Source document: https://docs-lawep.s3.us-east-2.amazonaws.com/1698945421920.pdf (South Africa)
Re betlaTSELA Get Free news in a simple form Fumana Ditaba ka tsela e bobebe Mahala SEPTEMBER 2023 ISSUE no.

46 Following up on our commitments, making your future work better PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUENCY OFFICE (PCO) No.

953 ANC PARLIAMENTARY CONSTITUENCY NEWSLETTER ROOM 18, 155 AB HOSPITAL ROAD, MANGAUNG MUNICIPALITY OFFICES, BOTSHABELO 9781, TELEPHONE NO.
051 5345157.EMAIL: smonyobo@parliament.gov.za To get previous copies of Re Betla Tsela please go to: https://www.parliament.gov.za/person-details/364 PRETORIA President Cyril Ramaphosa has, in accordance with Section 194(3) (b) of the Constitution, removed Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane from the Office of the Public Protector on the grounds of misconduct and incompetence.
T h e re National Assembly (NA) debate and vote on the Section 194 committee report, which found Adv.

Mkhwebane to have misconducted herself and that she was incompetent.

The National Assembly resolved with the requisite two-thirds m a j o r i t y t h a t A d v o c a t e Mkhwebane be removed from t h e O f f i c e o f t h e P u b l i c Protector for misconduct and incompetence.
President Ramaphosa removes Advocate Mkhwebane from office Section 194(3)(b) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa stipulates that when the National A s s e m b l y a d o p t s a resolution for the removal of the Public Protector, the President “must” remove the Public Protector from the office.

A c c o r d i n g l y , P r e s i d e n t Ramaphosa has informed Advocate Mkhwebane of the action to remove her from the Office of the Public Protector.
______________________________________ Issued by: The Presidency Media e n q u i r i e s : V i n c e n t M a g w e n y a , S p o k e s p e r s o n t o t h e P r e s i d e n t - media@presidency.gov.za In Out Photo: Oupa Nkosi President Cyril Ramaphosa Axed Public Protector Adv.

Busisiwe Mkhwebane and the recommended candidate Adv.

Kholeka Gcaleka I would like to open my address to this Summit today by providing sombre but realistic statistics about the reason we are gathered here today.
In South Africa, a woman is raped every three (3) hour and South Africa is considered to be the rape capital of the world with 10 818 rape cases reported in the first quarter of 2022.

The lifetime risk of experiencing GBV is 45.6% for South African women; well above the global average of 35% (WHO 2013).

Sexual gender-based violence, and intimate partner violence are amongst the most prevalent forms of GBV in young women aged 16-25 years (UNICEF).
The rate at which women are killed by intimate partners in this country is five times higher than the global average.

Gender-based violence (GBV), a widespread and common occurrence in South Africa, is deeply ingrained in homes, workplaces, cultures and traditions.

This pandemic, because of unequal power between genders, has far-reaching effects that go on beyond violence itself.
It manifests in various forms that include physical, emotional, psychological, financial or structural harm and usually perpetrated by intimate partners, work colleagues, strangers and even institutions.

The rationale for this Summit stems from discussions held within UNESCO over the past year dealing with a universal concern that we need to bring men and boys into the discourses on gender equality.
In 2015, UNESCO launched its Transforming MENtalities Snippets from Minister’s Nzimande’s speech at Transforming MENtalities Summit Programme in Latin America and the Caribbean, to promote positive redefinitions of norms of masculinity and meaningful engagement of men and boys, alongside women and girls, in the global pursuit for gender equality.

Globally, current trends show that men and boys have largely been excluded from the gender equality discourse.

As the saying goes, it takes two to tango.


Gender inequality is not a woman’s issue.

It is a human rights issue that affects everyone in society and the engagement of men and boys is a crucial element for us to achieve the progress we desire in South Africa and beyond.

Conventionally, issues about gender equality have often mainly been placed in the public arena by women.
However, it is difficult to reform social structures towards equality without a broad social consensus and ownership between men and women.

To rectify the discrepancy in power relations, men and boys must become active and positive advocates for gender equality.

With an increasing awareness of men and boys as a necessary part of the solution, there is an urgent need to chart a clear road ahead for their involvement as change agents for gender equality.
As “Transforming 'MEN'talities” postulates, a holistic approach is essential in facilitating women’s empowerment, and ultimately the realization of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and the objective of leaving no one behind.

Our objectives of Transforming ‘MEN’talities in South Africa are therefore broadly informed by UNESCO’s global initiative as stated below: 1.

Gathering context-nuanced and feminist evidence and building knowledge to inform gender- transformative policymaking; 2.
Countering and uprooting harmful gender norms to promote positive and healthy alternatives with the support of role models; and 3.
Strengthening the structures to engage men and boys as accountable allies for gender equality alongside women and people of diverse gender identities; GBV issues Confronting the PSET Sector Since I launched the GBV Policy Framework in 2020, Higher Health has since been putting systems, controls, capacity in all our institutions on to respond to the issues of Gender-Based Violence (GBV).
Higher Health developed a Technical Task team which various PSET stakeholders as well as technical experts who are together developing multi-sectoral response to issues of GBV in the PSET system.

As part of our Women’s Month celebration, the Task Team released the Protocol on Campus Safety and Security Minimum Standards; the Protocol on Safety in Private Accommodation, the Protocol on Safety in Residences and Protocol on Staff-Student Relationships.
HIGHER HEALTH is currently working with the National Prosecuting Authority in developing Protocols on Statement of Complaint, Whistleblowing and other legislature requirements for our system.Higher Health continues to implement various Dr Blade Nzimande Photo: Brieﬂy News programmes and support structures for students and frontline staff at institutions of higher learning.

The programmes are offered on 420 campuses across South Africa – in urban and rural areas.
An online NQF Level 5 Civic and Health Education Skills Programme – and will be offered in all the twelve (12) South African languages.

One of our institution that will be playing a pivotal role in our efforts to deepen our fight against GBV is the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC).The HSRC will conduct studies that will pinpoint communities at risk.
These studies will examine intricate layers of perception, aspiration, and change across KwaZulu Natal, Eastern Cape, Western Cape, and Limpopo —provinces which bears the brunt of reported rape cases.
According to World Health Organisation (WHO): “Since wars begin in the minds of men and women it is in the minds of men and women that the defences of peace must be constructed” Framing the Transformation of MENtalities Transforming MENtalities is about transforming the way men and boys build relations with women and girls, about the liberation of men and boys from anachronistic and dominant positionalities.
It is about men and boys unlearning reactionary habits and embracing emancipatory values, norms, roles and practices in the multiplicity of relationships they enjoy with women and girls.

It means constructive and respectful dialogue, willingness to be vulnerable and open to embracing a new pathway, an ability to listen, learn and unlearn in multiple relational settings with women and girls.
MENtalities is therefore a campaign to establish the co- creational responsibilities of men and boys in the struggle for gender equality.

(To page 2) BRICS - motheo wa maqhama a lokileng kgwebisanong le ntshetsopeleng 2 M aemo a lefatshe a tshwaetswa ke dinaha tse kgolo tse mmalwa ka mahlakore a mabedi.
Ka lehlakoreng le leng ke tshwaetso ya dinaha tsa Bophirima tse eteletsweng pele ke Amerika, tsa puso ya tseo di hlaloswang e bokapitale, athe ka lehlakoreng le leng ke dinaha tsa Russia le China tsa puso ya bokomonisi.

Dikamano tsena mahlokore ka bobedi di dula di sa tsitsa ka nako tse ding.

tsa dinaha le Ho thehwa ha BRICS e sa le ho bonahala e le ntho e ke keng ya thabisa dinaha kaofela.
Ke taba e utlwahalang hore ntlhakemo ya dinaha tsa Bophirima, tseo ha ngata di tletseng leqhoko, tse akgang Dinaha tse Kopaneng tsa Amerika, Brithani, France le tse ding, ha di rate kopano le katleho ya dinaha tsa BRICS hobane hona ho bonahala e le phephetso e kgolo ya taolo ya bona ya dikamano le kgwebisanong ya dinaha tsa lefatshe ka kakaretso.

tsa matjhaba, moruong Dinaha tse kgolo tse pedi; e leng Russia le China, ke ditho tsa sethato tsa mokgatlo wa BRICS mmoho le Brazil, India le South Africa.
Ho hlakile hore ho thehweng ha BRICS dinaha tse ka sehlohong tsa Bophirima di ile tsa ngongorehiswa haholo ke ho thehwa ha sebopeho sena.

Afrika Borwa e na le maqhama a tiileng a kgwebisano le dinaha tsena tse kgolo tsa Bophirima mme e boela e fumana dithuso kapa tshehetso ya ditjhelete ho tswa ho tse ding tsa tsona, ho kenyeletsa le Amerika.

Afrika Borwa e na le dirashwa le mehlodi ya tlhaho.

E boela e na le tshwaetso e kgolo dipolotiking le moruong wa khontinente ya Afrika.
Dinaha tsa Bophirima ha dina mehlodi e mengata ya tlhaho, mme di shebile ka bongata, jwaloka ka ha di ile tsa etsa pele – ho iphumanela dirashwa le mehlodi e meng ya tlhaho ntshetsopeleng ya dinaha tsa bona.

Ho hlakile hore dinaha tsa Bophirima di ke ke tshwaetso ya Afrika Borwa tsa dinaheng tse ngata tsa Afrika e le hore ka lehlakoreng le leng e na le dikamano tse thabela matla le China le Russia mokgatlong wa BRICS.
Russia le China ha di na nalane ya bokoloniale moo di ileng tsa ikgapela le ho ikarolela lefatshe la Afrika, dihlodilweng tsa yona le ho etsa makgoba ditjhaba tsa yona jwalokaha dinaha tsa Bophirima di ile tsa etsa.
Kajeno Russia ke enngwe ya dinaha tse fepelang le ho thusa dinaha tse ngata tsa afrika ka dihlahiswa temo athe ka lehlakoreng le leng kgwebisano ya China le dinaha tsa Afrika e bonahetse ka mereoro e mmalwa ya ntshetsopele ho kenyeletswa le morero o moholo wa ntshetsopele ya marangrang, “The Belt and Road Initiative”.
tsa E ke ke ya e ba mohopolo o thoko hore wa dinaha tsa Bophirima di ka rata ho fokotsa sefutho, setumo le bohlokwa ba Afrika Borwa hara dinaha tse ding tsa Afrika le ho tsona dinaha tsa Bophirima.

Phokotseho ya bohlokwa ba Afrika Borwa e tla lebisa phokotsehong ya kgwebisano le ho fokola ha moruo wa yona.

Ke mohopolo ona oo naha ya Amerika le tse kgemang le yona di hopolang ho tshwaetsa maikutlo a Afrika Borwa hore e hate butle ka dikamano tsa yona le naha ya China le Russia.
Amerika e ile ya hla ya tswa tjaro theha maemo a pelaelo ka kgothaletso ya ho ntshwa ha lengolo la tshwaro la President Vladimir Putin ha a tla Sebokeng se seholo sa Afrika Borwa.
Ha ho a fella moo, Amerika e boetse ya qosa Afrika Borwa ka ntle ho motheo wa letho hore (Afrika Borwa) e r e k i s e d i t s e R u s s i a d i b e t s a t s e tsamaisitsweng ka sekepe se bitswang Lady R. Tsena tsohle e ne e le ho tshosa ho se dumelle Putin ho tla Afrika Borwa le ho se kgothaletse kgolo ya setswalle pakeng tsa Afrika Borwa le China le Russia.

Kopano ya BRICS e phethahetse ka katleho e kgolo, mme e tumisitse Afrika Borwa ka tsela e ntle eo kopano e fihletseng diqeto tse molemo ka tla teng.
Diqeto tse matlafatsa molemo lefatsheng.

Di tla boela di potlakisa ntshetsopele ya marangrang esita le tsena di le ho eketsa dikamano lefatshe, le thikoloho ya polokeho ya keketseho ya kaho ya moruo ho ditho tsa BRICS.

Enngwe ya diqeto tsa BRICS ke ho sheba tsela ya dikamano tsa kgwebisano pakeng tsa ditho esita le ho sheba tsela ya kgwebisano, phaphanyetsano le mofuta wa tjhelete e ka sebediswang.
Ho boetswe ha fihlelwa qeto e kgolo ya ho amohelwa ha ditho tse ntjha tsa BRICS e leng dinaha tse 6 tse latelang: Argentina, Egypt,Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia mmoho le United Arab Emirates.

Botho ba di naha tsena bo tshebetsong ka ho phethahala ka Pherekgong isao (2024).

Ho sa na le dinaha tse ding tse ngata tse tla kena Kgonahalo ya ho putlama ha dollar ya Amerika ho ka susumetsa BRICS ho fumana mokgwa o motjha w a p h a p h a n y e t s a n o k g w e b i s a n o n g .
Setshwantsho: 123RFVira Dobosh bontshitseng kgahleho ya ho ba ditho tsa BRICS.

Kopano ya BRICS ya bo -15 e tshwerwe ka fetile, empa ntwa ya katleho mme e mehopolo (ideological battle) e sa le hole le ho fela.

Mehopolo ya sepolotiki le moruo tshwaetsong ya matjhaba ya dinaha tsa Bophirima e tobane le phephetso e kgolo ho tswa dinaheng tse kgolo tseo e leng karolo le Russia.
ya BRICS, e leng China Kgonahalo ya ho putlamisa tjhelete ya Amerika (de-dollarisation of American dollar) le ho lohotha ho kenya tjhelete e nngwe ya phaphanyetsano kgwebisanong lefatsheng ke taba e ntshetsang pele ntwa ya mehoplo.
Sepheo le morero tsa sethato tsa mokgatlo wa BRICS ke ntshetsopele le kutlwano kgwebong e lokolohileng ke taba e tsebahalang, empa ho hlakile hore boteng, le matlafalo ya mokgatlo ona di bontsha dinaha tsa Bophirima hore mehla e ya fetoha – dikamano tsa dipolotiki, matla a moruo le ditsela tsa kgwebisano di qadile ho nka mothinya o fapaneng le wa mehla.
(From page 1) MENtalities Summit The campaign to transforming the MENtalities of men and boys must be fought in conjunction with the struggles to radically alter the structural position of women especially black working class women in the economy.
This must manifest in income parity, decent pay for women-led occupations such as domestic labour, greater representation in male-dominated professions, equality in career advancing and promotional opportunities, executive and managerial leadership in all sectors of the economy.
The campaign must also be fought alongside struggles for the emancipation of women and girls in cultural, social and domestic life, where anachronistic and sexist practices prevail to this day – often hiding under the veil of ‘culture’, ritual or simply belief.

The journey encompasses a range of aims, from enhancing women's access to healthcare services to eradicating violence against women and children.
Our South African programme is underpinned by five pillar which seeks to mobilize communities, advocate for change, establish research networks, facilitate research case studies, and create intergovernmental forums.

We must ask: Is our focus solely on educational institutions, or do we extend our reach to broader communities?

How can we nurture dialogues that shift perspectives and attitudes?

These questions will guide our path toward gender transformation.
There is no doubt that good work is taking place in South Africa to fight GBV.

This work must continue, be supported and funded.

Ursivox: Shaping the future and empowering communities with skills By Nthabeleng Makumane In the heart of Botshabelo, where dreams often collide with harsh realities, there – U r s i v o x .
T h i s remarkable enterprise, registered as a private Companies and Intellectual P r o p e r t y C o m m i s s i o n (CIPC), has been stirring waves of change and empowerment under the able leadership of Leaka Japhta Setlaba (Pictured).

Ursivox is not just another skills training institution; it is a catalyst for change, a springboard to brighter futures.
They offer a diverse range of accredited National Certificates and Diploma Courses that provide learners with an educational experience that surpasses the ordinary.

This dynamic small and medium-sized enterprise (SMME)specialises in crafting tailor-made training programs designed to address specific needs and create a lasting impact.

Over the past 12 years, Ursivox has left an unforgettable mark, extending its expertise to National Departments, Local Municipalities, and corporate entities alike.
Their services include l e a r n e r s h i p , s k i l l s p r o g r a m s , a n d f u l l qualifications, with more than 500 learners standing as living testimonials to their effectiveness.

However, the Ursivox story doesn't stop there.

In February 2022, this rising e n t i t y o f F r e e S t a t e education joined forces with the Botshabelo digital hub, thus propelling itself to new heights.

The partnership was a game-changer, unlocking a treasure trove of opportunities.
It's at the hub that Ursivox accumulated accreditation from prestigious bodies such as Lgseta, Mictseta, Ewseta, Etdpseta, and Agriseta.

These accolades have elevated Ursivox to a league of its own, attracting clients who seek nothing less than excellence in skills training.

Setlaba, the driving force behind Ursivox, couldn't be more pleased with the hub's support and its exceptional team.
"BDH staff are professionals derived from different backgrounds and have vast experience to guide entrepreneurs accordingly," he beams with pride.

"And we are very appreciative and proud of t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f S M M E ’s challenges."

Ursivox's commitment to its community runs deep.

Currently, the company has six interns from the hub actively participating in its programs.
Setlaba underlines the significance of these internship initiatives, stating, "The internship program plays a critical role in transferring knowledge, experience, and best practices.

These interns are highly motivated and eager to learn, and their mentors are enthusiastic about sharing their lifetime experiences."

As the steersman of Ursivox Interactive Systems, Mr. Setlaba envisions not just a thriving business but a catalyst for change.
He shares, "Ursivox aims to eradicate social ills like poverty, unemployment, and substance abuse through skills training."

Ursivox is more than a training institution; it's a beacon of hope, a testament to what determination, vision, and community support can achieve.

In a world where challenges loom large, Ursivox stands as a testament to the power of transformation through skills and education.

It's a place where dreams take flight and futures are forged, one learner at a time.
________________________________ Nthabeleng Makumane is a Journalism intern at Botshabelo Digital Hub Boiteanyo (Communication) bo fumaneha ho diphedi tsohle lefatsheng ho kenyeleditswe le motho.

Empa ke ho batho feela moo boiteanyo bo tebileng bo fumanehang.

Boiteanyo ho batho bo tla ka mekgwa e fapaneng, empa o ka sehlohong ke puo.
Mekgwa e meng ya ho buisana kapa eo batho ba iteanyang le ba bang ka yona e ka kenyeletsa diketso tse itseng tse bonahalang mme di na le moelelo o itseng; ka mantswe a mang ke puo eo e seng ya molomo kapa ya leleme.
Ho ema ka mokgwa o itseng ho e mong wa batho ba buisanang ho ka fetisa molaetsa o itseng; ho sebedisa ditho tse ding tsa mmele – jwaloka matshoho le menwana ke puo e feletseng e sebediswang ha ngata ke dimumu leihlo; ho sosobanya le ditholo, ho koba sefahleho, ho tona mahlo le ho bonya ke mekgwa e meng ya ho iteanya kapa ho hokahana le ba bang phaphanyetsanong ya melaetsa.
Nako e nngwe mekgwa ena ya ho itehanya e tshela madiboho, ka mantswe a mang e ka utlwisiswa ka mokgwa o tshwanang kapa of fapaneng ke ditjhaba tse fapaneng.

Mokgwa o mong ke wa ho buisana ka molomo le molomo.

Mokgwa ona o tsejwa e le yona puo kapa leleme la motho.
Puo ya mofuta ona e fapana ho ya ka dibaka le ho ya ka dihlopha kapa ditjhaba tse fapaneng tsa lefatshe, moo sehlopha se seng le se seng sa batho ho tloha 3 Puo ke Letlotlo la Botjhaba tshimolohong kapa ho qaleng ha ho bopeha ha sona, kapa ho tswakatswakana ha dihlopha, batho ba ile ba bopa puo ka medumo e fapaneng ho tswa melomong, dipounameng, mahalapa le malemeng a bona.
Puo ke letshwao la kopano le bonngwe boitsebo ba hore batho ba buang puo e le nngwe ke ‘Nonyana tsa ‘siba le le leng’ (Birds of a feather).

Dingolwa ke ntshetsopele le katoloso ya medumo ya puo e utlwahalang ka tsebe ho tswa molomong, eo medumo e jwalo e bopjwang ho kopanya ditlhaku ho etsa mantswe le meelelo e utlwahalang.

Mantswe a bopilweng ho tswa molomong kapa mantswe a kelellong le kgopolong ya motho.

Ke moo pokeletso ya mantswe ana a behwang leqhepeng ho etsa moelelo.
Kahoo, dingolwa ke tjhoriso ya puo le matlafatso ya yona.

Puo ya letswele ke eo motho a holang ka yona ha a qala ho bula mahlo.

Ke puo e eo boteng (reality) bo bopjwang ka yona ho eo e hlahiswang ho yena.

Ho hlakile hore puo ke kgubu (centrepiece) ya boitsebo, mme ke karolo e phethahatsang letlotlo le botjhaba ba motho.

Puo ha e sebediswa ka tsela e nepahetseng ke sebediswa se tiisetsang (sustainable ntshetsopele e tswellang (identity) ba development) ya boitsebo motho.
Ho a hlokeha ke hona hore ho ntshetswe pele le ho matlafatsa dipuo, haholoholo dipuo tsa sethato (indigenous languages) hobane ke tsona ka sehlohong tse fanang ka boitsebo ho bongata ba ma-Afrika Borwa.

Kgwedi ena ya Loetse e tsejwa e le kgwedi ya Ditaba tsa Bojalefa le Botjhaba.

Ke nako eo ho lokelwang ho hopola le ho keteka letlotlo leo lefatshe la rona le re ﬁleng lona le tse ntle tseo baholoholo ba rona ba re sietseng tsona.
Puo ke enngwe ya letlotlo le siilweng ke baholoholo, mme re lokela ho ba motlotlo ka yona; ho e baballa le ho e ntshetsa pele.

le dipapading.

Re E ka ntshwetswa pele ka mekgwa e mengata e kenyeleditseng dipatlisiso, ho e ruta dikolong, ho le malapeng, e sebedisa mesebetsing boithabisong lokela ho matlafatsa le ho ntshetsa pele dipuo tsa sethato makgotleng ohle a dinyewe, makgotleng a ketso ya melao, ho kenyeleditswe Palamente, Makgotla le a Ketso ya Molao a Diprofensi esita dimasepaleng.
Ho lokelwa ho matlafatsa puo ka ho e sebedisa ditlalehong tsa ditaba ke baqolotsi ba ditaba, bangodi le bahatisi ba dibuka ka mekgwa e fapaneng, mminong, dipapading tsa kalaneng, le dipaleng televishene esita le ka mekgwa e meng ya diphatlalatso.

le ditshwantshisong tsa radio Dipuo tsa Afrika Borwa Afrika Borwa e na le dipuo tsa setso tse bonya 35 ka palo.
Ho dipuo tse teng naheng ya Afrika Borwa tse bonyane 35 ke dipuo tsa setso, ha dipuo tsa semmuso tsona di le 12 ka palo mme tsona ke tse latelang: IsiZulu, IsiXhosa, Afrikaans, English, Sepedi, Setswana, Sesotho, Xitsonga, siSwati, Tshivenda, IsiNdebele, South African Sign Language (SASL) International NEWS We welcome the inaugural ﬂight of Air Algérie to South Africa, Mandela Mveso N ko s i Z M D M a n d e l a s ays t h e introduc5on of scheduled ﬂights by Air Algérie in South Africa is great news.
The ANC MP and the grandson of South Africa’s most revered poli5cal icon, Nelson Mandela says Air ’ Algérie’s ﬂight to South Africa signify a long historic links between South Africa and Algeria.

In a statement issued by the Royal House of Mandela, Nkosi ZMD Mandela said: “We welcome the inaugural ﬂight of Air Algérie to South Africa.

South Africa and Algeria have deep-rooted and historic links.
President Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela regarded Algeria as his second home and the home of all revolu5onaries on the African con5nent.” Air Algérie (AH) will operate two ﬂights a week on the route from September 21.

ALG-JNB is the airline's 45th interna5onal route and its seventh in Africa, according to DAILY SOUTHERN & EAST E R N AF R I C AN TO UR I S M UPDATE.
The Airbus A330 is the choice aircraft for Air Algérie’s weekly ﬂights to South Africa “We are therefore delighted that this historic and strategic rela5onship is now augmented in a way that will further strengthen bilateral rela5ons and provide a welcome boost for trade, tourism, sport and cultural exchange.” Added Mandela.

“This is 30 years overdue but we must leverage this opportunity to expand and develop even further in areas of mutual strategic interest.
“We congratulate Air Algerie, the government and people of Algeria and welcome them to our shores on the southern most 5p of the African Con5nent.” He concluded.

Algeria will conduct its ALG-JNB ﬂights with Airbus A330 twice a week on Sundays and Thursdays.

The aircrac has capacity of between 210 and 250 passengers its 222-inch-wide twin-aisle in fuselage, ETOPS-180 rated CF twin engines.
Libyan disasters the human tragedy that could have been avoided _________________________ The deadly floods that swept over Libyan coastal town of Dena and other towns could perhaps have been avoided - if there was an accountable government in place, with sound and legitimate leadership place.
It is sad to see how catastrophic do unaccountability and dereliction of duty, lead to deterioration of services that may have contributed to this tragic event that has brought untold pain and misery to the Libyan people and other nations of the Magreb region.
The floods that have left a deadly trail of over 11000 people, according to many Libyans, could have been avoided had the authority heeded the call of the concerned citizens about the deteriorating state of some of the incident related infrastructure, and acted promptly to reduce the risk and arrest further decay.

The risks could have considerably been mitigated at least, and lost of lives avoided.
The chaos and instability of post-Mu’ammar al - Qadhafi and the ‘symbolic’ end of the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and the desecration of Qadhafi’s Green Book conducive ideology, have created conditions for socio-political and economic decay.
The humanitarian aid from the international community and individual countries will go a long way in helping the Libyans to rebuild their lives but the disaster has created a permanent scar and bitter remembrance in the history of the once proud nation.

No one can stop a natural calamity from happening, but preparedness helps to mitigate the hazards and avoid the concomitant tragedies.
Properly maintained Early Warning Systems provide adequate advisories and proactive measures for imminent climate changes with adverse effects.

4 A relook at the evolution of the South African Local Government: Challenges and Prospects By Bheke Stoﬁle As we reflect on the transformative journey embarked upon since the 1998 White Paper on Local Government, it becomes evident that the assumptions made back then have collided with a stark reality.
Envisioned as a framework where municipalities would predominantly generate over 80% of the revenue from fees for service provision and property rates.

For that to be realized was trading through surplus generated services (waste management, electricity, water and sanitation), a principle of buy and sell to generate municipal income, as well as the national funding government.
transfers from from While a new environment is emerging within the developments around plans to reform the Electricity distribution sector, the emergency of Independent Power Producers (IPPs), and plans for water reticulation to be placed in the hands of a third role player, whatever the merits, the question remains what will be left of our municipalities.

Should they remain spectators in the theater of serious erosion of their municipal income?
At present, the state of local government remains precarious on many fronts, exacerbated by low economic activity and the erosion of municipal revenue which has caused many municipalities to be in financial distress.
New governance systems to address instability caused by coalition arrangements are required urgently while also municipal authorities need to be agile to ensure that their financial autonomy remains intact and greater jurisdiction over revenue is adaptive the prevailing political and to economic environment.
The stark reality is that the shifting economic landscape and inherent budget limitations have left too many of our municipalities, to maintain including metros, grappling SALGA has balance organized various shakers and movers in the country’s economic cycle, including former their books.

in leaders in broader SALGA discussions on the future of local government in South Africa.
to partake The National Members Assembly (NMA) the South African Local convened by G o v e r n m e n t A s s o c i a t i o n ( S A L G A ) , September 5-6, 2023, in Ekurhuleni takes place at a significant period in the history of local government.
Aptly themed "25 Years since the advent of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government:Aptly themed "25 Years since the advent of the 1998 White Paper on Local Government: Are we on course and driven in Building a Sustainable, Responsive & People Centred Local Government," the assembly will gather influential stakeholders under one roof to answer these local important questions.

What kind of government do we want?


the most We expect all the dignitaries, international guests, and representatives from all tiers of including Cabinet Ministers, government, Municipal Leadership, and various key officials from the 257 municipalities across the country, to help us chart a way forward a new trajectory of local government.

It is they who must write local government.


the new history of for municipalities Notwithstanding, the assembly will serve as a platform to share best practices, innovation, and many ideas to invigorate the sector.

In the mist of gloom and doom, the good stories in local government tend to be overshadowed, so we need to elevate those doing great to inspire the rest of us.
The stark reality is that an alarming revelation indicates that a staggering 163 out of 257 municipalities grapple with dysfunctionality and distress due to a multitude of reasons – p o o r g o v e r n a n c e , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e inefficiencies, financial mismanagement, and poor service delivery.
We must ensure that we use the legislative and other measures to to exercise their powers and the national government and ensure provincial governments, as required by the Constitution, support and strengthen the capacity of municipalities to manage their own affairs, to perform their functions As we stand at this juncture, the question posed by the assembly theme resonates profoundly: Have we charted the course in building a sustainable, envisioned responsive, and people-centered local government?
A question has been asked; How long can we criticize the assumption of the White Paper when we must shape it to adequately respond to the current state of local government?

The challenges of inadequate management, skills gaps, and flawed budgeting within the South African municipalities have been well documented and articulated by SALGA.
The 1998 White Paper on Local Government, aptly likened by then Minister Valli Moosa to a local governance, for "mini- constitution" articulated the transformational blueprint for the country's local government framework.

With the establishment of municipalities spanning the nation, the devolution of powers and functions was set in motion.

Fast-forward two and a half decades, and a stark reality unveils itself – the revenue struggles that many municipalities face are undeniable.
As tensions escalate concerning municipal initial assumption of revenue tariffs, the generation through service charges and property assessments now raises eyebrows.

At the the SALGA national assembly, deliberations will center around a pivotal inquiry: Is the local government, tasked with delivering crucial services, falling short of its primary duty?

Moreover, to what extent can the shortcomings be attributed to the inherent flaws within the White Paper on Local Government?
these debates, Amid the eThekwini Ratepayers Movement's ongoing refusal to pay rates amid a dispute underscores the complexity of maintaining essential services.

While urban centers have successfully harnessed income from service charges and property rates, smaller rural municipalities primarily rely on grants and subsidies.

It is intricate imperative to recognize that the systems that ensure our daily services are often taken for granted.
Jiangsu Province and Free State Province of South Africa signed a memorandum of understanding on cooperation Governor Xu Kunlin met with Premier Mxolisi Dukwana of the Free State Province of South A f r i c a a n d h i s delegation in Nanjing, on September 8, and further strengthening cooperation between the two provinces.
Over the past 25 years, the friendly relations between China and South Africa have continued to d e e p e n , u n i t y a n d cooperation have become closer, economic and trade cooperation has achieved fruitful results, cultural cooperation has been brilliant, and China and South Africa have become a comprehensive strategic partnership.

Premier Mxolisi Dukwana Image: Masi Losi Xu Kunlin welcomed the visit of Dukwana and his delegation.
After brieﬂy introducing the economic and social development of Jiangsu, Xu Kunlin said that this year marks the 25th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Africa towards higher quality, wider areas and deeper depth, becoming one of the most important and dynamic bilateral relations between China and Africa and even developing countries.
Under the framework of the China- South Africa comprehensive strategic partnership, Jiangsu and South Africa have carried out a series of cooperation and exchanges in the ﬁelds of economy, trade, education, culture and other ﬁelds, and achieved a series of practical results.
Looking into the future, we are willing to join hands and work together to thoroughly implement the important consensus reached by the two heads of state, fully implement the outcomes of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation and the BRICS Summit, consolidate the foundation for cooperation between sister cities, strengthen economic and trade exchanges, deepen people-to- people and cultural exchanges, and write a new chapter for Jiangsu.
from A critical portion of revenue stems electricity sales, constituting a substantial fraction of municipal income.

However, with the cloud of load shedding engulfing the nation, the revenue stream is facing swift erosion.

Mzi Khumalo, Gauteng MEC for Cogta, highlighted the pressing need for municipalities to diversify their income beyond electricity, hinting at a re- evaluation of certain assumptions embedded in the White Paper.
A vexing issue of Section 139 interventions is another elephant in the room.

Interventions in municipalities are meant to assist municipalities and not drown them.

In Parliament, and elsewhere, SALGA has warned about the potential abuse of such interventions for political motives rather than genuine service improvement warrants our attention.
While the Constitution mandates Provincial governments to intervene when municipalities falter in fulfilling their mandate, instances have arisen where intervention exacerbates existing problems.

This cycle must be brought to an end, ensuring that interventions are guided by a sincere commitment to fostering progress and the well-being of the people they are meant to serve.

The forthcoming SALGA assembly holds paramount importance in shaping the future trajectory of local governance in South Africa.
This assembly, serving as SALGA's highest decision-making platform between National Conferences, will delve into various crucial m a t t e r s i n t o a t h a t w i l l c u l m i n a t e comprehensive plan of action for the sector and adoption of positions on local governance systems, policies, and legislative matters, which collectively hold the key to the sector's evolution.

We stand at the crossroads of reflection and anticipation.

South Africans should dare not lose hope.


With the legacy of the White Paper as our foundation, the time is ripe for a collective re-evaluation and a renewed commitment toward a to charting a path brighter future for local governance in South Africa.

Follow the hashtags #NMA2023 #InspiringServiceDelivery Bheke Stofile is the President of SALGA.
A new chapter in mutually beneﬁcial cooperation with the Free State Province, making positive contributions to building a high-level China-Africa community with a shared future.

Dukwana said that during this visit, ‘we felt the amazing development speed and quality of Jiangsu.
Jiangsu's efforts and strength in economic growth, industrial upgrading, and technological innovation have provided us with good reference and inspiration.’ The Free State Province has a good development foundation and great development potential.

It hopes to further strengthen cooperation with Jiangsu in key areas such as economy and trade, energy, agriculture, education, etc., enhance friendly relations through closer exchanges, and create a better future for the people of the two provinces.
improve people's livelihood and welfare, and work together to create a model of cooperation between the local governments of the two countries.

(Edited) Source: Xinhua Daily 5 COMMENT NEWS FROM PARLIAMENT Free State’s Permanent Delegates to the NCOP engage Government Departments on Service Delivery Lechesa Tsen oli Climate change is wreaking havoc globally among people in many diﬀerent countries including ours.
H u g e d a m a g e t o p e o p l e ’ s livelihoods means the crises they were already facing are worsened!

I n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d p u b l i c preparedness are critical capacities to build and enable resilience.

Urgent interventions in this regard must be implemented to avert or minimise the impact of these crises - whether it’s ﬂoods or ﬁres, these must be given urgent attention!
The passing away of the 95 year old Hon Gatsha Buthelezi, the President of the IFP and the ﬁrst Minister of home Aﬀairs is signiﬁcant in the history of South legacy has African politics.

His right from the news of his death been contested and will be so for a long time to come.

His funeral was however a digniﬁed aﬀair held in his hometown with thousands of m o u r n e r s i n Kwazulu Natal.
i n a t t e n d a n c e i n c l u d e d a We attended the tenth edition of the heritage award ceremonies - the ﬁrst hosted in Cape Town at which several awards were given by the National Heritage Council.

l i f e t i m e T h e y THE achievement award to multitalented sculptor, poet , Professor Pitika Ntuli.

The over eighty year old was in his element achievements.
The District Six Homecoming Centre, cooperating with Friends Of Cuba Society (FOCUS) and The Salt River Heritage Council hosted a riveting documentary of Robbie Jansen in Cuba.

Directed by Jonathan de Vries, and discussed by a two member panel featuring Jack Lewis and Albie S a c h s , t h e d o c u m e n t a r y presented a genuine atmosphere of camaraderie and a great feeling of nostalgia.

A p o w e r f u l m u s i c a l a n d cinematography indeed!
________________________ To mark the commencement of the week- long Provincial Week programme in Free State yesterday, the Free State’s permanent delegates to the NCOP and their counterparts members of the Free State Legislature received briefings from the Provincial Department of Cooperative Governnace and Traditional Affairs and Human Settlement, Department of Transport, and Bloemfontein Water Board respectively on various infrastructure projects that anchor the provincial and municipal service delivery machinery in the province.
In his presentation, the MEC on Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs and Human Settlement, Mr Ketso Makume, attested to the fact that there are conditional grants such as Municipal Infrastructure Grant, Dora, Water and Sanitation Bulk Infrastructure Grant, Urban Development Grant, to name a few, to ensure there’s viable bulk infrastructure to bring about integrated urban and provincial development.
t h e i n a b i l i t y o f Despite that, he said, the department has i d e n t i f i e d t h e municipalities to spend these grants due to lack of capacity as a pertinent challenge across municipalities in the province.

This, he claimed, has had adverse effect on the .

Subsequently, this has led to many water plants not being service on prescribed schedules.
Most of all, the municipalities’ inability to spend their grants has denied them access to necessary grants to deliver on their service delivery mandates which, in turn, created a backlog on infrastructure development.

He said the department has t h a t s i n c e municipalities are capacitated to spend their grants to unlock backlog of service delivery in the province.
i n t e r v e n e d t o e n s u r e By Abel Mputing t o f i x She gave a detailed presentation on what intervention her department has e m b a r k e d o n t h e r o a d infrastructure network in the province.

She said she has gone further to enlist various contraction companies to commence with the reconstruction of these road infrastructure projects.
To bring a transformation spin to this, she maintained that they devised a social investment component that would compel contractors to employ women in the local communities where they are appointed.
She explained: “If we grant a 350 million contact to them, we demand that 1% of that which is 3.5 million must b e g r a n t e d l o c a l communities where they are appointed.” The Free State delegation has identified water and sanitation as one of the major concerns that have led to communities’ displeasure and protestations in the province.
t o w o m e n i n The Chairperson of the Bloemfontein Water Board, Mr Tefetso Phitsane, who also presented, painted a gloomy picture of its sustainability if emergency interventions are not entered into to ensure that municipalities pay for the water services the water board provide them with and their infrastructure is on par to handle bulk water they afford them.

He raised this because the existing gap between the Bloem Water and municipalities infrastructures has led to gross water losses.
He cited an example in Matjhabeng Municipality, where out of 100 litres of water they provide to this municipality, 50-55% is lost due to leaks.

He said this can’t be allowed to continue if municipalities were to meet their water a n d s a n i t a t i o n s e r v i c e d e l i v e r y mandates.” Besides, he claimed, the entire water infrastructure system of the province has to be overhauled to ensure that it is sustainable for the foreseeable future.
He further stated that the continued non- payment of services by municipalities threatens the viability of Bloemfontein Water Board.

He claimed that if they were not paid what was due to them, they would not be able to provide bulk water to municipalities in future, and sadly, municipalities would not be able to provide water to communities.

It is estimated that the Bloem Water Board is owned R7 billion by municipalities to date.
To alleviate the plight of municipalities with low revenue base, an alternative funding for water boards servicing non- p a y i n g m u n i c i p a l i t i e s s h o u l d b e considered, the board suggested in its presentation.

The major threat to water and sanitation in the province is vandalism and theft of key strategic assets supplying bulk water i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .
Wo r s t o f a l l , t h e deteriorating bulk water infrastructure in the province poses a high risk of security of water supply due to infrastructure operating close to its design limit.

As such, the provision for future water demand not in line with the developments in municipal infrastructure.

This will lead to the deterioration of raw water quality as a result of inadequate catchment management,” the board’s presentation claimed.
He also lamented the fact that the new water board has inherited assets and liabilities that pose a great challenge to the sustainability of the board going forward.

And they were to fail to raise the necessary capital, the board would remain an ongoing business concern.

Furthermore, he lamented the scourge of theft and vandalism of critical urban and rural infrastructure, which has had a crippling effect on the key performance areas of its programmes.
Critically, the state of urban infrastructure in this province has been exacerbated by the low revenue base of many Free State municipalities and the permeating culture of non-payment by communities which contributed to the sad state of the existing infrastructure in the province.

He said what has grabbed national headlines in this province is the dilapidated state of its road network infrastructure.

So bad, it has been claimed to be the worst off of all road network infrastructures in country.
The MEC for Community Safety, Roads and Transport, Ms MaQueen Letsoha-Mathae, who assumed this portfolio five months ago, has vowed that she would deal with road backlog in the province head on.

Rural communities in the Free State province face ongoing water shortage for domestic use.
This is partly due to the municipalities’ lack of technical skills and proper planning FOCAL point Women in the Legal Profession Commemorating 100 years (1923-2023) Parliamentary Research Unit An edited report produced by researchers in the Parliamentary Research Unit (…Continued) The Judicial Service Commission With regards to complaints of sexual harassment against judicial officers, the Judicial Conduct Committee a sub- committee of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) deals with such complaints.
The most recent complaint was brought in December 2022 by a female clerk of a Makhanda High Court judge against one Judge President in the Eastern Cape Division.

In February 20123, it was reported that a committee has been set up under Deputy Chief Justice Mandisa Maya to draft an anti-sexual harassment policy for the judiciary.

There have 6 been repeated calls for the judiciary to adopt a formal policy on dealing with sexual harassment.
Chief Justice Zondo had committed to ensuring such policy was put in place when he was interviewed in February 2022, as the then Deputy Chief Justice for the position of Chief Justice.

/ o r The Magistrate Commission Complaints relating sexual harassment against magistrates a r e d e a l t w i t h b y t h e Magistrates Commission’s subcommittee, the Ethics Committee under the charge of m i s c o n d u c t a n d t h e violation of the Code of J u d i c i a l C o n d u c t f o r Magistrates.
Civil society monitoring group, Judges Matter has said that “Sexual harassment is an ongoing problem in our country and in the legal profession.

It is well past time that the judiciary adopts an anti-sexual harassment policy which will regulate the conduct of judges and magistrates, protect victims and combat scourge.” Conclusion In South Africa, according to a number of recent studies, at least 50% of the entrants in the legal profession are female.
However, nowhere close to this percentage of women occupy leadership roles in the profession.
In February 2023, vice President of the Law Society of South Africa, Mabaeng Lenyai, said more needed to be done to level the playing field for female legal practitioners in South Africa: “Although the percentage of female legal practitioners has increased compared to pre -1994 numbers, female legal practitioners still do not have the same access to opportunities as their male counterparts.” Ms Lenyai has emphasised the need for joint advocacy and investment to support women’s leadership in law in South Africa.
She also urged other female legal practitioners to support one another to create an environment where they can thrive.

Seeing women advance in the legal profession has particularly important consequences for society at large.

Women in the criminal justice system can act as agents of change and contribute to greater accountability.

Women judges bring different perspectives and experiences, strengthening judicial systems.
Women in leadership roles help disrupt networks of collusion, striking a blow against corruption.

In addition, women ‘s representation in law enforcement and judicial institutions has been linked to more effective, victim centred responses to crime.

The Institute for African Women in Law (IAWL) recently launched a report on Women in Law and Leadership.
Some the IAWL, (and additional) recommendation to address and rise to leadership include the following: to women’s entry barriers • • Creating policies to dismantle multiple axes of gender –based discriminatory practices in the profession.
; engaging with professional bodies and associations to see what role they should be playing in terms of encouraging gender equity and the participation of women in leadership roles in the law; Tracking the implementation of the Legal Sector Code (once it comes into effect) to ensure transformative approach that actively promotes the participation of female practitioners in the industry; Conducting gender audits to address gender gaps in hiring, promotion, and pay’ and Revising male centred work policies and practices to accommodate the intersectional needs of women, amongst others.
(Report based on various sources) The role of civics in the promotion of Primary Health Care (PHC) Report by Lechesa Tsenoli Developing policies To facilitate discussion on developing policies two presentations were given.

The first highlighted what action the health organisation and civic the rights of to promote community members.
took committee, including all relevant bodies, example non-governmental organisations, the state, civic and health organisations c a m p a i g n i n g a g a i n s t a l c o h o l , u n e m p l o y m e n t , e t c .

w i t h h e a l t h organisations.


The following were identified as individual rights to be promoted: the right to human dignity as an individual; the right to be treated, that is, the right to accessible and affordable services; the right to refuse treatment without prejudice; the right to informed consent before treatment; the right to knowledge of the extent and outcome of the treatment.
It was argued that the patient often receives inadequate explanations and doesn't have adequate knowledge of health and disease.

Health organisations and civics thus have an important role to play in teaching people about their rights.

the As a way of overcoming intransigence and apathy, identified as following were methods to maximise participation of community organisations: - Survey of health problems in an area.

- Setting up groups to respond to problems.


- Coordination of civics with health organisations.

- Using health organisations to lobby the state.

- Using civics to organise mass campaigns around issues of health.
- Establishing a health coordinating The workshop then broke into groups to discuss (a) how civic should prevent themselves being co-opted by the state, (b) the role of civics in environmental PHC, (c) the relationship between civics, chiefs and health professionals, and (d) how to get adequate health resources.

The following outcome of those discussions.

(a) One group addressed what civics should do to prevent state co-option.
It was noted that the state has large resources and is using these to push its own gender at the expense of the communities’ broader objectives.

In order to prevent ourselves being co-op we need: - Independent structures for health worker training in liaison with progressive health organisations.

Civics to lobby the state with regard to - health talks.

Our own research on needs and strategies so that civics are well equipped for bargaining with the state.
- To intervene and make state and private sector health projects democratic and accountable to the communities they are intended for.

- To expose state and private sector hidden agendas.

- Civics and health organisations to plan projects together.

- Civics to prioritise health and to establish health departments.
(b) The role of civics in primary health care, including environmental sanitation, was looked following were recommended: into and - Civics to hold workshops to determine the cause of poor health.

- Campaigns on causes of poor sanitation to improve awareness.

- Mass campaigns to demand municipal services.

- Health to be linked to broader civic campaigns around rent boycotts, etc.

- Demarcate and set aside rubbish disposal areas.


- Civics in consultation with progressive health organisations to campaign for adequate housing and healthcare after 5pm.

- Demystify health practices by passing on to civics, information and knowledge health organisations would thereby be empowering communities in which those civics operated.

- Development forum to be set up to involve both civics and service organisations in which health should also be dealt with.
(c) The code group discussed the relationship between civics, chiefs and health professionals: Professional health workers should work closely with the community.

Where they stay in an area they should be members of the local civic.

They should assist in the training of community volunteers.

They should encourage community members to participate in health projects.

Civic should work with one coordinated health organisation rather than many.
(d) The fourth group addressed ways in which to get adequate health resources and suggested the following: - Channel adequate funding towards health.

- Dissolve the various health departments.

- Encourage self-help schemes.

- And privatisation of transport and reroute ambulance routes to make health facilities more accessible especially in the rural areas.

- Encourage use of South African manufactured medicine and call for an appropriate drug policy.

- Establish a unitary health service.


- Discourage importation of inappropriate technology.

Discourage the misuse of medical aid.

- (Continues ) A donation to the SACP.

represents an active expression of support and solidarity for the imperative to end the domination and exploitation of one person, a particular social group and class by another.
Donate https://donate.sacp.org.za 7 30TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE SIGNING OF OSLO ACCORD AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF PALESTINE By Dr Lehlohonolo Kennedy Mahlatsi implementation.

At primarily to the fact that it was an outcome of a flawed process; the Oslo I and II Accords, the Paris Protocol, and the Wye River Memorandum.
These accords simply did not deal with the crux of the problem, which is the dispute over sovereignty, and they did not change the colonial-like relationship between the Israeli and Palestinian economies.

Postponing the resolution of this core problem to a later date of final status negotiations, one of the main outcomes of the Oslo process, has proved to be harmful to the peace process in general.
At the political level, it has furnished the enemies of the accord, from both sides, with sufficient time to derail its level, despite some the economic improvements the policy environment brought about by establishing a Palestinian national authority and dismantling some of the occupation’s harmful structures, the continued Israeli confiscation of Palestinian lands and the building of new Jewish settlements, as well as expanding old ones, have created a poisonous atmosphere of strife.
The relapse into the old habits of daily scuffles and clashes between the Israeli security forces and the Palestinians protesting Israeli settlements and land policies has suffocated the euphoric mood that had greeted the signing of the first peace accord.

It led to deterioration in economic relations and prevented any serious movement toward reconstruction and development of the Palestinian economy.

in The Oslo process was inherently doomed to fail from the start.
It cemented the notion that bilateral negotiations under a liberal “peace-building” agenda were a viable political path, as opposed to pursuing peace through decolonisation, ending military occupation and upholding people's rights in accordance with international law.

The negotiations were never conducted in good faith, and the power imbalance was always going to favour Israel.
The Palestinian people were excluded from the secretive negotiations, and Palestinian negotiators were ill-equipped to ensure their demands were met.

The Palestinian Authority (PA), established under the accords, was indeed designed to play a counterinsurgency role in pacifying and controlling Palestinians, rather than acting as the sovereign entity leading its people to freedom and independence.
Any process brokered by the United States, and supported by western allies, was doomed to favour Israeli interests.

Dr Lehlohonolo Kennedy Mahlatsi SACP Free State PEC Member, writes in personal capacity We Talk:Cubans hope G77 members can unite to meet challenges further undermined by By the time of the signing of the Oslo Accord, 26 years of Israeli military occupation had taken its toll on the political economy of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Palestinians had suffered from land expropriations, restrictions on the use of natural resources, low levels of public investment, an undeveloped economic infrastructure and industrial base, poor and fragmented social services, feeble local government, a weak financial sector and a loose legal and regulatory system.

This threw up huge challenges for developing the economy and creating governmental structures in the OPT in preparation for final status negotiations.
Promoting development that could underpin statehood was Israel’s strategy of ‘asymmetric containment’ and the Oslo framework – both of which ensured the continuation of Israel’s economic dominance and control over key Palestinian resources.

Since 1967 Israel embarked on systemic policies that aimed at subjugating the local economy to serve its own economy.
Israel established direct military control over the OPT by issuing military orders that infiltrated almost every aspect of the Palestinian society and economy.

Israel maintained effective control over natural resources, water, land, borders, trade, and industrial zoning.
The immediate impact of these practices was a state of structural dependency, whereby Israel became the key determinant of the fate of Palestinian development, thus affecting the socioeconomic formation and well-being of the society at large.
By imposing a range of restrictive measures, Israel hindered the local economy from achieving its productive potential, transformed the local market into a captive one subordinated to Israeli manufactured goods, and exploited a wide segment of the society to serve as a pool of cheap labour.

independence.

Though Palestine has never realized political independence, let alone economic independence.
Oslo aimed at economic independence (or interdependence) without political the colonization of Palestine was unusual in not being brought about by an imperial power, but rather by a nationalist movement, this movement nevertheless allied itself with imperialist powers against the progressive forces of the region.
In Israeli politics the project of colonization overshadows any other concerns including class concerns, therefore the real assignment of the Israeli Labour Movement is not the protection of workers or the attainment of socialism, but rather “to organize Jewish labour for the Zionist cause”.

The Israeli economy is unique in that it does not rest either on a profit economy or on the accumulation of debt, but rather on unilateral capital Israeli ruling transfers.
This enables bureaucracy to maintain an enormous military establishment and simultaneously to guarantee a reasonable standard of living to the population.

Culturally and institutionally the colonial nature of Israel makes it inherently racist and oppressive, giving a privileged position to Jews over the native population.

the Neoliberalism in Israel has been informed not only by nationalism but also by Zionism’s primary objective of settler colonialism.
The two processes have aligned and arguably facilitated one another.

Neoliberalism has been a core part of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process that commenced in the 1990s.

The peace process sought to consolidate Israeli military superiority with access to regional markets, resources, and cheap labour.

In this sense, the Oslo peace process can be seen as an extension of Israeli capitalism.
The Paris Economic Protocol (PEP), the economic part of the Oslo agreements, also gave Israel a huge level of control over Palestinian economic wellbeing as it instituted a tax transfer scheme where Israel collected and passed to the PA the taxes and custom duties on Palestinian imports from or via Israel, and income tax collected from Palestinian workers in Israel.

This was a powerful weapon, which has been used by Israel on many occasions to ensure PA compliance.
The attempt of the international community to put an end to the violence and rescue the Oslo Accord proved to be a futile effort because the accord itself is flawed and cannot be resurrected.

The accord, as well as the international efforts to put life into it, failed to address two central issues of the conflict: the Palestinian right to sovereignty over their land and their right to free their economy from its colonial dependency on the Israeli economy.
Not recognizing the centrality of these two issues, the Oslo Accord and the present international efforts at reviving it, deal with symptoms of the conflict (violence) and ignore its cause (sovereignty).

The inability of limited self-rule to deliver on its promises during the first seven years of the interim period is due The Summit of the Group of 77 (G77) plus China ended in Havana, Cuba, on September 16, featuring delega5ons from more than 100 countries.
The G77 is a group of developing countries ﬁrst established in 1964.

Today, the bloc has 134 member countries or over two- thirds of UN member countries.

CGTN Stringer asked local people on the streets of Havana about their views on the country's economic development and listened to their sugges5ons on how developing countries should meet current challenges.

Sustainable development, housing problems, environmental protec5on and educa5on were the keywords men5oned most frequently during the interviews.
One local resident said he hopes the G77 members con5nue to strengthen solidarity among the group so that they reach bejer solu5ons together.

Source: cgtn The entire world witnessed the historic handshake between Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin on the White House lawn alongside Bill Clinton to sign Oslo Accord on 13 September, 1993.
The Oslo Accord which was negotiated between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Israeli regime between 1992 and 1993, provided for three phases of negotiations.

The first involved a withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Jericho area in the West Bank and most of Gaza together with the creation of institutions for Palestinian self-government.

Second there would be an interim agreement which would create an elected Palestinian Council and expand the area under its direct control.
Third there would be permanent status talks to resolve the difficult issues of the status of Jerusalem, settlements, refugees, borders and relations with neighbouring states.

In 1993 there was much talk about the creation of a new Middle East which would be part of the post-cold war world order.

The ambiguities of the Oslo accords would be resolved by good faith negotiations in an atmosphere where many talked about the “peace dividend”.

Both the peace process and the two-state solution are dead.
Despite more than twenty years of negotiations, Israel’s occupation, colonization and repression continue–and the political and geographical fragmentation of the Palestinian people is -proceeding apace.

This is not news, nor is it surprising to any keen observer of the situation.

But what is surprising–and thus requires explanation – is the resilience of the Oslo framework and paradigm: both objectively and subjectively.
It operates objectively as a straitjacket by trapping Palestinians in economic and security arrangements that are designed to ensure stabilization and will not to lead to sovereignty or a just and sustainable solution.

And it operates subjectively as a straitjacket by shutting out discussion of alternative ways of understanding the situation and ways out of the impasse.

The persistence of this framework that is focused on conflict management and stabilization, is good for Israel but bad for Palestinians.
The Oslo peace paradigm–of a track-one, elite-level, negotiated two-state solution–is therefore in crisis.

And yet it is entirely possible that the current situation could continue for a while longer–particularly given the endorsement and support it enjoys from the major Western donors and the “international community,” as well as the fact that there has been no attempt to develop an alternative.

The immediate short-term future is therefore bleak.
In a settler colonial context, a decolonial approach to political economy requires a recognition that indigenous peoples are still subject to a colonial rule that is animated by the logic of elimination for the goal of land acquisition through dispossession.

This that pushes accumulation through exploitation and dispossession.
An approach that takes land seriously as a constitutive element of political economy in a settler colonial context will push up against and destabilize central elements of modernity/coloniality.

For example, a decolonial approach destabilizes the logic of global capital that sees land in terms of commodification and exchange value— a logic that bolsters accumulation by dispossession.

This necessarily challenges the racism and capitalism as central elements of modernity/coloniality.
It challenges settler colonial syntaxes that declare the land is empty and uninhabited.

in an economic system is wrapped up The economic well-being of the Palestinian Authority (PA) is completely dependent upon Israel: this covers its funding, trade relations, employment for its people, and access to key resources.

The 1994 Protocol on Economic Relations between Israel and the PLO (also known as the Paris Protocol) formalized the quasi customs union that was established under occupation.
This effectively tied the Palestinian economy to Israel, but to the detriment of Palestinian industry and trade, thus instituting an adverse path of development that continues to this day.

The Paris Protocol gave the PA limited powers over economic policy: it has no instruments for setting exchange rates, fiscal, monetary, or trade policies.
The PA thus only has control over a one-sided fiscal policy, namely, how to allocate expenditure, powers less than that of many municipal authorities in developed countries.

It was after 1993 and the signing of the Oslo Accord that the volume of aid and number of western donors operating in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) ballooned; and thereafter they became deeply involved in its political economy.
8 Re kgaba ka Diratswana Mapotso Kena, Ph.D., Plant Pathology O re fa dikeletso tsa tjalo e atlehileng ya meroho le dijalo tse ding diratswananeng tsa hae.

*Ditaba tsena di fetolwetse le ho ngolwa ka Sesotho e le tsela ya ho ntshetsa pele le ho kgothaletsa ho bala puo ya Sesotho.O re ngolla mona boemong ba hae.
Dikokwanyana le Mafu a tshwenyang Kale 1.Dikokwanyana Kokwanyana Mofuta Matshwao Taolo Aphids Kokwanyana Pic:: Samuel’s Garden Cabbage worms Kokwanyana Mahlaku a senyehileng sebopeho, m a h l a k u a m a s e h l a , l e l e k g o m a r e l e n a g ntshitsweng ke (mantle) kokwanyana ena.

Hlobo e ntsho e kang mosidi.
l e r o ( h o n e y d e w ) Jala dijalo tse tsamaelanang le Kale; Hlwekisa sejalo ka ho peita ka metsi; Tshela dijalo ka sesepa se bolayang dikokwanyana tse tshwenyang dijalo; Beha makgapetla a banana ka a lamunu ho potoloha le dijalo tsa kale; Phumula/Hlatswa (peita) ka 1% ho isa ho 2% ya sesepa sa dijana (se se nang motswako o mong) le metsi, mme e ba o nosetsa matsatsing a mang le a mang a 2 ho isa ho a 3 nakong ya dibeke tse 2; jala mmoho dijalo tsa mantlha tsa tulo eo ho hohela dikokwanyana tse molemo dijalong .
Mahlaku a ba le masoba a sebopeho se tabohile mme a setse feela mane le mane; Dihlooho (Dintlha tsa mahlaku) tse phunehileng; Mantle a matala bo botsho; Mahe a masehlanyana ka mmala mme a behelwa ka bonngwe ka bo- katlaseng ba mahlaku tse tshwaeditsweng; Kwahela ka se Kgetha dijalo kwahelang dijalo; tulo eo ho hohela dikokwanyana tse molemo; Jala dijalo tse batlang di tshwana (haholoholo thyme): Peita ka Bacillus thuringiensis (Bt).
jala dijalo tsa Pic: Garden.eco Flea Beetles Kokwanyana Masoba a manyenyane mahlakung a mangata Kwahela ka se kwahelang dijalo; kwahela haholo ka dijalo (mahlaku a dijalo) tse shweleng; jala mmoho dijalo tsa tulo eo ho hohela dikokwanyana tse molemo.

2.
2.

Mafu Pic: Micro Vegy Lefu Mofuta Matshwao Taolo Black rot (Mofetshe wa dijalo) Fungus (Hlobo) Pic: Yates Downy mildew (Hlobo) Fungus (Hlobo) Pic: USU extension services -UTAH Club root Fungus (Hlobo) Pic: Simply Seed Mmala o mosehla wa sebopeho sa –tlhaku V ntlheng ya lehlaku.

Mmala ona o fetoha ho ba mmala o mosootho o atolohelang bohareng ba lehlaku.

Qetellong lehlaku le a putlama; Kuto ya semela e bontsha methatswana e ntshofetseng.
Botala bo hlakileng mahlakung ka matheba a sa tshwaneng, ao kapele a fetohelang mmalang o mossotho le ho ngatafala.

Matheba a nale tjhebeho e mongobo, mme ha ngata a ya kopana ho etsa dipatlo.

Bokatlaseng ba lehlaku ka thuso ya kgalase e hodisang o ka bona hlobo e e boleya ka sebopeho.

Sethopo se nang le tshwaetso se bonahala se sa hole; Mahlaku a ba le mmala o mosehla bo hlakileng kapa mmala o mo pinki mme mahlaku a a pona, le ho bonahala ntlafalalo maemong a oho leng metsi.
Metso e bonahala e ruruhile mme e senyehile sebopeho.

Senya dijalo tse nang le tshwaetso; Kgetha mefuta e kgonang ho emela mathata; Jala mobung oo metsi a kgonang ho monyela hantle; ntsha masala a dijalo; jala ka tjalo ya phaphanyetsano ya dijalo.
Jala mofuta o kgonang ho tiisetsa maemong a thata ha e ba o fumaneha; kgothaletsa ho foka moya hantle ha’ra dijalo, mme di be le kganya e lekaneng ya letsatsi; e ba le taolo ho lehola; sebedisa mahlaku a shweleng hodi’ma dijalo ho thibela mobu ho qhaphaletsa dijalo nakong ya dipula tse matla.

Qoba ho nosetsa ka mokgwa wa ho nyanyatsa kapa mokgwa o fe kapa o fe oo metsi a hlahang ka hodimo ho dijalo (Sprinkler or overhead method).

Ke lefu le bonahalang ha ngata mobung o metsi mme o na le acid.
Kgetha mofuta o kgonang ho tiisetsa maemong a boima.

Fokotsa lehola, haholoholo lehola la mofutab wa brassica, mme o kwahele ka dijalo (mahlaku) tse shweleng e le ho thusa ho matlafatsa bophelo ba diphedi tse nyenyane tse mobung (soil organisms), tse ka thusang twantshong ya lefu la club root.

(lefu le tshwarang dimela tsa mofuta wa cabbage).

Hlatswa dieta le disebediswa tse ding ho thibela ho fetisetsa lefu lena dijalong tse ding tse ‘karolong tse ding seratswaneng.
Ho tshela letswai la diratswaneng (lime) e le ho eketsa Ph le ho ntlafatsa boleng ba mobu ho monyeng metsi, ho ka thusa, empa e seng ho fedisa lefu lena.