approving the measures taken against him for trying to set up a second party. Indeed they went further, and demanded "more severe measures". [85] Inprecorr was deluged with anti-Opposition articles: "Trotskyism" was assuredly the issue of the hour. The British Party ventured into the field of theory. Jackson, who had written of Trotsky with such awe two years earlier, now discovered that the Opposition leader's views on the danger of reaction were diametrically misplaced. It was, concluded Jackson, Trotsky himself, with Zinoviev, who represented the danger of Menshevism and Thermidor. [86] His colleague Gallacher developed the theme for an international audience. "In Britain every rotten reactionary, every reformist trickster, looks with hope to the Opposition's; which statement he wisely left without explanatory footnotes, since Smith had been complaining the previous month that Trotsky handled the Left too harshly. [87] Gallacher's claim that "every attack on the party by the Trotskyists was hailed with delight in the war mongering press of Britain" would have proved equally hard to sustain. There were still traces of interest in Trotsky -- pictures on walls, enthusiastic delegates to the Y.C.L. congress of 1928. [88] They added up to little. The parties had been warned that the exclusion of Trotskyism from the CPSU must of course, also result in "the end of Trotskyism in the Comintern". [89] Rust reassured the international that Trotskyism had no following among "the active conscious sections of the workers", [ 90] which verdict was confirmed. [91] Yet the new broad definition