Content_paragraphs:  I would like to express my gratitude to Elizabeth Spehar for her service as my 
  
  Deputy Special Adviser on Cyprus and to Ms. Lute for conducting consultations on 
  
  my behalf. I also express my appreciation to all the women and men serving in my 
  
  mission of good offices in Cyprus for their dedication and commitment to discharging 
  
  the responsibilities entrusted to them.  
  
    
  
  https://undocs.org/en/S/RES/1325(2000)
  https://undocs.org/en/S/RES/2483(2019)
  
  
  S/2021/634 
   
  
   
  
  21-09465 12/27 
  
   
  
  Annex I 
   
  
    Written update by the Greek Cypriot leader to the good offices 
  
  mission of the Secretary-General, pursuant to and in accordance 
  
  with Security Council resolution 2561 (2021) 
   
  
   
  
   This submission is made in response to the encouragement in UN Security 
  
  Council Resolution 2561, to “the leaders of the two communities to provide written 
  
  updates to the Good Offices Mission of the Secretary General on the actions they have 
  
  taken in support of the relevant parts of this resolution since its adoption, in 
  
  particular with regard to paragraphs 5 and 6 and 8, with a view to reaching a 
  
  sustainable and comprehensive settlement”.  
  
   The present update includes all developments relevant to the effort to resu me 
  
  the peace process in the framework of the Good Offices Mission of the UNSG, 
  
  irrespective of their inter-state or inter-communal character. References to 
  
  communities are without prejudice to the Republic of Cyprus as a Member State of 
  
  the United Nations and references to UNFICYP are made without prejudice to the 
  
  Republic of Cyprus as the host country of the Force.  
  
   
  
   
  
   I. Efforts to resume the peace process 
   
  
   
  
   During the last 4 years, since the inconclusive closing of the Crans Montana 
  
  Conference on Cyprus in July 2017, our efforts to resume the peace process from the 
  
  point that it was left and based on agreed Terms of Reference were undermined by an 
  
  intransigent refusal on the part of Ankara to allow the Cyprus-led process to move 
  
  forward, despite an agreement in principle between the leaders of the two 
  
  communities in August 2019, confirmed at a trilateral meeting with the UNSG the 
  
  following November in Berlin. 
  
   Although at Crans Montana we came closer than even before to a strategic 
  
  agreement and the understanding between the two Cypriot leaders was based on the 
  
  existing body of work, any attempt to resume and conclude the negotiations was met 
  
  with resistance by Ankara and a systematic undermining of the agreed framework, as 
  
  not befitting Turkish views on a settlement in Cyprus. 
  
   At the same time, Turkey’s illegal and provocative activities in the territorial 
  
  sea, the continental shelf and the EEZ of Cyprus, the violations of the military status 
  
  quo along the Turkish forces ceasefire line and Strovilia,  as well as the audacious 
  
  opening of the beachfront in the fenced area of Varosha, in contravention to relevant 
  
  UNSC Resolutions, created an extremely negative political climate that gravely 
  
  jeopardizes the prospects of the peace process and would pave the  way for the revival 
  
  of the old rhetoric for a “two states” solution, now branded as “paradigm shift”.  
  
   Given the eventual shift indeed of the Turkish Cypriot position on the form of 
  
  the settlement of the Cyprus problem from reunification to partition, th rough the 
  
  recognition of two states and of sovereign equality and its consequent repositioning 
  
  outside the UN-established parameters of negotiations, with the open encouragement 
  
  of Ankara, it is not surprising that the 5+1 meeting in Geneva in April did no t result 
  
  in an agreement for the resumption of negotiations.  
  
   While Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership insist that trust between the 
  
  sides has been lost and any effort to continue the peace process building on what we 
  
  have already achieved would be futile, their argument on what happened at Crans 
  
  Montana illustrates exactly that we have exercised full flexibility and constructive 
  
  approach, presenting at the final stage a comprehensive proposal that went beyond 
  
  what we had previously accepted, in an attempt to bring positions as close as possible.  
  
  https://undocs.org/en/S/RES/2561(2021)
  https://undocs.org/en/S/RES/2561(2021)
  
  
   
  S/2021/634 
  
   
  
  13/27 21-09465 
  
   
  
   Regrettably though, they have now entrenched themselves in their intransigent 
  
  written positions, setting as a precondition for the resumption of negotiations the 
  
  recognition of two states in Cyprus and expecting the UN Security Council to ignore 
  
  all its previous Resolutions on the matter, while denying to the UNSC any other role 
  
  in the process. This amounts to a significant impediment to the efforts of the UN 
  
  Secretary General aiming at finding common ground that would allow moving to the 
  
  next step of the process. 
  
   We also note, with grave concern, that Ankara has maintained its hostile rhetoric 
  
  towards Cyprus and they would not hesitate to repeat threats for use of military force 
  
  on and around Cyprus, exhibited inter alia through the upgrading of the illegal airport 
  
  at Lefkonoiko, where now Turkish drones are stationed, ready to be used in military 
  
  operations in Cyprus and in the region, according to statements of Turkish officials at 
  
  the highest level.  
  
   Even more worrisome and with potential devastating effect for the peace 
  
  process, is the fact that despite the repeated calls by the international community and 
  
  the UN Security Council in particular, to refrain from creating new faits accomplis in 
  
  the fenced area of Varosha, they carry on their plans for further violations contrary to 
  
  the relevant UNSC Resolutions, thus further fueling the escalation of tension, under 
  
  the pretense of disturbing what they call a “comfort zone”. 
  
   The Cyprus peace process should not be left to degenerate into strong-arm 
  
  tactics. There should be no room for intimidation and threats, neither ultimata based 
  
  on demands that are outside the UN established parameters. All these constitute a real 
  
  obstruction to the efforts for resumption of the Cyprus peace process, at a difficult 
  
  juncture for the Eastern Mediterranean region, and in disregard of the appeal of the 
  
  UN Secretary General in Geneva to refrain from such acts.  
  
   Yet engaged by geography, we just cannot waver over the peace process. As the 
  
  prolongation of the status quo is not an option, our resolve to pursue a peaceful settlement 
  
  becomes stronger, along with our readiness to support the UN Secretary General in his 
  
  effort to keep the process alive and the window of opportunity open. In this direction, we 
  
  will continue working with his Special Envoy, Ms. Jane Holl Lute, in preparation of the 
  
  informal meeting announced by the UNSG at Geneva for the next weeks.  
  
   As stated already, we are ready to engage in a constructive manner, taking into 
  
  account the expressed concerns of the Turkish Cypriot side, within the agreed basis of 
  
  a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality, as defined in 
  
  UN Resolutions with a single sovereignty, citizenship and international personality. In 
  
  this direction in particular, we have already proposed to work on the idea of 
  
  decentralisation of the exercise of power, which could provide an opportunity to involve 
  
  to the extent possible and as close to the people as possible all levels of administra tion 
  
  in decision-making and implementation, reduce the number of instances of potential 
  
  friction and thus further enhance the overall functioning of the state.  
  
   Furthermore, we would like to stress our genuine and strong belief that good 
  
  faith negotiation on issues of substance is the best way forward. Having heard the 
  
  Turkish Cypriot leader in Geneva, we have already explained that any issue of 
  
  concern could be discussed, provided that we have a strategic agreement on all issues, 
  
  including inter alia territory and property, as well as security and guarantees, in line 
  
  with the UN established parameters and the logic and methodology of the framework 
  
  proposed by the UN Secretary General in Crans Montana.  
  
   For substantive negotiations to resume with realistic prospects of success, it is 
  
  imperative to avoid further escalation of tension. We therefore maintain as a priority the 
  
  creation of an environment conducive to fruitful talks. To this end, we have submitted 
  
  to the UN Secretary General a package proposal of game-changing CBMs (incl. 
  
  
  
  S/2021/634 
   
  
   
  
  21-09465 14/27 
  
   
  
  Varosha), designed to contribute in creating the much needed right conditions. We 
  
  believe that it is time for our willingness to engage constructively to be reciprocated.  
  
   Our vision of a peaceful Cyprus firmly remains within the established 
  
  framework and a settlement of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political 
  
  equality, as set out in the relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions.  
  
   As we strive for a meaningful and fruitful process, we need the support of the 
  
  UN and of the UN Security Council in particular to impress upon all parties the need 
  
  to refrain from any acts that could undermine the prospects of resumption of 
  
  negotiations. Our approach should always point to our expectations to establish peace, 
  
  stability and prosperity in Cyprus and in our region.  
  
   
  
   
  
   II. Effective mechanism for direct military contacts 
   
  
   
  
   Given the tension on and around Cyprus, including threats for use of military 
  
  force emboldened by the upgrading of military capacity in the occupied areas, the 
  
  necessity for the establishment of a mechanism for direct military contacts, between 
  
  the opposing forces in Cyprus, facilitated by UNFICYP, becomes urgent.  
  
   Even more so, taking into account the continuous violations in the fenced area 
  
  of Varosha of the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions, and the obstructions and 
  
  interference on behalf of the Turkish occupation forces with UNFICYP duties, 
  
  rendering the latter unable to perform its mandated tasks.  
  
   The calls by the UN Security Council to the parties involved to engage in the 
  
  discussion testify to the urgent need to prevent further deterioration. In this direction, 
  
  the government of the Republic of Cyprus presented a proposal already in December 
  
  2019, outlining a framework for a mechanism for direct military contacts between the 
  
  opposing forces, namely the National Guard and the Turkish occupation forces, at the 
  
  level of their Commanders, facilitated by UNFICYP at respective level, in accordance 
  
  with its mandate, as prescribed by the UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964).  
  
   The government of the Republic of Cyprus stands ready to engage in further 
  
  discussion, while in the meantime expects a firm and decisive stance on behalf of 
  
  UNFICYP that would effectively deter further provocations by the Turkish 
  
  occupation army. 
  
   
  
   
  
   III. Committee on Missing Persons 
   
  
   
  
   The work of the Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus remains a 
  
  fundamental aspect of the peace process and therefore, the support of all parties is 
  
  indeed considered a conditio sine qua non. 
  
   In this regard, we would like to stress once more the importance of gaining 
  
  access to relevant archives of countries and organizations that had a military or police 
  
  presence in Cyprus in 1963, 1964 and 1974, in a manner that would allow the 
  
  Committee to be more effective.  
  
   In particular, the Turkish military archives, especially of the period around 1974. 
  
  Turkey has the obligation to exercise due diligence and provide information from its 
  
  archives in good faith, to help determine the fate of missing persons in Cyprus.  
  
   Access to military archives would inter alia provide information regarding 
  
  primary locations of burial of missing persons, as well as secondary locations given 
  
  that a great number of remains were relocated, rendering the efforts of the Committee 
  
  extremely difficult. 
  
  https://undocs.org/en/S/RES/186(1964)
  
  
   
  S/2021/634 
  
   
  
  15/27 21-09465 
  
   
  
   As pointed out numerous times in the past, it is indeed critical to grant access to 
  
  these archives and obtain pertinent information to the question of the fate of missing 
  
  persons, which constitutes one of the grave humanitarian challenges of the conflict. 
  
   
  
   
  
   IV. Crossing-points 
   
  
   
  
   Although the COVID-19 pandemic still poses a grave challenge for public 
  
  health at a global scale, conditions in Cyprus have allowed in recent weeks the gradual 
  
  lifting of many of the restrictions. Taking into account also progress in the vaccination 
  
  programme, the Technical Committee on Health was mandated to facilitate exchange 
  
  of views on the best way to restore the status quo ante, i.e. pre-COVID-19 outbreak 
  
  emergency measures. 
  
   It should be noted that the gradual lifting of the restrictions at the crossing points 
  
  started in June 2020 based on an understanding of the leaders of the two communities. 
  
  Although we have fully respected this understanding, it is a fact that not the same 
  
  level of commitment has been manifested from the Turkish Cypriot side, creating 
  
  tension and distress, primarily to those people, whose daily life was adversely 
  
  affected.  
  
   Having set as a priority the need to address these issues, our efforts focused in 
  
  recent weeks on further facilitating crossings, while maintaining the highest possible 
  
  level of protection of public health safety, through the synchronisation of practices 
  
  followed at the crossing points. Based on the work of experts in the framework of the 
  
  Technical Committee on Health, an understanding was reached to restore the status 
  
  quo ante, starting from June 2021 onwards.  
  
   As announced at the time, the crossing points are expected to facilitate 
  
  unhindered movement and intercommunal contacts, while we hope this will also 
  
  contribute in building more trust and a positive momentum that would benefit all the 
  
  Cypriots and also enhance our efforts in the framework of the peace process.  
  
   
  
   
  
   V. Technical Committees  
   
  
   
  
   The positive momentum, as well as the practical aspect of restoring COVID-19 
  
  status quo ante will hopefully allow the Technical Committees to intensify their work. 
  
  It is true that they tried to carry on under adverse circumstances, given the restrictions 
  
  imposed due to the pandemic but also the change of a substantial number of their 
  
  members, that admittedly had a distinct impact on their work in the framework of 
  
  their mandate to mitigate the adverse effects of the status quo and the de facto division 
  
  of the island in the daily lives of all Cypriots, amplified by the challenges posed by 
  
  the COVID-19 pandemic.  
  
   As already indicated, the Technical Committee on Health spearheaded efforts to 
  
  address the additional challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, inter alia 
  
  exchanging real time scientific information, addressing urgent requests concerning 
  
  medical cases, and facilitating supply of medicines and delivery of vaccines for the 
  
  Turkish Cypriot community. At the same time, they have managed to guide the project 
  
  on the identification and distribution of mosquito vectors to address the risk for 
  
  disease transmission, through public awareness and exchange of views and 
  
  information on necessary measures to protect public health to its final stage.  
  
   At the same stage, more or less, is the online platform of the Technical 
  
  Committee on Environment, which is envisaged to bring closer experts from both 
  
  communities in order to exchange experience and information, while at the same time 
  
  identify necessary key environmental projects for future implementation. 
  
  
  
  S/2021/634 
   
  
   
  
  21-09465 16/27 
  
   
  
   A step before its conclusion is also the project concerning the production of 
  
  supplementary education material (30 lesson plans), a flagship initiative of the 
  
  Technical Committee on Education. The plans evolve around “the right of children to 
  
  participate”, discussed via various thematic areas that are based but not restricted to 
  
  peacebuilding, intercultural dialogue, human rights and anti -racist education. At the 
  
  same time, planning on the “Imagine” project has focused on the next academic year’s 
  
  preparation, as circumstances during recent months proved not to be favorable for 
  
  timely implementation of this year ’s planning.  
  
   In collaboration and synergy with the Technical Committee on Crime and 
  
  Criminal Matters, they have also initiated the Prevalence, Correlates and prevention 
  
  of conventional bullying in schools and cyberbullying  project, consisted of research 
  
  to collect systematic data on stereotypes, prejudice and other factors of bullying, 
  
  identify both risk and protective factors and use of this information in teachers’ 
  
  training. One more project that would hopefully benefit from the intensification of 
  
  the Technical Committees work. 
  
   Despite the extraordinary challenges of the recent months, the Joint Contacts 
  
  Room, under the auspices of the Technical Committee on Crime and Criminal 
  
  Matters, has been persistently facilitating exchange of information regarding crimes, 
  
  based on the principle that no crime should remain unpunished, whenever that may 
  
  happen. 
  
   As an established trusted channel for exchange of sensitive information, we 
  
  believe that it could prove extremely useful in our efforts to analyse the multifaceted 
  
  phenomenon of irregular migration and identify sectoral challenges, with the 
  
  cooperation and synergy between a number of relevant Technical Committees (e.g. 
  
  Crime and Criminal Affairs, Humanitarian Affairs, Crisis Management, Gender 
  
  Equality) and the contribution of experts, where needed.  
  
   Technical Committee on Entrepreneurship and Commercial Affairs has resumed 
  
  discussions on a number of issues, with more prominent the vehicles insurances and 
  
  the recycling. The latter could be further elaborated in cooperation with the Technical 
  
  Committee on Environment. 
  
   Hopefully setting the tone for the coming months, the Technical Committee on 
  
  Cultural Heritage has maintained a steady pace in their work, with 31 projects 
  
  concluded or in progress in 2021 and a forward looking planning.  
  
   While trying to establish better conditions on the ground and a more positive 
  
  political atmosphere, it is a critical moment for the Technical Committees as well and 
  
  their efforts to meet expectations, within the framework of their mandate.  
  
   We will keep encouraging them to use all tools available, most notably the 
  
  Support Facility funded by the EU in the framework of the Aid Regulation, in order 
  
  to continue and enhance their work, bearing in mind their valuable contribution in 
  
  creating a more positive political environment, in their supplementary role to the 
  
  substantial negotiations in the context of peace process. 
  
    
  
  
  
   
  S/2021/634 
  
   
  
  17/27 21-09465 
  
   
  
  Annex II 
   
  
    Actions taken by the Turkish Cypriot side in support of the 
  
  relevant parts of Security Council resolution 2561 (2021) adopted 
  
  on 29 January 2021 
   
  
   
  
   I. Actions Taken in Support of Reaching a Sustainable and 
  
  Comprehensive Settlement 
   
  
   
  
    The New Vision for the island of Cyprus 
   
  
   
  
   a. Brief Background 
   
  
   As the fifth President of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), I have 
  
  put forward a new vision for the island of Cyprus and the region as a whole. This vision 
  
  is based on a win-win approach that would be beneficial to both sides on the island, as 
  
  well as the Eastern Mediterranean region. 
  
   The island of Cyprus has been held hostage to the unsustainable status quo, 
  
  which has been harming the Turkish Cypriot people in every way, in relation to all 
  
  aspects of their lives. 
  
   This injustice must end. 
  
   Bearing in mind that repeated UN efforts to realize an equality based  
  
  bi-communal, bi-zonal federal settlement have failed, we must change the rules of the 
  
  game in order to open the way for a just and sustainable settlement.  
  
   The failed negotiations of more than half a century have resulted in the 
  
  exhaustion of the bi-zonal and bi-communal federation model as a basis for a 
  
  settlement. 
  
   In addition to a change in the basis for a settlement, the settlement process needs 
  
  to address the lack of equilibrium between the two sides – a key violation of the 
  
  principle of equality and an obstruction to an equality based settlement. While the 
  
  Greek Cypriot side continues to enjoy the hijacked status as the sole representative of 
  
  the bi-communal partnership Republic of Cyprus since December 1963 and engages 
  
  in the negotiations in the comfort zone provided by this, Turkish Cypriots have 
  
  continued to suffer under inhuman isolation despite their ongoing constructive stance. 
  
  The unjust privileges granted to the Greek Cypriot side by the international community 
  
  leave no room for them to share power as equals with the Turkish Cypriot side.  
  
   The unwavering support of my People to the past negotiation processes is clear 
  
  from the acceptance of nearly all the UN-proposed settlement plans, including the UN 
  
  Plan entitled “The Comprehensive Settlement of the Cyprus Problem” (the “Annan 
  
  Plan”) of 2004, which for the first time in the history of Cyprus settlement 
  
  negotiations, was a plan that was submitted for approval by the respective electorate 
  
  on both sides, in separate simultaneous referenda.  
  
   What happened next is very telling; the Turkish Cypriot People continue to 
  
  suffer under isolation and restrictions, despite our overwhelming support to the 
  
  internationally backed UN Plan, while the Greek Cypriots, despite their 
  
  overwhelming rejection of the settlement, have become a member of the EU,  thereby 
  
  bolstering their international status. This situation has further boosted the Greek 
  
  Cypriot side’s intransigent stance in the negotiation processes.  
  
   If this is not injustice, what is?  
  
   
  
  https://undocs.org/en/S/RES/2561(2021)
  
  
  S/2021/634 
   
  
   
  
  21-09465 18/27 
  
   
  
   b. Activities leading up to the Informal 5+UN Meeting in Geneva 
   
  
   I have been sharing my vision at the different meetings I have been conducting 
  
  with key international counterparts.  
  
   I held a teleconference with the UN Secretary-General António Guterres on 
  
  25 January 2021, in which, in addition to my vision, I also shared my expectation 
  
  from the 5+UN informal meeting.  
  
   On 25 February 2021, the UNSG sent an invitation expressing his intention to 
  
  hold the 5+UN informal meeting in Geneva from 27-29 April 2021, stating the 
  
  purpose of the 5+UN informal meeting to be the determination of whether common 
  
  ground exists for the parties to start a new, time-framed formal negotiation process 
  
  for a just, realistic and sustainable settlement in Cyprus within the foreseeable future.  
  
   I gave my immediate acceptance to the UNSG’s invitation in writing on 1 March 
  
  2021, and I expressed my intention to attend the informal 5+UN meeting with an open 
  
  mind and the necessary determination to explore whether common ground exists that 
  
  would pave the way for formal negotiations. I underlined that after more than half-a-
  
  century of failed processes for a settlement in Cyprus, we are at a critical juncture. 
  
  Given the internationally accepted view that the status quo is unsustainable and 
  
  unacceptable, I underlined the UNSG’s principled expression that “this time must be 
  
  different” and confirmed my determination to transform these words into practice.  
  
   I also reiterated that the aim of the Turkish Cypriot Side is to seek a solution 
  
  based on the inherent sovereign equality and equal international sta tus of the two 
  
  States on the island, with cooperation between them. I underlined my conviction that 
  
  the establishment of a cooperative relationship between the two sides on the above 
  
  basis would not only provide mutual benefits for the two Peoples on the i sland, but 
  
  would also contribute to the much needed security, stability and cooperation in our 
  
  region.  
  
   In preparing for the informal 5+UN meeting, I also shared my vision with a 
  
  number of high-level officials. Among others, I met with the Turkish Foreign Minister 
  
  H.E. Mr Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu; the UK Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth 
  
  and Development Affairs and First Secretary of State, H.E. Mr Dominic Raab;  the EU 
  
  High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy H.E. Mr Josep Borrell; 
  
  UK Minister for European Neighbourhood and the Americas H.E. Ms Wendy Morton, 
  
  and Ambassadors from numerous countries.  
  
   During this period, I also met with the UN Senior Official Jane Holl Lute, on 
  
  11 January, 8 March and 11 April in preparation for the Geneva meeting.  
  
   Prior to my departure to Geneva, on 26 April 2021, I met with the President of 
  
  the Republic of Turkey, H.E. Mr Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. As a Guarantor Power and 
  
  one of the participants of the 5+UN informal meeting, President Erdoğan reiterated 
  
  the full support of the Republic of Turkey to the Turkish Cypriot vision at the highest 
  
  level.  
  
   
  
   c. The Informal 5+UN meeting in Geneva  
   
  
   On 27 April 2021, I held my first bilateral meeting in Geneva with the UNSG 
  
  Guterres. I thanked the UNSG for organizing his first international meeting on Cyprus 
  
  since the outbreak of the pandemic, as well as his team for the hard work they have 
  
  put in towards the realisation of the informal meeting.  
  
   Using this opportunity, I made it clear that the rules of the game had to be 
  
  changed, drawing lessons from the failed processes. I reiterated my conviction that 
  
  the exhausted basis, bi-zonal, bi-communal federation, had to be put aside. I also 
  
  https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/High_Representative_of_the_Union_for_Foreign_Affairs_and_Security_Policy
  
  
   
  S/2021/634 
  
   
  
  19/27 21-09465 
  
   
  
  pointed at the results of the Presidential elections in the TRNC, which clearly 
  
  demonstrated the withdrawal of the Turkish Cypriot People’s consent from a federal 
  
  basis. I underlined that my People entrusted me with the mandate to seek a solution 
  
  based on two States; because a sustainable settlement providing for stability, peaceful 
  
  co-existence and cooperation in Cyprus and the region can best be achieved through 
  
  mutual respect and the recognition of the inherent sovereign equality and equal 
  
  international status of the two States. It is a fact that the result of the usurpation of 
  
  the bi-communal partnership Republic of Cyprus in December 1963 has been physical 
  
  separation and the emergence, out of necessity, of administrative, judicial and 
  
  legislative organs on the island for each of the two distinct Peoples.   
  
   The new mandate determined by the democratic will of the Turkish Cypriot 
  
  People also brought to light the need for a paradigm shift for ending the unsustainable 
  
  status-quo, which is also acknowledged as such by the UN and the international 
  
  community at large. I underlined that this could only be achieved through the new basis.  
  
   I told the UNSG that: 
  
   “We have not come to this point in one day. In the background of where we stand 
  
  here today, there lies a long and hard struggle on the part of my People. This is a 
  
  struggle for survival and dignity as an equal co-owner of the island of Cyprus and 
  
  a co-founding partner of the 1960 Republic of Cyprus, which was destroyed by 
  
  the Greek Cypriots in 1963. This meant not only destruction of lives, homes and 
  
  properties, but also the destruction of the bi-communal partnership Republic 
  
  itself. We were forcibly expelled from that Republic which has since been 
  
  monopolized and occupied by the Greek Cypriot side, it continues to be so .” 
  
   Against this background, I reminded that the Turkish Cypriot side nevertheless 
  
  negotiated in good faith in order to find a settlement to the Cyprus dispute. However, 
  
  the Greek Cypriot side, as confirmed by their own former foreign minister, has 
  
  rejected at least 15 major UN documents for a settlement. Among them were the Set 
  
  of Ideas of 1992, the Confidence-Building Measures package of 1994 and finally the 
  
  Annan Plan of 2004. In the immediate aftermath of the referenda, former UN 
  
  Secretary-General Kofi Annan had written in his report of 28 May 2004 to the 
  
  Security Council, “what was rejected was the solution itself rather than a mere 
  
  blueprint” (paragraph 83).  
  
   The last instance of this intransigent attitude was in Crans-Montana in 2017, 
  
  which the UNSG has witnessed personally. It is evident that the deeply rooted ideology 
  
  of dominance and hegemony on the part of the Greek Cypriot side has not changed.  
  
   Under these circumstances, the only way for the Turkish Cypriot People to 
  
  preserve and protect our existence, identity and equal rights on the island of Cyprus 
  
  is through respect for our right to self-determination, equal international status and 
  
  sovereign equality. International law does not sanction differential treatment of the 
  
  two sides, which are inherently equal.  
  
   I told the UNSG that the Turkish Cypriot side considers that the preparation of 
  
  the conditions for settlement necessitates the recognition of the sovereign equality 
  
  and equal international status of the two sides and underlined that any negotiation 
  
  under the existing political asymmetry on the island cannot yield a result, as proven 
  
  by over 50 years of fruitless negotiations.  
  
   In addition to the above, I brought to the attent ion of UNSG Guterres that the 
  
  lifting of the isolation and restrictions on the Turkish Cypriot People would 
  
  significantly contribute to the efforts to prepare the ground for sustainable settlement 
  
  by levelling the playing field. It would also enhance prospects for cooperation 
  
  between the authorities of the two sides by helping build confidence between them.  
  
  
  
  S/2021/634 
   
  
   
  
  21-09465 20/27 
  
   
  
   On 28 April 2021 at the first plenary of the 5+UN informal meeting, I addressed 
  
  the participants on behalf of my People as their President. In my speech, I shared the 
  
  Turkish Cypriot formula for a just, realistic and sustainable settlement as the common 
  
  ground to start the new formal process. I explained the reasons, in detail, based on 
  
  excerpts from numerous reports and official statements, why the bi -zonal, 
  
  bi-communal federation basis had been exhausted and only served to perpetuate the 
  
  unsustainable status-quo. 
  
   Drawing from my personal experiences starting from 1960’s, I shared with the 
  
  participants those difficult days when my late father, Mr. Rüstem Tatar, the then 
  
  Auditor-General of the 1960 partnership Republic, could not to go to work because 
  
  his life was in danger, due to his Turkish Cypriot identity.   
  
   In my deliberations, I explained the root-causes of the failure as the Greek 
  
  Cypriot and Greek vision that Cyprus is an integral part of Hellenism and the unequal 
  
  status of the two sides that was created in violation of the 1960 Treaties and 
  
  Constitution after the usurpation of the partnership State in 1963 and its continued 
  
  occupation. This resulted in a purely Greek Cypriot administration passing itself off 
  
  internationally as “the sole legitimate government for the whole of Cyprus”.  
  
   The mere fact of international recognition, no matter how widespread, cannot 
  
  excuse or confer legitimacy upon the violations of both domestic constitutional law 
  
  and international treaty law, through which the Greek Cypriot side usurped the name 
  
  as well as the government of the “Republic of Cyprus”. 
  
   As one of the parties to the 1960 Treaties (Treaty of Guarantee, Treaty of 
  
  Establishment, and the Treaty of Alliance) and co-founder, as well as co-owner of the 
  
  partnership state of the Republic of Cyprus, reflecting its inherent sovereign equality 
  
  and equal status, I clarified that the Turkish Cypriot side, which possesses all the 
  
  attributes of statehood, is thus entitled to the same rights and status that the Greek 
  
  Cypriot side is entitled to, and is currently exercising.  
  
   At the first plenary I also shared in writing the Turkish Cypriot proposal for a 
  
  sustainable settlement.  
  
   The essence of the Turkish Cypriot proposal is the recognition of the inherent 
  
  sovereign equality and equal international status of the State of the Turkish Cypriot 
  
  People, through which a cooperative relationship can be established between the two 
  
  existing States on the Island. This would pave the way for results-oriented, time-
  
  framed negotiations towards a realistic and sustainable settlement.  
  
   I explained that for too long, the Turkish Cypriot side has been treated as by -
  
  standers or even non-existent, while resolutions, decisions, statements, have been 
  
  adopted in their absence, in platforms where they were not even repr