Navajo Students Practicing Self-Determination in Transitions to
Postsecondary Education and Employment: An Inclusive Transition Taxonomy

**Rudy L. Valenzuela**

**University of Oklahoma**

**Zarrow Center for Learning Enrichment**

**840 Asp Ave., RM 111**

**Norman, OK 73069**

**March 2005**

**This paper is provided with the permission of the American Council on
Rural Special Education (ACRES).**

The purpose of IDEA 2004 is to facilitate the movement of students with
disabilities from high school graduation into further education and
employment (Johnson, 2004). Many rural secondary schools do not have
transition service programs in place to provide students with
disabilities opportunities to attain improved educational outcomes. In
fact, many American Indians in rural areas do not graduate from high
school. The total dropout rate in rural areas is 17% for Euro-Americans,
28% for American Indians/Alaskan Natives, and 44% for Navajos (USDA
Economic Research Institute, 2003; U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). U. S.
institutions of higher education report undergraduate enrollment by
ethnicity as 67% for Euro-American and a *disconcerting one-percent* for
American Indians/Alaskan Natives (Horn, Peter & Rooney, 2000).
Unemployment rates in all BIA service regions range from a low of 41% to
a high of 71%. Moreover, 64% of Navajos without disabilities and 72%
with disabilities are unemployed in the Navajo Nation (Brown et al.,
2000; U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). These in-school and postschool outcomes
for American Indians/Alaskan Natives require rural public, private, BIA,
and tribal secondary schools to structure transition programs to align
with best practices of transition services.

Two purposes provide the framework for the themes addressed in this
paper. One purpose is to introduce a conceptual inclusive transition
taxonomy, sensitive to cultural differences, by infusing a new category,
cultural development, and adding community involvement to the category
of family involvement into Kohler and Field's (2003) transition
taxonomy. The second purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how
self-determination as defined by Martin and Marshall (1995) and Serna
and Lau-Smith (1995) can be infused into educational practices with
cultural sensitivity. Navajo culture and education literature will serve
as the exemplar of how culturally and linguistically diverse (CLD) youth
with disabilities and those at-risk for school failure in rural
secondary schools can self-determine a course of study and develop
positive bicultural identities. Due to the brevity of this paper, the
conceptualization of the inclusive transition taxonomy, consisting of
cultural development, student focused planning, student development,
program structure, family/community involvement, and interagency
collaboration is limited to a broad scope. This broad scope creates a
need to collapse the category of program structure with student
development and exclude the category of interagency collaboration. The
first section of the paper considers the category of cultural attachment
in values of school and culture of Navajo youth to begin the
conceptualization of the inclusive transition taxonomy. The next three
sections view student focused planning, student development/program
structure, and family/community involvement through the lens of Navajo
youth and culture.

# Navajo Culture and Transition Taxonomy

## Cultural Development

Values and behaviors presented in this paper are not intended to present
Navajo people as homogeneous. Additionally, heterogeneity within
homogenous groups makes identifying a definitive behavior of any culture
impossible, and this effort is *not* attempting to stereotype or
collapse individuals into commonalities. Frankland, Turnbull, Wehmeyer,
and Blackmountain (2004) provide guidance in defining levels of cultural
attachment as they stratify Navajo people into traditional,
semi-traditional and modern groups. This cultural stratification
provides the means to view Navajo students with disabilities and their
families in relation to education and transition services.

McInerney and Swisher's (1995) study of academic motivation found no
evidence of cultural discontinuity between behaviors of Navajo students
and school values, as related to achievement motivation. At the same
time, they conclude that "those who fail to cross the cultural
boundaries of the school may maintain values in opposition to school
values in order to preserve and protect an identity which they feel is
threatened by such cultural traditions" (McInerney & Swisher, p. 15).
This finding validates differing levels of cultural attachment and the
existence of cultural discontinuity between school and home. The
findings of McInerney and Swisher suggest opportunities for Navajo
students with disabilities and those at-risk for school failure to
practice values of the mainstream while preserving cultural integrity
deserve consideration in the provision of educational and transition
services.

"The relationship between traditional culture and education has been
contentious for many years" (Willeto, 1999, p. 2). Willeto's study
indicates traditional values and practices of the Navajo people, even
though complex and multifaceted, are not the cause of poor in-school and
postschool outcomes for Navajo youth. Studies have attempted to define
the relationship between Navajo values and the individualistic school
culture in the form of academic achievement for many years (Frankland et
al., 2004; McInerney & Swisher, 1995; Vadas, 1995; Willeto, 1999). These
studies assert that cultural attachment can promote academic achievement
but overall is not a significant factor in predicting academic
achievement or failure. At the same time cultural attachment does
contribute, for some students, to cultural discontinuity between the
values of school and home. The remainder of this paper will focus on the
relationship of cultural attachment to transition related services, and
how rural public, private, BIA, and tribal secondary schools can provide
students opportunities to learn skills to function with adaptive
behavior in two worlds through the inclusive transition taxonomy.

## Student Focused Planning

*Developmental Stages of Navajo Youth*. "An important aspect of student
focused planning is educational decisions based on students' goals,
visions, and interests" (Kohler & Field, 2003, p.176). The Navajo
culture provides a social development structure that encourages its
youth to self-determine their educational attainment. Frankland et al.
(2004) describe the developmental stages of traditional Navajo youth and
identify the early teenage years as a key developmental stage in
self-determination and education for Navajo youth. Frankland et al.
(2004) state: "between the ages of 10 and 15, Dine\` \[Navajo\] children
assume increased responsibilities in the home and are allowed to make
decisions regarding their life, including schooling, with little
deference to parental authority" (p.197).

After the age of 15 the question of culturally appropriate
self-determination becomes salient. Frankland et al. (2004) articulate
that although the primary transition goal of traditional Navajo youth is
to provide financial support or physical labor to the well being of the
family, that "ultimately they \[Navajo youth\] should be
self-sufficient, able to care for themselves, and serve as contributing
members for the well being of the family and community" (Frankland et
al.,

p\. 197). This general view of transition for Navajo youth supports an
assertion that for many Navajo's in today's society, on and off the
reservation, traditional, semi-traditional, or modern, educational
attainment may be the method in which Navajo youth may best serve the
family and community (Vadas, 1995; Jackson & Smith, 2001; Serna & Lau
Smith, 1995; Van Alstine, Ramalho, & Sanchez, 2002).

Hales' (2000) research affirms many Navajo youth may self-determine
their educational decisions. Hales' study included high school and
college Navajo students enrolled in a hospitality and tourism program
and surveyed students about which individuals influenced their decisions
about plans after high school. The highest response, by far, were
responses of self-influence such as "my life, my interest, my choice"
(Hales, p. 73). Hales' findings suggest Navajo students can
self-determine their educational aspirations early in their
developmental years by goal setting and carry their self-determined goal
through to its logical end.

*Time-Orientation.* Short and long-term goal setting is important to the
development of student self-awareness (Kohler & Field, 2003). The small
number of students mentioning goal setting, or future-planning, in
Hales' study (2000) may be due to values focusing on present-time
orientation. The Navajo culture maintains a concept of present-time
orientation (Chopp Lotta, 2001; Frankland et al., 2004; McInerney &
Swisher, 1995). It stands to reason the recognition and application of
this cultural value, as all other cultural values, depends on the level
of cultural attachment of the student and family. One researcher
demonstrated how to preserve the Navajo cultural value of present-time
orientation while promoting a future-time orientation skill through a
culturally appropriate instructional strategy. Chopp Lotta (2001), in
her study of gifted and talented at-risk Navajo adolescent girls,
presented a self-determination practice that asked students to project a
postschool vision relating to careers "through discussing *current*
values and behaviors in relation to future dreams and goals" (p. 33).
This exemplifies one strategy of how educators can acknowledge and
respect native cultural values while providing opportunities for
students to learn skills necessary to advance in mainstream society.

Hales (2002) provides a view of the acceptance of future planning by
some Navajo students. He found choosing a program of study and learning
about skills and knowledge necessary for further education and
employment made the high school experience more enjoyable for Navajo
students. Navajo students expressed knowledge of the concept of a
course-of-study and the need for skills and knowledge necessary for
postsecondary education and specific careers. To accomplish this for all
Navajo students who respect the value of present time orientation, or
other values that may be counter to school values, educators must
develop appropriate transition service strategies and curriculum, become
aware of cultural differences, and work cautiously to avoid the
pernicious effects of an educational system intending to "civilize"
cultural groups, promote a hidden individualistic curriculum, or serve
as a change agent without reinforcing traditional cultural values
(Spindler, 1997; Van Horn, 2000; Yazzie, 2000).

## Student Development/Program Structure

*Student Development*. Students develop occupational skills and career
awareness through related courses and curriculum (Kohler & Field, 2003).
Navajo education literature provides some guidance in culturally
appropriate career education for Navajo students. Hales' (2000) study
examined transition services that prepare Navajo students for careers in
the hospitality and tourism industry. Exposure of students to the
hospitality and tourism industry, and the requirements to attain
employment within the industry, contributed to many students deciding to
pursue education opportunities after high school. Additionally, Hales
found students rated the hospitality and tourism class significantly
higher than a general high school course in providing information on
requirements to be accepted into a community or four-year college.

Two other researchers in Navajo education literature have utilized
curriculum to increase career awareness among Navajo students. Chopp
Lotta (2001), in her study of gifted and talented at-risk Navajo girls,
utilized a one-day workshop intervention to significantly increase
student career awareness behaviors. These behaviors included researching
careers in the library and asking adults about education, entry, and
training requirements of their particular employment positions. Gilbert
(2000) adds to the already compelling evidence of the usefulness of
implementing programs that support increasing awareness of opportunities
for further education and employment for Navajo youth. Gilbert found
significant differences in Navajo students who received instruction, as
opposed to those who did not receive instruction, in how to approach
career options and decision-making in this five-week summer program.

The transition service interventions for career and postsecondary
education mentioned in this section can easily be infused as a half
credit course or nine-week section during the regular school year in a
general education course or implemented as a brief summer program. Rural
secondary schools providing services to Navajo students with
disabilities and those at-risk for school failure must implement
opportunities in dedicated environments to increase awareness of further
education and employment (Hales, 2000; Gilbert, 2000; Chopp Lotta,
2001).

*Program Structure*. Little empirical research exists that studies
career and postsecondary education transition programs in rural schools
(Sheehey & Black, 2003). The only published empirical studies focusing
on rural schools and transition outcomes found a lack of career
education programs (Dunn & Shumaker, 1997; Schalock, Holl, Elliott, &
Ross, 1992; Sitlington, & Frank, 1994; Spruill & Cohen, 1990; Spruill &
Kallio, 1994). Barriers to transition programming included: (1) job
exploration activities, (2) interfacing with natural support systems,
and (3) pressure to fit vocational in with ALL other graduation
requirements. Considering all four of these studies are prior to IDEA
2004, current research needs to investigate how rural schools can
provide students with disabilities and those at-risk for school failure
opportunities to learn how to manipulate their secondary education to
meet their postschool outcomes. Studies in the Navajo education
literature focusing on transition programs in secondary schools are also
few. Three studies of Navajo secondary transition programming focuses on
curriculum (Chopp Lotta, 2001; Gilbert, 2000; Van Alstine, Ramalho, &
Sanchez, 2002), and one examined high school transition programming
leading to postsecondary education (Hales, 2000). These studies report
the same barriers to transition programming as earlier studies. Another
consideration when developing a program structure for Navajo students
with disabilities and those at-risk for school failure is that to be
culturally appropriate, transition programming must include
family/community involvement.

*Family Involvement*

Family involvement supports and advances student-focused planning and
student development activities (Kohler & Field, 2003). Some researchers
suggest that parents do not play a role in the lives of Navajo students
in behaviors relating to secondary school processes (Hales, 2000;
Frankland, 2004). In Hales' study (2000), lack of parent involvement was
an issue stated by teachers and administrators. Hales found that
teachers and administrators criticized parent involvement in academics
such as not helping students with homework and promoting school
attendance. Cultural differences seem to influence parent participation
in the education of their children. Parents may not perceive their role
as supporting the academic aspect of the student's education but more of
supporting an education of native cultural values (Geenan, Powers, &
Vasquez-Lopez, 2001).

Willeto (1999), in contrast to Hales' (2002) research, found that
parental education aspirations for their students had a positive affect
on the aspirations for further education on their children. The
educational attainment of parents also predicted the in-school
performances of Navajo youth. Hales (2002) found that for some students
grandparents influenced Navajo students to pursue further education.
Perhaps the most promising finding of the Navajo education literature is
that traditional values can be preserved even when engaging in
mainstream education (Vadas, 1995), and that "Navajo families can
promote traditionalism without concern for negative educational
consequences" (Willeto, 1999, p. 17).

*Community Involvement.* The community can be viewed as the extended
family in the Navajo culture, and it plays a vital role in the education
of Navajo youth (Jackson & Smith, 2001; Van Alstine, Ramalho, & Sanchez,
2002). Bandura's (2002) assertion is that "group pursuits are no less
demanding of personal efficacy than individual pursuits . . . \[and\] .
. . people who work in collectivist societies need, or desire, to be
efficacious in the particular roles they perform just as those in
individualistic societies" (p. 269). This view of causal agency should
impress upon educators that involving the community in educational
affairs should permeate Navajo education as a strategy to increase
personal (student) agency and increase collective (community) agency.

The Crownpoint Institute of Technology epitomizes Bandura's (2002)
postulation of causal agency as it utilizes a community transition team
approach to raise awareness of education and transition in students and
community (Van Alstine, Ramalho, & Sanchez, 2002). This model
exemplifies how a secondary school could build around the local culture,
serving as a tool to preserve the local culture, while teaching skills
required in the mainstream and promoting educational attainment. Jackson
and Smith (2001) add to the evidence illustrating the importance of the
community in the educational decisions and attainment of Navajo youth.
They found themes for pursuing further education for Navajo youth
centered on their self-determined future role, supported by the family,
in the local community.

# Summary

This paper introduces an inclusive transition taxonomy for use that may
provide opportunities for Navajo youth and their families, and other CLD
populations, in rural secondary schools to self-determine a postschool
vision and maintain positive cultural attachment. Rural secondary
schools need to provide Navajo students and those at-risk for school
failure, their families, and communities opportunities to provide and
participate in culturally appropriate transition services. This review
of Navajo education literature also found the existence of differing
levels of cultural attachment among Navajo people, supporting the
assertion that Navajo youth with disabilities and those at-risk for
school failure deserve individualized education plans that are
culturally appropriate. Rural public, private, BIA, and tribal secondary
schools that address these needs will assist Navajo youth with
disabilities and those students at-risk for school failure to attain
skills promoting high school graduation, further education, and
employment designed to support the Navajo Nation in its move to
self-determine its role in the 21^st^ century.

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