notably its state women's sections, the federal women's committee and the mandated female party vice president, which have encouraged female participation and helped get female Liberals into parliament. But once the women are elected that seems to be it. There has been little encouragement for developing a women's consciousness, let alone a women's vote. Interestingly, Australia's parliament has no formal women's caucus, which puts us in a minority among the world's democracies. The US congress has one, and so does the British parliament. Around the world the number of women's caucuses continues to grow. Allison, who has visited Vietnam, speaks about the caucus there, and the fact that in most of the "baby-step" democracies, women's caucuses are a permanent and significant feature. Rwanda's parliament has a highly structured women's parliamentary forum. Moore, recently returned from that country, notes that the 50 per cent quota legally required for its legislature has already been surpassed -- Rwandan women currently make up 56 per cent of their parliament. There appears to be no unanimity on the usefulness of standing women's caucuses, and a Rwandan example may be no recommendation for some. But, overall, experience has shown that the caucuses have both contributed to social inclusion and augmented legislative power. So why not here? Depending where one stands, our tradition of party solidarity is either an efficient method of governance or an unfortunate obstacle to the full and fair expression of community expectations and attitudes. There is a case for the latter view, especially