NPS Form 10-900-b OMB No. 1024-0018

(March 1992)

**United States Department of the Interior**

**National Park Service**

**National Register of Historic Places**

**Multiple Property Documentation Form**

This form is used for documenting multiple property groups relating to
one or several historic contexts. See instructions in How to Complete
the Multiple Property Documentation Form (National Register Bulletin
16B). Complete each item by entering the requested information. For
additional space, use continuation sheets (Form 10-900-a). Use a
typewriter, word processor, or computer to complete all items.

**[X]{.underline}** New Submission \_\_ Amended Submission

A.  Name of Multiple Property Listing

Route 66 in Texas MPS

B. Associated Historic Contexts

Route 66 in Texas, 1926-1970

C. Form Prepared by

# NAME/TITLE: Monica Penick and Gregory Smith, Texas Historical Commission

street & number: PO Box 12276 telephone: 512.463-5853

city/town: Austin state: Texas zip code: 78711

D. Certification

As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act
of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this documentation form meets
the National Register documentation standards and sets forth
requirements for the listing of related properties consistent with the
National Register criteria. This submission meets the procedural and
professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60 and the Secretary
of the Interior\'s Standards and Guidelines for Archeology and Historic
Preservation. (\_\_\_ See continuation sheet for additional comments.)

[\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_
\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_]{.underline}

**Signature and title of certifying official** (SHPO, Texas Historical
Commission) **Date**

I hereby certify that this multiple property documentation form has been
approved by the National Register as a basis for evaluating related
properties for listing in the National Register.

[\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_
\_ \_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_]{.underline}

**Signature of the Keeper** **Date**

**Table of Contents**

**E. Statement of Historic Contexts** (see pages E-3 through E-9 )

**F. Associated Property Types** (see pages F10 through F28 )

## G. Geographical Data

The area covered by this multiple property submission includes all
historic alignments and property immediately adjacent to all historic
alignments of U.S. Route 66 in the State of Texas, including properties
in Deaf Smith, Oldham, Potter, Carson, Gray, Donley and Wheeler
counties. Information regarding the acreage of each property, UTM
references, and boundary descriptions and justifications are included on
each individual nomination form.

**H. Summary of Identification and Evaluation Methods** (see pages H-29
through H-38)

**I. Major Bibliographical References** (see pages I-39 through I-42)

**Previous documentation on file (NPS)**

\_\_\_ preliminary determination of individual listing (36 CFR 67) has
been requested.

\_\_\_ previously listed in the National Register

\_\_\_ previously determined eligible by the National Register

\_\_\_ designated a National Historic Landmark

\_\_\_ recorded by Historic American Buildings Survey \#
\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_

\_\_\_ recorded by Historic American Engineering Record \#
\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_

**Primary Location of Additional Data:**

\_\_\_ State Historic Preservation Office

\_\_\_ Other State agency

\_\_\_ Federal agency

\_\_\_ Local government

\_\_\_ University

\_\_\_ Other

Name of repository:
\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_

The significance of U.S. Highway 66, perhaps the best-known and
most-often romanticized transportation corridor in the nation, lies at
the intersection of the history of highway development, commerce,
travel, tourism, and popular culture. Its importance is socio-cultural,
economic, and to some extent, political. The interest (both historic and
contemporary) in this highway and the subculture that it has spawned
demonstrates that Route 66 was no ordinary road. While not the oldest or
the longest transcontinental highway, Route 66 became the nation's first
all-weather road, linking Chicago to Los Angeles.[^1] The 2,400 extant
miles (approximately) of Route 66 represent the development of a
nationwide transportation infrastructure -- notably marking every phase
in the transition from dirt roads to super highways -- and
simultaneously underscore the economic and cultural effects of
automobile travel. Ultimately, the story of Route 66 is the story of a
newly mobile nation (and the responses to this lifestyle), of increasing
geographic cohesion, and of the democratization of travel.

The period of significance for Route 66 in Texas extends from 1926 to
1970. While this period encompasses a number of seemingly disparate
historical eras, the life of the highway provides an uninterrupted --
though not unchanging -- thread through nearly five decades. The events
through which the thread weaves all have bearing on the story of the
road and the people who traveled it. The following narrative explores
the relationship of Route 66 to trends in transportation, commerce
(tourism as a subset) and road-related architecture at the national,
state and local level from its federal designation in 1926 to the
closure of the last segment of Texas road in 1970.

# U.S. Route 66 

## Roads, Pre-1926

U.S. Highway 66, like many other transcontinental roads, evolved from
pre-existing routes such as the government-sponsored wagon road program
initiated just before the Civil War. In order to facilitate both
military and civilian travel and communication in the newly opening
American west, the Army was commissioned to build a series of roads
across the Territories. These crude roads (often following trails
established by trappers and traders) were little more than wagon tracks,
but at the very least provided access to the frontier. During the mass
migrations of the 1850s and 1860s (a frenzy began in part by the
California gold rush of 1849), many of these wagon trails were marked
and significantly improved (notably, many of these were used as mail
routes).

Until the early 1900s, the primary sources of funding for rural road
construction came not from donation of land and rights-of-way by
individual owners, from local property taxes, from poll fees and from
statue labor.[^2] In 1904, only 25 states permitted their counties or
townships to issue bonds for road improvement, and these rights were
generally exercised only to finance expensive endeavors (such as steel
or concrete bridges).[^3] Although the value of the land and labor were
considerable, resources were often spread so thin that very few rural
residents had access to adequate road service. Urban dwellers, on the
other hand, had far better access to good local roads. Concentrated
populations translated into substantial revenues from taxes (and bond
issues), which were in turn invested into infrastructural improvements
-- from sewers to streets.[^4]

The obvious disparity between the quality of city streets and rural
roads -- and the resulting difficulty in traveling or shipping goods
between the two -- gave rise to a series of reform movements. Led by the
"Good Roads Association," (at first, coalitions of bicyclists, and
later, automobilists), the earliest efforts at policy reform centered on
the issue of funding (particularly the ability to levy road taxes). The
Good Roads Movement further encouraged state legislatures to set up
limited systems of state roads and to establish state highway
commissions that could encourage the passage of state legislation that
would ensure good-quality roads equally accessible to urban and rural
citizens. In 1894, Massachusetts became the first state to establish a
State Highway Department; in 1917, Texas was one of the last three
states in the union to enact some form of state aid.[^5]

As the Good Roads Movement gained momentum and state chapters formed
(Texas established its Good Roads Association in 1911),[^6] supporters
began to pressure Congress to pass legislation that would provide
federal assistance for road building. During the last decade of the
nineteenth century and into the first two decades of the twentieth
century, supporters of the movement ceaselessly promoted road
improvement through governmental involvement. As the numbers of
privately owned automobiles steadily increased --Ford produced 1,599
automobiles a year in 1905 and 14,887 by 1907 -- the existing road
system became further stressed, sometimes to the point of physical ruin.
Despite many inconveniences, leisure driving and long-distance
automobile traveling continued to increase in popularity. In 1903, H.
Nelson Jackson became the first person to travel by car from coast to
coast (he took sixty-three days to travel from San Francisco to New
York). With Jackson's accomplishment (and Ford's continual improvement
of the automobile), the idea of the cross-country motor tour was born.

Simultaneously, supporters of the Good Roads Movement -- now motorists
rather than bicyclists or wagoneers -- began to lobby for a
coast-to-coast highway. Under the National Old Trails Movement, an
influential association of motorists encouraged the idea of a
transcontinental highway and further advocated direct federal
involvement in road construction (instead of federal aid to state
agencies).

The concept of direct federal responsibility for road construction was
eventually incorporated in the Federal Aid Road Act of 1916 (the
Shackleford Bill).[^7] This bill proposed that Congress appropriate \$25
million a year to aid in the construction and maintenance of post roads,
out of which each state would receive at least \$65,000. The remainder
of the funding would be allocated according to a. "compromise formula"
according to area, population, and post road mileage.[^8] The location
and construction standards for these roads would be negotiated with each
state, as would the type of surfacing (though the federal share of the
project could not exceed 50%). To be eligible for federal aid, states
were required to establish a state highway department to administer the
federal funding (this was the impetus behind the formation of the Texas
State Highway Department in 1917).

The passage of the Federal Highway Act of 1921 provided the legislative
impetus and support for the further devolvement of a vast federal
highway system that would come to include U.S. Highway 66. As a
successor to the earlier highway appropriations act of 1916, the 1921
legislation required that all states establish a state highway system of
roads (no more than 7% of the roads could be designated as such) on
which federal funds would be spent. Of this 7%, almost half were
required to be "interstate in character,"[^9] thus encouraging the
creation of a coherent network of state-to-state highways. This
legislation in effect strengthened state highway departments by shifting
the burden away from counties and townships, and requiring State Highway
Department to oversee the construction and maintenance of
federally-funded roads.

The passage of this legislation came at an opportune moment in relation
to growth of the automobile industry. The period from 1921 to 1929 was
one of nationwide economic prosperity, and one in which the automobile
industry increased its productivity, improved its product, and reduced
its prices. In 1912, there were only 180,000 registered automobiles in
the United States (roughly one car for every 5000 people).[^10] In 1912,
the number of vehicle registrations grew to just over one million. That
number had more than doubled by 1915. By 1925, just one year before the
designation of Route 66, the total number of vehicle registrations
increased to 19.95 million.[^11] In Texas alone there were 35,000
registered vehicles in 1912; in 1915, there were 40,000; in 1927, just
after the designation of Route 66, there were 996,000 cars registered;
and in 1932, the number had increased to 1.19 million (by far the
largest registration count of all of the southern states).[^12] With the
increase in automobile ownership came an increase in travel and tourism,
and cross-country motoring became a popular recreational activity.
Automobiles affected the national economy in numerous ways. Production
requirements -- such as the need for steel, glass, rubber and fuel --
created a large market. Mechanical needs, such as those for fuel and
repair, were met by the thousands of garages and service stations that
opened in this decade. Travel and tourism became an industry in itself,
and garages, tourist facilities, eating establishments, helped fuel an
already booming economy. The proliferation of automobiles had negative
effects as well. Traffic accidents and fatalities tripled in the
1920s,[^13] and traffic congestion itself became a marked problem. The
sheer volume of vehicles on the road increased the wear on the road
surfaces, and subsequently lead to a larger demand for improved highways
-- a demand to which the federal government responded early on.

The development of the American highway system and Route 66 in
particular was not, however, the sole province of the federal
government. Certainly, states, counties and communities across the
nation provided funds, labor and other support for the emerging road
system. Individuals and members of the Good Roads Movement had their own
vested interests in promoting major transportation thoroughfares. Cyrus
Avery of Tulsa, Oklahoma (commonly called the "Father of Route 66") and
John Woodruff of Springfield, Missouri were among the first major
promoters of a "modern," all-weather, surfaced highway connecting
Chicago to Los Angeles. Avery, Oklahoma's first State Highway
Commissioner (elected in 1923), was elected president of the Associated
Highways Association of America, and in 1924 was appointed as a
\"consulting highway specialist" to the twenty-one member board
appointed by the Secretary of Agriculture to selected roads for the
national network of highways. In 1925, Avery and the rest of the
committee began to piece together the U.S. Highway System, with the goal
of making travel easy. More than 250 national road clubs lobbied for
their designated trails to be included, and Avery himself lobbied for a
Chicago-to-Los Angeles route that would pass through Oklahoma, Texas,
New Mexico, Arizona, and California. These lobbying and organizational
efforts were finally realized with the passage of comprehensive highway
legislation in 1925, and the implementation of the numbering system for
America's roads.[^14]

On November 11, 1926 a committee of federal and state highway officials
met in North Carolina to authorize the selected highway routes in all
forty-eight states, including what would become Route 66.. Following the
official designation of U.S. Highway 66 in 1926, Avery recommended that
the road be designated as \"The Main Street of America\" for use on
commercial brochures, postcards, and maps.[^15] Together with John
Woodruff, Avery organized the National U.S. 66 Highway Association; in
addition, each of the eight states through which Route 66 passed formed
its own U.S. Highway 66 Association in efforts to endorse each region.
From its earliest inception, Route 66 was well-promoted, well-supported
and well-traveled. In 1926, only 800 miles of the approximately 2,500
mile route was paved; however, only a decade later, the goal of an
all-season paved highway was for the most part realized.

Route 66, was for the most part, an assignment of a federal number to an
existing network of state-managed roads, most of which were in poor
condition.[^16] The extension of the highway (and with it, federal
funding) into the rural areas of the west not only allowed greater
access to these developing territories, but allowed greater ability to
improve the physical aspects of this access. Federal funding, although
still on a matching grant basis, aided in the maintenance and eventual
paving of vast stretches of the road. These improved roads eventually
connected important nodes of trade and tourism, and slowly began to
connect the Midwest and the west with the rest of the nation. Texas,
however, was perhaps an exception to this model. Because the route
traversed the Panhandle -- an out-of-the-way tip of a very large state,
Route 66 perhaps provided less access to major cities and less incentive
for settlement. In 1926, the largest cities in Texas were San Antonio,
Houston, and Dallas -- none of which were within any proximity to Route
66. Even today, the population of the Panhandle and its largest city of
Amarillo is around one-third of the population of Austin, the state's
capital.[^17]

## Formative Years: 1926-1932

In contrast to other early highways, such as the Lincoln and the Dixie,
Route 66 did not follow a direct route. Because Route 66 was laid over a
number of existing state, county and local roads, it took on a roughly
diagonal, sometimes meandering path that took in hundreds of
predominantly rural communities across Illinois, Missouri, Kansas,
Oklahoma, Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California. Not only was the
improved (and shortened) route between rural areas and cities important
for farmers transporting produce, but the longer stretches were
significant for trucking and interstate commerce. Because of its
inherent flexibility, by 1930, trucking came to rival the railroad as a
dominant means of shipping. Route 66 was particularly appealing to the
burgeoning trucking industry because it traversed a mild geographic
region, crossing primarily though temperate prairie lands and the
southwest desert. While nature provided a predominantly flat terrain,
forward-looking highway designers strove to make Route 66 "modern" by
reducing the number of curves, widening lanes, and ensuring that the
road surface (and its maintenance crews) could attain all-weather
capability.

Until 1933, the responsibility to improve existing highways fell almost
exclusively on individual states. The more assertive and financially
prepared states were able to meet the challenge, while others --
including Texas -- struggled to keep their roads passable.[^18] Initial
improvements to the Route 66 system had cost state agencies an estimated
\$22,000 per mile. These funds were applied to grading, re-grading (or a
form of maintenance known as "dragging") and surfacing. In 1929,
Illinois boasted that all of its portions of Route 66 were paved, and a
Texaco road report noted that the road was fully paved in Kansas, 66%
paved in Missouri, and 25% in Oklahoma. The 1200- mile stretch from
Texas to California remained unimproved. Until the early 1930s, Texas,
New Mexico Arizona and southeast California together had only about 64.1
miles of paved highway along Route 66.[^19]

## Depression and the War: 1933-1945

Federal commitment to the improvement of the highway system increased
with the Depression and the national appeal for emergency relief
funding. An estimated 210,000 people migrated -- following Route 66 --
to California to escape the Dust Bowl, although less than 16,000 of
these refugees stayed permanently.[^20] Certainly for a large number of
emigrants, Route 66 symbolized the "road to opportunity."[^21] In his
1939 novel *The Grapes of Wrath,* John Steinbeck immortalized Route 66
as the "Mother Road," and his epic treatment of mass migration lent
itself to a specific perception of the road's early role in American
cultural and economic history.

While the plight and the subsequent movement of the Dust Bowlers has
been well publicized, less is known about importance of highway to those
who "opted to eke out their living within the devastated economies of
Kansas, Oklahoma, West Texas, and New Mexico."[^22] Aside from
supporting various road-side businesses, the road itself provided ample
opportunity for economic support. Because Route 66 was linked to
President Frank D. Roosevelt's New Deal program for work relief and
economic recovery, road improvements and maintenance work became a
central responsibility of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) and the
Works Project Administration (WPA). From 1933 to 1938, thousands of
unemployed men worked as laborers in road gangs. As a result of this
concerted effort, the Chicago to Los Angeles highway was reported as
"continually paved" in 1938.[^23] According to the National Park
Service's Special Resource Study, "Route 66 affected more Americans on
federal work relief than people who used it during the famous exodus to
California."[^24]

In the early 1940s, the development and improvement of Route 66 became
central to the nation's military and defense efforts. As early as 1922,
the Army had designated roads important to national defense (shown on
the "Pershing Map"). These roads typically corresponded with the states'
7% selection to be included in the Federal-aid highway system, thus soon
had the triple duty of providing adequate service for industry, commerce
and military. In 1939 (shortly after the Germans seized Czechoslovakia
and prepared to invade Poland), the War Department -- with an eye
towards national defense -- revaluated its strategic highway map, and
immediately ordered the Public Roads Administration to survey and assess
the conditions of these key transpiration arteries. Surveys revealed
that despite standards set by the Federal-aid system, many of the
federally funded roads were in poor condition and many of the bridges
could not safely support the weight of military transport vehicles. The
need to remedy the deficiencies in the existing highway system increased
dramatically as the armed services began expanding its bases, airfields,
and other defense-related establishments. In part because of its
geographic isolation and in part because of its mild climate, the War
Department targeted the western United States as ideal for military
training.

At the outset of World War I, several key military bases were
established near Route 66 in Missouri, New Mexico, Arizona, and
California. While the need to prepare for war was felt with some
urgency, the bombing of Pearl Harbor and the subsequent need for rapid
military mobilization underscored the necessity for systematic network
of highways. The War Department's immediate expropriation of the
nation's railways not only left a transportation vacuum in the West, but
placed a considerable amount of pressure on the road systems. At least
50% of all defense-related products were shipped via truck (and military
vehicles themselves were often transported over land to their overseas
shipping points), many of these along Route 66. Congress asked that
states and counties begin work on the strategic road system, both to
secure defense positions and to provide reliable access to military
installations. Many states and counties could not bear the financial
burden of such dramatic increases in highway traffic, so again (as in
the Depression) the Works Progress Administration was called upon,
primarily to keep traffic moving and avert "paralysis" of defense
installations.[^25] In 1941, Congress passed the Defense Highway Act in
order to provide federal funding for the necessary defense-related
highway improvement projects.[^26]

Although the onset of the war provided certain benefits for the
developing highway system, material shortages, labor shortages, and
maintenance delays (particularly on non-defense related stretches of
road) had negative effects on the "highway boom" that had begun in 1921.
In addition, the automobile itself -- and with it, the leisure traveler
-- faced new difficulties. Auto manufacturers suffered critical
shortages of steel, glass, and rubber during the war years, and many
plants had converted to the manufacture of tanks, aircraft, ordnance and
troop transports. Notably, the number of new cars produced dropped 3.7
million in 1941 to 610 in 1943.[^27] Large trucks, on the other hand,
were still produced and served as the mainstay for the shipping
industry.

American highways, and Route 66 in particular, helped facilitate "the
single greatest wartime manpower mobilization in the history of the
nation."[^28] Roads were not only viewed as crucial for national
defense, but were key factors in the preparation for overseas military
activity. Highways both served the military forces directly (as in
providing access to training grounds) and indirectly in its service to
defense-related industries. As the National Park Service Study points
out, the westward migration (from the northeast to the Pacific Coast
states in particular) related to World War I was estimated at five times
larger than that of the great Dust Bowl migration. In the early 1940s,
approximately one million people relocated (many of them permanently) to
help with new war and defense related industries that were centered in
the west.[^29]

## Postwar years: 1945-1960

After World War II, Americans were more mobile than ever. Thousands of
military men who had trained in California, Arizona, New Mexico,
Oklahoma and Texas found the mild climate and relaxed culture of the
southwest agreeable. Upon their return from the war, many of these
soldiers abandoned their "snowbelt" homes for the "sunbelt." Route 66
played a major part in the relocation of many postwar emigrants. Census
data shows that growth along the route itself ranged from 40% in New
Mexico to 74% in Arizona. California grew the most, and claimed half the
population of the West between 1950 and 1980.[^30]

The vast westward movement along the nation's highways that began in the
1930s provided an unprecedented opportunity for roadside commerce. The
immediate requirements of even the poorest of travelers were immediately
apparent: availability of gas, automobile service, lodging, and food
were of primary concern. As New Deal work relief programs provided
employment on the road in the 1930s (and certainly bolstered local
economies), the appearance of road-related businesses such as tourist
courts, gas stations, and cafés promised economic stability after the
road's completion. Military uses of the highway during wartime certainly
ensured the early success of roadside businesses, and the new tourism
industry (encouraged by the war time road improvements to the highway
system) of the postwar decades gave rise to "modern" facilities that
hinted at long-term economic prosperity. The evolution of these
facilities -- often resulting in unique types and forms of roadside
architecture -- is at the heart of the cultural and economic
significance of Route 66. These roadside facilities, while not
necessarily unique to Route 66, were the tourist court and later the
motel, the filling station that was later equipped with a full line of
automotive services, cafés and diners that catered to families on the
move, and various roadside recreational attractions.

## Demise of the Route 

Heavy use of the highway system since World War II (both by trucks
during the war, and automobile tourists in the immediate postwar years)
placed an ongoing physical strain on existing roads. Relentless traffic
had caused serious degradation, and the majority of roads were
"functionally obsolete" because of their narrow paved widths and
"antiquated structural features."[^31] Emergency road building
techniques developed during World War II -- such as the use of wooden
rather than steel or concrete bridges, the lack of steel reinforcement
in concrete structures, and the absence of asphalt and tar on paved
surfaces -- did not prove lasting, and by the mid-1950s, thousands of
miles of road had significantly deteriorated.

The Federal Aid Highway act of 1956 provided a comprehensive financial
plan to underwrite cost of improvements to the national interstate and
defense highway system. This Act significantly impacted Route 66, and
eventually led to its obsolescence. In accordance with the terms of the
legislation, the segment of U.S. 66 running west from Oklahoma City,
through the Texas Panhandle, to New Mexico, northern Arizona to Barstow,
California, would be replaced by Interstate 40. By 1960, each of the
states along the original Route 66 expended from \$14 million to \$20
million to construct their portions of the Interstate (designed to
accommodate 1975 traffic projections).[^32]

By 1970, the remaining segments of the original Route 66 were replaced
by two modern four-way highways: Interstate 55 between Chicago and St
Louis and Interstate 44 from St Louis to Oklahoma City. On June 26,
1979, the American Association of State Highways and Transportation
Officials (AASHTO) accepted the recommendation to eliminate the
designation of Route 66. The Committee noted that "US 66 markings no
longer served as a through-state guide to tourists, but in fact
generated confusion because the route coincided with interstate
designations over much of its length." Although federal distinction was
removed, many states recognized the historical value of the highway and
pledged to preserve some symbol of the historic highway with signs for
'Old U.S. 66.'

# Texas Route 66 Associated Property Types

Each historic property surveyed as part of the "Historic Resources
Survey: Route 66 through Texas" was categorized according to information
gathered during fieldwork and archival research. These categorizations
were based on the property's form and function during the Route 66
Period of Significance (1926-1970). Specific Types and Subtypes were
determined according to precedent set by other states that have already
completed Route 66 Historic Resource Surveys (i.e., New Mexico), and
generally fall into the following six property types (with subtypes
within each major type): structures (including roads and bridges), gas
stations, eating establishments, lodging, and buildings associated with
general commercial use. The following pages include a description of
these property types, with particular emphasis on evolution of both form
and function. We have also assessed the particular relevance of each
property type to Route 66, and its significance within the general
context of the road. Lastly, we have provided some guidance for
determining the degree of integrity necessary for representatives of
each property type to be listed on the National Register of Historic
Places.

## Property Type: Structures

The most prominent type of structure recorded by this survey was the
historic Route 66 roadbed itself. The category of "Structures" also
includes bridges, culverts, road markers, foundations and building
ruins, signs, railroad grade separations and other objects that appear
to be related to the historic context of Route 66.

### 

### Subtype: Roadbed

**Description**: From its designation in 1926, Route 66 in Texas was
continuously altered, upgraded and rerouted. The growing use of the
automobile as a means of transportation for both commerce and leisure
increased the demand for improved roads. According to the 1931 AAA
Guide, Texas had 194.7 miles of Route 66. The National Park Service
"Special Resource Study, Route 66" indicates that there were at least
185 miles of drivable road in 1994.[^33] In 2002, the drivable distance
was approximately 178 miles.

There are two subtypes of roadbed extant in Texas: abandoned roadbed and
in-use segments of road. Abandoned roadbed -- both unpaved and paved --
can be seen in several counties across the state. Notable sections of
abandoned Route 66 include a segment of paved road just west of the town
of McLean, as well as unpaved segments on private property (currently
owned by Delbert Trew) in Gray county, unpaved segments to the north of
the Interstate 40 access road west of Amarillo, and sections of
unexplored unpaved segments following the rail track in other parts of
Oldham county. The original route from just west of Amarillo to Vega
exists as a barely visible cut in the landscape just to the north of the
north access road to I40. Bridges, culverts and other associated
features remain in places and have been documented. The function and
relevance of these features has not yet been explored, though archival
research might uncover further information.

The majority of Route 66 through Texas (particularly alignments that
were paved) is extant and still in use. Existing road segments include
two-lane dirt road, two-lane paved road, two-lane paved road with median
(only in Glenrio), and four-lane paved road. The drivable portions of
Route 66 (91.4% of the original length of road) primarily exist as
frontage roads for Interstate 40, business routes through towns and
cities, and rural segments of county or farm-to-market roads. A very
small length of these roads cross private property and thus remain
inaccessible to the public (these are in Gray county between Jericho and
Alanreed, and in Oldham county). Only a few segments of road retain
historic integrity -- these include the stretch of abandoned pavement
just west of McClean, the segment of road to the east of Conway, and the
remarkably intact segment of road through Glenrio. Because of numerous
widenings, re-gradings, and resurfacings, not to mention the intrusion
of I40, most drivable segments (both paved and unpaved) have not been
recommended as eligible for listing in the National Register of Historic
Places. Only three such locations have been recommended (Property
65-CO-0, road segment leading east into Conway; Property 375-AM-0, road
segment leading from Highway 1925 to Amarillo Airport and as a an
contributing element in the potential historic district through
Glenrio).

Route 66 was re-aligned numerous times between 1926 and its final
decommissioning upon the completion of I40. Major road improvement
projects were implemented in the 1930s and 1940s, which included the
straightening curves, bypass of certain towns, and re-routings through
some communities. The most significant changes occurred in Amarillo.
Over the lifespan of Route 66, Amarillo hosted three separate
alignments. The earliest alignment followed Southwest 9^th^ Ave to
Bushland, to Southwest 6^th^ Avenue, Fillmore, and Amarillo Boulevard to
Triangle Boulevard to FM 2575 running east of town (which bisected what
is now the Amarillo Airport). In 1953, the bypass route was straightened
to eliminate traffic on 9^th^ and 6th Avenues, and Route 66 was
realigned to follow Amarillo Boulevard on the west edge of town. In
1957, presumably to accommodate the construction of the municipal
airport, the route was diverted from Triangle Boulevard and FM 2575 to
follow Amarillo Boulevard East to FM 1912 (where it then headed south to
rejoin FM 2575). In 1956, Route 66 bypassed downtown Amarillo.

**Significance:** Route 66 is significant not only as part of the first
effort to numerically designate and federalize highways in the United
States, but as one of the first major transcontinental transportation
routes from Chicago to Los Angeles. Route 66 continued to function as a
major transportation route for both trade and leisure travel from 1926
to 1956 when the Federal Interstate Highway Act was passed. In Texas, as
in many of the states through which Route 66 passes, the life of the
road extended past the mid-1950s well in the 1970s when Interstate 40
subsumed the old Route and bypassed many small towns that had been
dependent on Route 66 to generate commerce.

Although Texas was one of the last states to complete paving of Route
66, the road still served as a significant transportation artery through
the Panhandle. It served military, farming, cross-country shipping of
goods, Dust Bowl emigrants, and finally, it provided a means of
automobile-related leisure travel and recreation.

Route 66 was decertified in 1985 and replaced by Interstate 40, but
evidence of the earlier road remains. Former portions of Texas Route 66
became the access roads for I40, or in cases where I40 did not parallel
old Route 66, the roads were turned back to the care of the county road
departments. The roadway and its associated structures are significant
in that they offer material evidence of how Route 66 appeared to early
motorists. In addition, intact sections of road retain physical marks of
the early highway, including demarcation of shoulders (indicating the
narrow width of the two-lane roads), and the marking of paving segments
(the groves between concrete pours are still visible in many sections
that have not been significantly altered).

The extant road segments are significant as reminders of early
accomplishments in the field of road building and engineering during the
first decades of the Federal Highway System. Changes in these road
sections demonstrate the progression of road building technology and
planning, including basic improvements and safety features. Segments of
Route 66 are significant under Criterion A in the area of
transportation. They may also be significant under Criterion C in the
area of engineering as representative examples of the typical
road-building design standards set forth by the American Association of
State Highway Transportation Officials.[^34]

**Registration Requirements / Integrity**: To qualify for National
Register listing, a segment of Route 66 must retain integrity of
location, design, setting, materials, workmanship, feeling, and
association. All of these areas of integrity may not equally apply to
each section of existing road segment, but all enter into the
determination of eligibility.

Integrity of association and location requires that the segment was part
of U.S. Route 66 during the period of significance, and that its
alignment is verifiable. Engineering plans, highway department records,
historic maps and photographs should sufficiently document various
alignments. Duration of use of a particular alignment should not make an
otherwise eligible section of road ineligible. However, sections of
Route 66 that were built prior to 1926 (as part of preceding local,
county or state road systems) qualify only if they later became
officially part of Route 66.

Integrity of feeling and setting refers to the degree to which the road
recalls the experience of traveling the route for reasons of commerce or
tourism during the period of significance. The segment must retain the
features that make it recognizable as a highway (this is particularly
relevant to abandoned segments of roadway), such as the cross-section
template (cut banks, fill slopes, roadbed, grade, etc), alignment, and
associated features such as culverts, curbs, and bridges. Overgrown
vegetation, incomplete stretches of pavement, eroded banks are allowable
only if the site maintains the overall appearance and character of a
roadway. Segments that have been widened or improved in other ways
(additions of culvert, re-graded, straightened) are eligible for listing
if the modifications occurred during the period of significance. The
immediate physical setting is crucial to determining the eligibility of
particular segments. While 91.4% of Texas Route 66 is discernable and
traversable, the feeling and setting have been compromised by numerous
alterations to the road surface and the construction of I-40 adjacent to
the old road. The traveler no longer experiences long stretches of
quiet, open plains, as the incessant traffic and noise of the interstate
competes with the tranquility that once belonged to the rural stretches
of the highway. Original concrete segments now serving as the south
access road to I-40 in Wheeler County are intact and may be eligible for
listing in the National Register, but there are only two relatively
short stretches of highway that retain an authentic sense of the
historic rural character of the road separate from the Interstate. The
feeling and setting of the road as it passes through the smaller towns
such as McLean remains much as it was in the early days (in fact, Route
66 was often just a secondary name given to the Main Street) -- though
perhaps a little less traveled and towns less busy than in the heyday of
Route 66 travels.

Integrity of material, design and workmanship applies to the physical
characteristics of the road. In most places along the road, historic
materials have been replaced in the interest of maintenance and safety.
Because pavement is a transient feature of a highway --constantly
replaced and upgraded with new materials (i.e. from concrete to
asphalt), and the original layers were never meant to be permanent,
presence of original paving (while desirable) is not a requirement for
registration. Other physical characteristics convey the sense of
historic materials design and workmanship. For example, a few less-used
or abandoned sections of the road retain traces of the original concrete
paving, the pour marks are still visible (and felt as the car moves over
the pavement), and the original width is still discernable (widening was
achieved by adding thin strips of pavement to the shoulders of the
road).

### Subtype: Automobile Bridges

**Description**: Texas retains only one automobile bridge that serviced
Route 66. Located 8.2 miles east of Shamrock in Wheeler County, this
bridge was originally built for SH 75 which later became US 66, and was
bypassed by a new concrete structure in 1950. It now serves local
traffic on the I40 frontage road. Designed by M.L. Grady of the State
Highway Department Bridge Division, and built in 1932 by E. T. Prater,
this five-span 126' long bridge features a span of steel I-beams encased
in concrete. The remaining spans are reinforced concrete girder units
resting on reinforced concrete pile bents. The rail is standard Type D,
concrete post and double beam design. This superstructure carries a 24'
wide concrete roadway over the abandoned railroad bed of the former
Chicago Rock Island and Gulf Railway.

**Registration Requirements / Integrity**: In order to be listed on the
National Register, a bridge must be located on any section of road that
was at any time designated as Route 66. The bridge must be an example of
a design that was associated with the highway system and used for
automobile traffic. If the bridge was constructed before 1926, the
bridge must have been in service for a significant for a period of time
as part of Route 66. Bridges must retain a high degree of integrity in
the areas of location, design, materials and association. According to
the TxDOT survey, this bridge is significant for its type and railing.
It is one of only a few known examples of a concrete encased steel
I-beam configuration, and the Type D railing is noteworthy. The bridge
has retained its design, materials, workmanship and location, and
sufficient degree of setting, feeling and association to individually
meet Criterion F in the area of Engineering and the state level of
significance. This property could be listed apart from the associated
roadbed.[^35]

A number of bridges lay along the abandoned roadbed between Amarillo and
Adrain. Although these sit in the approximate location of old Route 66,
their use has yet to be confirmed. They may have functioned as either
automobile or rail bridges, and their history and registration
requirements are yet to be determined. Further archival research might
lend clues as to their age and use.

### Subtype: Rail bridges / Grade Separations

**Description:** Railroad Grade separators are an integral part of the
Route 66 roadbed. After their construction, these structures allowed
both rail and automobile to operate independently, neither having to
yield to the other. This both increased speed of travel and safety.
Three highway underpasses exist along Route 66 in Texas, all are located
in Amarillo. Because they are all unique, we were not able to develop a
general "type." Thus, we have included descriptions of all three
structures.

The first railroad grade separation occurs on the east side of Amarillo,
in the 7000 block of East Amarillo Boulevard. This is a utilitarian
structure, lacking any ornamental details or outstanding design
features. This structure consists of two bridges, each spanning two
automobile lanes (the boulevard in divided by a grass media, built up to
raise the railroad grade). The structure consists of concrete retainer
walls supporting steel piers. The sides walls are formed by steel
barriers made up of sheets of metal riveted and welded together. The
tracks are otherwise visible from the roadbed. The year of construction
has not yet been determined, but possible dates from the 1930s, with
later additions. While this underpass represents efforts to improve
speed of travel and safety of the passengers, its form is not unusual
nor specifically related to Route 66. This structure is not recommended
as eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.

The second railroad grade separation occurs on West 6th, just east of
Bowie. This underpass serves the Rock Island Railroad. This structure is
utilitarian in form, consisting of elevated tracks supported on steel
piers and shielded from view by steel barriers made up of sheets of
metal riveted and welded together. The underpass spans four lanes of
undivided traffic. The remarkable feature of this structure is actually
the roadbed beneath -- this is the only seemingly intact portion of
roadbed (complete with indications of shoulder widening and pour marks)
in Amarillo. While this underpass represents efforts to improve speed of
travel and safety of the passengers, its form is not unusual nor
specifically related to Route 66. This structure is not recommended as
eligible for listing on the National Register of Historic Places.

The Buchanan Street Underpass (between First and North East Second
Streets) was designed in 1937 by Gibb Gilchrist of the Texas Highway
Department and The U.S. Bureau of Public Roads. This underpass raises
the railroad grade above the automobile grade, permitting the continuous
flow of vehicular traffic beneath the operating rail line. The underpass
was installed both as a s safety measure and as a mechanism to relieve
traffic congestion. This particular underpass has several separate
bridging structures consisting of a reinforced-concrete underpass
beneath seven concrete clad steel railroad bridges and one steel
railroad bridge. The central roadbed passes underneath, flanked on
either side by concrete walls (punctured for lighting). Sidewalks with
balustrades have also been installed. Ornamental street lights that
originally stood on each side of the entrance have since disappeared.
The design of the bridge refers to 1930s Moderne, notable in the incised
groove at the wall joints and the massing of the piers. This underpass
is significant under Criterion A in the area of Transportation as a
representative of measures taken to improve speed of travel and safety
of the passengers. This structure may also be eligible under Criterion C
in the area of Engineering or Design as an outstanding example of
Moderne styling in public infrastructure. The importance of this
underpass lies outside of its relation to Route 66, and should be
considered for individual listing.

## Property Type: Gas Stations

**Description**: The availability of fuel, motor oil, tires, and other
products and maintenance services were important to the automobile
traveler along Route 66. Throughout Texas, the number of gas and service
stations grew with the highway system and the increase of automobile
traffic. Both the form and the function of the gas station evolved as
automobile travel increased and as motorists demanded more of the
roadside facilities.

The first gasoline stations (in various forms) appeared in United States
between 1907 and 1913.[^36] Because oil companies considered gasoline as
secondary to oil, kerosene and petroleum-based lubricants, gas was
initially sold in tin cans at grocery and hardware stores, and poured by
hand into automobile gas tanks. Beginning around 1907, companies began
to open "stores" out of which to sell gasoline (the first was likely
Standard Oil of California's store in Seattle).[^37] This earliest form
of the gas station was little more than a hose stretched from a large
storage tank adjacent to the refinery. Two years later, the American
Gasoline Company of St. Louis (a Shell subsidiary) built the first
retail location separate from the bulk plant facility. Most of the early
gas stations were improvised adaptations of other building forms
(usually sheds) and with the exception of added gas pumps, did not
specifically relate to the function of gasoline sales. By 1909,
considerable emphasis was placed on gas station innovation, as evidenced
by annual national design contests sponsored by the newly-established
*National Petroleum News*.[^38] In 1910, the Central Oil Company in
Flint, Michigan constructed the first building designed specifically for
gasoline distribution (it took the form of a canopy supported by poles).
Three years later, Gulf Oil became the first oil company to commission
an architect to design a gas station.[^39] In order to remain
competitive in the growing gasoline market, Standard Oil launched the
first prefabricated prototype of "look-alike" stations in 1914.[^40]
These standardized stations (built for between \$500 to \$1500)
resembled small houses with exaggerated canopies, each identically
painted and identified by standardized signage. By 1920, the United
States had approximately 15,000 gas stations, most of these dealer-owned
(meaning the station owner contracted for the products of one or more
oil companies). As oil companies sought control of growing gasoline
profits, company owned-and-operated stations increased in number. These
were carefully designed and standardized, meant to be readily
identifiable and to boost the company image (and brand loyalty).

Companies began to develop regional and national "brands," made readily
identifiable by trademarks or logos (such as Socony's -- later renamed
Mobil -- flying red Pegasus, the Royal Dutch Petroleum Company's --
later renamed Shell Oil -- scalloped shell, or Gulf's orange disc).[^41]
Logos were first attached only to station buildings, but from 1915
onward gas stations were marked additionally by sign postings -- logos
lifted high on columns or posts. These became integral parts of gas
station, and oil companies measured visual impact of their signs and
took into account legibility (instant recognition and impression),
impact (single impression with immediate appeal), simplicity (easy
understanding), distinction (recall and remembrance), and adaptability
(reproduction in any size or medium).[^42] Companies simultaneously
began to develop standard color schemes to accompany their logos and
signs: for example, Standard Oil and its descendants employed red, white
and blue; Texaco used red, white and green; and Philips 66 stations were
painted orange and brown, though later shifted to red, white and gray.
Although novelty gas stations (filling stations in the form of
windmills, pyramids, castles, etc) and regional thematic designs (pueblo
style or mission themes in the southwest as early as 1917) were popular
in the 1920s and 1930s, the larger oil companies began to employ
distinct building designs or motifs that would easily set them apart
from their competition (in Texas, the early Philips 66 station and the
Toot N Totum remain distinctive). These designs were meant to present a
distinct profile to motorists passing, sometimes at high speeds.
Trademarks, color schemes and building design became icons that signaled
a clear identity for a company and its products; this identity helped to
establish a regional if not national market, and carried with it a
guarantee of quality.

The evolution of the gas station as a unique building type has been laid
out by John Jakle and Keith Sculle in *The Gas Station in America*.
Using illustrations that appeared in *National Petroleum News* (from
1910-1990), Jakle and Sculle provide a chronology of the development of
gas stations across the United States. All of these types were
represented along Route 66, and several of these types remain extant in
Texas.

**[Subtype: Curbside Station (1915 to ca. 1923)]{.underline}**

The earliest gas stations were little more than curbside pumps. Termed
"filling stations" in about 1915, these stations consisted of pumps and
underground storage tanks installed along the street in front of grocery
and hardware stores. These stations offered only one service: the
filling of the automobile gas tank by a service attendant. The curbside
station was an important innovation as automobiles could be filled more
efficiently (mechanically rather by hand), and centralized distribution
reduced the threat of fire. After 1920, local fire safety ordinances
forced many curbside stations to close in many of the larger cities,
though the curbside station persisted in rural areas in conjunction with
general stores and other roadside businesses.[^43]

**[Subtype: Shed (1909-1940)]{.underline}**

Small sheds provided the first off-street, drive-in gas station. The
"shed" type came in a variety of shapes and sizes, and were clad with a
wide variety of materials. The shed was not a form that was unique to
gas stations, and was similar to commercial storage buildings found in
lumber yards, coal yards, and petroleum tank yards. These stations
usually benefited from the addition of a dirt or gravel driveway.[^44]

**[Subtype: House (1920-1940)]{.underline}**

While curbside and shed stations were typically built in or near
business districts, the increase in automobile ownership and travel led
to a demand for gas stations in residential areas. After 1920, oil
companies began to build these neighborhood "service stations," often on
"best" residential streets. Companies often procured large corner lots
capable of accommodating driveways, and that were accessible to
motorists from two streets. In an effort to integrate stations into the
residential fabric of the neighborhood (so as to reduce opposition to
their real estate practices and to quell any resistance to the dirty,
temporary shed formerly used as gas stations), the neighborhood service
station was designed to resemble a small house. Although many companies
hired architects to design standardized, prefabricated stations, many
designs addressed regional and national stylistic trends (such as the
revival of Colonial, Spanish Colonial and Classical styles). Typical
plans included a small office, storage rooms, and public restrooms.
Interestingly, the entrance to men's restroom was usually inside the
station house as a convenience to employees and customers, and the
entrance to women's restroom was usually discreetly hidden behind or
alongside the building. Furnishings often included a hand-cranked oil
dispenser, desk, chairs, and stove. Stations often had a soft drink
cooler and racks for cigarettes or candy.

As oil companies became increasing concerned with the "image" of the gas
station, gas pump design received more and more attention. Gas pump
manufacturers (over 200 companies in 1925) began to provide space on the
pump for corporate logos. The "visible" pump was developed and marketed
as a quality assurance and honest measuring: the glass cylinder at the
top of the pump allowed the customer to view the quality of fuel (grades
of gasoline were distinguishable by color) and quantity of fuel before
it was released into the automobile's gas tank.

**[Subtype: House with Canopy (1916-1940)]{.underline}**

The addition of the canopy to the small house produced another type of
gas station. Developed by Standard Oil of Ohio in 1916 (again, as a
prefabricated prototype), the typical house with canopy was fifteen feet
square with and outstretched canopy (supported in front by a single
post) covering about the same area. In some cases, canopies were added
to existing stations.

**[Subtype: House with Service Bays (1925-1940)]{.underline}**

By the mid 1920s, the services provided at a gas station had grown to
include automobile maintenance and cleaning. By 1925, most gas stations
were equipped with adjacent service bays for grease pits (open trenches
in which the mechanic could stand to work on the car above him) and
car-washing floors. After 1925, rotary lifts operated by air compressors
gradually replaced the grease pit as a means to elevate the car above
the mechanic. The addition of one or more covered bays to an existing
station or the construction of a new station with two or more bays
covering the washing and lubricating floors became increasingly common.
Before 1935, building additions generally adhered to the architectural
type or style of the original structure. After 1935, additions were
simplified and took the form of flat-roofed boxes. The larger gas
stations with three or more bays were often called "super service
stations," and advertised "one stop" automotive service for washing,
lubricating, engine brake and muffler repair.[^45]

**[Subtype: Oblong Box (1930 -1960):]{.underline}**

The Depression of the 1930s necessitated a great deal of change in gas
station function and design. As gas sales dwindled, station owners began
to sell a greater number of products, such as tires, batteries and
accessories (the TBA line). Stations also began to emphasize their
ability to service automobiles. The addition of new products and new
services often required a larger amount of space (both retail and
service bays) than the earlier station types. As service bays and retail
spaces were enlarged, the whole was integrated into what Jakle and
Sculle have termed the "oblong box." These stations no longer featured
hip or gable roofs or historically-inspired architectural details, but
-- perhaps in line with the growing interest in Modern architecture and
the International Style -- the gas station became a flat-roofed
rectangular box with little ornament and large expanses of plate glass.
These boxes were clad with a number of different materials, including
stucco or brick (painted according to company's signage and color
scheme), terra cotta, and in the 1940s and 1950s, white porcelain enamel
(with colored, horizontal stripes along the cornice line that could
distinguish the brand of gasoline sold at the otherwise uniformly
designed station).

Several leading American industrial designers, such as Walter Dorwin
Teague and Raymond Loewy, were "challenged with raising gasoline station
architecture to a higher plane."[^46] Teague was hired by Texaco in
1934, and created a "new look" for the company: white streamlined boxes
that were "thought to give the impression of speed, modernity and
progress."[^47] Norman Bel Geddes created a new prototype for
Socony-Vacuum that was "clearly influenced" by the International Style
-- though proved to be "too avant-garde" and none were built. Through
the applications of industrial design and attention to developments in
high style architecture, a new standard functional format for the gas
station was developed.

Most companies modified the oblong box to facilitate customer
recognition. In some instances, the roof might be higher or lower than
the adjacent bays, or the office would be curved to contain the front
door, or the office façade might be extended forward (as with Texaco in
the late 1940s), or recessed relative to the bays (as with Sinclair in
the early 940s). Some companies retained the canopy as a form of
trademark (such as Standard Oil of California), and some adopted
characteristic towers or pylons (Shell). Texaco notably used both but
placed canopies only on its stations in the southwestern region of the
Untied States to function as sunshades in the desert climates.

Before 1950, most oblong boxes were prefabricated. Steel I-beam frames
were bolted together on site, and clad with porcelain enamel and plate
glass.[^48] After 1950, cinder block and concrete block construction
replaced prefabricated steel, and by 1960, acrylic-vinyl and translucent
Plexiglas (including sheets backed by fluorescent tubes for night
lighting) became popular replacement for porcelain. After 1960, plastic
was used to simulate other building materials such as wood, stone, and
brick. By 1960, the porcelain and plastic oblongs met with disfavor from
planning and zoning commissions and suffered criticism from the public
-- many companies began to explore design modifications to blend the
stations into new suburban landscapes. For example, Shell introduced the
"ranch style" in 1960 (older oblongs could be easily adapted into the
new style by replacing enamel walls, adding a flat front gable roof and
extend eaves on one end to form a porch). These new stations were called
"blend-ins."[^49]

Unlike the station of the 1920s designed to fit into their surroundings,
the stations of the 1930s were designed for maximum visibility. These
shiny, vividly colorful, well-lit oblong boxes contrasted sharply with
typical residential and commercial buildings. These new stations
benefited from easy maintenance, and large expanses of glass facilitated
selling.

**[Subtype: Small box (1950- 1960s)]{.underline}**

After World War II and into the 1960s, corporate gas stations continued
to dominate and expand to include other functions (such as restaurants,
truck stops and convenience stores). There was, however, a return to the
smaller gas station owned by small regional distributing companies. This
corresponds with what Jakle and Sculle call the rise of the new
"independents." Most of these stations took a small box form, and
because their functions were limited to selling gas, motor oil, and
various small sundries, these required only a small offices, small
storage rooms and restrooms. These were mostly prefabricated steel with
glass and enamel-plated cladding.

**[Subtype: Small box with canopy (after 1960-1970)]{.underline}**

Although canopies disappeared in the Northeast and Midwest, they thrived
on the Pacific Coast, in Southwest and Southeast, primarily because of
climate. After 1960, the large canopies were adopted widely by
independents but as an advertising mechanism. Canopies carried large
signs and engendered a sense of presence -- a "sense of place" -- that
small box stations alone could not achieve. The "butterfly" canopy was
attached to the station building and swept upward and out over the
driveway with its pumps. The "standard" flat-roofed variety was
self-supporting and spanned the pump islands and a portion of the
driveway. Most canopies tended to measure around 30 x 40 feet, equal to
covering two driveways and a single pump island.

**[Subtype: Canopy with booth (1970s)]{.underline}**

By 1970, many new stations appeared that were little more than canopies.
Station offices were reduced to small booths located on one of the pump
islands. Booths contained an attendant, cash register and little else.
Restrooms and vending machines were housed in separate shed-like
building located at one edge of driveway. Canopies and booths were
prefabricated. These stations in many ways were a return to the "filling
station" idea, and were "a direct result of OPEC's higher gasoline
prices and resultant gas shortage."[^50]

**Registration Requirements / Integrity:** The categories described
above demonstrate that the property type generally described as gas
station has varied a great deal throughout the Route 66 period of
significance. It encompasses early filling stations, gas stations, and
gas stations that are combined with service bays, cafés, convenience
stores, retail establishments, and truck stops. Along Route 66 in Texas,
the gas station in all of its incarnations constituted the largest
category of historic properties (aside from the general commercial
buildings found in central business districts of the towns surveyed).
The earlier forms of gas stations such as the house or house with
canopy, are relatively rare in this state. The majority of these
stations are of the "oblong box" type and include service bays -- and a
great many of these date from the postwar era. The gas stations that
remain along Route 66, whether still functioning as stations, as other
businesses, or abandoned, are reminders of the most common
automobile-related property type along the route. These stations reflect
an era that required frequent distribution of gas and frequent stops for
car maintenance -- needs that have disappeared with the reliability and
fuel efficiency of later twentieth century automobiles. These stations
are significant for their type and plan, style, materials, and location
(i.e. directly related to the roadside, within residential
neighborhoods, on corner lots in commercial districts). Gas stations
with a sufficient degree of integrity are eligible for listing in the
National Register of Historic Places under Criterion A in the areas of
Transportation and Commerce. They may also meet Criterion C if they are
a good or rare example of a type, style or method of construction. A
number of the Route 66 stations may have been built after 1956 (the year
in which the Interstate Highway Act was passed and Route 66 through
Amarillo was realigned to follow Amarillo Boulevard), and may be
considered for listing if they can meet Criterion Consideration G for
properties less that fifty years of age.

Eligibility under Criterion A requires that a gas station show clear
association with and convey the feeling commercial traffic and
automobile travel along Route 66 in Texas. Eligibility under Criterion C
requires that the property be a good or rare example of an architectural
type, style or method of construction. Stations that are no longer used
as gas stations could still be considered eligible for listing if they
still reflect their historic function. Those that have additions, such
as a service bay, can be determined eligible if the original structure
is discernibly intact and the property otherwise exhibits a high degree
of integrity. If the additions were made during the period of
significance, the additions do not affect eligibility.

## Property Type: Lodging

**Description:** Properties categorized as Lodging include any type of
building that was rented out to the traveling public. In a few
instances, private residences have been documented as part of the
"Historic Resource Survey: Route 66 Through Texas" when it is apparent
that these were linked to Route 66. The following descriptions of
lodging facilities include campgrounds, tourist cabins or courts,
motels, and hotels.

Warren Belasco argues that private use of the automobile was primarily
recreational before World War II.[^51] Before 1910, fewer than 500,000
people owned automobiles; by 1920, over eight million passenger cars
were registered in the Untied States.[^52] With this marked increase in
car ownership came a similar increase in automobile travel -- which also
meant that motorist going long distances had to spend many nights on the
road. In his seminal study of the development of roadside lodging,
Belasco traces the evolution from autocamp (an "inexpensive,
individualistic spot with antimodernists implications") to motor inn, a
process that took -- in Belasco's estimation -- only thirty-five years.

While traditional hotels dominated the lodging industry in the early
1900s, few were convenient (or affordable) for the automobile traveler.
Hotels were for the most part located in congested downtown areas, or
near rail stops. These hotels were often governed by strict customs and
rules of propriety that road-weary automobilists could not uphold.
Furthermore, many downtown hotels could not offer sufficient parking for
patrons' automobiles. Resort hotels, on the other hand, though
originally intended for rail passengers, were available to early
automobile tourists. Usually located in mountains or at the seaside.
These hotels traditionally catered to the well-to-do (and often to women
whose husbands worked year round in the city while women and children
would spend a leisurely summer in the country). Some resort hotels did
accommodate members of the middle and lower classes who came on short
excursions that included the entire family. Automobile travel
particularly appealed to this type of vacationer, and with the growing
popularity of car travel, only a few resorts remained strictly elite
preserves.

The identification of lodgings afforded to Black and Hispanic travelers
during the Jim Crow Era (before the mid-1960s) is a relatively recent
endeavor in Texas. It is known that nationwide, accommodations for
Blacks were scarce in cities and towns, and that minority-owned lodgings
were rarer still. From the 1930s through the 1960s, several
nationally-distributed publications listed lodgings that did not
discriminate on the basis of race.[^53] No such lodgings along Route 66
in Texas are noted in any of these guides, but the 1951 *Negro Motorist
Green Book,* the 1961-62 *Bronze American* guide, and Sanborn Fire
Insurance maps identified no less than three "colored" hotels and
numerous other businesses catering to blacks travelers along Van Buren
and Harrison streets, south of the railroad tracks and north of Route 66
(Sixth Avenue) in Amarillo. None of these buildings are extant.

**[Subtype: Auto Camps (1910 -- 1920)]{.underline}**

As several hundred thousand middle class families began to tour by auto,
hotels could no longer meet the growing need for lodging during long
distance travel from point to point. Travelers in the first two decades
of the twentieth century camped each night at a different spot along the
roadside, sleeping in their cars or in tents, and cooking over open
fires. They carried with them all of the essentials for car camping.
Autocampers called this "squatter-anarchist" phase of travel
"gypsying;"[^54] and outsiders called the campers "tin can" tourists (a
reference to both the garbage they left along the roadside and the 'tin
lizzies' many drove). Belasco recognized a social need for this type of
leisure; he argues that behind the tourists' "delight in traveling off
the beaten track was a profound desire to discover new perspectives, to
experience unconventional intimacies with fellow Americans, and to break
away from the hectic work routines and bureaucratic institutions of an
urban-industrial civilization....autocamping revived what tourists
imagined to be the more leisurely pace, personal independence,
simplicity, and family solidarity of pre industrial times. Yet
autocampers were essentially recreationists, not rebels. Their protest
was temporary; after several weeks on the road, tourist generally
returned to home and job."[^55]

Auto camps were first developed in the western United States as an
inexpensive alternative to hotels, and as a way to provide legitimate
overnight accommodations for the highway "gypsies." Camps provided a
spot where a traveler could pitch a tent (or later rent a cabin), and
these appealed to seasonal tourist and to migratory transients traveling
in search of work. In order to guard against some of the notoriously
"uncivil" campers, and to provide a civic service, towns along migratory
routes and frequently traveled roads began to develop municipal
campgrounds (popular from 1920 to 1924). The better-equipped campgrounds
(often found in the larger cities) provided public toilets and showers,
water and firewood. Some had a commissary that sold groceries and
supplies for the traveler. A few more ambitious campgrounds added gas
stations, garages, lunchrooms, laundries, and large playgrounds.
Initially, the municipal campgrounds were funded by taxes and were free
for the camper. Although romanticized as "democratic," a profound social
stratification tended to operate along class lines where tourists and
transients were thrown together.

In order to counter the "undesirable element" that frequented the
municipal autocamps, many towns began to impose fees, registration
requirements, time limits, and police supervision at their camps. By
limiting access, they hoped to attract a "better class" of paying
tourists. The mid-1920s were transitional years, when many towns charged
fees as others began to abandon public camps altogether. As always, the
West coast took the lead, partly because year-round touring made
roadside business there uniquely profitable and partly because this
region had the greatest difficulty with migrants and would-be settlers.
By 1925 -- and certainly by the inception of Route 66 -- the existing
municipal auto camps charged entrance fees, charge for firewood, and
enforce limitations on length of stay (all to discourage migrants). Once
such fees were assessed, private operators began to be attracted to the
auto camp business.[^56]

As the demand for better facilities became apparent (and travelers began
to be willing to pay for these conveniences), privately-owned commercial
auto camps quickly replaced municipal campgrounds. These provided:
fireplaces, picnic tables, coin-operated stoves in community kitchens,
electrical outlets, electrical lighting, tent floors, and in some
instances, tents. The popularity of this type of campground lead
entrepreneurs to develop primitive rental cabins in lieu of tents.

Permanent cabins at a campground signaled an important change: the
development of the cabin camp. As cabins were weatherproofed and
provided with stoves (and some with heating), they began to define a
kind of overnight experience removed from the rustic outdoors.

**[Subtype: Tourist Homes]{.underline}**

This early form of the Bed and Breakfast exited simultaneously with and
served the same function as the western auto camp. The Tourist home was
often a private residence that rented one or two rooms on a nightly
basis. Operators of tourist homes in the 1930s were stereotyped as
widows or bankrupt former businessmen.

**[Subtype: Cabin camps]{.underline}**

In the mid to late 1920s, tourists began to drive longer and faster, and
often into night. Better quality pavement, wider roads, the elimination
of rail crossings, and more powerful car engines facilitated longer
trips over wider areas. In 1928, 300 miles was a good day's drive, and
450 mile day trip was not uncommon, particularly in the "wide open"
west.[^57] As travelers began to go longer distances, they began to
demand better facilities. Thus developed the tourist cabin, small
lodgings often grouped in camps that had once been tent campgrounds.
While most early cabins were little more than shacks, they do represent
the earliest form of the motel, and emerged directly from the auto camp
and the tourist home. Three varieties of cabin camp evolved: auto camp
with cabins added; the cabin camp built from scratch; and the tourist
home with cabins added on the owner's lot. Many of these early buildings
were constructed inexpensively, using cheap locally available materials.
These were most often wood-frame buildings, with little architectural
detail. The early cabins offered shelter and a cook stove, though the
amenities gradually increased (urged by competition) to include communal
restrooms and later private baths, linens and furnishings. Cabin camps
were arranged in a number of different configurations, including the
row, row-on-row, L, narrow U, wide U, crescent, cruciform and clustered
patterns. As cabins developed into motels, they were arranged in the
forms of row, L, U, narrow U and wide U.

Architects had a very small role in the design of early lodging
facilities. Most cabin camp (and later motel) owners built their own
cabins, though some prepackaged kits were available from companies such
as the Economy Housing Company of Iowa. Kits could be purchased at
lumberyard or from traveling salesmen. Popular magazines and trade
journals offered design prototypes and included instructions for
building simple cabins. Owners of cabin courts often traveled to observe
what their competitors were accomplishing. Recognizing the value of
shared information, camp owners formed state and regional trade
associations that facilitated exchange and set specific standards for
operation. These standards had certain building implications, and from
them, a restricted design vocabulary developed. Cabin camps and later
motels had not only to function in a certain way, but had to look like a
lodging accommodation that could attract customers who were increasingly
demanding.[^58]

Cabin camps were popular because they were convenient. A 1936 article in
*Hotel Magazine* lists "sixteen separate and distinct conveniences" that
included the "car at cottage door; economy; housekeeping facilities;
more privacy; no street car or other city traffic noises; no tipping
required; speed in checking out; speed in emergency exits; home-like
atmosphere; limited removal of baggage from car; individual control of
heating system; direct contacts with owner; elimination of driving in
downtown traffic; no garage storage; car servicing on premise; personal
appearance after driving all day not embarrassing as there are not
lobbies to pass through."[^59]

**[Subtype: Cottage Courts]{.underline}**

As cabin camp owners began to offer more amenities to their discerning
customers, these more substantial cabins were renamed "cottage." Unlike
their flimsy, seasonal predecessor, cottages were durable and suitable
for year-round rental. The *Tourist Court Plan Book* recommended
building out of materials that would last fifteen to twenty years, but
warned against investing in anything more "permanent" (and by
implication, expensive) because the "materials would outlast the
style."[^60] Cottages, unlike cabins, usually contained a private
bathroom and a closet. Initially kitchens or kitchenettes were
widespread, but by World War II had larger disappeared from newer motels
because of low demand and high construction costs. Cottage units were
added to preexisting cabin arrays in older motels, or replaced older
cabins.

After 1930, clusters of cottages or cabins increasingly were referred to
as "courts." Cottages were frequently arranged around a central open
space, or court, and the width of the U-shaped court was dependent on
the depth of the lot and the extent of highway frontage. Before 1930,
most cottages courts had open spaces between the unit, which were
increasingly replaced by car ports of garages. These garages linked each
cottage unit from wall to wall, forming a continuous façade. Each unit
was still discernible by individual roof lines (units were still
generally freestanding).

Typical cottage courts contained an office building that included
private apartment space for court owner or manager and his family. The
complex might also have coffee shop. Public space was primarily
outdoors. Space not given to parking was often landscaped.
Architecturally, cottages were made to look like suburban houses,
furnished with rugs, dressing tables, bureaus, radios, etc., and
sometimes had steam heat from central heating plants.

**[Subtype: Motor Courts]{.underline}**

Cottage courts quickly developed into the motel court. These were
arranged in much the same manner as the cottage court, although the
motel court units were no longer free-standing but integrated under a
single roof. Long porches stretched over the full façade, providing a
greater sense of visual cohesiveness as well as shelter in inclement
weather. Motel courts were generally single story buildings, and early
examples featured garage spaces between room units. Some motel courts
featured coffee shops or restaurants, and some operated gas stations.

Although motor courts were built in a range of architectural styles from
Tudor Revival to Colonial revival, "western" themes were the most
popular and appeared a great deal in the southwestern states of Route
66. Motor courts with facades integrated around interior courtyards were
reminiscent of Spanish haciendas, especially when they were stucco to
simulate adobe. Motels with names like El Rancho, Casa Grande, and The
Alamo appeared from coast to coast.

**[Subtype: Motel]{.underline}**

After World War II, the word "motel" (a concatenation of motor hotel)
came to describe motor courts. Many motels were organized around large
courtyards that served as informal outdoor "lobbies." Courtyards came to
include swimming pools (located in a landscaped ground suggestive of a
resort). Parking was restricted to the outside of the U-shaped courts,
and rooms were constructed with doors both front and back. On the pool
side, sliding doors accessed small patios and the swimming pool. Not all
motor courts had courtyard configurations. Some had simpler row or
L-shaped room arrangements, although space was usually reserved for
complete court configurations should the motel prove sufficiently
profitable.

Motel rooms became increasingly standardized around furnishings supplied
by national supply houses that specialized in hotel and motel
outfitting. Certain furniture pieces became standard, such as the
writing desk and the television. Air conditioning became a necessity,
especially in the Southwest and Southeast. Brand names became
increasingly important in advertising (Croslye air conditioners, Simmons
mattresses, Ivory Soap, RCA televisions, etc) and these were "items
regularly promoted on motel signs as guarantees of quality."[^61]

The sign -- neon signs in particular -- became an important feature of
the postwar motel. These giant signs came to visually dominate the motel
grounds. Signs, often with elaborate neon displays, were "intended to
provide a vertical dimension to an otherwise low-to-the ground building
configuration. Located at the driveway entrance, the sign carried
iconography symbolic of the motel's quality and range of services."[^62]
These symbols were specifically designed with the high speed traveler in
mind -- as cars became faster, signs became graphically simpler and
physically larger. The design of the sign itself came to signify quality
as well as modernity -- several chains (such as Holiday Inn)
periodically updated their corporate sign in order to update their
image.

Motel construction boomed in the late 1950s and 1960s. By 1964, there
were at least 61,000 motels in the U.S.[^63] Motels benefited from the
general decentralization of cities and towns that came with increased
automobile ownership. The Federal interstate highway program, begun in
1956, was important part of this decentralization process.

Architectural integrity in motel buildings was short-lived. Not only
were owners constantly battling to modernize, but certain lodging
related tax codes encouraged a brisk trade in second, third, even
fourth-hand motels, many of which would have otherwise been abandoned.
Because of such rapid turn-over in ownership and the constant pull to
remodel, builders were prone to put up junky, flimsy buildings and to
otherwise foster impermanence on the roadside. In 1960, the average
lifespan of a motel building was calculated at only 9 years.[^64]

**[Subtype: Motor Inns]{.underline}**

This iteration of the motel court first appeared in the 1950s, most
often in larger in metropolitan areas, either downtown in urban renewal
zones, or near airports, or at new interchanges of peripheral freeways.
Substantially larger and more luxurious than motor courts, motor inns
were complexes made up of two or three story buildings organized around
a courtyard. Motor inns often had elaborate outdoor areas focused on the
swimming pool, and typically featured expanded public space indoors. The
motel coffee shop evolved into a full-service dining room with an
adjacent cocktail lounge, banquet hall and meeting rooms. The
registration desk expanded into a small lobby with a magazine counter
and gift shop. The size of guest rooms increased dramatically, and came
to include standard features such as two double beds, beside tables, a
telephone, a luggage rack, chairs, a bureau, and a desk or table. Each
room also included a small dressing area and restroom, with the sink and
vanity separated from the shower and toilet. All rooms were typically
air-conditioned. And "of course" there was a television set.[^65]

Motor inns are notable for the compact character of their floor plans
and site plans. Because guest rooms were often built back to back
(utilities placed down a center core), motels with 150 to 300 rooms
could be accommodated on sites where only 50 to 60 rooms had been
possible before.

The motor inn was promoted as a motel type by several competing motel
chains. While the small private owner had dominated the motel industry
up to the 1950s, the need for expanding lodgings services available at a
motor-inn required a great deal more capital. National chains motels
such as Holiday Inn or Best Western brought substantial standardization
to motel architecture, including identical floor plans and furnishings.
Motels had to look like motels and motels within a given chain were
expected to look alike. Modular construction became increasingly common
during the motor inn era, and significantly aided the move toward
standardization. Room "kits" with electrical and plumbing fixtures
already installed were shipped to construction sites from the factories.
Factory assembly reduced labor costs, the larges single expense in motel
construction. Modular construction did place certain limitations on
motel planning (i.e. most modular motel rooms tended to be small because
width of 12 feet was maximum allowed to ship on highways).[^66]

**[Subtype: Highway Hotels]{.underline}**

The highway hotel, an unsuccessful experiment in the 1920s and 1930s,
reappeared in the 1960s as an assemblage of rooms partially if not
wholly contained in a high rise structure. Traditional motel design,
which favored row, L, and court arrangements, gave way to the multistory
box or other simple forms including cruciform, round and curvilinear.
The typical 1970s highway hotel included a high-rise unit in which the
bulk of the public space was on the first floor and most of the private
rooms were above or in adjacent low-rise wings. Rooms in the tower were
entered from central hallways as in traditional hotels, but rooms in the
wings could be approached directly from adjacent parking lots as in the
typical motel configuration. In the 1980s, low-rise wings were
eliminated from most new construction, and the later type favored the
tower model. Restaurants, cocktail lounges, and meeting rooms in highway
hotels were more elaborate than in motor inns, and many turned their
focus toward the business traveler rather than the leisurely tourist.
Most highway hotels were located in large urban areas along suburban
roadways, near airports, and in downtown redevelopment areas.

As Jakle and Sculle point out in *The Motel in America*, "changing motel
morphology was characterized by evolution rather than revolution. The
growth of automobile travel and the demand for new automobile-convenient
lodging facilities along American highways prompted the trend toward
larger and more luxurious facilities in order to capture more and more
of the traditional hotel trade. Older, obsolete motels continued to
serve less affluent travelers or lent themselves to ready recycling as
low-cost weekly or monthly apartment rental, especially for low-income
migrants."[^67] Although motel owners often felt the pressure to
modernize, compared to other features of the American roadside, such as
gas stations and quick service restaurants, motels tended to hold their
original function longer, although not necessarily their design
integrity.[^68]

**Registration Requirements / Integrity**: The Route 66 tourist courts,
motels and motor inns that date from the period of significance remain
significant in terms of their ability to recall the needs, the demands
of the commercial tourist trade along the route. Their plans, designs,
and settings reveal the evolution of the motel industry in Texas.
Tourist lodgings are eligible for listing in the National Register under
Criterion A in the areas of commerce and transportation (as road-related
services associated with Route 66). An eligible property must retain a
clear feeling and association with Route 66 and the development of the
motel industry along this highway. Eligibility under Criterion C
requires that the lodging facility retain sufficient degrees of
integrity of location, design, materials, workmanship, feeling,
association and setting. These must be good or rare examples of a type
or style. Many of the historic motels along Route 66 no longer function
in their original capacity, though retain their basic form and thus must
be considered for eligibility.

## Property Type: Eating Establishments

**Description:** In the United States, restaurants had existed as
commercial ventures only since the Civil War. Before the Civil War, food
prepared and consumed outside of the home was generally found in inns
and taverns. Hotels had dining rooms that catered to both travelers and
long-term renters. Boarding houses had similar facilities, often geared
toward bachelor residents (but also offered meals to non-residents). In
the 1830s, the Del Monico family in Manhattan popularized the idea of
the "restaurant," applying the name to several eating establishments.
The term was originally used to denote establishments serving
"high-class cuisine" that appealed to the New York socialites. The term
"restaurant" was quickly appropriated to more common uses, and came to
apply to a variety of places that catered to not only the elite, but to
the working class. Thus, in the 19^th^ century, the term "restaurant"
came to refer to not only the high class eating houses, dining rooms,
coffee houses, oyster houses, and even to saloons serving quick lunches,
to name a few.[^69]

**[Subtype: Early Quick Service Restaurants]{.underline}**

Travelers -- both before and after the advent of the automobile -- had
access to a variety of quick service eating establishments. Hotel dining
rooms, geared particularly toward the traveling businessman (and later
to the more affluent automobile traveler), served fine meals built
around red meat. Travelers seeking lighter fare had access to hotel bar
and grill, or hotel coffee shop (which served light breakfasts and
lunches). These coffee shops were less formal than the hotel dining
rooms, and grew in popularity as the automobile (it in itself
representing a more relaxed form of travel) became a popular means of
travel.

Eugene Russell's invention of the soda drink (carbonated soda with
flavored syrup) in 1839 provided opportunity for another type of quick
service eating establishment -- the soda fountain. In the 1880s, stores
(particularly drug stores, dime stores and department stores) with soda
fountains began to add light food such as sandwiches, and ice cream
(which could be added to the soda to create an ice cream soda). As
owners added counters for the customers, the idea of the luncheonette --
serving sandwiches, soups, and other light meals -- emerged. Both the
soda fountain and the luncheonette were designed to create maximum
efficiency of movement, and were often arranged in a linear or U-shaped
plan, in which customers sat adjacent to one another, and facing the
work area. All food, beverages and cashier duties were handled from the
interior service aisle.[^70]

From this type emerged the lunch room (this still contained the lunch
counter). By the 1920s, chains of lunchrooms (usually consisting of only
two or three locations) were established in most large American cities.
It should be noted that most lunch counter establishments were not
chains, but were rather "mom and pop" operations. Most locations were
oriented toward the pedestrian, often near streetcar lines and subway
stations. Most lunchrooms were long and narrow with an axis
perpendicular to the street and sidewalk. A long lunch counter ran along
one wall, and customers sat on stools facing the counter. Food was
prepared at a counter in the rear of the restaurant. Candies and bakery
items were a mainstay and often cooked on location.

Small towns and city business districts soon became host to small
restaurants or cafés. These also were arranged around the soda fountain
and lunch counter ideas, but also incorporated table service to small
tables and booths. The café was geared toward quick service,
particularly breakfast and lunch, and leisurely dining in the evenings.
These had wider variety of menu options than did the soda fountain or
lunchroom, and rarely sold candies or baked goods. Because commercial
space was standardized in most commercial districts, restaurant layout
also worked on certain levels of standardization.

The cafeteria furthered the idea of standardized dining. Established in
the late 1880s in New York, this was perhaps the earliest self-service
buffet counter. This form quickly became popular, so much so along the
west coast that California was nicknamed the "Cafeteria Belt."[^71] The
cafeteria remained popular in the South and Southwest well past World
War II. Most cafeterias were large spaces, with the buffet line along
one end of the space, arranged like an assembly line for food. Most
started with the trays and silverware, then deserts, salads, entrees and
drinks. Cafeterias were geared toward "assembly-line speed," so that
even large meals could be obtained and consumed quickly.[^72]

A more personal form of dining, the diner, was organized around an
intimate lunch counter. Derived from the lunch wagon, evolving into
something akin to a railroad dining car. "Diner" signified a range of
small restaurants from main street cafes to highway cafes, but according
to Jakle and Sculle, was architecturally distinct. The term "diner" was
coined by Patrick Tierney of New York who wanted to upgrade his lunch
wagon to something closer to the more upscale railroad dining car. The
first diners were modular, had counters with stools along one wall and
booths along the other. Kitchen, storage and restroom facilities were
included. In the 1930s, many diners adopted Streamline Moderne
vocabulary meant to communicated speed and modernity. Surfaces were
smoothed, rounded, brushed, polished, and wrapped. These diners in
particular, with their reference to the fast pace of everyday life,
began to appear outside of their traditional sphere of factory-gate and
streetcar stops, to become a fixture along the nation's highways. By
1932, an estimated 4,000 modular diners existed in the United
States.[^73]

Although quick-service eating, or "Fast food," is often equated with
automobile convenience, Jakle and Sculle demonstrate that many
attributes of the fast food restaurant were established well before the
"automobile era" was in full swing. By 1910, the American restaurant had
come of age, catering to wide spectrum of customers. The primary
organizing device was the lunch counter with stools, and when space
allowed, tables and booths. In the 1920s, this format remained virtually
unchanged (with the exception of the cafeteria and the automat). Many of
the pre-automobile restaurants continued to flourish as automobile
travel increased, and many began to serve this new clientele. The café
and the diner in particular, remained well-suited to the new kind of
traveler -- though new demands led to changes in the quick service
restaurant.

The automobile, with its specific requirements for accessibility and
parking, significantly altered at least one facet of the restaurant
industry. Traditional eating establishments, such as the lunch room and
the diner discussed above, were used by the earliest automobile
travelers who passed through larger cities and small towns. As
entrepreneurs began to recognize a different kind of demand, new
restaurant forms began to evolve to meet these needs. New services and
amenities (including drive-through and parking lots) were certainly
appealing to the motorist on the move.

**[Subtype: Tea Room]{.underline}**

The tea room, much like resort lodging, catered to the wealthy
automobile traveler, most often female. Tea rooms were often
destinations in themselves, rather than merely a roadside stop as some
of its later counterparts became. Typical tea room menus included tea,
coffee, small entrees, and dessert. The team room was "homelike,
feminine place in its informality, comfort and domestic air."[^74] Tea
rooms were often found as extensions of privately-owned residences, as
part of taverns, grist mills, and other rural facilities. The atmosphere
was elegant yet rustic and old-fashioned -- often decorated with old
fireplaces, antiques, spinning wheels and quilts.[^75] Once this
formerly rural form of eating establishment gained popularity, they
began to open in city stores, hotel, or suburban locations.

**[Subtype: Roadside Stand]{.underline}**

The market for less pretentious roadside dining grew as the automobile
became available to a wider socio-economic cross-section of the American
public. The roadside stand was perhaps the most modest of dining
establishments. Originally modeled after sheds or stalls typically found
at fairs and carnivals, these stands served fast food items such as
hamburgers, hot dogs, ice cream, soft drinks, and lemonade.
Architecturally, these stands were simple rectangular boxes usually
featuring a service window and a horizontal band of open space above a
ledge. Roadside stands were usually built on sidewalks or highway
shoulders, but as the pace of the highway increased, the stands were
gradually set back from the immediate path of traffic. Like the early
tourist cabins, most food stands were seasonal and owned by small
independent operators. Most stands were owner-built (and often quite
flimsy and impermanent), and early examples were rarely adorned with any
outstanding architectural features.

During the late 1920s and 1930s, architectural experimentation gained
popularity amoung roadside stand owners. Outlandish, eye-catching
designs littered the highways -- stands appeared as giant milk cans,
windmills, chickens and donuts. The idea of "novelty" guided many of
these formal innovations.

**[Subtype: Highway Cafés]{.underline}**

Improvements to roadside stands came in the form of the roadside café.
These came in many different forms, though were either stand-alone
establishments immediately adjacent to the highway or linked with gas
stations (in these situations, taking the form of a typical lunch room),
motels, or both -- providing a one-stop accommodation. As a result of
the late 1920s efforts to "clean up the miscellaneous hodgepodge of
unsightly 'hot-dog' stands and the accompanying riffraff of roadside
markets and what-not,"[^76] the café featured year-round facilities,
indoor dining, better waste disposal, restrooms, and parking lots.

**[Subtype: Highway Coffee Shops]{.underline}**

"Coffee shops" or "family restaurants" were a new kind of restaurant,
specifically developed along the roadside during the 1930s.
Entrepreneurs like Howard Johnson sought to merge the soda fountain with
the more formal types of restaurants, and create an environment within
which families (particularly those arriving by automobile) would feel
comfortable. This type of eating establishment featured a lunch counter
(frequently serving sodas and desserts) and a formal dining room in
which orders were taken and served at the customer's table. Many of
these restaurants, particularly the chains such as Howard Johnson's,
were designed for prime visibility from the highway and were
standardized so as to immediately be recognizable. Menus included all of
the lighter "carnival" fare of the roadside stand -- made to order at
lightning speed.

A particular form of informal coffee shop developed in the 1950s,
particularly along Route 66 and in California. Bold designs featuring
cantilevered roofs, wide expanses of glass, pylons, space-age motifs,
and iconic images of parabolas, boomerangs, rockets, space ships, and
amoebas were the hallmarks of what Professor Douglas Haskell of Yale and
the architectural photographer Julius Shulman have coined "Googie
architecture."[^77]

**[Subtype: Drive-Ins]{.underline}**

Developed from the roadside stand and the highway coffee shop, drive-in
restaurants came to epitomize the automobile eating experience.
Particularly after World War II, drive-ins were typified by the large
canopy spanning parking spaces. The kitchen and carhop station were
adjacent to the canopy (later innovations placed all structures under
one roof). Car hops would deliver food on trays to the diners, who could
take the meal inside of the car (though larger drive-ins also feature
indoor lunch counters and booths). The carhop service was an essential
feature of this restaurant type.

**[Subtype: Outdoor Walk-up]{.underline}**

This type, also related to the roadside stand, was essentially a
drive-in simplified to only a kitchen, service window, and restrooms.
Diners ordered their meal at the service window, and either ate inside
of their cars or at picnic tables provided. As Jakle and Sculle note,
the "highly mechanized kitchen" sets this type apart from its
predecessor, the roadside stand.[^78] Walk-ups were geared toward
extremely rapid food preparation, including large scale sandwich
production, beverage and dessert service. All were achieved by an
assembly-line process of production.

While many walk-ups were prefabricated steel boxes with large glass
windows and porcelain enamel cladding, franchise chains sought
distinctive architectural forms, color schemes, and architectural
details. McDonald's is the iconic example of this type of eating
establishment and the assembly-line method of food preparation.

**[Subtype: Indoor Walk-up]{.underline}**

In the mid-1960s, negative reactions to "roadside huckstering" and
garish (though unmistakable) design of the roadside restaurant prompted
a new trend toward "tasteful restraint and stylishness."[^79]
Architecturally, the roadside stand and the outdoor walk-up were
"improved," were modernized and sanitized. Outdoor Walk-ups were often
renovated and small dining areas were added, though the cost and
labor-saving walk-up feature was retained. By the 1970s, a drive-up
window was added to the building configuration.

**[Subtype: Drive-through]{.underline}**

The drive-through window originated in the 1930s, probably coming out of
a California restaurant called the Pig stand. Customers would drive up
in their cars, order at a small window and receive their food "to go" in
a paper sack. Drive-ins often had a take-out departments, and often
added a drive-up window. In the 1950s, orders were placed through
speaker phones located at a distance from the window.

**[Subtype: Other Roadside Restaurants]{.underline}**

A survey of roadside restaurants would not be complete without the
mention of the iconic Stuckey's. Only one remains along Route 66 in
Texas, though technically it is now located adjacent to Interstate 40
just outside of Vega. The original Stuckey's \-- a pecan stand in
Georgia -- was founded just before World War II by W. S. Stuckey, Sr.,.
there were 29 stores and by 1964, there were over 124 branches.
Stuckey's quickly evolved from a pecan stand to a candy producer, and
eventually to a full-service roadside stop, including both counter and
table restaurant service. Stuckey's eventually became a one-stop shop,
offering everything from gasoline, to restrooms, to food, to their
ever-famous pecan logs.

**Registration Requirements / Integrity**: The remaining cafes and
restaurants are reminders of how this property type evolved to serve the
need of the traveling public. Their plans, materials, and designs are
significant in that they reflect the ingenuity of early entrepreneurs
who recognized a need and sought to fill it.

Cafes and Restaurants may be eligible for listing under Criterion A in
the areas of transportation and commerce as representative examples of
road-related service businesses associated with Route 66. They may also
meet Criterion C if they are good or rare examples of a type, style or
method of construction.

## 

**Summary of Identification and Evaluation Methods**

The Texas Historical Commission undertook a comprehensive survey of
Route 66 in Texas in 2002, with funding from a grant administered by the
National Park Service Route 66 Corridor Preservation Program in
conjunction with the Texas Historical Commission and the Friends of the
Texas Historical Commission.

The Historic Resources Survey of Route 66 in Texas is a comprehensive
inventory of buildings, structures, objects and sites associated with
Route 66 in Texas during the national period of significance
(1926-1970). The survey area roughly follows the path of Old Route 66,
now loosely associated with Interstate 40, through the Panhandle region
of Texas. The project area extends along I-40 from the Oklahoma and
Texas border in the eastern part of the state to the Texas and New
Mexico border in the west. The areas of investigation include all
historic alignments of Route 66, properties visible from the highway
(now Interstate 40) in rural areas, properties located directly on the
highway in the city of Amarillo, and the commercial districts of every
other community that once were served by Route 66. This survey report
summarizes the findings of the survey and identifies individual
properties and districts that are potentially eligible for listing in
the National Register of Historic Places.

The survey identified 657 properties associated with Route 66 in Texas.
Of that total, 358 are estimated to have been built after 1950. The
majority of the resources surveyed -- 345 properties -- are found within
Amarillo along the primary Route 66 alignments (Amarillo Boulevard,
Sixth Avenue and Fillmore). The remaining 312 properties are located
primarily in the small communities found alongside historic Route 66.
The largest concentration of historic resources are found in McLean
(81), Shamrock (48) and Groom (47). Glenrio, with 12 properties,
represents the most cohesive grouping of resources specifically related
to Route 66 and its historic context. Of the 657 properties identified,
one district (Glenrio) and approximately twenty-four individual
properties may be **eligible** for listing on the National Register as
part of the Route 66 historical context. Many of these properties were
constructed between 1950 and 1955, and may not yet meet the 50-year age
requirement for registration. It should also be noted that ten
properties not specifically related to the Route 66 context (although
they are immediately adjacent to an historic alignment of the highway)
have been identified as potentially eligible.

This report is intended as a foundation for further research related to
individual properties and collections of resources located along Route
66. The report includes a discussion of survey and research methods,
survey data, and recommendations for future historic designations of
individual properties and historic districts. These recommendations are
based on field observation and a small amount of archival research, and
are subject to revision pending further research and development of
individual property histories. This report is a companion to the
Statewide Historic Context for Route 66 in Texas, which establishes the
context within which these road-related cultural resources may be
evaluated and assessed. Both the Historic Resource Survey and the
Statewide Historic Context follow models established by other states
(New Mexico, Oklahoma, Illinois, and Arizona) that have conducted
research related to their own Route 66 related resources.

### SURVEY METHODS

##### 

The Texas Route 66 Survey project area is defined as the area lying
within sight of the historic road alignment, including the commercial
districts through which Route 66 passed. This survey concentrates on
commercial resources (though in some cases domestic buildings were
directly linked to an adjacent commercial building) and specifically on
resources that were directly linked to Route 66 in terms of service
(i.e. related to travel and tourism) and development (i.e. development
that is directly dependent upon or related to Route 66 users). In the
majority of the towns under consideration (Amarillo and perhaps Shamrock
excepted), the officially designated Route 66 is essentially an overlay
or renaming of what was an important transportation artery before the
existence of the major national highway system. The number of properties
that are categorized as "General Commercial" (349, of which only 50 were
specifically auto-related) illustrates the predominance of general use
resources over specific travel-related properties along the corridor.
This survey, however, underscores the development of a number of
specific road-related resources that resulted from the notable increase
of through-traffic, and particularly those associated with the tourism
trade. It is not insignificant that 115 gas stations, 57 eating
establishments, and 69 motels (lodging) are interspersed between the
general commercial, domestic, and civic buildings that are found
alongside the road. Subsequent development (after the construction of
Interstate 40 and the decommissioning of Route 66) has lead to the
demise and replacement of many of the historic road-related resources
that once populated this roadside. This is particularly evident along
12^th^ Street or Route 66 through Shamrock, and along Amarillo Boulevard
(the post 1953-alignment of Route 66) in Amarillo. Properties already
listed in the National Register of Historic Places, including the *Route
66 -- Sixth Street Historic District* on the west side of Amarillo, were
not included in the scope of this survey.

##### *Identification and Evaluation: Field Investigations*

The survey of historic and architectural resources of U.S. Route 66 in
Texas is based upon the inventory completed by Texas Historical
Commission staff in association with a consulting architectural
historian. Gregory Smith of the Texas Historical Commission (SHPO) and
Michael Taylor from the National Park Service Route 66 Corridor
Preservation Program provided initial delimitation of the corridor
survey area. Smith and the consulting architectural historian, Monica
Penick, conducted a preliminary reconnaissance overview of the survey
area on May 29-31, 2002. This team identified concentrations of historic
buildings along the route (primarily in commercial districts of each
roadside community) and familiarized themselves with the various
historic alignments of the road. The specific survey area was determined
at that time.

All properties identified in conjunction with the SHPO were documented
in the field by the consulting architectural historian, Monica Penick
during May, June and July 2002. The field survey included:

-   Identifying all pre-1970 road-related resources (buildings,
    structures, sites, and objects) within the determined project area

-   Assigning each property a unique inventory number

-   Determining street address or description of location

-   Completing survey forms for each identified resource, noting
    location, resource type, site features, function, construction date,
    threats, integrity, priority, and general architectural
    descriptions.

-   Photographing each resource using 35mm black and white print film,
    providing at least one view of the street façade. In most cases, it
    was possible to take multiple photographs of each resource to
    include secondary elevations and site features.

The consultant began the survey at the eastern Texas border and worked
west toward the Texas and New Mexico border. Commercial districts and
road segments were surveyed concurrently. Amarillo was surveyed out of
sequence and at the end of the project period. Because each town along
the route has a unique layout, there is no standardized system for
documentation. In most towns, the consultant generally worked west to
east along one side of the route, and from east to west along the other
side (this facilitated photography). Again, this method was often
dependent upon traffic flow, one-way streets and distance between
resources. Amarillo was surveyed using a block-by-block method (except
where the streets were divided by a wide median), resulting in the
consultant documenting both sides of the street in a given city block
before moving on to the subsequent block. Amarillo Boulevard (Route 66
from 1953) was surveyed first, followed by the previously undocumented
segments of 6^th^ Avenue and Fillmore.

Using planning maps supplied by city and county offices, the consultant
created field survey maps onto which all property locations and building
footprints were sketched. Each property was then assigned an inventory
number, consisting of the county code (as listed in the National
Register Bulletin, "How to Complete the National Register Registration
Form," Appendix II), the city code (as derived from the first two
letters of each city name, with the exception of Landergin which was
assigned the city code LN to differentiate it from Lark, LA), and the
city property number (assigned sequentially as encountered along the
survey route in each town). Inventory numbers appear both on the field
map and the Historic Resource Inventory Form.

Each surveyed property was photographed with 35 mm black and white print
film. The consultant recorded roll and frame numbers onto the
corresponding inventory form. Directional views were also recorded. In
most cases, the consultant was able to take multiple photographs,
depicting the overall view of the building from the street (Route 66),
oblique views, and detail views. Because signage is an important part of
the road-related context, the consultant photographed all intact signs
adjacent to historic properties (and some free-standing historic signs).
Additional photos were taken of intact road segments and vistas.

Physical descriptions were written on site, and the Historic Resource
Inventory Form was completed in accordance with SHPO guidelines and as
follows:

-   The historic name refers to either the name of the original or most
    significant building owner, or the business housed within the
    building during its period of significance. In many cases, there
    were more than one historic name of note. Because of a lack of
    documentary evidence (such as city directories), historic names have
    been omitted for many properties in the smaller communities
    throughout the region. Properties in Amarillo were the exception,
    and many of these historic names were gathered from city directory
    and yellow page listings.

-   The current name of the property refers to owner's name or business
    name as ascertainable from business signs or yellow page listings.
    In many cases, privately held properties and vacant properties
    remained unnamed.

-   Address refers to street address, or the location description when
    no address is assigned or not available). Lot, block and addition
    information was gathered from lot and block maps provided by city
    and county government offices. The communities of Glenrio, Boydston,
    Jericho, Conway and Lark were not platted in this way, and the lot
    and block information is therefore not available. In most cases, the
    consultant did not investigate specific ownership information for
    each property, and the owner's address information has been left
    blank.

-   Resource type has been determined according to the National Register
    Bulletin, "How to Complete the National Register Registration Form."
    The majority of property types in this survey fall under the
    category of building. Because of the nature of this survey, the term
    district has not been used (with the assumption that district
    determinations will be made at a later date).

-   Landscape and site features are major features that contribute to
    the character of the property. The survey card indicates the
    presence of gravel or paved driveways, formal landscape elements
    (such as planting beds), swimming pools, retaining walls, fencing or
    decorative space demarcations, and signage (remnants or intact). The
    consultant has also recorded remnants of historic features, such as
    the traces of pump islands at gas stations, that are important for
    identifying the historic use of the property. This activity has been
    particularly useful given the fact that many of these buildings have
    been significantly altered over time.

-   Outbuildings are small-scale buildings that are disconnected from
    the main property either by distance or by use. For the most part,
    these are small storage, utility or livestock sheds that are briefly
    described.

-   The current and historic function of each property was determined by
    direct observation and information obtained in city directories,
    yellow pages, or other local sources (advertisements, business
    cards, newspaper clippings). The major types and subtypes were
    determined in accordance with the table provided in the National
    Register Bulletin, "How to Complete the National Register
    Registration Form." For clarification and documentation purposes,
    the consultant has indicated specific commercial use (ie: gas
    station, filling station, auto repair, tourist court, etc). Many of
    the surveyed properties have had a large number of occupants and
    uses -- in these cases, the historic use has been assigned according
    to its greatest relevance to the Route 66 context (for example, a
    number of gas stations have been converted to retail establishments
    at some point in their history; these have been listed as "gas
    station.").

-   Construction dates, where known, were indicated on the survey form.
    The sources for actual (rather than estimated) construction dates
    were established through building cornerstones, interviews with
    owners or other local sources. The majority of the construction
    dates are estimated based on historic Sanborn maps, city directories
    and yellow pages, and the consultant's knowledge of general trends
    in archtiectectural style, development, construction methods and
    building materials. Estimates are plus or minus five years. In the
    case of vernacular and folk examples, estimates are understandably
    tenuous. All estimated dates are clearly indicated.

-   Because of the cursory nature of this first survey effort, little
    research has been done to determine architects and builders for most
    properties, but buildings are attributed whenever possible.

-   Possible threats and level of integrity have been judged according
    to on-site observations. The majority of the properties along the
    survey corridor have been altered; because the period of
    significance spans almost five decades, the consultant did not
    consider general change to the physical fabric as a "threat."
    Neglect and vacancy pose the greatest problems for resources along
    this corridor.

-   Integrity was evaluated according to the National Register Bulletin,
    "How to Apply the National Register Criteria for Evaluation,"
    section VIII. Integrity of location, setting, workmanship, feeling
    and association were determined as recommended by the National
    Register publication. Because of unique nature of the Route 66
    corridor, however, special consideration was given in regards to
    design and materials. As stated above, the vast majority of
    properties along Route 66 have experienced some degree of
    alteration. It is important to remember that change -- or more
    specifically, "modernization," -- is part of the context of this
    tourist-dependent corridor. Gas stations, motels, restaurants and
    other commercial or retail establishments were motivated to update
    their facades in order to attract customers. Frequent renovation was
    expected within the motel industry, and those who did not "keep up"
    fell to their competition. Therefore, when assessing integrity,
    particularly in terms of design and materials, we must consider
    larger patterns of development that include provisions for frequent
    change. Certainly, historic properties must be recognizable
    according to its type, but again, change must be built into the
    property type itself.

-   Priority status was assigned according to the individual
    significance of a specific property, degree of integrity,
    possibility of threat, and relative scarcity of a property type (ie:
    intact tourist cabin court).

-   General architectural descriptions were made during the field
    survey. The consultant described only those elements that were
    visible from the public right-of-way.

### Historical Research

###### Preliminary historical research was conducted to establish the historical themes within which each property would be examined. This initial background research, conducted by staff of the Texas Historical Commission and the consulting architectural historian, consisted of obtaining general information about each community and general information about U.S. Route 66. Other research conducted by the THC staff and the consultant included the examination of city directories, telephone directories (yellow pages), Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps, county histories, individual community histories, local museum collections and exhibits. Following the survey, additional historical research was undertaken to close any gaps remaining in the historical record. 

###### 

###### **National Register Eligibility Determinations**

National Register Status is the consultant's recommendation for
eligibility for nomination and listing, either individually, as part of
a historic district. "Listed" is only applicable to two individual
properties (The Ranchotel in Amarillo and the Tower Station in
Shamrock), and to one historic district (the Amarillo Sixth Street
Historic District, not surveyed as part of this project).

-   "Individually Eligible" indicates that the property meets the
    National Register criteria for individual listing.

-   "Eligible: Historic District" as a Contributing Property is noted
    for those properties that, in the consultant's opinion, would
    contribute to a potential historic district.

-   "Not Eligible" pertains to those properties that do not meet the
    exceptional criteria due to age, fail to meet criteria for
    significance, or lack integrity.

For this survey, an additional recommendation is used to recognize those
properties that do not meet the current National Register fifty-year
cut-off date, but are significant to the Route 66 era. These properties
are marked as "Potentially Eligible" or "Potentially Eligible as a
Contributing Property" with the recommendation that they be reevaluated
when they reach fifty years of age.

Eligibility recommendations were made based on the National Register
Criteria for Evaluation, as found in the *Code of Federal Regulations,
Title 36, Part 60* and reprinted in the National Register Bulletin "How
to Apply to National Register Criteria for Evaluation." The specific
historic context of Route 66 in Texas relates to Criterion A (a
significant event, or series of events or activities) and Criterion C
(building forms, or an architectural style relating to a stage of
physical development, or the use of a material or method of construction
that shape the historic identity of an area such as the Route 66
corridor). The status of eligibility for individual districts, sites,
buildings, structures, and objects was determined based on each
property's association with the Route 66 historic context and the
historic integrity of those features necessary to convey the property's
significance (integrity of location, design, setting, materials,
workmanship, feeling and association). The property was also determined
to be significant under one or more of the four Criteria for Evaluation:

-   Criterion A: properties associated with the events, patterns of
    evens, or trends significant to the development and use of Route 66.

-   Criterion B: associated with the lives of persons significant to the
    history of Route 66.

-   Criterion C: buildings, structures, or objects whose architectural
    form (or type), style or method of construction reflect important
    design qualities integral to Route 66 history. These embody the
    distinctive characteristics of a type, period, or method of
    construction, or that represent the work of a master, or that
    possess high artistic values, or that represent a significant and
    distinguished entity whose components may lack individual
    distinction. These types of properties demonstrate the pattern of
    features common to a particular class of resource (i.e. Property
    type), the individuality or variation of features within the type,
    the evolution of the type, or the evolution of a type.

-   Criterion D: have yielded, or may be likely to yield, information
    important in prehistory or history of Route 66.

Most of the resources along Route 66 that have been determined eligible
meet either or both Criterion A and Criterion C.

######## SURVEY RESULTS

Route 66 stretches approximate 178 miles across the Texas Panhandle,
crossing through seven counties and nineteen towns or cities. The survey
team identified 657 properties associated with (or adjacent to) Route 66
in Texas (see Appendix A: Survey Inventory). This survey for the most
part only documented commercial properties (rather than residential),
and specifically properties that had a direct relationship to, or
association with, the route. The majority of the resources surveyed (345
properties) are found within Amarillo, and the remaining 312 properties
are located in rural areas and in the smaller communities found
alongside historic Route 66. Survey data was collected and is organized
by county and by community. Potter County contains the greatest number
of resources (351), Gray County has 102, Carson County has
seventy-three, Oldham County has sixty, Wheeler County has fifty-four,
Deaf Smith County has twelve, and Donley County has five resources
associated with Route 66. The largest concentrations of historic
resources are found in the communities of McLean (81), Shamrock (48) and
Groom (47). Glenrio, with its twelve properties (some lie in New
Mexico), represents the most cohesive grouping of resources specifically
related to Route 66 and its historic context.

Because continued occupancy and use is crucial to maintaining or
preserving Route 66 resources, the survey team has noted whether
buildings remain in use or sit vacant. Of the 657 properties surveyed,
38% are currently vacant (or appear to be either unused or used only for
private activities such as storage of personal goods). The majority of
these vacant buildings are in communities other than Amarillo (only 46
of 179 total unoccupied buildings are in Amarillo).

Survey data is also organized according to property type and property
subtype. These categorizations are based on the buildings form and
function during the Period of Significance (1926-1970). Each property is
categorized according to information gathered during fieldwork and
archival research. Specific Types and Subtypes were determined according
to precedent set by other states (i.e., New Mexico), and generally fall
into the following categories:

**Property Types**

-   **Gas**: includes any filling station or gas station. Encompasses
    stations that are combined with service bays, cafés, convenience
    stores, retail establishments, and truck stops. See Statewide
    Historic Context for a detailed description of Gas Station Types.

-   **Food**: includes any free-standing business that operated as an
    eating establishment. This category includes restaurants, drive-in
    restaurants (these have no dining space), and bars. This category
    does not include cafés that were attached to gas stations or motels.

-   **Lodging**: includes any form of lodging that was rented out to the
    traveling public. In a few instances, private residences have been
    documented when it is apparent that these were linked to Route 66.
    Lodging facilities generally include campgrounds, tourist cabins or
    courts, motels, and hotels. See Statewide Historic Context for a
    detailed description of Lodging Types and their historical
    development (evolution from one form to another).

-   **General Commercial**: includes any building that serves commercial
    and retail needs that do not fall into any of the other categories
    of property types. The Subtypes become useful in distinguishing the
    type of building, particularly those that served auto-related
    functions (i.e. car dealerships) or agricultural functions (not
    specifically related to Route 66 but recorded nonetheless). Subtypes
    include auto related, industrial, curio and trading, entertainment
    (theaters, etc.), strip commercial development complexes,
    agricultural complexes, grain complexes, grocery or mercantile, and
    general services buildings.

-   **Civic/Government**: While most of the buildings specifically
    associated with Route 66 do not fall into this category, there were
    a number of resources that were adjacent to the road. In some
    instances, transient travelers of Route 66 would have used these
    buildings just as permanent residents might have used them. This
    category includes churches, schools, post offices, city halls, fire
    departments, hospitals, public utilities, government buildings and a
    courthouse (in Oldham County).

-   **Structure**: the most important type of structure recorded by this
    survey is the roadbed itself. This category also includes bridges,
    culverts, road marker, foundations or ruins, signs, railroad grade
    separation and other objects that appear to be related to the
    historic context.

Because the survey encompassed the central business districts in McLean,
Conway, Groom, Adrian, and Vega, and Amarillo, a large number of
**General Commercial** buildings were identified along the route. The
majority of the buildings surveyed were categorized as general
commercial (349). **Gas Stations** constituted the second largest
category, with 115 resources. Eighty-five properties were used **for
Lodging**, the majority of which were motels (53) and most of these were
located in Amarillo (27). Fifty-seven properties are categorized as
free-standing **eating establishments**; again, the majority of these
are in Amarillo (40). Thirty-five **Structures** were found on the
route, including five bridges and a number of culverts. Only sixteen
**Civic or Government-related** buildings were documented.

Although individual building histories were not compiled as part of this
survey, the survey team did determine or estimate construction dates for
all properties surveyed. The majority of the construction dates are
estimated based on historic Sanborn maps, city directories and yellow
pages, and the consultant's knowledge of general trends in
archtiectectural style, development, construction methods and building
materials. Of the 657 properties surveyed, 358 were constructed in 1950
or later (estimates are meant to be plus or minus five years). This
constitutes 55% of the total resources in the Route 66 corridor. Because
the largest segment of Route 66 in Amarillo (along Amarillo Boulevard)
was developed after 1953, many of the commercial properties along this
stretch of highway date to the later part of the 1950s and early 1960s.
In other communities (with the exception of Shamrock), Route 66 was
merely a name given to an existing thoroughfare, and a large part of
commercial development had occurred before World War II.

Of the 657 properties identified, one district (Glenrio) and
approximately twenty-four individual properties may be **eligible** for
listing on the National Register as part of the Route 66 historical
context. Many of these properties were constructed between 1950 and
1955, and may not yet meet the 50-year age requirement for registration.
It should also be noted that three historic districts and ten individual
properties not specifically related to the Route 66 context (although
they are immediately adjacent to an historic alignment of the highway)
have been identified as potentially eligible.

### 

### National Register Listings

One historic district and two individual properties within the survey
area are listed on the National Register of Historic Places:

-   Sixth Ave Historic District, Amarillo,

-   The Ranchotel, Amarillo

-   Tower Station / U-Drop-Inn, Shamrock

### Individual Properties, Potentially Eligible for Listing

Twenty-four properties have been identified as potentially eligible
under the Route 66 historic Context, pending further in-depth research
and a compilation of individual property histories. These properties
retain a high degree of integrity and convey the significance of certain
property types within the Route 66 corridor. These properties have been
chosen because they generally represent the best of their type, or
unusually expressive architectural forms. The following recommendations
have been made based on information gathered during the field survey,
and properties were assessed for their significance with the Route 66
context and their ability to convey significance. These recommendations
may be modified as more information is discovered.

> Potentially eligible Road Segments

-   Property 65-CO-0: road segment leading east into Conway.

-   Property 375-AM-0: road segment leading from Highway 1925 to
    Amarillo Airport

> Potentially eligible Structures

-   Property 483-RU-1: Bridge, Wheeler County. Located approximately
    eight miles east of Shamrock on the I-40 access road.

-   Property 375-AM-316: Burlington & Rock Island Underpass (1931).
    Located at South Fillmore in Amarillo. This structure is
    individually Eligible under Criteria A and C

> Potentially eligible Tourist Courts and Motels

-   Property 483-SH-13: Sunset Cottage Camps, now Ferris Apartments.
    Located in Shamrock.

-   Property 483-SH-42: 20 Trees Tourist Court, now vacant. Located in
    Shamrock.

-   Property 65-GR-35: 66 Courts, now vacant.

-   Property 359-VE-24: Vega Motel, occupied and operated as a motel.

-   Property 375-AM-39: Colonial Manor Motel (ca. 1953), located on East
    Amarillo Blvd. Still functions as a motel.

-   Property 375-AM-63: Biltmore Courts Tourist Camp, now Woods Inn (ca
    1945), located on East Amarillo Blvd.

-   Property 375-AM-82: Forest Hills Courts / Forest Hills Motel (ca.
    1945), now vacant. located on East Amarillo Blvd.

-   Property 375-AM-177: English Motel (ca. 1955), now vacant. located
    on West Amarillo Blvd.

> Potentially eligible Gas Stations

-   Property 483-SH-6: PB Wooldridge Gas Station #2, now vacant. Located
    in Shamrock.

-   Property 483-SH-30: PB Wooldridge Gas Station

-   Property 179-MC-70: Philips 66 Gas Station, now museum-like
    displayed owned by Delbert and Ruth Trew. Located in McLean.

-   Property 179-AL-5: 66 Super Station, now vacant but undergoing
    restoration. Located in Alanreed.

-   Property 65-GR-34: 66 Courts Gas Station, now vacant.

-   Property 65-CO-7: corner Gas Station in Conway, now vacant.

-   Property 359-VE-4: Philips 66 / Magnolia Gas Station, now vacant.
    Located in Vega just off of the courthouse square.

-   Property 375-AM-290: Gas Station (ca. 1925-30), now D & L Motor
    Sales, located on West 6^th^ Avenue in Amarillo.

> Potentially eligible Restaurants

-   Property 375-AM-113: Ding How Chinese Restaurant (ca. 1951-57).

-   Property 375-AM-238: Myers Fried Chicken Restaurant (ca. 1950), now
    Tommy's Upholstery. Located on West 6^th^ Avenue in Amarillo.

> Potentially eligible General Commercial Buildings

-   Property 359-AD-6: Bent Door Café, now vacant or used as personal
    storage.

-   Property 359-AD-9: Giles Hotel/Adrian Mercantile (1909), extensively
    modified but Eligibility is currently under consideration by
    National Register Staff at the THC.

Ten properties have been identified as having the potential to be listed
on the National Register of Historic Places based on their historical or
architectural significance. Preliminary field survey has indicated that
these buildings retain a high degree of integrity and further research
would indicate if these could meet criteria for individual eligibility.

> Potentially Eligible Individual Properties not specifically associated
> with Route 66

-   Property 483-LE-3: Lela High School (1928)

-   Property 65-GR-30: Groom Grocery, now Groom S & H Grocery

-   Property 65-GR-32: Groom Mutual Hail Association (1928)

-   Property 65-CO-13: Conway School (1930), now vacant.

-   Property 359-VE-16: Roark Building (ca. 1925), now Roark Hardware.
    Located in Vega

-   Property 359-AD-14: Adrian High School (1930)

-   Property 375-AM-298: Commercial Building, now appears vacant.
    Located on West 6^th^ Avenue in Amarillo

-   Property 375-AM-299: adjacent to 298. Commercial Building once
    housed Jupe Apartments, now Custom Printing. Located on West 6^th^
    Avenue in Amarillo

-   Property 375-AM-313: Commercial Building (ca. 1925), now Kitchen and
    Bath Center. Located on South Fillmore in Amarillo, adjacent to
    railroad grade separation.

-   Property 375-AM-314: Commercial Building (ca. 1925), now appears
    vacant. Located on South Fillmore in Amarillo, adjacent to railroad
    grade separation.

### 

### Historic Districts Potentially Eligible for Listing

The results of the survey show that the concentrations of Route 66
related properties (that retain high degrees of integrity) in most areas
of the state are not sufficient to constitute the formation of historic
districts. The Route 66 Corridor has suffered extensive loss of historic
fabric from demolition and/or redevelopment. This is particularly true
in Shamrock (once filled with road-related resources) and along Amarillo
Boulevard in Amarillo.

One potential district, however, has been identified as having a
relatively intact concentration of related historic properties. The
now-abandoned town of Glenrio contains twelve properties: one road
segment, two building ruins, and nine intact historic buildings. Further
research should indicate whether any historic properties have been lost
(outside of the two evident ruins), although the physical evidence
indicates the town remains for the most part intact. The proposed
boundaries of the Glenrio district stretch from the Interstate 40
on-ramp on the eastern border of town to the end of the paved road on
the western end of town (this endpoint actually crosses the Texas state
border and is in New Mexico). Glenrio is bisected by Route 66, with the
majority of commercial development occurring on the north side of the
highway while the south side of the road remained undeveloped (with the
exception of one residence and a water-pumping facility). The properties
under consideration are all located on the north side of the paved road.
At least three of the properties in Glenrio are located in New Mexico,
but have been considered part of the Texas survey. We recommend that
both the Texas and the New Mexico resources and the road segment be
included in the historic district.

### 

### Districts not related to the Route 66 context

This survey, while specifically focused on Route 66 related resources,
has revealed several concentrations of historic buildings that merit
further investigation. Although further research is needed to establish
the historical significance of many of the commercial buildings not
specifically related to Route 66, the integrity of a number of
properties indicates the potentiality for at least three historic
districts:

-   McLean central business district: potentially would include
    thirty-three properties numbered 179-MC-16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,21A,
    21B, 22, 23A, 23B, 23C, 23D, 24, 25, 26, 46, 47, 48,
    49,50,51,52,53,54A, 54B, 55A, 55B, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60 and 61. The
    specific boundaries have not been delineated as part of this survey,
    though would potentially consist of the three commercial blocks and
    the above-mentioned properties.

-   Vega central business district: this is a small concentration of
    seven historic properties along the north side of the court house
    square. The district would potentially include properties numbered
    359-VE-5 (Oldham County courthouse), 6, 7,8,9,10, and 11. Properties
    359-VE-4 (Philips 66 / Magnolia Gas Station) and 16 (Roark's
    Hardware) are near but not directly adjacent to this proposed
    district, and might be considered either as a noncontiguous part of
    the district or as individually eligible.

-   Otis Block, 2300-2306 West 6^th^ Avenue, Amarillo: this block
    contains three buildings constructed in 1927 by Mr. Otis. These
    buildings are adjacent to one another, and retain a high degree of
    integrity. These could be considered as a small historic district.

# Selected Bibliography

Belasco, Warren James. *Americans on the Road: From Autocamp to Motel,
1910-1945*. Cambridge MA and London: MIT Press, 1979.

Clark, Marian. *The Route 66 Cookbook*. Tulsa: Council Oaks Books, 1993.

Henry, Lyle. "Accommodations for "Colored'" (pending publication in
Society for Commercial Archeology [Journal]{.underline}, 2005).

Huddleson, John David. *Good Roads for Texas: A History of the Texas
Highway Department, 1917-1947.* PhD Dissertation. Texas A&M University,
1981.

Jakle, John A., Keith A Sculle and Jefferson S. Rogers. *The Motel in
America.* Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996.

Jakle, John A. *The American Small Town: Twentieth-Century Place
Images*. Hamden, CT: Archon Books, 1982.

Jakle, John A. *The Tourist: Travel in Twentieth-Century North America*.
Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1985.

Jakle, John A. and Keith A Sculle. *The Gas Station in America*.
Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994.

Jakle, John A. and Keith A Sculle. *Fast Food: Roadside Restaurants in
the Automobile Age*. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins Press, 1999.

Jennings, Jan, ed. *Roadside America: The Automobile in Design and
Culture*. Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1990.

Lightfoot, Tom, Bob Gresham, Hill Gresham, and Jewell A. Berry. Temple,
Texas:*Tourist Court Plan Book.* Tourist Court Journal, 1950

Margolies, John. *Home Away From Home: Motels in America*. Boston:
Bulfinch Press, 1995.

Philips, Peter. H. "Walking in and Driving Out: A Brief History of
Automobile Dealerships." Society for Commercial Archaeology, News
Journal. 12:3, 1993.

Scott, Quinta and Susan Croce Kelly. *Route 66: The Highway and Its
People.* Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988.

Scott, Quinta. *Along Route 66*. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
2000.

Wallis, Michael. *Route 66: The Mother Road.* New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1990.

"Historic Highways and the National Register of Historic Places: The
Evaluation and Identification of Roads and their Related Resources."
Annual Conference of the Society for Commercial Archaeology. October
21-24, 1998. Chattanooga, Tennessee.

United States Department of Transportation, Federal Highway
Administration. *America's Highways, 1776-1976.* Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1976.

## 

## Guidebooks

Alsberg, Henry G, ed. *The American Guide: The South and the Southwest*.
New York: Hastings House, 1949.

Snyder, Tom. *The Route 66 Traveler's Guide and Roadside Companion*. New
York: St. Martin's Press, 1990.

## Route 66 Contexts and surveys

Anders, Mary Ann. "Route 66 in Oklahoma: An Historic Preservation
Survey." Report Prepared for the Oklahoma Historic Preservation Office,
1992.

Kammer, David. "The Historic and Architectural Resources of Route 66
Through New Mexico." Report Prepared for the New Mexico State Historic
Preservation Office, 1984.

Seratt, Dorothy and Terri Ryburn-Lamont. "Historic and Architectural
Resources of Route 66 through Illinois." Report Prepared for the
Illinois Historic Preservation Agency, 1997.

Texas Department of Transportation. Historic Bridge Inventory, entry
made 8/31/199 by John W. Murphey.

United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service.
"Special Resource Study, Route 66." 1995.

## Websites

Society for Commercial Archeology:
[http://www.sca-roadside.org](http://www.sca-roadside.org/)

California Historic Route 66 Association / Route 66 Collection:
<http://www.wemweb.com/index.shtml>

New Mexico Route 66 Association: <http://www.rt66nm.org/>

Oklahoma Route 66 Association: <http://www.oklahomaroute66.com/>

Historic Route 66 Association of Arizona:
<http://www.route66web.com/~azrt66/index.htm>

National Route 66 Federation: <http://www.national66.com/>

Historic Route 66: <http://www.historic66.com/index.html>

The Route 66 Place: <http://www.route66place.com/>

The Route 66 Photo Lounge: <http://www.bekkoame.ne.jp/~toisa/>

Illinois - [www.il66assoc.org](http://www.il66assoc.org/)

Route 66 Association of Missouri -
[www.missouri66.org](http://www.missouri66.org/)

Texas -
[www.mockturtlepress.com/texas/](http://www.mockturtlepress.com/texas/)

Route 66 Corridor Preservation -
[www.cr.nps.gov/rt66/](http://www.cr.nps.gov/rt66/)

Railroad stations of Route 66:
<http://www.wemweb.com/railroad-stations/index.html>

Route 66 State Park, Missouri: http://www.mostateparks.com/route66.htm

Across the Tracks: A Route 66 Story: <http://www.unm.edu/~rt66/>

#### Route 66 Associations - Non-US 

Belgium - www.historic66.com

Canada - homepage.mac.com/route66kicks/Route66/

Norway - www.route66.no

#### Museums 

Oklahoma Route 66 Museum - www.route66.org

National Route 66 Museum - www.elkcitychamber.com/route66.asp

Rancho Cucamonga - www.citivu.com/rc/rte66/rte66.html

#### Route 66 - Other Related 

Route66.com - www.route66.com

Route 66 Magazine - route66magazine.com

Route 66 West - www.route66west.com

Michael Wallis - www.MichaelWallis.com

J. Jenson - bygonebyways.com

Route 66 Map Series/J. Ross - www.66maps.com

ExitHere.net/D. Knowles - www.ExitHere.net

RoadsideAmerica.com - www.roadsideamerica.com

Lucille\'s - route66clicks/com

Ken Turmel - route66postmarkart.com

Mother Road Photo Collection - www.themotherroad.com/gallery/

Jim & Dan\'s - oasis.fortunecity.com/paradise/180/

Cruisin\' Route 66 - www.cruisinroute66.com

Ariston Cafe - www.ariston-cafe.com

Midpoint Cafe - www.midpoint66.com

Museum Club - www.museumclub.com

Route 66/Area 51 - astro4.ast.vill.edu/66/ok.htm

Martin\'s Route 66 - www.lastbandit.com/rte66pix.html

Postcards from the Road - www.PostcardsFromTheRoad.net

Doc\'s Route 66 - www.geocities.com/MotorCity/Downs/4466/

Rt 66 License Plates - www.route66products.com

Rt 66 Image Collection - www.sightandsound.com/route66.html

66 Diner - www.66diner.com/juke_f.htm

US Highway Signs - www.ugcs.caltech.edu/%7Ejlin/signs/

Resolute Route 66 - home.earthlink.net/\~resolute

Roy\'s Motel & Cafe - www.rt66roys.com/

Roadside Peek - www.roadsidepeek.com/

Shellee Graham - home.earthlink.net/\~shellee66/sg.html

66 Drive-In - www.ComeVisit.com/66drivein/

Colonel 66 - www.Route-66.com

Annual Rt 66 Bike Rally - www.hhjm.com/66

Quantrill\'s 66 - www.quantrill.com/Route66.shtml

Route 66 USA - www.route66usa.com

Route 66 Place - www.route66place.com

Rt 66 Videos - www.paccomfilms.com/films/route66.html

Mock Turtle Press - www.mockturtlepress.com

Skip Curtis - www.birthplaceofroute66.com

Route 66 Trading Post - www.route66tradingpost.com

[^1]: United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service.
    "Special Resource Study, Route 66." 1995: 7.

[^2]: Under the statute labor system, all able bodied male citizens
    living along a road were required to work on the maintenance and
    repair of the road, expending a certain number of hours per year --
    or paying the equivalent cash value. See United States Department of
    Transportation, Federal Highway Administration. America's Highways,
    1776-1976. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1976:
    37.

[^3]: *America's Highways*, 37.

[^4]: City dwellers were in general exempt from statute labor; cities
    hired paid laborers and civil engineers (or someone with road
    building experience) to build and maintain their streets. America's
    Highways, 37.

[^5]: Interestingly, the primary impetus to the creation of the Texas
    State Highway Department was to ensure the state's eligibility for
    financial assistance under the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1916.
    Despite the establishment of a Texas state highway department -- and
    this was certainly the case in many other states -- counties
    retained a good deal of the road-building responsibility. In 1932,
    the Texas State Highway department took full control, and no longer
    accepted county aid for road construction projects. Huddleston, John
    D. *Good Roads for Texas: A History of the Texas Highway Department,
    1917-1947*. PhD dissertation, Texas A&M University, 1981.

[^6]: Huddleston 27.

[^7]: *America's Highways,* 84.

[^8]: *America's Highways*, 86.

[^9]: *America's Highways,* 108.

[^10]: "Special Resource Study, Route 66," 12.

[^11]: *America's Highways*, 109.

[^12]: Huddleston 58. These numbers are available from the U.S, bureau
    of Public Roads and the *Blue Book of Southern Progress.*

[^13]: For instance, the number of highway fatalities in 1918 was
    10,723; in 1929, the total reached 31,215. *America's Highways*,
    115.

[^14]: This system was based on a grid in which principal north-south
    roads would end in the number "1" or "5" and principal east-west
    roads would end in "0". Lesser roads would be assigned numbers in
    between based on their location. The numerical designation "66" was
    assigned to the Chicago-Los Angeles route in 1926; although the
    road's number did not end in a zero, it was at that time considered
    one of the major east-west arteries of transportation.

[^15]: See the History of Route 66,
    http://xroads.virginia.edu/\~UG02/carney/kicks.html.

[^16]: Special Resource Study Route 66, 12.

[^17]: Census numbers available at the Texas State Data Center and
    Office of the State Demographer. Online access,
    http://txsdc.tamu.edu/.

[^18]: Special Resource Study Route 66, 13

[^19]: Special Resource Study Route 66, 13

[^20]: See also James Gregory, 1989. His study notes that less than 8%
    of dust bowlers remained in California, and the entire state
    population only increased about 22% in the decade between 1930 and
    1940. Regardless of the permanent effects on population shifts, an
    unprecedented number of travelers took to the road in the decade
    immediate preceding World War I.

[^21]: Special Resource Study Route 66,13

[^22]: Special Resource Study Route 66, 14.

[^23]: Special Resource Study Route 66,14.

[^24]: Special Resource Study Route 66,14.

[^25]: *America's Highways*, 144.

[^26]: *America's Highways*, 144.

[^27]: Special Resource Study Route 66,14.

[^28]: Special Resource Study Route 66,14.

[^29]: Special Resource Study Route 66,14.

[^30]: Special Resource Study Route 66,15.

[^31]: Special Resource Study Route 66,15.

[^32]: Special Resource Study Route 66,17.

[^33]: National Park Service Special Resource Study: Route 66. July
    1995. Chart appears on page 57.

[^34]: For precedent, see "Historic and Architectural Resources of Route
    66 Through Illinois."

[^35]: See TxDOT Historic Bridge Inventory, entry made 8/31/199 by John
    W. Murphey.

[^36]: The following historical survey of the development of the gas
    station is based up John Jakle and Keith Sculle's seminal study,
    *the Gas Station in America.*

[^37]: *The Gas Station in America*, 131.

[^38]: *The Gas Station in America*, 134; 161. According to Jakle and
    Sculle, *The National Petroleum News* was "the leading journal
    serving the American petroleum industry and, as such, played a
    leading role in encouraging gasoline station change through annual
    design contests and the weekly and later monthly reporting of design
    innovations and individual company adoptions." (*The* *Gas Station
    in America* 161). While this was clearly an important trade journal,
    the authors do not list its circulation size or regional
    distribution. We do not yet know if the small-town Texas gas station
    owner would have received such a journal, and if he did, the extent
    to which this would have influenced his design decisions.

[^39]: According to Jakle and Sculle, this station in Pittsburgh was
    also the first to distribute free road maps. *The Gas Station in
    America*, 132.

[^40]: *The Gas Station in America*, 131-32

[^41]: For more on branding and trademarks, see *The Gas Station in
    America*, 37-45.

[^42]: *The Gas Station in America*, 42-43.

[^43]: *The Gas Station in America* 135-36

[^44]: *The Gas Station in America* 137.

[^45]: *The Gas Station in America* 143-144.

[^46]: *The Gas Station in America* 146.

[^47]: *The Gas Station in America* 146. About 10,000 of these stations
    were ultimately constructed.

[^48]: *The Gas Station in America* 149.

[^49]: *The Gas Station in America* 152.

[^50]: *The Gas Station in America* 154.

[^51]: Belasco, Warren James. *Americans on the road: From Autocamp to
    Motel, 1910-1945*. Cambridge MA and London: MIT Press, 1979 (viii).

[^52]: Belasco 7.

[^53]: Lyle Henry, "Accommodations for "Colored'" (pending publication
    in Society for Commercial Archeology [Journal]{.underline}, 2005).

[^54]: Bealsco 3.

[^55]: Belasco 3.

[^56]: *The Motel in America*, 34.

[^57]: Belasco 132.

[^58]: *The Motel in America*, 39.

[^59]: *The Motel in America*, 39.

[^60]: *The Motel in America*, 41. See also the *Tourist Court Plan
    Book* published by the *Tourist Court Journal* 1950:16.

[^61]: *The Motel in America*, 47-49.

[^62]: *The Motel in America*, 47.

[^63]: *The Motel in America* 45; source "A survey of Motel Chain
    Organizations, Part One: Referral Chains." Motel/Motor Inn Journal
    38, Dec 1974: 65.

[^64]: *The Motel in America*, 47.

[^65]: *The Motel in America*, 49.

[^66]: *The Motel in America*, 51.

[^67]: *The Motel in America*, 55.

[^68]: *The Motel in America*, 56.

[^69]: *Fast Food,* 21.

[^70]: *Fast Food,* 27-28

[^71]: *Fast Food,* 33.

[^72]: *Fast Food,* 33.

[^73]: *Fast Food* 37.

[^74]: *Fast Food* 41.

[^75]: *Fast Food* 41.

[^76]: *Fast Food* 45.

[^77]: For the origins of Googie, see
    http://www.spaceagecity.com/googie/.

[^78]: *Fast Food* 57.

[^79]: *Fast Food* 59.