frederick County Outdoor School
    to Board of Education of Frederick County, Dec 1956, CMP.

[^565]: Monthly Narrative Report, 30 Nov 1956, CMP.

[^566]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 8 Dec 1 956.

[^567]: [Frederick News]{.underline}. 10 Dec 56.

[^568]: Monthly Narrative Report, Jan 1957, CMP.

[^569]: [Frederick News]{.underline}. 15 Doc 1956.

[^570]: Ibid.

[^571]: Monthly Narrative Report, 5 Feb 57, CMP.

[^572]: Sagan, Memo to Park Naturalist, NCR, Oct 57, CMP.

[^573]: Sagan, Memo to Park Naturalist, NCR Oct 1957, CMP.

[^574]: Monthly Narrative Report, 1l Jun 1957, CMP.

[^575]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 23 June 1957.

[^576]: Sagan, Memo to Park Naturalist, NCR, Oct 1957, CMP.

[^577]: Evans, Report on Frederick County Outdoor School to Board of
    Education of Frederick County, Oct 1957, CMP.

[^578]: Mike Williams retired, Jack Boley transferred to NCP in

    Washington and Marc Sagan transferred to museum services.

[^579]: W. Drew Chick, Jr., Memo to Supt, NCP, 21 Jan 1958, CMP.

[^580]: Press release. NCR, 25 July 1961, CMP.

[^581]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}, 7 July 1965.

[^582]: The Frederick Post, 17 May 1967.

[^583]: Newspaper clipping of unknown date, post May 1967, CMP.

[^584]: [The Frederick News]{.underline}. 9 June 1976.

[^585]: Harry T. Thompson, Associate Superintendent, NCP, Letter to Navy
    Administrator, U.S Naval Gun Factory, 9 Nov 1955, CMP.

[^586]: The Washington Star. 12 Feb 1968.

[^587]: Personal interview with Bart Truesdell, 11 Mar, 1987

[^588]: The Morning Herald. 3 Sept 1969.

[^589]: Washington Afro-American. 1 Sept 1970.

[^590]: The Washington Post. 28 Feb 1968.

[^591]: Annual Report, 1979, Catoctin Mountain Park.

[^592]: The Hagerstown Daily Mail. 14 Oct 1980.

[^593]: McFadden, Memo to Chief, Division of Management Consulting, NCR,
    7 Oct 1980,

    CMP.

[^594]: Voight, 1988.

[^595]: Marc Sagan, Monthly Narrative Report, 30 Nov 1956, CMP.

[^596]: Greentop Annual Report, 1957 Camping Season, The
    Baltimore-Central Maryland League for Crippled Children and Adults,
    Inc.

[^597]: Statistical Statement of Program Elements, 28 Aug 1959, CMP.

[^598]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^599]: Barry Mackintosh, Interpretation in the National Park Service: A
    Historical Perspective (Washington, D.C.: History Division, 1986),
    p. 6

[^600]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 10 Aug 1968.

[^601]: Planning Form for Project 68-5, 18 Sept 1968, CMP.

[^602]: Frank Mentzer, Letter to Barbara Kirkconnell, 1 Sept 1987.

[^603]: Ibid. p. 3.

[^604]: Frank Mentzer, Letter to Barbara Kirkconnell, 13 Sept 1987, p.
    6.

[^605]: Mentzer was unaware of the initial work done by Marc Sagan in
    1957.

[^606]: Mentzer, 1 Sept, 1987.

[^607]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}. 25 Apr 1968.

[^608]: Mentzer, 1 Sept 1987, p. 4. Mentzer grew up in Waynesboro,
    Pennsylvania and his wife was a graduate of Thurmont High School.

[^609]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}, 18 Oct 1968.

[^610]: [The Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 21 June 1970

[^611]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}. 18 Oct 1968.

[^612]: [The Frederick News]{.underline}. 6 Aug 1969.

[^613]: Mentzer, 13 Sept 97.

[^614]: Mentzer, Memo to Regional Director, NCR 17 April, 1969, CMP.

[^615]: Personal interview with William Gray, Chief Ranger, Catoctin MP,
    4 Dec 1986.

[^616]: Personnal interview with Ken Morgan, Administrative Officer,
    Catocatin MR 26 Mar 1987.

[^617]: [The Morning Herald]{.underline}. Hagerstown, 22 May 1969.

[^618]: Harthon L. Hill, Acting Director, NPS, Memo to Regional
    Director, NCR, 22 Oct 1969, CMP. Office of Equal Opportunity
    property from the Catoctin job Corps Center was transferred to the
    Park on November 28, 1969 for use in a new program.

[^619]: Request for Modified Master Plan, 30 July 1970, CMP.

[^620]: Mentzer, justification of proposed Catoctin Mountain Park
    construction

    projects to Regional Director, NCR, 3 Nov 1969, CMP.

[^621]: Request for Modified Master Plan, 30 July 1970, CMP.

[^622]: Ibid.

[^623]: Mentzer, 13 Sept 1987.

[^624]: Morgan, 26 Mar 1967.

[^625]: [The Frederick News]{.underline}, 1 l July 1970.

[^626]: Request for Modified Master Plan, 30 July 1970, CMP.

[^627]: Mentzer, 13 Sept 87, p. 6.

[^628]: The Baltimore Sun. 7 Jan 1971.

[^629]: The Frederick News. 11 July 1970.

[^630]: Mentzer, 1 Sept 87.

[^631]: Mackintosh,1986, p. 61.

[^632]: Ipecac syrup used in 1987.

[^633]: [The Evening Star]{.underline}. 1 June 1970.

[^634]: Mentzer, 1 Sept 1987.

[^635]: This Master Plan revision did not receive final approval.

[^636]: Request for Modified Master Plan, 30 July 1970, CMP.

[^637]: Ibid.

[^638]: Catoctin Enterprise. 18 Dec, 1970.

[^639]: Alice Allen, Notes on the Catoctin Mountain Folk Craft Center,
    to Mentzer, previous to the 1971 season, CIO.

[^640]: Mentzer, Memo to Mr. Gray, Chief Urban &Environmental
    Activities, Catoctin MP, 21 July 1971, CMP.

[^641]: Ibid.

[^642]: The Washington Post, 14 Jan 1971.

[^643]: 1971 Folk Culture Center Operation, Fall 1971, CMP.

[^644]: The hog wasn\'t killed publicly.

[^645]: The Gettysburg Times, Nov. 1972.

[^646]: Mentzer, 13 Sept 1987.

[^647]: Mentzer, Justification of proposed Catoctin Mountain Park
    construction projects to Regional Director, NCR, 3 Nov 1969, CMP.

[^648]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}. 15 Aug 1975.

[^649]: [Catoctin Enterprise]{.underline}. 6 Aug 1976.

[^650]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 20 Sept 1977.

[^651]: The Conservation Foundation, [National Parks for the
    Future]{.underline}. 1972, p. 2.

[^652]: Ibid. p. 7

[^653]: Survey, Development Concept Plan and Comprehensive Design, Round
    Meadow Center, Catoctin Mountain Park, Feb 11, 1977, CMP.

[^654]: Craft Center Attendance Graph, CMP.

[^655]: McFadden, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, Record of Decision, 17
    July 1981, CMP.

[^656]: McFadden, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 15 Jan 1980.

[^657]: Ibid.

[^658]: Attendance figures for the last full year of operation totaled
    45,000.

[^659]: Master Plan, Catoctin Furnace and the Manor Area of Cunningham
    Falls State Park(Annapolis: Maryland Department of Natural Resources
    1983), pp. D-1, 2.

[^660]: 1965 Master Plan, CMP. 140The

[^661]: [Gainesville Sun]{.underline}. 14 Nov 1971.

[^662]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 16 May 1973.

[^663]: [The Frederick Post.]{.underline} 14 Oct 1974.

[^664]: [The Westminster Evening Sun]{.underline}. 6 Nov 1971.

[^665]: [The Washington Post]{.underline} 25 Nov 1973.

[^666]: 1965 Master Plan, CMP

[^667]: Schedule of events, 29 June-31 Aug, 1974, CMP

[^668]: Jim Voigt, Jan. 1988.

[^669]: Alice Allen, Historian, Report to William Gray, Chief of Urban
    and Environmental Activities, Catoctin MP, 21 Jun 1971, CMP.

[^670]: Annual Report, 1975, Catoctin Mountain Park, CMP.

[^671]: Hand In Hanoi. The Catoctin Volunteer Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 1,
    10 Jun 1982.

[^672]: Annual Report of Volunteer Activities for Catoctin Mountain
    Park. 1983.

[^673]: Ibid.

[^674]: Catoctin Mountain Park 1982 Volunteer Report, CMP.

[^675]: Jim Voight 1986.

[^676]: Telephone interview with John Boley, 15 Dec 1986.

[^677]: The Sun Magazine. p. 11-12, 2 Apr 1933. Thurmont, Md. June 1936,
    CMP.

[^678]: Frederick Tresselt, Recommendations for Stream Improvement of
    Hunting Creek,

[^679]: See chapter on Civilian Conservation Corps projects.

[^680]: Frank L. Bentz, Letter to Williams, 9 Jul 1936, CMP.

[^681]: Arthur E. Hungerford, Letter to Herbert Evison. 31 Mar 1937,
    CMP.

[^682]: Williams, Letter to Region One, 3 April 1937, p. 1, CMP.

[^683]: Ibid. p. 2.

[^684]: H. K. Roberts, Letter to Williams, 7 Apr 1937, CMP.

[^685]: Peter C. Chambliss, \"A Stream to Keep Maryland Fisherman at
    Home,\" [The Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 5 March 1938.

[^686]: Arno Cammerer, Letter to Williams, 31 Mar 1938, CMP.

[^687]: Peter C. Chambliss, \"Fisherman\'s Luck\", [TheBaltimore
    Sun]{.underline} , 3 April 1938.

[^688]: Fred T. Johnson, Acting Asst. Director, NPS, Letter to Region
    One, l Jun 1938, CMP.

[^689]: Herbert Evison, Acting Region One Dir., Letter to Director, NPS.
    18 Jun 1938, CMP.

[^690]: C.H. Gerner, Acting; Asst. Director, NPS, Letter to Region One
    Director, 22 July 1938,CMP.

[^691]: Herbert Evison, Letter to Director, NPS, 4 Aug 1938, CMP.

[^692]: Williams, Letter to Region One Director, 19 Jan 1939, CMP.

[^693]: Williams, Memo to E. M. Lisle, 13 Feb 1939, CMP.

[^694]: F. T. Johnston, Acting Supervisor of Recreation and Land
    Planning, Region One, Letter to Williams, 25 Mar 1939, CMP.

[^695]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}, 11 Apr 1939.

[^696]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}, 16 Apr 1939.

[^697]: Williams, Letter to Region One Director, 22 Sept 1939, CMP.

[^698]: Williams, Letter to Region One Director, 11 Jan 1940, CMP.

[^699]: C. P. Russell, Supervisor of Resources and Information, Memo to
    Regional Director, Region One, 27 Feb 1940, Natl. Arch., RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 56..

[^700]: LeCompte, Letter to Demeray, 21 Feb 1940, Natl. Arch., RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 58

[^701]: Pfieffer, Letter to Cahalane, 21 Feb 1940, Natl. Arch., RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 58.

[^702]: Baltimore American, 3 Mar 40.

[^703]: Maryland Conservationist. Vol 182, p. 1.

[^704]: Hagerstown Morning Herald, 1 Mar 40.

[^705]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 3 Mar 1940.

[^706]: Tillotson, Letter to LeCompte, 6 Mar 1940, Natl. Arch., RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 58.

[^707]: Wirth, Letter to Williams, 8 Mar 1940, Natl. Arch., RG 79, Entry
    54, Box 58.

[^708]: Cammerer, Telegram to Williams, 8 Mar 1940, Natl. Arch., RG 79,
    Entry 54, Box 58.

[^709]: [Baltimore Sun]{.underline}. 10 Mar 1940.

[^710]: Baltimore American. 10 Liar 40.

[^711]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 13 Mar 1940.

[^712]: Lee LeCompte had served as State Game Warden of Maryland since
    the formation of the position in 1916. A report of his retirement
    celebration was given in the Spring 1941, issue of Maryland
    Conservationist, to which he was a frequent contributor.

[^713]: Williams, to Region Cane, Report to Accompany Master Plan of
    CRDA, 24 Feb 1942, p. 13, CMP.

[^714]: W. S. Dahlman, Memo to Director NPS, 10 Apr 1941, Mail. Arch.,
    RG 79, Entry 54, Box 58.

[^715]: Annual Fishery Resources Report for 1964, 12 Jan 196 1 CMP.

[^716]: lbid.

[^717]: Ibid.

[^718]: C. Boyd Pfieffer, Outdoors in Maryland. published by Maryland
    Wildlife Federation, Vol 9, #4 p. l.

[^719]: 0\. L. Wallis, Aquatic Research Biologist, Resource Studies,
    NCR, Report on May 5, 1964 meeting on Fishing for Fun Program at
    Catoctin MP, SRC, D 24.

[^720]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^721]: [The Frederick Post]{.underline}. 26 Dec 197 3.

[^722]: Catoctin Mountain Park Natural Resources Management Plan, 1981,
    CMP.

[^723]: Catoctin Enterprise. 2 7 Feb 1971.

[^724]: Letter head, 18 Feb 1941.

[^725]: Maryland Conservationist, Spring 1940, p. 18.

[^726]: Ibid. Fall 1941, p. 18.

[^727]: Maryland Conservationist, Spring 1940, p. 18.

[^728]: Williams, Memo try Schenck, 1 Jun 1939, CMP.

[^729]: Herbert Evison, Letter to Williams, 9 Oct 1936, CMP.

[^730]: U. S. Department of the Interior, Fish and Wildlife Service,
    [Fifty Years Restoring America\'s Wildlife]{.underline}, 1937-1987
    pp. 3 & 15.

[^731]: Sagan, Naturalist Report, 14 Aug 1954, CMP.

[^732]: Sagan, Monthly Narrative Report, 30 Nov 1956.

[^733]: Supplementary Report on the Master Plan, Catoctin RDA, 1941
    Edition, 24 Feb, 1942, CMP.

[^734]: Appendix, Catoctin Recreation Demonstration Area, Summer 1952,
    CMP.

[^735]: Hambly, Monthly Report of Naturalist Activities, 1 Mar 1960,
    CMP.

[^736]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^737]: Catoctin MP Natural Resources Management Plan, 1981, p. 12, CMP.

[^738]: Personal interview with Supt. Tom McFadden, 15 March 87.

[^739]: Catoctin MP Natural Resources Management Plan, 1981, p. 12, CMP.

[^740]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^741]: V.W. Saari, too Stuart M. Woodward, Inspector, NPS, 6 Dec 1937,
    CMP.

[^742]: Catoctin MP Natural Resources Management Plan, 1981, p. 20, CMP.

[^743]: lbid, p 22.

[^744]: Ibid, p. 23.

[^745]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^746]: Ibid.

[^747]: Many records and photographs of the development of the park were
    lost.

[^748]: Harry Corner, MLCC Executive Director, Letter to Williams, 10
    Dec 1954, CMP.

[^749]: Personal Interview with Ralph Smith, 6 Feb 1987.

[^750]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^751]: Catoctin MP Natural Resources Management Plan, 1981, p. 38; CMP.

[^752]: Ibid., p. 39.

[^753]: Ibid., p. 40.

[^754]: Catoctin IMP Master Plan, 1965, CMP.

[^755]: McFadden, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 24 June 1981.

[^756]: Ibid.

[^757]: Williams, Letter to Willard, I I Sep 1940, CMP.

[^758]: Williams, Memo to Region One Director, 19 Sept 1940, CLIP.

[^759]: Williams, Memo to Heinrich, 3 Oct 1940, CMP.

[^760]: Lisle, Memo to Heinrich, 26 Nov 1940, CMP.

[^761]: Williams, Letter to Austin Shure, Engineer for Maryland Roads
    Commission, Frederick, MD, 22 Jan 1941, CMP.

[^762]: Shure, Letter to Williams, 3 Feb 1941, CMP.

[^763]: Whitman Letter to Kolmer, 20 Feb 1941, CMP.

[^764]: Pfeiffer, Letter to Heinrich, 20 Feb 1941, CMP.

[^765]: Williams, Memo to Region One, 3 Mar 1941, CMP.

[^766]: Ibid.

[^767]: Drury, Letter to Whitman, 3 Apt 1941, CMP.

[^768]: Whitman, Letter to Drury, 9 Apr 1941, CMP.

[^769]: Williams, Letter to Willard 13 Sep 1954, CMP

[^770]: Voight, 1987

[^771]: Personal interview with Thomas McFadden, 26 Mar 87.

[^772]: Donald L. Lewis, President, Board of Commissioners, Thurmont,
    Maryland, Letter to Director of the NPS, 22 Jan 1963, SRC, RG 79, D
    24, Box 3.

[^773]: Catoctin MP Master Plan, approved 1965 CMP.

[^774]: Parr, Letter to R. F. Lee, 20 Jan 1965, CMP.

[^775]: Edwards, Letter to Parr, 6 Jul 1965, CMP.

[^776]: Dr. H. Hanford Hopkins, Letter to Sen. Joseph Tydings, 6 July
    1965, CMP.

[^777]: Donald L. Lewis, President, Board of Commissioners, Thurmont,
    Maryland, Letter to Director of the NPS, 22 Jan 1963, SRC, RG 79,
    Box 3.

[^778]: C. Boyd Pfieffer, [Potomac Sierran.]{.underline} Vol. 1, No4, 14
    Sept 1966.

[^779]: A. Stratton, Associate Director, NPS, Memo to Regional Directors
    of Northeast and National Capital Region, 26 Aug 1965, CMP.

[^780]: [The Daily Mail]{.underline} Hagerstown, 14 Feb 1967.

[^781]: [The Daily Mail]{.underline}. Hagerstown, 20 Feb 1967.

[^782]: [Washington Post]{.underline}. PP. C8, 5 Mar 1967.

[^783]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. 7 Sept 1967.

[^784]: Frederick Post 23 Mar 1968.

[^785]: [Frederick Post]{.underline}. Jim Gulford, 5 July 1968.

[^786]: The [Frederick News]{.underline} pp. A9, 31 July 1973.

[^787]: Personal interview with Chief Ranger William Gray, 4 Dec. 1986.

[^788]: Catoctin Mountain Park Master Plan approved 1965.

[^789]: Sagan, Monthly Narrative Report, 11 July 1957, CMP

[^790]: Hambly, Monthly Report of Activities, May 1959, CMP.

[^791]: Personal interview with Tom McFadden, 26 Mar 67.

[^792]: CatoctinMountain Park Master Plan, approved 1965.

[^793]: Ibid.

[^794]: Agreement, National Park Service with the Bureau of Yards and
    Docks, Department of the Navy, 1 Nov 1948, p. 1, CMP.

[^795]: Ibid. p. 3.

[^796]: Catoctin Mountain Park, Statement for Management, June 1976, p.
    6, CMP.

[^797]: McFadden, Memo to Regional Director, 30 Apr 1979, CMP.

[^798]: McFadden, Memo to Chief, Division of Resource Management and
    Visitor Protection, NCR, 2 0 Jan 1981.

[^799]: Catoctin Enterprise. 18 Aug 1975.

[^800]: McFadden, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 30 Sep 1982, CMP.

[^801]: McFadden, Memo to Steve Williams, Chief, Employment Placement,
    NCR, 17 June 1981, CMP.

[^802]: Ibid.

[^803]: Ken Morgan, Catoctin MP Administrative Officer, Memo to
    Personnel Office, NCR, 13 Feb 1981, CMP.

[^804]: McFadden, Memo to Steve Williams, Chief, Employment Placement,
    NCR, 17 June 1981, CMP.

[^805]: McFadden, Memo to Regional Director, NCR, 30 Sept 1982, CMP.

[^806]: Personal interview with Tom McFadden, 26 Mar 87.

[^807]: CCC Job #57 application approval, 28 April 1941, CMP.

[^808]: Evison, Letter to Williams, 5 May 1941, CMP.

[^809]: Supplemental Application, 27 Oct 1941, CMP.

[^810]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 30 Sep 1955, CMP.

[^811]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 30 Nov 1955, CMP

[^812]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 31 Mar 1956, CMP.

[^813]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, Sep 1956, CMP.

[^814]: Sagan, Naturalist Activity Report, 30 Nov, 1956, CMP.

[^815]: Hambly, Monthly Report of Activities, Oct 1959, CMP.

[^816]: Hambley, Monthly Report of Activities, 4 Jan 1960, CMP.

[^817]: Hambley, Monthly Report of Activities, 1 Nov 1960, CMP.

[^818]: Voight 1988.