. Their complaints are not about the initial military response -- destroying Libyan air force infrastructure, and air attacks on the ground forces advancing on Benghazi -- but what came after, when it became rapidly apparent that the three permanent member states driving the intervention (the US, UK and France, or 'P3') would settle for nothing less than regime change, and do whatever it took to achieve that. Particular concerns are that the interveners rejected ceasefire offers that may have been serious, struck fleeing personnel that posed no immediate risk to civilians and locations that had no obvious military significance (like the compound in which Gaddafi relatives were killed) and, more generally, comprehensively supported the rebel side in what rapidly became a civil war, ignoring the very explicit arms embargo in the process. The P3 is not without some answers to these charges. If civilians were to be protected house-to-house in areas like Tripoli under Gaddafi's direct control, they say, that could only be by overturning his whole regime. If one side was taken in a civil war, it was because one-sided regime killing sometimes leads (as now in Syria) to civilians acquiring arms to fight back and recruiting army defectors.  Military operations cannot micromanaged with a '1,000 mile screwdriver'. And a more limited 'monitor and swoop' concept of operations would have led to longer and messier conflict, politically impossible to sustain in the US and Europe, and likely to have produced many more civilian casualties. And yet. These arguments