should sever its bogus united front with the communists but preserve the right to internal fractions. The success or failure of these clearly depended on leadership quality. He applauded the purging of communists as a sign that the ILP meant business. Until that was sure, such organisational measures might equally be used against the Marxist Group. But the main question was the international one: if it was honest the ILP would now come out in favour of the Fourth before its London Bureau fell apart. On the eve of the Keighley conference, Robertson published another article by Trotsky from the Clapham ILP. [93] The interview carried a strong attack on the London Bureau which Brockway countered. [94] Trotsky had concluded that the idea of turning the ILP into a revolutionary party "must now be described as utopian", and was talking -- ambiguously -- of "an independent perspective for the revolutionary party". [95] His arguments for critical support had convinced at least the Marxist Group, which called for it at the Keighley conference, without success. [96] This lead to a series of defeats on the Parliamentary Reports [97] and on the establishment of fractions in the unions and the Labour Party. [98] The setpiece conference debate occurred over Abyssinia. Brockway had indeed been ploughing a lonely furrow over workers" sanctions, and his line in The New Leader had been reversed by the National Council. [99] C.L.R. James, the party member most identified with this position, moved reference back, arguing that fighting