Source document: https://docs-lawep.s3.us-east-2.amazonaws.com/1698748555946.pdf (Malaysia)
Volume 1 No.

13 Thursday 10th September, 1964 PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DEWAN RA'AYAT (HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES) OFFICIAL REPORT FIRST SESSION OF THE SECOND PARLIAMENT OF MALAYSIA CONTENTS BILL PRESENTED [Col. 1733] MOTIONS: Perishtiharan Dharurat—Proclamation of Emergency (Command Paper No.

25 of 1964) [Col. 1733] The Customs Duties (Amendment No.

6) Order, 1964 [Col. 1851] The Customs Duties (Amendment No.
7) Order, 1964 [Col. 1852] EXEMPTED BUSINESS (Motion) [Col. 1789] ADJOURNMENT SINE DIE (Motion) [Col. 1789] SUSPENSION OF STANDING ORDER 48 (Motion) [Col. 1853] THE EMERGENCY (ESSENTIAL POWERS) BILL, 1964 [Col. 1854] DI-CHETAK DI-JABATAN CHETAK KERAJAAN OLEH THOR BENG CHONG, A.M.N., PENCHETAK KERAJAAN KUALA LUMPUR 1965 MALAYSIA DEWAN RA'AYAT (HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES) Official Report First Session of the Second Dewan Ra'ayat Thursday, 10th September, 1964 The House met at Ten o'clock a.m.
PRESENT: The Honourable Mr Speaker, TUAN SYED ESA BIN ALWEE, J.M.N., S.MJ., P.I.S.

the Prime Minister, Minister of External Affairs and Minister of Youth, Culture and Sports, Y.T.M.

TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN PUTRA AL-HAJ, K.O.M.

(Kuala Kedah).

the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, Minister of National and Rural Development, TUN HAJI ABDUL RAZAK BIN DATO' HUSSAIN, S.M.N.

(Pekan).

the Minister of Works, Posts and Telecommunications, DATO' V. T. SAMBANTHAN, P.M.N.

(Sungei Siput).
(Sungei Siput).

the Minister of Transport, DATO' HAJI SARDON BIN HAJI JUBIR, P.M.N.

(Pontian Utara).

the Minister of Agriculture and Co-operatives, ENCHE' MOHAMED KHIR JOHARI (Kedah Tengah).

the Minister of Health, ENCHE' BAHAMAN BIN SAMSUDIN (Kuala Pilah).

the Minister of Education, ENCHE' ABDUL RAHMAN BIN HAJI TALIB (Kuantan).

the Minister for Welfare Services, TUAN HAJI ABDUL HAMID KHAN BIN HAJI SAKHAWAT A LI KHAN, J.M.N., J.P. (Batang Padang).
the Minister for Local Government and Housing, ENCHE' KHAW KAI-BOH, P J .

K. (Ulu Selangor).

the Minister for Sarawak Affairs, DATO' TEMENGGONG JUGAH ANAK BARIENG, P.M.N., P.D.K.

(Sarawak).

the Minister of Labour, ENCHE' V. MANICKAVASAGAM, J.M.N., P.J.K.

(Klang).

the Minister of Information and Broadcasting, ENCHE' SENU BIN ABDUL RAHMAN (Kubang Pasu Barat).

the Minister of Lands and Mines, ENCHE' MOHAMED GHAZALI BIN HAJI JAWI (Ulu Perak).
the Assistant Minister of Commerce and Industry, TUAN HAJI ABDUL KHALID BIN AWANG OSMAN (Kota Star Utara).

the Assistant Minister of National and Rural Development and Assistant Minister of Justice, ENCHE' ABDUL-RAHMAN BIN YA'KUB (Sarawak).

1727 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1728 The Honourable the Assistant Minister of Agriculture and Co-operatives, ENCHE' SULAIMAN BIN BULON (Bagan Datoh).

the Assistant Minister of Youth, Culture and Sports, ENGKU MUHSEIN BIN ABDUL KADIR (Trengganu Tengah).
the Assistant Minister of Education, ENCHE' LEE SIOK Y E W, A.M.N., PJ.K.

(Sepang).

ENCHE' ABDUL GHANI BIN ISHAK, A.M.N.

(Melaka Utara).

ENCHE' ABDUL KARIM BIN ABU, A.M.N.

(Melaka Selatan).

WAN ABDUL KADIR BIN ISMAIL (Kuala Trengganu Utara).

ENCHE' ABDUL RAHIM ISHAK (Singapore).

WAN ABDUL RAHMAN BIN DATU TUANKU BUJANG (Sarawak).

TUAN HAJI ABDUL RASHID BIN HAJI JAIS (Sabah).

ENCHE' ABDUL RAUF BIN A. RAHMAN, K.M.N., P J .

K. (Krian Laut).

ENCHE' ABDUL RAZAK BIN HAJI HUSSIN (Lipis).


ENCHE' ABDUL SAMAD BIN GUL AHMAD MIANJI (Pasir Mas Hulu).

DATO' ABDULLAH BIN ABDULRAHMAN, Dato' Bijaya di-Raja (Kuala Trengganu Selatan).

Y.A.M.

TUNKU ABDULLAH IBNI AL-MARHUM TUANKU ABDUL RAHMAN, P.P.T.

(Rawang).

TUAN HAJI ABDULLAH BIN HAJI MOHD.

SALLEH, A.M.N., S.MJ., P.I.S.

(Segamat Utara).

ENCHE' A BU BAKAR BIN HAMZAH (Bachok).

TUAN HAJI AHMAD BIN ABDULLAH (Kelantan Hilir).

ENCHE' AHMAD BIN ARSHAD, A.M.N.

(Muar Utara).


TUAN HAJI AHMAD BIN SAAID (Seberang Utara).

CHE' AJIBAH BINTI ABOL (Sarawak).

ENCHE' A LI BIN HAJI AHMAD (Pontian Selatan).

O.K.K.

DATU ALIUDDIN BIN DATU HARUN, P.D.K.

(Sabah).

DR AWANG BIN HASSAN, S.MJ.

(Muar Selatan).

ENCHE' AZIZ BIN ISHAK (Muar Dalam).

ENCHE' JONATHAN BANGAU ANAK RENANG (Sarawak).

PENGARAH BANYANG ANAK JANTING (Sarawak).

ENCHE' CHAN CHONG WEN, A.M.N.

(Kluang Selatan).

ENCHE' CHAN SEONG YOON (Setapak).


ENCHE' CHAN SIANG SUN (Bentong).

ENCHE' CHEN WING SUM (Damansara).

ENCHE' CHIA CHIN SHIN (Sarawak).

ENCHE' FRANCIS CHIA NYUK TONG (Sabah).

ENCHE' CHIA THYE POH (Singapore).

ENCHE' CHIN FOON (Ulu Kinta).

ENCHE' C. V. DEVAN NAIR (Bungsar).

ENCHE' EDWIN ANAK TANGKUN (Sarawak).

DATIN FATIMAH BINTI HAJI ABDUL MAJID (Johor Bahru Timor).

DATIN FATIMAH BINTI HAJI HASHIM, P.M.N.

(Jitra-Padang Terap).


1729 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1730 The Honourable ENCHE' S. FAZUL RAHMAN, A.D.K.

(Sabah).

DATU GANIE GILONG, P.D.K., J.P. (Sabah).

ENCHE' GANING BIN JANGKAT (Sabah).

ENCHE' GEH CHONG KEAT, K.M.N.

(Penang Utara).

ENCHE' HAMZAH BIN ALANG, A.M.N.

(Kapar).

ENCHE' HANAFI BIN MOHD.

YUNUS, A.M.N.

(Kulim Utara).

ENCHE' HANAFIAH BIN HUSSAIN, A.M.N.

(Jerai).

ENCHE' HARUN BIN ABDULLAH, A.M.N.

(Baling).

WAN HASSAN BIN WAN DAUD (Tumpat).

ENCHE' HO SEE BENG (Singapore).


ENCHE' STANLEY HO NYUN KHIU, A.D.K.

(Sabah).

ENCHE' HUSSEIN BIN T O' MUDA HASSAN, A.M.N.

(Raub).

ENCHE' HUSSEIN BIN MOHD.

NOORDIN, A.M.N., P J .

K. (Parit).

ENCHE' HUSSEIN BIN SULAIMAN (Ulu Kelantan).

TUAN HAJI HUSSAIN RAHIMI BIN HAJI SAMAN (Kota Bharu Hulu).

ENCHE' IKHWAN ZAINI (Sarawak).

ENCHE' IBRAHIM BIN ABDUL RAHMAN (Seberang Tengah).

ENCHE' ISMAIL BIN IDRIS (Penang Selatan).

PENGHULU JINGGUT ANAK ATTAN (Sarawak).

ENCHE' KAM WOON WAH, J.P. (Sitiawan).


ENCHE' KHOO PENG LOONG (Sarawak).

DATU KHOO SIAK CHIEW, P.D.K.

(Sabah).

ENCHE' KOW K EE SENG (Singapore).

ENCHE' EDMUND LANGGU ANAK SAGA (Sarawak).

ENCHE' LEE SAN CHOON, K.M.N.

(Segamat Selatan).

ENCHE' LEE SECK FUN (Tanjong Malim).

ENCHE' LING BENG SIEW (Sarawak).

DR LIM CHONG EU (Tanjong).

ENCHE' LIM HUAN BOON (Singapore).

ENCHE' LIM KEAN SIEW (Dato Kramat).

ENCHE' LIM PEE HUNG (Alor Star).

DR MAHATHIR BIN MOHAMAD (Kota Star Selatan).


ENCHE' T. MAHIMA SINGH, J.P. (Port Dickson).

ENCHE' JOE MANJAJI (Sabah).

DR HAJI MEGAT KHAS, J.P., PJ.K.

(Kuala Kangsar).

ENCHE' MOHD.

ARIF SALLEH, A.D.K.

(Sabah).

ENCHE' MOHAMED ASRI BIN HAJI MUDA, P.M.K.

(Pasir Puteh).

ORANG TUA MOHAMMAD DARA BIN LANGPAD (Sabah).

ENCHE' MOHD.

DAUD BIN ABDUL SAMAD (Besut).

ENCHE' MOHAMED IDRIS BIN MATSIL, J.M.N., PJ.K., J.P. (Jelebu-Jempol).

ENCHE' MOHD.

TAHIR BIN ABDUL MAJID, S.M.S., P J .

K. (Kuala Langat).
K. (Kuala Langat).

ENCHE' MOHAMED YUSOF BIN MAHMUD, A.M.N.

(Temerloh).

ENCHE' MOHD.

ZAHIR BIN HAJI ISMAIL (Sungei Patani).

1731 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1732 The Honourable WAN MOKHTAR BIN AHMAD (Kemaman).

TUAN HAJI MOKHTAR BIN HAJI ISMAIL (Perlis Selatan).

ENCHE' MUHAMMAD FAKHRUDDIN BIN HAJI ABDULLAH (Pasir Mas Hilir).

TUAN HAJI MUHAMMAD SU'AUT BIN HAJI MUHD.

TAHIR (Sarawak).

DATO' HAJI MUSTAPHA BIN HAJI ABDUL JABAR, D.P.M.S., A.M.N., J.P. (Sabak Bernam).

ENCHE' MUSTAPHA BIN AHMAD (Tanah Merah).


DATO' N IK AHMED KAMIL, D.K., S.P.M.K., S.MJ.K., P.M.N., P.Y.G.P., Dato' Sri Setia Raja (Kota Bharu Hilir).

ENCHE' NG FAH YAM (Batu Gajah).

DR NG KAM POH, J.P. (Telok Anson).

ENCHE' ONG K EE H UI (Sarawak).

TUAN HAJI OTHMAN BIN ABDULLAH (Hilir Perak).

ENCHE' OTHMAN BIN ABDULLAH, A.M.N.

(Perlis Utara).

ABANG OTHMAN BIN HAJI MOASILI (Sarawak).

ENCHE' OTHMAN BIN WOK (Singapore).

ENCHE' QUEK KAI DONG, J.P. (Seremban Timor).

ENCHE' S. RAJARATNAM (Singapore).


TUAN HAJI RAHMAT BIN HAJI DAUD, A.M.N.

(Johor Bahru Barat).

ENCHE' RAMLI BIN OMAR (Krian Darat).

TUAN HAJI REDZA BIN HAJI MOHD.

SAID, P.J.K., J.P. (Rembau-Tampin).

RAJA ROME BIN RAJA MA'AMOR (Kuala Selangor).

ENCHE' SANDOM ANAK NYUAK (Sarawak).

ENCHE' SEAH TENG NGIAB, P.I.S.

(Muar Pantai).

ENCHE' D. R. SEENIVASAGAM (Ipoh).

ENCHE' S. P. SEENIVASAGAM (Menglembu).

ENCHE' SIM BOON LIANG (Sarawak).

ENCHE' SNG CHIN JOO (Sarawak).

ENCHE' SOH AH TECK (Batu Pahat).


DATU DONALD ALOYSIUS STEPHENS, P.D.K.

(Sabah).

ENCHE' SULEIMAN BIN A LI (Dungun).

PENGIRAN TAHIR PETRA (Sabah).

ENCHE' TAJUDIN BIN A L I, P.J.K.

(Larut Utara).

ENCHE' TAI KUAN YANG (Kulim Bandar Bharu).

ENCHE' TAMA WENG TINGGANG WAN (Sarawak).

DR TAN CHEE KHOON (Batu).

ENCHE' TAN CHENG BEE, J.P. (Bagan).

ENCHE' TAN KEE GAK (Bandar Melaka).

ENCHE' TAN TOH HONG (Bukit Bintang).

ENCHE' TAN TSAK YU (Sarawak).

ENCHE' TIAH ENG BEE (Kluang Utara).


DR TOH CHIN CHYE (Singapore).

ENCHE' TOH THEAM HOCK (Kampar).

PENGHULU FRANCIS UMPAU ANAK EMPAM (Sarawak).

ENCHE' W EE TOON BOON (Singapore).

ENCHE' YEH PAO TZE (Sabah).

1733 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1734 The Honourable ENCHE' YEOH TAT BENG (Bruas).

ENCHE' STEPHEN YONG KUET TZE (Sarawak).

TUAN HAJI ZAKARIA BIN HAJI MOHD.

TAIB (Langat).

The Honourable the Minister of Home Affairs and Minister of Justice, ABSENT: DATO' DR ISMAIL BIN DATO' HAJI ABDUL RAHMAN, P.M.N.
(Johor Timor).

the Minister of Finance, ENCHE' TAN SIEW SIN, J.P. (Melaka Tengah).

the Minister of Commerce and Industry, DR LIM SWEE AUN, J.P. (Larut Selatan).

DR GOH KENG SWEE (Singapore).

DATO' SYED JA'AFAR BIN HASAN ALBAR, P.M.N.

(Johor Tenggara).

ENCHE' JEK YEUN THONG (Singapore).

ENCHE' KADAM ANAK KIAI (Sarawak).

ENCHE' LEE KUAN Y EW (Singapore).

DATO' LIM K IM SAN, D.U.T.

(Singapore).

ENCHE' AMADEUS MATHEW LEONG, A.D.K.

(Sabah).

ENCHE' PETER LO SU Y IN (Sabah).


ENCHE' ONG PANG BOON (Singapore).

ENCHE' SIEW LOONG HIN, PJ.K.

(Seremban Barat).

ENCHE' YONG NYUK LIN (Singapore).


PRAYERS (Mr Speaker in the Chair) BILL PRESENTED THE EMERGENCY (ESSENTIAL POWERS) BILL, 1964 Bill to confer certain powers on the Yang di-Pertuan Agong which it is expedient that His Majesty should be enabled to exercise in the emergency proclaimed on the third day of Septem ber, 1964, under Article 150 of the Federation Constitution; presented by the Deputy Prime Minister; read the first time; to be read a second time at this sitting of the House.
MOTIONS PERISHTIHARAN DHARURAT— (PROCLAMATION OF EMERGENCY) Command Paper No.
25 of 1964 The Prime Minister: Tuan Speaker, sa-belum daripada saya mengemukakan terkandong dalam agenda usul yang persidangan Dewan Ra'ayat pada hari ini, maka terlebeh dahulu saya suka menyatakan kapada Dewan ini bahawa pada hari Perishtiharan Dharurat itu di-tandatangani oleh Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di- Pertuan Agong, saya telah membuatkan satu kenyataan kapada surat2 khabar telah radio bahawa Kerajaan dan berpuas hati ia-itu kita sedang meng- hadapi keadaan dharurat dan ke- selamatan negara kita sedang di- ancham.
Fasal 150 dalam Perlembagaan dalam kita menyatakan keadaan yang saperti itu Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong boleh me- ngeluarkan satu Perishtiharan Dharurat.

bahawa Tanggong-jawab saya pada hari ini ia-lah mendapatkan sokongan yang sa- penoh2-nya dari semua Ahli Dewan Ra'ayat ini kapada Perishtiharan itu.
Sa-sunggoh-nya kita semua merasa amat dukachita kerana terpaksa meng- ishtiharkan keadaan dharurat dalam negeri kita ini, walhal- nya baharu sahaja 3 tahun yang lepas tamat-nya kita telah merayakan sa-kali lagi 1735 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1736 dharurat yang telah berjalan semenjak tahun 1948.
Di-antara masa dharurat itu di-tamatkan pada 31 haribulan Julai, 1961 sa-hingga kapada masa Indonesia melancharkan konferantasi terhadap ia-itu kira2 pada 12 haribulan kita April, 1963 kita telah dapat merasa megah kerana kita telah dapat hidup dalam suasana yang aman dan riang gembira sa-kali pun negara kita ini terletak di-tengah2 Benua Asia yang penoh dengan beberapa kekachauan dan pemberontakan2, malang-nya kita tidak dapat mengechap nikmat ke- amanan itu lama sa-bagai yang kita chita2.
Dalam uchapan2 saya di-Dewan ini saya telah menegaskan beberapa kali bahawa sunggoh pun kita telah dapat mengalahkan kominis di-negeri kita ini tetapi kita tidak dapat mengalahkan kominis itu sa-lama2-nya dan kita tidak dapat menawan atau menghapuskan- nya sama sa-kali dan lambat-laun pada satu hari kelak mereka akan monchol kembali.
Salah satu dari sebab2 yang membawa kapada kekalahan mereka dahulu itu ia-lah kerana mereka tidak mendapat sokongan dengan sa-penoh2- nya daripada orang2 dalam negeri kita ini.

Sekarang, dengan ada-nya sokongan yang mereka dapat daripada Indonesia yang ada pengikut2-nya di-sini mereka chuba hendak memulakan balek usaha2 membuat kekachauan dalam negeri kita ini.
Sa-belum dari konferantasi mereka dan berundor menyembunyi telah menyurokkan diri mereka itu untok menunggu2 peluang bagi memulakan keganasan kekachauan balek mereka tentu-lah itu.
Saya perchaya mereka telah bersunggoh2 bermuafakat dengan pehak yang ada di-luar negeri untok meranchangkan satu gerakan bersama yang lebeh besar lagi daripada yang mereka lakukan dalam telah tahun 1948 sampai tahun 1961. dan Dari semenjak tamat-nya dharurat, kemudahan untok belayar ka-sana dan ka-sini telah di-beri dengan tidak ada sekatan oleh Kerajaan kita ini.
Banyak dari mereka ada yang pergi ka-negeri China telah di-benarkan masok balek ka-negeri ini dan mereka yang dudok di-sini telah di-beri kebenaran pergi ka-Hongkong atau pun ka-Indonesia di-mana mereka dapat peluang berun- ding dan bermuafakat dengan badan2 kominis dan seteru2 kita di-luar negeri ini dengan senang sahaja.
Pada tahun lepas kita telah menerima laporan yang menunjokkan bahawa pegawai2 Kedutaan Indonesia termasok Duta Besar-nya sendiri dan juga kaki- tangan2 Jabatan Konsul Indonesia di- Pulau Pinang, Singapura, Sabah dan kerja2 Sarawak telah menjalankan khianat dan perbuatan2 menentang Kerajaan negeri kita ini.

Sa-benar-nya pehak yang mula2 sa-kali membuka tembelang perbuatan khianat itu ia-lah sa-buah akhbar Melayu, ia-itu Utusan Melayu.
Akhbar itu telah menyatakan bahawa Duta Besar Indonesia sendiri telah bersunggoh2 berusaha membang- kitkan rasa silap faham di-kalangan pendudok2 di-dalam negeri kita ini dengan timbul per- gadohan2 kaum antara orang2 Melayu dengan orang2 China dan juga me- nyemaikan rasa tidak puas hati di- kalangan anggota2 Pasokan Kesela- matan.
Akhir-nya sa-kali, kita terpaksa mengambil tindakan ka-atas sa-orang ahli Dewan ini dan juga ahli beberapa buah parti politik yang pendirian-nya chenderong hala ka-kiri atau pun parti2 yang chenderong ka-hala Indonesia, kerana perbuatan2 mereka yang tidak ini yang setia kapada negeri kita mengancham dalam negeri ini.
keselamatan supaya tujuan Pada 11 haribulan Disember, 1963 saya telah membentangkan satu Kertas Puteh berkenaan dengan perhubongan antara Malaysia dengan Indonesia dalam Dewan ini yang terkandong di- dalam-nya peristiwa2 dan kejadian2 yang membawa kapada terputus-nya perhubongan diplomatic dengan Indo nesia dan juga pendapat saya tentang perkara2 yang membawa kapada ber- laku-nya keadaan yang mendukachita- telah kan itu.
Pada waktu itu saya memberi ini bahawa dari semenjak 12 haribulan April, 1963 beberapa banyak kejadian mencheroboh masok ka-dalam wilayah kita telah berlaku yang menyebabkan timbul beberapa pertemporan2 antara Pasokan Keselamatan kita dengan pencheroboh2 Indonesia.
Orang2 Indo nesia yang bersenjata telah melanggar masok ka-sempadan kita, mereka telah tahu kapada Dewan 1737 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1738 rahsia pengintip2 menghantar dan pengachau2 serta penghasut2 dari Indo nesia ka-Malaysia, dan ejen2 mereka telah menjalankan kerja2 subversive dalam Malaysia dengan chergas ter- utama-nya sa-kali di-Singapura.
Saya telah memberi tahu Dewan ini ia-itu sukarelawan2 Irian Barat dari Malaya yang telah di-tanam dengan perasaan anti-Malaysia sa-masa mereka berlateh di-Indonesia itu telah pun di- hantar balek ka-Malaya dalam bulan Disember tahun 1962 untok menjalan kan kerja2 subversive dalam negeri ini.

Banyak daripada mereka yang bekerja untok kepentingan musoh dan yang menyokong Indonesia perchaya bahawa mereka akan mendapat fa'edah dan untong yang besar kira-nya Indonesia merampas negeri kita ini.
Parti2 dan orang2 ini ia-lah mereka yang tiada berjaya dalam lapangan politik yang berchorak demokrasi dan tidak dapat memerentah ini melainkan dengan chara yang haram.

negeri serta merampas Pada masa konferantasi Indonesia itu mula berlaku, telah menyerang nelayan2 kita yang tidak bersenjata dan ikan2 merompak tangkapan mereka, alat2 dan perahu2 mereka, di-dalam kawasan perayeran negeri kita ini atau pun di-dalam territorial water.
Di-dalam kesemua serangan2 itu kita dapati kapal2 meriam Indonesia dan askar2 laut Indonesia telah terlibat sama.

Dalam masa itu juga kapal2 telah kelihatan mencheroboh angkasa negeri kita ini di-wilayah2 Borneo dan juga di-Tanah Melayu.
terbang Indonesia Indonesia Terang dan jelas-lah sekarang telah menjalankan ini bahawa sedang memberi bantuan yang banyak kapada kominis dan dari bukti2 yang kita telah dapati Kerajaan Indonesia yang pro-kominis itu fitnah—telah membuat pakatan dengan ahli2 parti kominis di-sini, dan dengan ada-nya pakatan itu maka kira2 2,000 orang pemuda pemudi daripada bangsa China dari Sabah dan Sarawak dan juga kira2 300 orang dari Singapura termasok juga orang2 Melayu dan kira2 200 orang dari negeri2 lain di-Tanah Melayu ini telah pergi ka-Indonesia untok di-lateh di-dalam berbagai2 kerja subversive terus supaya terang2 dan dan di-dalam peperangan gurila.
Di- dalam masa kejadian2 itu berlaku, ahli2 dalam sa-tengah2 parti politik yang halal dan haram, yang ada di-dalam Malaya ini dan juga di-Singapura, telah mula menunjokkan sokongan mereka kapada Indonesia dan bersatu dengan anasir2 yang tidak ta'at setia kapada ini untok berusaha bagi negeri kita memudahkan perchubaan2 Indonesia hendak mengganyang atau meng- ini.
Sa-tengah2 hanchorkan Malaysia pertubohan politik telah menunjokkan dengan terang Indonesia sokongan mereka kapada dengan pemuda chara menghasut jangan ini pemudi negeri mempertahankan negara mereka dan jangan mendaftarkan diri mereka untok berkhidmat negeri mereka sendiri.
Ahli2 Yang Berhormat harus telah membacha satu berita dalam sa- buah surat khabar berkenaan dengan sa-buah parti politik menyebarkan risalah2 dan isi kandongan-nya sangat berlawanan dengan kepentingan negeri ini, dan melemahkan semangat keper- wiraan ra'ayat.
Jika perbuatan2 khianat dan derhaka saperti ini tidak di-chegah, maka tentu-lah Malaysia tidak dapat mempertahankan diri-nya dari musoh luar negeri yang di-bantu oleh peng- khianat2 dan tali2 barut Indonesia itu dengan tujuan supaya pergadohan2 dan kekachauan akan di-antara menghilangkan tenaga dan melemah kan Kerajaan untok menentang pen- cherobohan dari luar negeri.
dalam kaum Kekachauan yang berlaku di-Singa pura itu susah juga hendak di-kawal kerana pengaroh ejen2 Indonesia dalam kawasan pergadohan2 itu ada-lah kuat.
Apakala keadaan telah puleh kembali berikutan dengan lawatan saya ka- Singapura sa-lepas dari kejadian yang pertama dan orang2 Singapura telah puas hati dengan jaminan2 yang saya beri untok menyiasat dan membaiki kehidupan orang2 miskin di-negeri itu maka ejen2 Indonesia itu telah pergi tempat menghasut orang2 ka-serata ramai supaya jangan perchaya kapada Tun Razak dan kapada saya, dan juga menyuroh mereka meneruskan per buatan membalas dendam.
Ada laporan2 yang menunjokkan bahawa beberapa orang ahli parti politik dari Tanah 1739 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1740 ini telah pergi ka-Singapura Melayu tujuan hendak menjalankan dengan perbuatan menghasut ramai dengan chara memberi kapada mereka 'azimat2 dan risalah2 yang derhaka dan berbagai2 seruan dan akuan untok membangkitkan sa-mula segala per- gadohan dan kekachauan itu.
orang itu kerja2 jawatan-kuasa tersebut kerana tindakan ka-atas orang2 Jawatan-kuasa Muhibbah tidak dapat hendak mengatasi perbuatan2 anasir ada-lah di- yang fikirkan bahawa kuasa untok meng- ambil itu terletak di-dalam tangan Polis.

Dengan sebab ini lagi berkesan.

Oleh yang tidak-lah demikian saya telah memberi arahan kapada Polis supaya chuba menchari jalan bagaimana hendak membaiki per- jalanan kerja2 mereka, dengan chara memberi kewajipan2 yang munasabah dan Jawatan-kuasa Muhibbah itu.
Sa-kira-nya chara yang saperti ini tidak juga akan mendatang- kan fa'edah, maka saya telah meminta elok Polis mengkaji di-gantikan Jawatan-kuasa Muhibbah itu dengan jawatan2-kuasa yang lain yang akan bekerja bersama2 dengan Polis.
tertentu kapada sama ada Dengan bantuan dari ejen2—tali2 barut itu, Indonesia dan kominis itu-lah juga yang membolehkan Indo nesia mendaratkan tentera-nya di-tiga tempat dalam daerah Pontian pada 17 haribulan Ogos dan menggugor- kan askar2 Komando mereka di-Labis pada pagi2 2 September.

Sekarang ada pula khabar2 angin telah yang mengatakan mereka menggugorkan lagi tentera2 tambahan di-Labis.

Khabar angin ini jangan-lah di-perchayai sa-hingga Kerajaan telah mengesahkan-nya.
juga orang2 derhaka Beberapa orang dari mereka.

sunggoh pun bilangan yang kechil, ia-itu orang2 yang yang atau mendarat telah dapat lepas lari dari kepongan Pasokan Keselamatan kita dan berpechah2 masok ka-bahagian lain, dan sa-bahagian besar sa-benar- nya dari mereka telah di-tembak mati atau pun di-tawan.

Musoh2 itu tidak lari dari kepongan Pasokan dapat Keselamatan itu kechuali dengan per- tolongan yang di-beri oleh penderhaka2 telah yang ada di-negeri berpakat sama dengan pehak seteru itu.
ini yang dan Di-negeri2 Sabah Sarawak tentera2 musoh yang di- bilangan tembak mati hingga 31 Julai ia-lah 206 orang, tertangkap 150 orang, menyerah diri 55 orang, terchedera dan lepas lari 83 orang, berbanding dengan 45 orang askar kita yang terbunoh dan 80 orang terchedera.
juga yang bantuan dari kominis Kita mempunyai bukti yang menu- jokkan bahawa Indonesia berchadang hendak mengharu kita lagi kerana mereka dapati bahawa mereka men- dan dapat anasir2 lain yang menyokong mereka penderhaka2 dan ada di-negeri ini.

Sa-bagaimana yang telah saya katakan tadi, kita sangat ber- dukachita kerana dalam masa kita menghadapi anchaman dari luar itu, ada pula sa-tengah2 parti politik di-sini yang menunjokkan sokongan mereka terang2 kapada musoh kita.
dengan timbul itu Dengan kerana pertanyaan dalam hati kita sama ada patut kita memberi hak2 demokrasi kapada parti2 yang tujuan-nya sa-mata2 hendak menjahanam dan menchabul (Tepok).

Kita menjamin demokrasi bahawa kita boleh berlawan dengan Indonesia dan menahankan negeri kita dari serangan musoh, asalkan musoh di-dalam negeri kita ini dapat di- hapuskan tentu-lah (Tepok).
anasir2 daripada Oleh yang demikian mustahak-lah Kerajaan mengambil langkah sekarang juga supaya keadaan itu tidak menjadi terang bertambah burok.

Sudah-lah dan jelas kapada kita semua bahawa kira-nya musoh kita itu tidak mendapat sokongan yang khianat dan daripada kominis, maka tidak dapat men tentu-lah mereka tentera daratkan dan menggugorkan ini, dan mereka di-Tanah Melayu tentu-lah itu tidak dapat lari dari kepongan tentera2 kita.
Sa-balek-nya pula dengan bantuan dan kerjasama dari ra'ayat negeri ini yang telah dapat setia, kita ketahui' di-mana musoh itu ada dan dapat bertemu mereka, dan juga orang2 kampong sendiri telah menawan dan menyerahkan musoh itu kapada polis.

itu Mereka tentera2 pencheroboh telah menangkap musoh ta'at 1741 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1742 dengan tidak menghiraukan bahaya jiwa mereka sendiri kerana kapada mereka redza mati dari menyerahkan negeri mereka kapada musoh mentah2.
Apakala parti Perikatan mengemu- kakan soal pencherobohan Indonesia dalam pilehan raya yang lepas, parti kita telah mendapat sokongan yang besar daripada ra'ayat yang benar2 ta'at setia kapada negeri ini.

Oleh itu kita tidak merasa bimbang sa-kali pun ada pengkhianat2 dalam kalangan kita kerana mereka itu bilangan-nya sangat kechil jika di-bandingkan dengan bila- ngan orang2 yang ta'at setia.
Sa-kali pun bagitu Kerajaan mustahak bertin- dak dengan segera bagi mengatasi ke- itu dan bagi dudokan yang burok mendatangkan perasaan tenang dan semangat kuat di-antara orang2 ramai.

Dengan menjalankan kuat kuasa peratoran Undang2 Dharurat itu, bukan-lah tujuan Kerajaan hendak menyusahkan ra'ayat negeri ini yang boleh memberi setia.
Saya ta'at jaminan bahawa peratoran tidak itu akan memberi sa-barang kesan burok ka-atas kehidupan dan gerak geri ra'ayat yang ta'at setia, gudang2 per- niagaan, estate2 dan lombong2.

Undang2 Dharurat itu bertujuan supaya dapat Kerajaan bertindak dengan chepat dan maju menentang musoh, ejen2 dan talibarut2 mereka.

Ra'ayat yang ta'at setia tidak patut takut atau bimbang kapada Undang2 Dharurat ini.
Sekarang Kerajaan hendak meng- adakan sa-buah Jawatan-kuasa untok menyusun perkara2 penerangan me- ngenai' dengan dharurat.

Kerajaan hendak menyebarkan berjuta2 risalah dalam semua bahasa melalu'i saloran pentadbiran dan lain-nya supaya dapat- lah orang ramai dalam seluroh negeri ini faham akan tujuan Kerajaan yang telah mengishtiharkan dharurat itu.
Risalah2 ini akan mengandongi pene rangan2 kapada orang2 ramai ber- kenaan dengan Undang2 Dharurat, kejayaan2 untok mengawal keamanan dan keterangan2 berkait dengan kejadian2 yang berlaku.

Risalah2 itu juga akan mengajar orang ramai bagaimana chara yang sa-baik2- nya untok mereka bekerjasama dengan Kerajaan, dan perkara2 yang Kerajaan di-chapai yang itu.
Saya juga menunjokkan suka mendapat ma'alumat dari orang jalan yang ramai dan bagaimana sa-baik2-nya untok mereka menyam- paikan ma'alumat suka memberi amaran kapada parti2 politik yang berkenaan ia-itu kira-nya mereka sokongan maseh kapada musoh dengan jalan menye barkan di'ayah2 yang bohong dan yang menghasut sa-bagaimana yang mereka telah lakukan, maka Kerajaan tidak ada jalan lain melainkan terpaksa-lah mengambil tindakan yang kuat dan tegas ka-atas mereka.
Tetapi sa-belum saya berbuat bagitu saya rasa sangat- lah amaran terlebeh dahulu kapada parti2 politik itu pada sa'at dan hari ini.

saya memberi patut Kita dudok di-sini dalam sa-buah negara yang demokratik.

Oleh itu sangat-lah patut bagi semua parti2 politik yang di-benarkan dan di-halal- kan di-negeri ini mengamalkan dan patoh kapada asas2 demokrasi.
Sa- balek-nya jika mereka menchabul asas2 demokrasi dan hak2 kelebehan serta peluang2 yang di-beri kapada mereka sa-hingga mengancham keselamatan dan kedaulatan negeri ini, maka Kerajaan terpaksa-lah meng ambil tindakan ka-atas mereka saperti yang telah saya sebutkan tadi.
itu atau Dengan ada-nya keadaan dharurat ini maka Kerajaan akan membesarkan Tentera Wataniah (Territorial Army), Pasokan2 Pengawal Kampong (Vigi lante Corps), menghidupkan balek Badan Pertahanan Pasokan 'Awam dan Home Guard yang telah menunjokkan jasa mereka dalam masa dharurat dahulu.
Dengan membesar kan dan menghidupkan balek pa sokan2 ini, maka kita berharap akan dapat menamatkan keadaan dharurat tetapi wajib-lah itu dengan segera, bagi sakalian ra'ayat yang ta'at setia kapada negeri ini memberi perkhid- matan mereka kapada Kerajaan dan menolong Kerajaan untok menamat sa-berapa kan dharurat segera yang boleh.
itu dengan Saya amat-lah sukachita kerana banyak Union2 yang besar, ia-itu National Plantation Union Workers, National Union of Teachers, Congress of Unions of Employees in of 1743 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1744 the Public and Civil Services, Rail- waymen's Union of Malaya, Malayan Technical Services Union, War De partment Civilian Staff Association, University Students Union dan Per- satuan Silat Gayong Kedah, yang telah berjanji hendak memberi so- sa-penoh-nya kapada kongan yang Kerajaan dalam sa'at dharurat ini.
(Tepok).

Maka saya suka mengambil untok menguchapkan peluang terima kaseh kapada ketua2 dan ahli2 kesatuan2 yang tersebut.

Saya perchaya Kesatuan2 Majikan juga akan turut sama memberi pengakuan mereka untok menyokong Kerajaan.

ini Saya berseru kapada seluroh ra'ayat negeri ini supaya tampil ka-hadapan memberi sokongan mereka kapada Kerajaan dengan chara menawarkan diri mereka untok berkhidmat di- dalam salah satu Pasokan yang saya sebut tadi.
Sokongan yang sa-habis kechil sa-kali yang boleh di-beri oleh satu2 orang pada masa ia-lah menolong supaya perasaan muhibbah di-antara kaum itu dapat di-pelihara.

Sa-barang berita2 angin yang boleh menimbulkan rasa benchi antara satu sama lain mesti-lah segera di-padam- tujuan orang yang me kan, kerana nimbulkan berita ia-lah rasa benchi hendak membangkitkan dan semua kaum yang dudok di-sini dengan aman dan kaseh mesera dari semenjak ber- kurun2 dahulu.
shak wasangka antara angin itu ini Negeri ini mempunyai chukup tem- pat, chukup hasil bumi dan chukup tiap2 sa-orang boleh peluang untok hidup dengan riang dan senang.

Sa- lagi hak2 Melayu yang terkandong dalam Perlembagaan itu di-hormati oleh orang2 lain, maka orang2 Melayu mesti-lah pula hormat hak2 orang kehidupan mereka lain menchari dari sa-hari ka-sahari.
Dengan ada- nya sikap hormat menghormati dan saling mengerti antara satu sama lain, maka saya tidak nampak sa-barang sebab kenapa boleh timbul sa-barang perasaan shak wasangka dan benchi membenchi kaum di-antara dengan lain.

Perasaan yang burok itu tidak ada dahulu, jadi kenapa-kah timbul sekarang itu boleh perasaan ini.
Oleh itu nyata-lah bahawa ke- satu dan dukachita, itu bangkit sa-mata2 dengan adaan sebab perbuatan pengkhianat2 dan puak derhaka yang di-beli oleh pehak seteru kita Indonesia untok menimbul kan kekachauan pergadohan dalam negeri ini.
Kita merasa kerana menghadapi konfrontasi dari sa-buah negeri yang kita sentiasa pandang sa-bagai negara jiran yang bersahabat, dan kita rasa lebeh2 dukachita lagi, kerana orang2 yang telah mendapat faedah di-bawah dan Kerajaan demokrasi ini menggunakan hak2 dan kebebasan mereka untok menolong musoh yang hendak meng- hanchorkan menjahanamkan negeri itu mesti-lah kita bertindak dengan chepat untok meng- kapada hadapi-nya.

Kita untok Allah Subhanahu Wata'ala memberi pertolongan dan melindongi kita.
keuntongan ini.

Oleh berdo'a dan Tuan Speaker, saya pohon menge- mukakan usul yang berbunyi: Bahawa Majlis ini dengan sa-penoh-nya bersetuju dan menyokong Perishtiharan Dharurat yang di-bentangkan dalam Majlis sa-bagai Kertas Titah No.

25 tahun 1964.

Enche' Abdul Ghani bin Ishak (Melaka Utara): Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya bangun pada pagi yang bertuah ini ia-lah menyokong atas chadangan Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku Perdana Menteri.
Ada-lah menjadi kebanggaan ra'ayat kapada saya yang mewakili dalam kawasan saya yang semenjak dahulu lagi menchintai" keamanan, maka di-Dewan yang bertuah ini, pada pagi ini-lah dapat saya menyuarakan kehendak2 bagi yang pehak ra'ayat yang saya wakili ia-itu ia-lah tidak lain dan negara, untok menjaga untok mempertahankan keamanan kita, dan juga untok memenohi janji saya—janji Perikatan untok memeli- hara maruah negeri ini.
tidak bukan keamanan sa-benar-nya Sa-bagaimana yang kita ketahui' bahawa sa-sabuah negeri tidak akan mendapat kemajuan, kalau sa-kira-nya tidak ada keamanan, dan apa yang paling penting pada kita semua seka ia-lah untok menjaga ke rang telah ada, dan itu kalau amanan keamanan, barangkali menegakkan terduga.
kalau sa-kira-nya keamanan ini 1745 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1746 seruan sa-bagaimana yang Sa-bagaimana yang telah kita sama2 telah di- tahu suarakan oleh Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku pada pagi ini, sa'at-nya telah tiba kapada kita semua, kapada kita ini untok seluroh ra'ayat Malaysia ayer kita tanah menyahut untok menjaga tanah ayer kita dari pada kekachauan yang telah pun mulai timbul, dan harus kalau kita tidak waspada terhadap negara kita, tinggal dengan negara kita kenang2an pada masa akan datang, tetapi sa-bagai satu bangsa yang me- ngenalkan keadaan diri kita—sa-kali ini kita telah merdeka, saya rasa kita tidak boleh biarkan negeri kita han- chor daripada kemerdekaan itu untok di-chabut, atau pun hilang daripada tangan kita.
akan ini sekarang lebeh ka-hadapan Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sa-bagaimana yang kita ketahm daripada keterangan yang di-berikan oleh Yang Teramat ia-itu ada di-antara Mulia Tunku ini yang ra'ayat di-dalam negeri dengan tali-barut sukarela menjadi pehak yang menyerang kita.

Ini-lah, kalau kita, kalau ra'ayat yang chinta- daripada kan keamanan, patut-lah sekarang lagi untok menchari jalan dan menghan- chorkan sa-siapa juga yang menjadi tali-barut yang boleh menyampaikan musoh2 itu bertapak kapada kita.
Bukti-nya pada kita ini terang dengan tindakan2 yang di-buat oleh orang atau pun mereka yang tidak bertanggong-jawab, ini akibat- nya tidak lain dan tidak bukan melain- kan terkena kapada darah daging kita sendiri.
Mithal-nya, kekachauan yang yang timbul dapat menchuchok memechah-belah- kan di-antara pendudok2 dan ra'ayat di-sini, orang2 yang atau mereka yang terhasut tentu-lah dapat memastikan sekarang ini, bukan orang yang menghasut itu menjadi atau pun mendapat kerugian, tetapi kita kalau tidak waspada dapat di-hasut atau dapat oleh mereka yang menchari kesempatan hendak menghanchorkan kita.
di-Singapura, di-chuchok barangkali anasir2 terhasut Jadi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, bila di-laksanakan Undang2 Dharurat ini tentu-lah bagi pehak Kerajaan akan dapat menjalankan langkah dan lain2 lagi lebeh berkesan daripada yang ada sekarang ini.
yang pehak2 Saya pada pagi ini rasa saya tidak- lah bermaksud berchakap panjang dalam Majlis ini, tetapi sa-belum saya dudok dan sa-belum saya membqri peluang barangkali Ahli2 yang lain berchakap dalam hal ini, bagi pehak saya menguchapkan sa-tinggi2 tahniah kapada sa-lama-nya menghalusi atau pun mengambil berat dalam perkara2 atau pun dalam hal2, sa-hingga dapat kita ketahui perkara2 yang boleh mendatangkan kerosakan kapada negara kita.
Umpama-nya uchapan Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku, sa-bahagian daripada akhbar dalam tanah ayer kita ini, terutama sa-kali akhbar Utusan Melayu, mithal-nya, telah pun menyiarkan perkara atau pun langkah busok yang di-buat oleh Kedutaan2 Indonesia yang ada di-sini yang di-taborkan-nya rachun perpe- chahan kapada semua ra'ayat, dari pada masa penyibaran itu saya rasa kebanyakan ra'ayat di-tanah ayer kita ini dapat memahamkan dengan sa- sunggoh2-nya langkah atau pun apa-kah langkah yang telah di-buat atau yang di-adakan oleh wakil2 atau ejen Indonesia yang ada di-tanah ayer kita.
benar-kah Sa-lain daripada itu, kapada ra'ayat dalam Malaysia ini patut-lah kita menghalakan pandangan kita kapada saudara kita yang ada di-Pontian khas-nya ia-itu kita patut menguchap kan tahniah dan harus pada masa akan datang seluroh ra'ayat akan dapat menchontohi apa yang telah di-bukti- kan oleh ra'ayat atau oleh saudara kita khas-nya di-daerah Pontian walau pun senjata tidak ada mempunyai yang lengkap dan tidak ada mempu nyai kesiapan yang barangkali di- susun daripada awal, kerana kejadian ini tidak di-sangka telah pun memberi sokongan yang baik dan memberi sokongan kapada Kerajaan sa-hingga dapat kita ketahui sekarang ini banyak tindakan saudara2 kita di- di-antara Pontian itu memberi hasil yang baik.
Dan dalam hal ini nampak kapada saya, kerana di-wilayah saya sendiri pun telah menyahut seruan yang di- ia-itu kita ma- buat oleh Kerajaan, sing2 sekarang rumah ini menjaga 1747 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1748 tangga kita walau sa-besar mana pun barangkali yang boleh kita buat, kita patut buat dan mesti buat untok mem- pertahankan maruah negara kita, jadi sudah pun di-adakan pasokan2, ter- di-kampong2 yang utama di-kenal sekarang ini dengan Pasokan Penga- wal Kampong.
Pada pehak Kerajaan pada masa akan datang ini saya suka- lah merayu untok melengkapkan sadikit atau pun memberi alat2 yang menasabah yang dapat di-gunakan oleh saudara2 kita atau oleh ra'ayat ketika menjalankan tugas pada masa mereka bertugas yang akan datang.

Jadi, dengan ini saya ada-lah me- nyokong dengan kuat-nya chadangan Yang Teramat Mulia Perdana Menteri (Tepok).

into these Dr Toh Chin Chye (Singapore): Mr Speaker, Sir, in 1948 a state of Emergency was proclaimed for Malaya and Singapore.
This duration of Emergency lasted twelve years.

Last week a similar state of Emergency the whole of for was proclaimed Malaysia.

The circumstances under which two Emergencies have been proclaimed, however, are different.
Today faces a the entire country greater peril from an aggressive neigh bour, whose intention and objective has been squarely stated in a White Paper issued by the Central Govern ment in April, which is to include the territories of Sabah, Sarawak, Singa pore and Malaya a greater Indonesia.
The train of events which we experience today is so much reminis cent of the history of Europe in the 1930s when Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Austria and Poland one by one fell under the machinations of Hitler and his Nazi Party and became vassals of Germany.

The comparison between the European situation and that of South- East Asia is inevitable.
If we ourselves do not wish to be like these unfor tunate European States which fell victims one after another to the fascist conspiracy, then it is necessary that the historical we all seek to reasons which brought the collapse of these States from the events to World War led that eventually Two.

about learn Mr Speaker, Sir, Munich itself, the capital of Austria, is a lovely ancient city.

Dr Tan Chee Khoon (Batu): On a point of clarification.

I do not think Munich the capital of Austria.


Vienna is the capital of Austria.

is Dr Toh Chin Chye: Mr Speaker, Sir, I thank the Member for Batu for his correction and am very grateful to him indeed.

I am quite sure he will have greater reminiscence of Munich as not the capital of Austria but as a city where the Nazi Party was founded.

But, Sir, it is unimportant whether Munich or Vienna was the capital of Austria.
What I was going to say is that it is history and not geography that has made Munich famous, for Munich has become syno nymous with appeasement.

While we ourselves are all sweet reason in our attempts to co-exist with neighbouring Indonesia, that sweet reason should be backed up with resolve and determination not to succumb to the pressures that we face the today.

The world must know efforts we have made for peace in Manila, Bangkok and Tokyo.

But in the end that over Malaysia there must be no Munich.
is also necessary resolve let us it It has been clear that from the time the West Irian issue was settled in the United Nations, Indonesia has sought to perpetuate an atmosphere of crisis not only at home but also abroad by picking upon Malaysia as the whip ping boy.

Today, Indonesian confron tation has not ceased at economic to blockade, but has now extended overt aggression.
As the Prime Minis ter has indicated, Indonesian guerillas have made incursions into the borders of Sabah and Sarawak and now they landed at Pontian and para have troopers dropped at Labis in Malaya.

Pressure is also kept up by subversion in Singapore.

This subversion has taken the form of agitating and pro to voking create civil commotion and bring the economic life of the city to a halt.

Though war has not been declared, the battle for Malaysia has begun.
These then are the circumstances of the second emergency we face.

inter-racial clashes so as 1749 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1750 Mr Speaker, permit me to digress a little over what I wish to call the "Singapore Lesson."

For over 100 years the different communities in Singapore have lived together in peace.

Side by side they have resisted the Japanese occupation of World War II.

The July disturbances have unfortunately created cracks in racial harmony and the enemy now seeks to widen these cracks further.
It is sad indeed that this breach in our own defence has initially been created by our own petty politicians, petty politicians whose vision does not extend beyond their noses.

(Applause).

Let it be remembered by all and sundry that nobody can whip up such mob feeling with fiery oratory and then hope to snuff it out as it can be done with the flame of a cigarette lighter.

The healing of the cracks in inter racial harmony must be a continuous process.
There is no once and for all solution to all this business of July, just as there is no summary cure for cholera.

Vaccination against cholera confers immunity for only six months, after which the germ once more be comes lethal and the victim succumbs.

So also goodwill between communities must be preached and practised not just for six weeks or six months, but continuously.

This is the only insurance and proplylaxis against future out breaks of communal disturbances.
Most important of all let us ourselves be on our guard against allowing external hostile forces the multi racial character of our nation.

to exploit Mr Speaker, there is no doubt that the promulgation of the emergency has given the Central Government enor mous powers.

In brief, the executive authority of the Central Government now overrides the legislative authority of any State, notwithstanding anything in the Federal Constitution.
Moreover more teeth has now been put into the emergency by the proclamation of a state of security for Malaysia, and a state of danger for Singapore.

To the man in the street—the layman—it is confusing, if not bewildering, to be told that we are now living in a state of emergency, in a state of security and a state of danger.

Really, all these pro clamations in effect give the Police and the military very wide powers which they normally would not have.
It would be tedious for me to relate what all these powers are but they are all des cribed in Section 3 of the Public Order Preservation Ordinance 1958 and Sec tion 47 of the Internal Security Act of 1960.

Today Parliament is asked to approve the proclamation of the state of emer gency with this full knowledge that all authority will be vested in the hands of the Central Government, and that the Central Government can make rules and regulations without prior consulta tion with Parliament.
If emergency powers are necessary for the Central Government to prosecute the battle for Malaysia, then so be it.

Sir, there is danger in the air and the times are too grave for us to allow party politics to the people and weaken our divide resistance to Indonesian infiltration.

On the other hand, it is necessary that the Central Government should exercise the powers, that the States have tempo rarily surrendered, with great care and discretion.
There is no denying that any abuse of the very large powers that have been given to the Police and the armed forces under the proclamation of emergency can reduce us to a Police state.

Memories of the last emergency are unpleasant.

At that time criticism of the colonial authority was interpreted as sedition.

Such restrictions on free dom of speech almost brought political life to a halt.
Regulations on the move ments of persons were not only irksome but also resented because of the rigidity with which the government bureaucracy implemented them.

Over zealous and over excessive application of emergency powers, while necessary in the prosecu tion of the problems of security, can also at the same time create apprehen sion and suspicion of intentions.

It is thus more urgent than ever for the Central Government to assuage all fears that the emergency powers will not be abused.
Let us hope, Sir, that in dealing with the problems of security we ourselves do not create for ourselves problems of wider magnitude which cannot be solved purely by emergency laws.

1751 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1752 the same the Barisan Sosialis May I at this juncture, Mr Speaker, remind the House that this is the time for us to mobilise all our resources to combat external aggression.
Members of the House may have seen in the newspapers this morning a story that the Barisan Sosialis of Singapore has submitted a resolution for debate in the Singapore Legislative Assembly.

This resolution severely criticises the move taken by the Central Government to call up all those who were registered for national service.

This, Sir, is indeed astounding, the wolves are at our doors but the Barisan Sosialis asks us to surrender so that we can be devoured.
Whatever may be the motive of this resolution, is clearly playing the role of the Trojan Horse for Indonesian forces.

They have at time, in submitting a resolution, written a letter to me asking me to summon an emergency meeting of the Singapore Legislative Assembly to debate on this resolution.
I have also replied to the Barisan Sosialis that matters of defence and matters relating to conscription are the powers and the responsibility of the Central Govern ment, and that it was appropriate and constitutionally correct for to them to you, Mr submit Speaker of the Dewan Ra'ayat, so that debate can take place.
I have also indicated to the writer of this letter that as he is also a Member of Parliament, he could use this opportunity to voice his views which he would otherwise have done in the Singapore Assembly; and I hope that the representatives of the Barisan Sosialis in this House will this morning make their views known on conscription, so that it will never be said that they were denied the opportu nity of free speech.
this resolution tolerance Central Government exercises its emer and gency powers with restraint, so that the confidence of the people in the democratic system will not fade, and the people will not be disillusioned over the viability of the Federation of Malaysia itself.

However, there can be no second thoughts or half-hearted efforts in the conduct of the campaign to win the battle for Malaysia.

The alternative is to fall under Indonesian hegemony.
We have stated time and again that in matters of national importance, we are prepared to work actively with the Central Government; and in this battle for Malaysia, we will play our part, so that the battle will be won and (Applause).

Malaysia will be saved.

Br Tan Chee Khoon: Mr Speaker, Sir, this House has just listened to the sober analysis of the crisis facing this country.

There is no doubt that Malay sia is at the cross roads of history and that our very survival as a nation is at stake.
During the recent weeks, the Socialist Front has been much maligned against and, at this juncture of history, I wish to reiterate our stand on certain issues, comment on some of the problems facing the country and, finally, make certain proposals for the consideration of the Alliance Government.

The latest actions by Indonesia and her agents, as stated by the Govern ment, go to prove what we have always warned the Government against.
Let me reiterate what we have warned the Government time and again: Firstly, we have warned the way Malaysia was formed, or was being estab lished, would lead to quarrels and blood shed with Indonesia; that Mr Speaker, Sir, the emergency of 1948 lasted twelve years and, unless a quick solution to Indonesian aggrandi sement is in sight, this emergency of 1964 may be just as long.
Malaysia has been formed willingly by the territories of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sara wak in the belief that parliamentary democracy will be the basis of our Government.

This belief and this hope must always be sustained and be kept alive.
But this can be done only if the Secondly, forces are that our defence inadequate and that too much reliance should not be placed on British and Western support; Thirdly, that the foreign policy, as pursued by the Alliance was unrealistic and would lead us into trouble; and Fourthly, that only negotiations could solve the present dispute which has arisen out of all.
Our warnings have been proved right, and now the Alliance Government has found it necessary to declare a state of 1753 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1754 emergency in less than four years after it was lifted.

This, to our mind, would have been unnecessary and is the result of the failure of the Alliance Govern ment in following a policy totally out of step with that of the Afro-Asian nations and wholly unrelated to the situation in South East Asia.
We have urged to follow a policy of neutrality and non-alignment as that followed by the Afro-Asian that we will not; be countries, so involved in the struggle between the major power blocs.

the Government However, since the day it was decided to form Malaysia, this country has been more and more closely associated with the western bloc.

The Prime Minister has even stated, right in this House, that co-existence is impossible.
This the attitude by a small country at present time is completely out of step with present day trends when major powers have accepted co-existence as necessary and vital if a world conflagra tion is to be avoided.

This attitude has also aroused the antagonisms of other powers in this region and has lost us the support and sympathy of the Afro-Asian countries.

This, indeed, is a that has been sorry state of affairs brought about by the Alliance Govern ment.
However, the Socialist Front, being a party dedicated to the ideals of demo cracy and wholly opposed to the use of force to solve disputes between nations, pledges itself to support the Government this grave situation (Applause) and calls on the Government to re-assess the situation and follow a more realistic course of action.

in We, on our part, are fully conscious of the grave situation facing this coun try as a result of the aggressive acts of Indonesia and the friends she supports.
Although Indonesia has denied any knowledge of the landings at both Pon- tian Kechil and Labis, it is clear that she is involved and that the dispute is now carried from the jungles of Borneo to the heart of the mainland.

What they hope to achieve is hard to say.

It is possible that the landings were made to intimidate this country or to prepare for internal uprisings.

least that at Mr Speaker, Sir, during the last few days much has been said on the dis loyalty of the people in this country.
Many have been branded as traitors.

None other than the Minister of Trans port has stated two members of the Socialist Front have been caught amongst those who landed in Pontian Kechil.

The Prime Minister himself just now stated that there are in this country parties which support Indonesia and he gave a warning to these parties in no uncertain terms if they should continue their support of Indonesia.
Mr Speaker, Sir, it is curious that the the first announcements of Malaysians who landed with the Indo nesians merely stated that they were Chinese and Malays.

Ten days later, I do not know what prompted the Minister of Transport, instead of the Minister of Defence, to state that there were two members of the Socialist Front amongst those who landed in Pontian Kechil.

Mr Speaker, Sir, I wonder why is that that there was this long delay.

Maybe, it was for security reasons.


If it is so, then why identify only the Socialist Front.

Is it not so that among the Chinese who landed at Pontian Kechil there might be members of the (SOME HONOURABLE MEM M.C.A.?

BERS: No!)

If it is not so, I challenge the Government to prove me wrong.

Is it not also true that amongst the Malays who landed in Pontian Kechil there were a number of UMNO members?

(SOME HONOURABLE MEMBER : No, no!

interruption) Again, I challenge the Government to disprove me.
to traitors Mr Speaker, Sir, just before the last elections it was proved that members of the UMNO were caught in posses sion of arms.

We did not label the UMNO as being this country.

We did not.

In fact, we did not comment at all on it, because we rea lised that in a population of ten millions there must be the odd man with a screw loose (Laughter), and, as such, we did not believe that "one swallow makes a summer" and hence we have refrained the UMNO traitors to this country.
But I notice that the Ministers in this country are the in very free traitors.

If Socialist Front as being from calling labelling at least 1755 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1756 they say it, let me say once again and let me quote the Biblical quotation "He who is without sin, let him cast the first stone.".

these Mr Speaker, Sir, however, this landings show how vulnerable country is to foreign attacks and how defenceless we are.

The assurances given time and again that we are well prepared have been proved false.
We have always been told of the necessity for foreign bases in this country.

But these the bases have not been of any use.

It is most disturbing to realise that foreign planes this country with can come over the that all impunity.

It appears assurances given by to the British protect this country cannot be relied upon as we have stated before.

landings show that Therefore, defence is of paramount importance now.
In this matter of defence, our forces together with the other military units of Great Britain, Australia and New Zealand are totally inadequate to defend this country.

We are not even equipped to fight a con ventional war and in the event of a nuclear war in this part of the World we will certainly be destroyed and in such an eventuality the living may well envy the dead.

Let us, therefore, have a look at our Army.


I am not revealing any military secret when I say that we have an Army of 15,959—I am quoting from the 1964 Estimates.

Mr Speaker, Sir, this is no military secret, least of all to the Minister of Defence.

The army as stated in this Estimates book here is 15,959 in number.

For those who want to see it, it is vide page 122.

No doubt, the Army has been enlarged since.


With all the expansion I doubt we have more than a division and a half under arms and together with the British other Commonwealth troops I doubt if we have more than three divisions in all.

and I believe I am right in saying that our police and other ancillary forces number about 23,203.

Again I quote from these Estimates.

I think I am right in saying that the number here is stated as 23,203; so that the total troops in this country number less than 80,000.
It must be remembered that most of our equipment is obsolete by modern standards.

to is not at war yet and Mr Speaker, Sir, here may I pay a short tribute to the military and to the Police for a job well done.

I regret that in the press reports not much prominence has been given the Police.
We must remember that this country the Police are still responsible for internal security in this country, and, as such, I hope that in future official handouts recognition will be given to the part played by the Police.

Here while paying tributes to the Police, I wish to echo the fears of the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore when he warned this House on guarding against that such powers given to others and also to the Police will not be abused by the Police and the military.
We do hear stories of regular beating ups by the Police and I do hope that when reports are made to proper investigations will be made, so that there can be no grudge borne against the Police, for at this time of our crisis it is vitally important that the whole country should be united.

the proper authorities Mr Speaker, Sir, as regards our tiny and puny Navy, it consists of derelicts of World War II palmed off to us by Great Britain.
They could not even prevent a small-scale landing such as in Pontian the one Kechil.

that occurred As for the Royal Malaysian Air Force, this is still in its infancy and I doubt we have more than half a dozen pilots of Malaysian origin capable jet planes.

Sir of flying supersonic Hector McGregor, the retiring Air Officer Commanding Far East Air Force, said that it was still very young and that it would be some time before it needs adequately.
could meet Malaysia's Because of these inadequacies, we have the sorry spectacle of our Prime Minister hawking for military hard ware and in London, Washington Ottawa.

Of course, he has received promises, a whole heap of promises, but promises are of no value when you are fighting a shooting war.
1757 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1758 According to foreign press reports, London will sell military hardware to us, Washington will give sympathetic consideration for credits—the Ameri cans are always careful about that, and Ottawa wants first to send a military mission to assess the situation before they give us aid.

It looks like every body wants to cheer us from the side lines, while we Asians spill Asian blood.

From the foregoing it will be seen how defenceless we are.
The Socialist Front is not the only one to say so.

Let me quote the London Observer of June 28th, 1964, and the United States State Department.

Headed "Breakdown of Tokyo Talk Serious", the London Observer, an independent Sunday newspaper, argued that although Britain "cannot wash her hands" off the dispute over Malaysia, she should point out to Malaysia that she lacks resources to take part in a large scale Asian conflict.
The London Observer commented: "The breakdown of the negotiations bet ween President Soekarno of Indonesia and Tunku Abdul Rahman of Malaysia, before they had hardly started, is very serious.

If President Soekarno continues his policy of military aggression, called "confrontation", a very dangerous situation will arise.

At little cost Indonesia, a policy of sending guerillas to infiltrate the Federation could tie down quite a disproportionate number of British and Malaysian troops."
to Note here: "Tie down quite a dispro portionate number of British troops", because it is well known that Britain has not got too many troops to spare.

Their Army from the Rhine has been flown here and if there is a road block on these troops may well be flown back again.

It is to Britain's interest— the autobahn to Berlin, "Britain cannot wash her hands off this quarrel.

We are solemnly bound to come to the aid of Malaysia and there can be no question of our trying to evade our res ponsibilities."
But, Mr Speaker, Sir, let me quote the following paragraph—and to repeat it again very carefully : I wish "But equally, Britain should point out to Malaysia that she lacks the resources to take part in a large-scale, long-term conflict in Asia.

"—May I repeat it again, Mr Speaker, Sir— "But equally, Britain should point out to Malaysia that she lacks the resources to take part in a large-scale, long-term conflict in Asia."

Precisely, because he can call on Britain for protection.
The Tunku is under obligation to his ally to act with caution.

The Defence Treaty is not something to be waved as a red flag in front of Indonesia.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the United States, too, have been very quick to clarify its the limited commitment happiness of our Prime Minister is short-lived.
In an article published in the Straits Times of September, 7th the State Department officials are reported to have said, I quote: to us and "It was believed that the President assured the Tengku that the United States would not permit Malaysia to be destroyed but at this stage she is unable to give a military commit ment of any kind.
Officials said that the only specific commit ment extended to the Tengku was that the United States would give sympathetic con sideration to the request for the credit pur chase of jet planes, troop-carrying helicopters and landing craft for use in jungle warfare against Indonesia."

From these quotations, Mr Speaker, Sir, it should be clear that capitalists are the same the world over.

They are interested in business.

They will sell anything to anyone.


They will give credit to anyone, if the credit is good.

They will even cut your throat to make profits.

Remember the sale of the Vauxhall trucks to Indonesia by British firms.

The Hercules CI30 plane that dropped the paratroopers at Labis is of United States manufacture and the parachutes and equipment, too, are said to be from the United States.

As such, can we trust these capitalist countries?

Can we rely on them?


Note also the bombast of Sir Hector McGregor, the retiring Officer Com manding, Far East Air Force.

In a farewell interview at Penang on 10th June, 1964, he said "Indonesia could not afford to bomb any part of Malaysia.

To do this would be plain suicide for her."

He added that there was absolutely no doubt that the Far East Air Force would be able to cope 1759 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1760 reason with any emergency that might arise in this region.
"If Indonesia attempts any bombing it would give us more than adequate to hit back."

He added that the combined might of the R.A.F.

and the R.A.A.F.

would render the Indonesian Air Force relatively insignificant."

Statements such as these are typical of the hectoring of the once mighty British Raj who still thinks that Britannia rules the waves, or is it controls the clouds or air?

It would be pertinent at this stage to ask what were the R.A.F.

and the R.A.A.F.
and the R.A.A.F.

doing during the landing of the paratroopers at Labis?

By Sir Hector McGregor's bombast, they should have been blasted off the skies long before they reached Malaya.

All the foregoing shows how the Prime Minister has been led up the garden path by the empty promises of Great Britain and her leaders like Sir Hector McGregor.
This reminds me that in my speech during the debate on the King's this Speech, I had already warned House this country should not place too much reliance on our Defence Treaty with Britain.

I see that the Observer in London has echoed the same views.

that I see that the Alliance Government now proposes to buy jet planes and helicopters.

These are indeed necessary but have we the personnel to man them?

I do not think so.

Hence, when they arrive they will be flown by foreigners.
A situation akin to that in South Vietnam will develop and we will be the laughing stock of the Afro- Asian World.

As soon as the Prime Minister was promised military hardware by Britain, the United States and Canada we saw to Moscow how Subandrio flew off and there too was promised military aid.

Mr Speaker, Sir, it is this escala tion of the present dispute that is so very, very frightening.

The Prime Minister has now openly stated that we are pro-West and some members of UMNO have urged join SEATO.
If we do so, then it means that this country will be a pawn in the international power chess board of politics.

that we the big powers and This escalation will inevitably lead to a shooting war which will certainly not be confined only to Malaysia and Indonesia.

Malaysia will be the battle ground for if nuclear weapons are used we will be obliterated from the map.

In such a holocaust there shall be no victors and, again, may I repeat, the survivors who are badly maimed may well envy the dead.
Added to our inadequate defences we unfortunately have the problem of communal disharmony and strife that has reared its ugly head.

Whilst the dis turbances last week and this week in Singapore can probably be laid at the door of Indonesia I doubt that the same can be said of the riots in Singapore and in Bukit Mertajam in July this year.
Here may I quote the Prime Minister of Singapore who in the Straits Times of 8th September, 1964, is reported to have said—the caption of this small paragraph, Mr Speaker, Sir, is "Some Fools"— "Within nine months of Malaysia some fools started to mess things up—the Indone sians were unsuccessful until our politicians started."

Mr Speaker, Sir, just now we heard the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore also blaming the politicians for stirring up trouble in Singapore just prior to there.
But our the July riots down Prime Minister maintains that it was the Indonesians who were responsible for the riots.

What, then, is the truth?

If the Prime Minister of Singapore is right, then is it not true that many of these fools or villains are in this House and some of them may be sitting opposite me and some of them may be to my immediate left?

And if these fools or villains are responsible, Mr Speaker, Sir, why are they not brought to book?
I hope the Commission of Inquiry that the Government is going to set up will consist of men of courage and independent thinking, who will delve into the truth of the matter and make their recommendations fearlessly.
The Socialist Front makes this request because it has always been findings and 1761 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1762 the practice of the Alliance Govern ment to pick on trusted party members to form such committees or commis sions, We can be sure that Indonesia will exploit this weakness of ours and it behoves all of us to fully support the Goodwill Committees that have been established all over the country and to ensure that we do not destroy ourselves.
If that happens, then we deserve to be swallowed up by Indonesia.

In view of what I have said about our defences and communal disunity, it foolish and midsummer would be madness to talk of a shooting war with Indonesia.

At this juncture of our his tory this House must take stock of our position and ask itself Quo Vadis, i.e., where do we go from here?
The Socialist Front maintains that the solu tion lies not in a shooting war, the consequences of which are too horrible to contemplate, but in a negotiated peace.

Hence we must take the dispute from the jungle to the conference table, and there we must pursue an unrelent ing for peace.

Peace with honour, not of the Munich pattern that the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore warned us, peace based on mutual respect and peace that recognises the right of nations and peoples to live the life of their choice.
search As such it is secondly, of equal importance, that the suggestion to have a Conciliation Commission of Afro- Asian countries to find a way of settling the dispute should be tackled with all speed and renewed vigour.

If there is genuine sincerity on both sides to settle the dispute then no conditions should be put for such a Commission to carry out its work, apart from that of a cease-fire.
Any conditions should be left to the Commission itself to decide and the findings or recommendations should be binding on both sides.

We urge this course of action again and again because we feel that this is the only way in which we can have lasting peace.

Our Prime Minister agreed to this at the Tokyo Talks but to have changed his mind, appears its whilst readiness to talk.
Indonesia has reiterated Even the Manchester Guardian in an editorial said, I quote: "The Tokyo proposal of an Afro-Asian Conciliation Commission, if anything comes of it, can only increase the world's apprecia tion of the Malaysian cause, whereas there seems little future for the Indonesian con frontation."

Our Prime Minister has attended the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Con ference and has visited several other countries.
But he still admits that some countries have still not been able to see his point of view on Malaysia.

Again, I quote, "One Prime Minister even suggested we were aggressors."

That shows to what extent we have convinced the Afro-Asian nations of the justness of our cause.

But the proposed Commission should be able to clear all this and suggest ways and means of extricating ourselves from the mess that has been created.
As such it is impera tive the Government makes a declaration of its intention to pursue this course of action straightaway for all to judge our sincerity.

I strongly urge the Government to do so.

that Thirdly, our foreign policy must be reorientated.

It is now in a state of confusion and many countries espe cially those of the Afro-Asian group are suspicious of our policy.

follow The Yang di-Pertuan Agong in His Gracious Speech said, "My Government will independent an active policy".
But the Prime Minister does not follow such a policy, and the actions of the policy is one of subservience to and of being a pawn of Western powers.

the Government prove that The Prime Minister, speaking at the seminar organised by the National Union of Federation Students, defended his pro-West policy and he criticised other countries that think that it is not fashionable or smart to align themselves with the West while receiving aid from the West.

He also said, "We don't shilly-shally."


We believe that honesty counts .

.. in our internal or external affairs."

This is enough to show the the Yang di- contradiction.

While Pertuan Agong says our policy is independent, our Prime Minister says it is pro-West.

Then UMNO again, have some divisions of the clamoured for 1763 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1764 to to the operating Government join SEATO.
The sum total of this confusion will lead us not theatre, as suggested by the Prime Minister of Singapore, but will only lead to the mortuary or to the burial ground of small nations.

to Therefore, we like to commend the the Ghanian Minister of words of Finance is the Government.
He reported in the Straits Times of 3rd September to have said, and I quote: "Asian countries should follow a policy of non-alignment, non-aggression and non interference if they desire to protect their sovereignty, integrity and independence.

All Asian countries should remember that a big power always uses smaller countries for its own ends.

What is damaging to the position of Malaysia is that it appears to be uncondi tionally committed to the West.
It is this political appearance that should be clarified."

Everyone here should know to whom this statement is directed.

It is this opinion which many nations unmis takably have about our country's foreign policy that is going a great deal of damage to us.

As called for by the Ghanian Minister of Finance, the Government should clarify its stand; otherwise it will have to be tied to the apron strings of Britain and the United States until we are obliterated from the map.

infinitum?
infinitum?

Would The Prime Minister was very happy after his visit to the United States of America.

But may I ask him, how long does he expect this kind of assistance to continue?

Does he expect this to continue ad they defend this country even to the extent of provoking a global war?

Already the State Department has denied any assistance from the Seventh Fleet and has clarified that only credit facilities will be given.

Perhaps, the Prime Minis ter will give some clarification.
But apart from the Prime Minister aware of the chaos in Vietnam and the reasons for Cambodia to turn against the West?

I believe that this country played host to Prince Norodom Shihanouk, and brave and reassuring words were exchanged.

But, does he not know the Prince has now pledged support for Indonesia?

is not that, that Whenever we have suggested a policy of non-alignment, the Government has thought it fit to brand us as communists encouraging alignment with the com munist bloc.
But the Ministers speak with their tongue in their cheek when they say that they follow a neutral policy.

We believe that for a small country, such as ours, only a non- aligned policy can save this nation.

We cannot defend ourselves with armed might but we can defend ourselves with moral right.

In the events of the world today and right in the United Nations, it is the small non-aligned countries that influence major issues.
As such, we would urge the Government not to be wishy-washy and to state its foreign policy clearly.

the that In the Appendix to the King's Speech, it was stated the Government would try to better its relationship with truth the Afro-Asian bloc.

But mission to Africa does not seem to have achieved much.

The Prime Minis ter did not think it fit to visit any African or Asian country.

His trip to France, which seems to follow a neutral line, was cancelled.
All he did was to visit England, Australia and Canada.

All the moral support he has got is from none other than Australia, New Zealand, Canada and Britain.

Apart from these few "white" countries, no other country has offered military help.

A look at some of the British press comments should open the eyes of the Government.

I quote from the Observer of the 28th of June, 1964, again.
While commenting on the breakdown of the Tokyo talks the Observer commented: "The Tunku would do well to remember that ontf day he will have to live in the same Asian world as Indonesia, in which Britain's support will probably be, in the eyes of the nationalists, a source of weakness rather than of strength."

Is it not a shame that a foreign press has to draw our attention to the fact that we are Asians?

Is not the Govern ment convinced that our foreign policy is basically wrong?
like I would the Government is with Asia.

Even to realise that we are Asians first and that the our destiny Australians are beginning to realise this and are beginning to take determined efforts to foster friendship with Asian countries.

But we run with cap in hand 1765 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1766 across continents for military help, which would never solve the problems but worsen it.

We should instead keep step with other Asian countries and learn to live together as Asians.
We cannot afford to be misled by a little bombast, backslapping and high praise.

We cannot become tools knowingly or unknowingly of the big powers.

Like most small nations, we should band together and survive on goodwill and tolerance.

to to use Lastly, let me comment on the Emer gency Regulations now laid before this House.

In view of the grave crisis facing the nation, the Government has now decided impose Emergency Regulations throughout Malaysia.
Of all the Opposition Parties in this House, the Socialist Front has suffered the most from these Regulations in the past.

The Socialist Front has borne the brunt of the Emergency Regulations, and the Socialist Front has bitterly opposed the Emergency Regulations in the past.

We have heard just now the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore urging the Central Government these powers with discretion and with a sense of tolerance.
Mr Speaker, Sir, however, at this time of national crisis and in view of the fact that we have had some form of the Emergency Regulations in the Internal Security Act, we, the Socialist Front, accept it as a necessary evil to maintain order whilst an all-out effort for peace is made.

We hope that these Emergency Regulations will not lead us to a Police State as warned by the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore.
We, however, warn the Government not to use the Emergency Regulations to suppress or intimidate the Opposition and request it to withdraw these Emer gency Regulations when the dispute with Indonesia is settled.

These are all very extreme and harsh measures and we call upon the Government to give an assurance to the people of this country that as soon as the situation improves the Government would imme diately repeal them.
My colleague, the Honourable Member for Dato Kramat, will later on when the opportunity arises speak much more on our stand on the Emergency Regulations.

Finally, may I appeal to Honourable Members of this august House and the the nation people of this country: Let us one and all bend all our efforts to achieve an honourable end to our dispute with Indonesia.

Let us put aside party differences and unite to achieve this.
The Prime Minister can be the allegiance and rest assured of support of the Socialist Front in his endeavours for a peaceful solution and for this he will earn the undying grati tude of the nation if he can lead the that nation away from looms ahead of us.

But at the same time, the Socialist Front like to add that if war is forced on us by Indonesia, we would like to assure His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong that we will fight shoulder the defence of this motherland of ours.
And here I am reminded of a passage from Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Rome: "And how can man die better Than facing fearful odds For the ashes of his fathers And the temples of his gods."

to shoulder the disaster in Tuan Yang di-Pertua, akhir-nya mari-lah kita—ingat-lah: "Bersatu te- goh, bercherai roboh."

Terima kaseh.
Terima kaseh.

Enche' Tan Toh Hong (Bukit Bintang): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to give whole-hearted the Honourable the Prime Minister's motion to fully endorse the Proclamation of Emergency issued by His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

support to This is the darkest hour since the inception of Malaysia and of indepen dence.
Our sacred land has been openly and blatantly invaded by Indonesian aggressors, our people indiscriminately killed, our Singapore torn with chaotic strifes perpetuated and instigated by evil-intent subversives.
Bearing these in mind, no matter what the Socialist Front may think of power blocs, of neutrality, of Britain, of the United States of America or any other nation, in this grave and critical situation we would not be ashamed to accept help and aid from any hand so long as that hand extends in the spirit of a friend in need.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the purpose of these Emergency Regulations is obvious, to preserve our survival and to maintain peace and order.
In this moment of 1767 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1768 for strength resoluteness, utmost perils, there is no substitute and for determination as encompassed by this Proclamation.

The enemies must be deterred.

I am sure the people of Bukit Bintang would like me to congratulate our leaders for their swift actions, for their courage to inconvenient the inno cents so that our homes and children are protected, our security maintained.
Soekarno and the P.K.I, have avowed to destroy us by every conceivable means at their disposal.

Apart from open militant invasion, they and their agents are trying to destroy us from within.

The communal riots, perpe tuated and instigated by such evil persons are an example of the despic able depths they would sink to to make Malaysia crumble from within.

Apart from such plots giving them the satis faction of seeing Malaysians killing off one another, important there international diplomatic implication.
is an the world, whatever They want to alienate us from world sympathy.

In contrast to the Indone sians, we have built a remarkable image throughout the Socialist Front may think of our Government's foreign policies.

This is the image of self-helped growth, stable conditions, peace and harmony, that has given us tremendous international goodwill, understanding and co-opera tion.
Such goodwill is essential to a small trading and developing nation like ours, which aims at continuously increasing our standard of living.

It is of parti that we are cular formally bringing our case to world tribunal.
importance, now Apart from maintaining internal sta bility and security, these Regulations will give added strength and purpose to our patriotic people of Pontian and Labis, whose very vigilance has brought us victory at this stage of the battle for survival; added strength and deter mination to our heroic armed forces in Sabah, Sarawak and Johore; and added to our brave strength and patience Malaysians who are now suffering hardship and the ordeal of imperialistic hostilities along the borders of Sabah and Sarawak.
to these impose This Proclamation is therefore most timely.

I only appeal to our Govern ment regulations effectively, without fear or favour.

We must be definitely sure that Soekarno's agents, Communist subversives and violent elements are wiped out from our midst.

To do less is to destroy ourselves.


Let me warn these fifth-columnists and those who are still in doubt of our resoluteness: so long as the Alliance Party is in power, we will not hesitate to use any drastic measures to ensure our people's right to survive and to our life and children's right future to an ever (Applause).
Enche' Mohamed Asri bin Haji Muda (Pasir Puteh): Tuan Yang di- Pertua, sa-sudah 12 tahun lama-nya negeri ini menempoh zaman dharurat dan zaman gelap yang tetap kekal dalam ingatan seluroh ra'ayat di-negeri ini, maka sekarang kita terpaksa pula menempoh zaman yang saperti itu, entah berapa lama pula zaman saperti ini akan berkepanjangan bergantong- lah kapada suasana dan keadaan anchaman terhadap negara kita pada masa sekarang ini.
Walau bagaimana pun, kedudokan dan keadaan anchaman yang tetap sentiasa mengancham negara dan tanah ayer kita yang di-kasehi ini pada masa sekarang sudah-lah patut dan menasabah bahawa pengishtiharan dharurat itu di-lakukan oleh Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di-Pertuan Agong, dan pehak Parti ingin-lah menyatakan bahawa ia tetap berdiri bagi bersama2 memandang zaman depan bagi negara ini dengan harapan2 chemas yang mudah2an zaman depan bagi negara dapat menukarkan kita ini chorak yang lebeh baik dan akan dapat di-kawal dan di-pertahankan keselamatan negara kita ini.
akan PAS Chuma, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, kita tahu bahawa dengan di-laksanakan Undang2 Dharurat di-dalam negara kita ini pehak Kerajaan mendapat satu kuasa yang sangat2 luas memperoleh suatu kuasa bertindak yang tidak berbatas.
Satu daripada kuasa ber tindak di-dalam Undang2 Dharurat ia-lah kuasa bagi menangkap, menghukum atau menahan termaktub yang 1769 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1770 yang yang siapa sahaja yang di-shaki sa-bagai di-shaki atau ejen musoh pekerjaan2 melakukan akan mengancham keselamatan negeri atau keselamatan ra'ayat.
Sunggoh pun pada dasar-nya undang2 ini ada-lah sangat terpaksa di-gunakan mustahak dan demi menjaga keselamatan negara ini, akan tetapi pengalaman2 sa-lama 12 tahun ini menempoh dharurat, ia-itu-lah semen- jak negeri kita ini belum lagi merdeka, maka patut-lah pengalaman2 yang itu di-kaji sa-mula dan di- saperti jadikan asas panduan, yang baik di-jadikan tauladan dan yang kurang baik di-jadikan sempadan.
di-zaman negara kita dan gulongan Sa-masa Undang2 Dharurat berlaku di-zaman negeri ini maseh merupakati tanah jajahan bagi British, banyak kejadian2 yang sangat2 tidak di-ingini berlaku.

Pertentangan antara gulongan dengan perkelahian antara peribadi dengan peribadi telah di-jadikan suatu modal yang besar untok menggunakan Undang2 Dharurat ini bagi menekan pehak yang lemah.
Sa-orang ra'ayat yang ada mempunyai perasaan dendam tersemat dengan sa- orang ra'ayat yang lain chukup untok membalas dendam-nya dengan mela- porkan kapada pehak yang berkuasa bahawa si-anu ada-lah kaki-tangan musoh atau pun anggota kominis atau sa-bagai-nya, dan kita tahu penangan Undang2 Dharurat ini tidak ada ampun dan ma'af.

Laporan yang saperti itu boleh menyebabkan orang2 yang tidak berdosa dan tidak bersalah di-tahan di-bawah undang2 yang maha kuasa ini.
Jadi hal saperti demikian kalau-lah berlaku pada masa kita berjalan dalam Undang2 Dharurat yang sekarang ini akan sunggoh2 merugikan negara kita dan akan benar2 menyebabkan per- pechahan batin di-antara ra'ayat di- dalam negeri ini.

Hal ini semua ada-lah sangat2 tidak di-kehendaki dan patut- lah di-hindarkan, lebeh2 lagi dharurat yang dengan sekarang dharurat yang di-jalankan sa-lama 12 tahun yang lalu ada-lah mempunyai bentok yang berlainan walau pun di-dalam hal undang2 mempunyai satu chara-nya.
Bentok yang berlainan kata saya, Undang2 Dharurat yang dahulu khusus di-tujukan kapada pemberontak ada ini yang kominis dari dalam negeri, di-tujukan kapada kegiatan2 sa-chara terang2 melawan pemerentah dengan sa-chara kekerasan, dan hal itu lain dengan bentok kita sekarang ini.

Kita menghadapi bukan sahaja kegiatan2 subversive dari dalam, tetapi khusus- nya kita menghadapi kegiatan ancham- an yang berterang2 dari luar.
Di-dalam sa'at menghadapi ancha- man yang berterang2 dari luar—dari ini—sadikit me- Indonesia sekarang nimbulkan perpechahan perasaan di-kalangan ra'ayat ada-lah merugikan negara kita dengan sa-chara besar2an.
Sebab itu-lah, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, di-dalam melakukan kuat-kuasa Un dang2 Dharurat ini maka sangat-lah mustahak pehak Kementerian atau pehak yang berkuasa memerhatikan dengan laporan dan fitnah yang di-timbulkan sa-barang oleh orang2 yang tidak bertanggong- jawab kesempatan untok melakukan kehendak2 nafsu-nya melepaskan dendam kesumat-nya de ngan mengambil kesempatan berlaku- nya Undang2 Dharurat di-dalam negara kita pada masa sekarang ini.
yang menchari teliti sa-barang itu, pendaratan Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sa-lain dari- pada ketahui sudah-lah kita bahawa wujud-nya Undang2 Dharurat ini ia-lah oleh sebab anchaman dari luar.

Berlaku-nya di- Pontian dan berlaku-nya penurunan tentera2 payong terjun di-Labis menye telah merasa bahawa babkan kita telah-lah sampai masa-nya negara kita chepat dan ini bertindak dengan bagi bertindak mengawal sa- demikian itu tidak berlaku lagi pada masa akan datang.
dengan supaya chergas yang hal2 satu yang unsor Pertahanan negara ada-lah merupa- kan terpenting di-dalam menghadapi hal2 yang saperti ini.

Dengan mengabaikan soal per tahanan negara, maka erti-nya kita tugas mengabaikan yang maha berat dan tugas yang besar bagi keselamatan negara kita pada masa akan datang.
suatu daripada Kita tahu bahawa alat2 pertahanan negara kita atau kekuatan tentera kita sendiri maseh berkurangan walau pun kita telah merdeka hampir 10 tahun 1771 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1772 apa kaseh sendiri kapada lama-nya.

Kita maseh kurang tentera2 laut, kita maseh kurang tentera2 darat tentera2 bahkan kita maseh kurang udara, bukan sahaja kurang orang-nya tetapi juga kurang alat2 persenjataan yang moden yang sa-imbang dengan alat2 yang ada di-pehak musoh.
Sebab itu nampak tendency kita sekarang ini bergantong kapada pertolongan negara2 sahabat, dan ini pernah di-nyatakan oleh Yang Berhormat Perdana Menteri kita lagi oleh Yang Berhormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri bagaimana negara kita sekarang ini negara2 berterima sahabat, ia-itu negara2 Commonwealth yang telah memberi pertolongan yang besar kapada Malaysia untok meng- hadapi keadaan2 yang merunching sekarang ini.
Tetapi apa yang pertama tanda sa-kali yang menjadi soal kapada kita ini apa-kah sekarang negara2 Commonwealth sa-lain dari- pada kulit negara Commonwealth puteh tidak di-minta mengirim tentera- nya membantu kita atau pun keleng- kapan kita?

perang membantu Apa-kah dari seluroh jumlah negara2 Commonwealth ini maka negara Great Britain, Australia dan New Zealand sahaja yang mempunyai kemampuan dan kesanggupan untok menunjokkan sikap sahabat-nya terhadap negara kita yang muda ini?
Itu yang tudohan satu masaalah perlu di-pertimbangkan oleh Kerajaan kita sekarang ini sebab menambah jumlah ramai anggota2 dari negara Common wealth yang berkulit puteh akan memberi satu pandangan yang janggal terhadap pertahanan negara kita ini.
Kalau dahulu pehak Indonesia pernah membuat terhadap negara kita ini bahawa kemerdekaan negara kita ini maseh merupakan kemerdekaan patong2, kekuatan tentera Malaysia maseh di-kongkong dan di-awasi oleh Great Britain, maseh dapat lagi kita menyangkal tudohan saperti itu dengan tindakan kita mengkebangsaankan jawatan2 yang terpenting dalam tentera sa-bagai mithal-nya melantek General Tengku Osman menjadi Panglima Tertinggi bagi Angkatan Bersenjata Malaysia menggantikan tempat General British, dapat-lah dengan alasan itu kita melaongkan kapada dunia bebas bahawa kita benar2 terlepas daripada ikatan penjajah ikatan British atau tetapi di-lapangan ketenteraan.
Akan dengan timbul-nya keadaan sekarang ini dan dengan banyak-nya nanti tentera2 kulit puteh di-hantar ka-dalam negara kita ini, maka alasan yang hanya sa-suatu itu akan di-ketepikan dengan sendiri-nya manakala pan dangan2 umum akan dapat melihat di-mana sahaja berbangkit pergolakan di-dalam tanah ayer kita—di-Pontian dan di-Labis entah di-mana lagi, maka tentera2 Commonwealth munchol-lah yang berkulit puteh mengambil tempat mengawal suasana dan keadaan di- tempat itu.
Kita tahu bahawa walau pun kita maseh banyak mempunyai tentera2 yang terdiri daripada askar Melayu dan tentera peninjau negara ini tetapi dalam masa suasana genting yang berlaku di-Singapura banyak tentera Askar daripada Melayu itu di-pindahkan ka-sana dan tentera Commonwealth mengambil aleh tempat Askar2 Melayu itu di-Labis sa-bagai mithal-nya, kerana keku- rangan2 tentera kita sendiri.
Tetapi ini akan dapat di-atasi sa-kurang2-nya tekanan2 propa dapat merengankan ganda jahat yang di-datangkan dari tentera2 luar kalau sa-kira-nya pada banyak lebeh itu Commonwealth terdiri daripada negara2 Common wealth yang berkulit hitam atau pun berkulit chokelat saperti kulit kita ini sendiri.
angkatan Lagi satu, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, satu masaalah yang sa-lama-nya maseh menekan di-dalam tiap2 kepala ra'ayat dalam negeri ini, sa-jauh mana dapat kita meletakkan keperchayaan kapada tuan kita— British sa-bagai bekas bekas negara penjajah telah yang pernah menjajah kita beratus2 tahun lama-nya, Sa-jauh mana dapat kita meletakkan keperchayaan kapada ke sanggupan dan kesunggohan negara itu untok memperlindongi kita di- dalam hal2 peristiwa yang saperti ini.
Dahulu negara kita ini menjadi tanah jajahan British, maka 100 peratus hal pertahanan negara tang- gong-jawab-nya dalam tangan British.

Sekarang kita sudah merdeka tentu- lah tidak 100 peratus tanggong-jawab itu tergenggam di-dalam tangan British tergenggam 1773 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1774 beberapa ini, kita hanya sa-kadar melunaskan kehendak2 Perjanjian Pertahanan Bersama dan di-antara perjanjian persahabatan negara2 Commonwealth.
Sa-waktu ia mempunyai kuasa 100 peratus—tang- gong-jawab 100 peratus bagi mengawal telah keselamatan negara saksi dengan sendiri sa-waktu penjajah kulit kuning dari negara mata hari terbit melancharkan serangan kilat-nya di-dalam tahun 1941 ia-itu sa-waktu pechah perang dunia yang kedua lama-nya hanya sahaja kesanggupan bekas tuan kita itu untok mempertahankan negara kita ini daripada serangan luar.
Hingga hampir tiga tahun lebeh lama-nya ra'ayat dan negara kita menderita di-bawah cheng- kaman Kerajaan Facist Jepun yang bersimbulkan kemahuan bersama di- Asia Timor Raya.

Hal ini patut-lah dan sa-mesti-nya maseh sudah-lah tinggal kesan2 tanda tanya di-dalam tiap2 kepala ra'ayat negeri ini, sa-jauh mana kemampuan dan kesanggupan negara British itu dapat menolong dan membantu kita.
ketika telah mendaftarkan Tuan Yang di-Pertua, hanya dengan satu chara yang tersendiri bagi me- nguatkan kekuatan tentera, dari ra'ayat negeri ini sendiri sahaja-lah yang dapat menjamin sama ada menolak tudohan2 jahat daripada luar atau pun sama ada bersunggoh2 hati dengan sa-penoh rasa ta'at dan setia bagi berjuang bermatian2 mempertahankan negara.

Kita di-dalam pendaftaran negara baharu2 ini 100,000 pemuda2 yang gagah berani untok mempertahankan negara kita.
Kita telah memileh tentera2 wataniah, kita telah melakukan apa sahaja yang kita fikirkan patut untok di-lakukan.

Akan tetapi negara kita maseh menderita di-dalam senjata.
Bagaimana-kah fikiran pemerentah ini sendiri kalau sa-kira-nya permohonan bantuan daripada negara2 Common wealth bantuan itu—permohonan angkatan senjata-nya di-tukarkan de ngan bantuan alat2 senjata, dan dengan demikian pemuda2 kita dapat di-lateh sa-chukup2-nya dalam dengan sa'at yang sa-singkat2-nya dan di-berikan peralatan2 senjata serba moden, maka lebeh berkesan di-dalam ini akan peralatan soal pengawalan pertahanan negara kita pada masa akan datang.
di-Pontian Sa-bagai satu perkara yang patut di-fikirkan ia-lah masaalah pendaratan dan tentera Indonesia penurunan tentera2 payong terjun-nya di-Labis, sampai sekarang maseh ada orang yang bertanya apa-kah kejadian pendaratan di-Pontian dan penurunan payong2 itu dapat terjun di-Labis berlaku oleh kerana kelemahan per tahanan negara kita atau oleh kerana kechuaian pehak2 yang tertentu—pehak kita sendiri atau pehak Inggeris yang memang kita tahu pehak Inggeris itu sampai sekarang ini maseh mempunyai share di-dalam mempertahankan negara Pertahanan dengan Bersama dengan antara Malaysia Great Britain.
Saya perchaya kalau pertahanan negara kita kuat hal yang demikian itu tidak mungkin berlaku, kechuali di-dalam keadaan perang yang jelas atau dalam keadaan perang yang sa-benar2-nya.

Kita tahu sebab2 ia-lah kerana hal ini boleh berlaku ini-lah yang kelemahan pertahanan, perlu di-ubat dan di-atasi.
ada Perjanjian Satu perkara lagi yang saya hendak sebutkan dalam soal pertahanan ini saperti yang pernah pehak kami di-sini menyatakan di-dalam Rumah yang bertuah ini pada masa yang telah lalu, yang kita bimbangkan dari peristiwa yang berlaku di-tanah ayer kita ini akan berubah menjadi medan per- tarongan antara negara2 besar dalam dunia ini.
Sebab kita tahu di-mana sahaja pechah-nya sengkita di-dalam dunia sa-belah sini, sama ada di- Cambodia, sama ada di-Laos, sama ada di-Vietnam, sama ada di-Korea mithal-nya, maka akan timbul-lah— akan munchol-lah negara2 besar mem- pertarongkan ideology-nya.

perang Dan kita tahu bahawa negara2 besar sekarang ini maseh mengintai2 men- chari bagi di-perhebatkan lagi perang semangat— perang ideology atau mungkin menjadi perang panas.
satu medan baharu Perpindahan tentera2 British daripada Jerman untok datang ka-Malaysia kerana memberi pertolongan kapada negara Malaysia dalam bahaya ini akan boleh menimbulkan suatu para- sangka yang sangat payah di-padam.

1775 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1776 berkehendakkan Apa-kah itu satu langkah awal atau langkah untok memindahkan para medan perang semangat di-Berlin atau German kapada satu medan perang di-Tenggara Asia ini yang bernama Malaysia, ini-lah yang kita bimbangkan.
Kita pertolongan, tetapi kita tidak mahu dengan perto longan itu memberikan kesempatan hal yang kita tidak ingin berlaku.

Alham- dulillah, sa-lama ini negara kita-lah yang boleh merupakan sa-buah negara yang teraman, negara yang ma'mor, negara yang bahagia di-dunia sa-belah sini.

Sedangkan negara2 jiran kita yang lain, bukan sahaja Indonesia, negeri2 yang lain menghadapi kerisis demi kerisis, menghadapi berbagai2 pembe- rontakan, menghadapi anchaman dan dan sa-bagai-nya.
Dan itu suatu gam baran yang mudah kita pandang bagaimana negara2 besar itu memper- tarongkan kekuatan senjata-nya, dan kekuatan politik-nya.

Peristiwa2 di- Vietnam baharu2 ini, mithal-nya dengan peristiwa2 kejadian di-antara Amerika dan Vietnam, satu gambaran yang sangat mudah di-nampak oleh siapa sahaja yang mempunyai pandangan luas dalam soal politik.
Jadi, apa-kah dasar pehak pemerentah untok menchari satu alasan dan menchari satu alat yang jelas dan nyata yang akan dapat memaham- seluroh dunia bebas kan kapada bahawa perpindahan tentera British dari Jerman itu tidak merupakan per pindahan medan perang antara kuasa2 besar.

Sekarang ini kita maseh belum dengar, apa-kah tindakan atau reaction daripada negara2 block timor atau block Kominis atau Russia.
Sa-kadar yang kita dengar ia-lah Indonesia minta pertolongan daripada Russia, maka permintaan itu berhasil.

Sa-kadar yang kita dengar Malaya meminta per tolongan daripada Amerika dan ber hasil, dan nampak-nya ini pun ia-lah tanda2 akan menunjokkan apa yang akan berlaku di-dunia sa- belah sini.
yang Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sekarang ini persoalan Malaysia atau pun persoalan anchaman dan pencherobohan daripada Indonesia terhadap negara kita Malay lama di-kemukakan sia kapada Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 telah ini, Bersatu.

Satu langkah yang bijak yang tahniah kapada pehak patut di-beri Kerajaan ini, yang telah membawakan soalan itu dengan gagah dan berani kapada Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu.
Tetapi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sa-patut-nya hal ini telah lama di-laku- kan. Pehak Menteri Keselamatan Dalam Negeri menyatakan bahawa dengan berlaku kejadian di-Pontian dan di-Labis, Kerajaan sekarang ini mempunyai chukup bukti untok mem- bentangkan kapada Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu bahawa Indonesia terang2 mencheroboh Malaysia.

atau Saya chara ingin mendapat terang2 masok penjelasan apa-kah beza-nya Pontian dengan Labis dan Tawau pun di-Sabah, dengan .

.
.

.. apa-kah nama-nya satu kampong itu sudah lupa saya, dalam Division Dua di-negeri Sarawak, apa- kah beza-nya, sana Indonesia menye- rang jauh berpuloh2 batu ka-dalam, yang di-sini tentera- Indonesia telah mendaratkan Indonesia nya melalui kapal, dan udara-nya angkatan menerjunkan melalui' kapal terbang.

Dalam segi semangat yang di-namakan semangat mencheroboh, sama sahaja nilai-nya.

Dalam segi bakti pun sama sahaja nilai-nya.


Apa-kah perlu pehak Kera jaan Malaysia ini menunggu kejadian di-Pontian itu, baharu hendak mem bawakan kapada Majlis Bangsa2 Ber satu?

Dahulu Tuan Yang di-Pertua, di-dalam Rumah yang bertuah ini, kami telah pernah menchadangkan supaya kalau Indonesia itu benar2 mengancham, atau pun mencheroboh terhadap negara kita ka-Bangsa2 Bersatu-lah ini, maka hendak-nya kita mengemukakan masa- alah ini.
Tetapi, entah kerana soal ini datang-nya dari kami, maka telah di- anggap sepi sahaja.

Sa-hingga akhir-nya tatkala Perdana Menteri menghadhiri Sidang Commonwealth di-London, dan sa-sudah berunding dengan Perdana Menteri British, baharu-lah Perdana Menteri mengeluarkan satu kenyataan bahawa Malaysia akan melaporkan sa-genap peristiwa pencherobohan yang di-lakukan oleh Indonesia, kapada Bangsa2 Bersatu.
Tetapi sa-hingga itu kata kenyataan Perdana Menteri, tidak- lah perlu untok di-bahathkan, chuma 1777 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1778 sa-kadar melaporkan.

Baharu-lah se- karang, saya ulang, sa-sudah kejadian yang berlaku di-Pontian dan Labis, sikap melaporkan, berubah kapada sikap mengemukakan dengan tegas kapada Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu.
Ini satu hal yang kita kesal- kan. Saya menguchapkan tahniah tadi, kerana hal itu di-bawa dengan tegas kapada Bangsa2 Bersatu, tetapi saya kesal kerana terlalu akhir, kerana sa- patut-nya perkara itu di-bawa dahulu lebeh awal, jangan-lah sangat kita memikirkan soal banyak atau sadikit- nya sokongan yang akan datang dari- pada negara2 lain.

Jangan-lah sangat kita memikirkan untok menimbangkan kedudokan hal yang berlaku dalam negeri kita ini terlalu banyak bergan- tong kapada fikiran2 dari luar.
Biar- lah kita bertindak dengan tegas dengan kejujoran dan kesunggohan dengan nekat dan tekad yang tegoh daripada peribadi jiwa bangsa kita sendiri.

Timbalan Perdana Menteri baharu2 ini telah memberikan satu kenyataan, kata-nya kalau Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu tidak dapat berbuat apa2, maka Malaysia mempunyai hak yang penoh untok bertindak.

Apa-kah sa-lama ini Malaysia tidak mempunyai hak untok bertindak?
Apa-kah sa-sudah Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu tidak dapat berbuat apa2, baharu hak yang penoh itu ada pada Malaysia, ini satu soal.

Apa-kah ini merupakan satu amaran bahawa Malaysia telah bersedia untok menghadapi perang terbuka, atau pun ini hanya merupakan satu cha- baran kapada Majlis Keselamatan itu?

Terserah-lah pentafsiran kapada masing2.

Tetapi kalimah yang menyata- kan, jika Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu tidak dapat berbuat apa2, maka Malaysia mempunyai hak yang penoh untok bertindak.
Saya rasa kalimah ini sa-olah2-nya tidak membayangkan bahawa kita mempunyai hak sekarang ini untok bertindak.

Kita mempunyai hak untok bertindak sa-kadar apa yang kita ke- hendaki dengan mengemukakan masa- alah itu kapada Majlis Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu, ia-lah oleh kerana kita itu di- selesaikan sa-chara damai.
Damai atau perdamaian itu-lah yang menjadi pokok ingin supaya persoalan tahu bahawa perang yang kita kehendaki sa-lama ini, sebab ada-lah kita perang, dan perang erti-nya binasa, bukan sahaja pehak yang kalah, tetapi juga pehak yang menang.

Sa-lain daripada itu, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sa-lain daripada ka-Bangsa2 Bersatu, mustahak-lah dari sekarang ini, kita memikirkan satu jurusan lain pula ia-itu kita mengemukakan masa- alah kita ini kapada bangsa2 Afro-Asia, ini atau pun Afrika-Asia.
Langkah sangat-lah mustahak, dengan kerana Indonesia sendiri dan juga kita sendiri ada-lah terlingkong di-dalam keluarga bangsa2 Afro-Asia.

Kalau bangsa2 Afro- Asia ini dapat benar2 bersatu dalam sumbangan perdamaian memberikan antara kedua negara bersaudara ini, saya perchaya kita akan dapat menem- poh satu zaman yang gemilang pada tahu masa akan datang.
Saya tidak bahawa Indonesia akan bertegang urat leher-nya, walau pun negara2 Afro-Asia itu akan bertindak memberi sum- bangan-nya kapada perdamaian di- tetapi walau dunia bagaimana pun kalau hal itu timbul daripada kehendak Malaysia sendiri, maka kita akan dapat menchatit satu sejarah di-dalam sejarah2 tanah ayer kita yang gemilang itu bahawa kita telah mulai menghulorkan tangan ka pada negara2 Afro-Asia untok mengam- bil tahu dan bertanggong-jawab akan sa-genap peristiwa dan kejadian yang berlaku di-negara2 Afro-Asia ini.
sa-belah sini, pun atau Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya mengaleh pandangan saya kapada soal Kawalan Kampong, Pengerahan Tenaga.

Yang ini pun ada hubongan- nya dengan soal pertahanan negara.

Seluroh negara kita sekarang ini telah di-lakukan satu langkahan yang besar, ya'ani menubohkan Pasokan2 Kawalan Kampong.

Pada mula-nya maseh me rupakan kawalan2 pantai.


Apakala ber laku kejadian pendaratan di-Pontian Pasokan Kawalan Pantai di-tubohkan, tetapi apabila berlaku kejadian di- Labis, maka Pasokan Kawalan Pantai itu dengan sendiri-nya berubah menjadi Pasokan Kawalan Kampong.
Langkah ini, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, satu langkah yang bijaksana dan baik, sebab rasa kesedaran yang timbul daripada ra'ayat negara—itu untok mempertahankan 1779 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1780 lebeh memberi kesan daripada meletak- kan harapan hanya sa-mata2 kapada tenaga luar.

Ini-lah satu perkara yang sangat penting.
Kekuatan alat senjata sa-mata2 dengan tidak ada kekuatan iman, kekuatan semangat dan rasa sunggoh2 daripada kesadaran yang ra'ayat yang chinta dan kaseh kapada negara ini dan rela berkorban untok mempertahankan negara kita ini, maka itu tidak akan berhasil nampak-nya, melainkan apakala rasa rela berkor ban—semangat berjuang iman yang tegoh di-dalam perjuangan, di- champor dengan alat2 senjata yang lengkap; ini-lah sahaja yang dapat menjamin keselamatan negeri kita ini.
Supaya tidak menimbulkan hal2 yang telah berlaku pada masa2 yang lalu yang pernah saya bangkitkan dalam Rumah yang mulia ini, maka perlu-lah pehak Kerajaan itu memberikan satu arahan di-dalam melaksanakan tugas memileh anggota2 Pasokan Kawalan Kampong ini, atau Vigilante Corps supaya melupakan soal parti politik, parti melupakan politik.

soal kepentingan serta Saya bimbang, kalau hal ini maseh berlaku terus-menerus, saperti berlaku- nya dalam soal pemilehan Tentera2 Tempatan, atau Tentera2 Wataniah.
Saya dapat memberikan chontoh-nya bagaimana beberapa orang daripada Pasokan Tentera Wataniah yang sa- chara kebetulan terdiri daripada orang2 yang bukan daripada Parti Perikatan; apakala sudah bekerja, sudah mendapat latehan, kemudian akhir-nya di-ketahui oleh ketua-nya yang dia ini bukan daripada ahli parti Kerajaan, tetapi ahli daripada parti lain, maka dengan sendiri-nya dia itu di-pechat daripada Tentera Wataniah.
Saya dapat mem berikan bukti-nya yang jelas di-atas hal siapa2 ini dan dapat menunjokkan orang yang telah menemul nasib yang sangat saperti Ini-lah menyedehkan.

Apa-kah perlu-nya perasaan berparti itu di-hidupkan di- dalam sa'at2 negara kita ini menempoh keadaan dharurat dan keadaan bahaya yang sa-demikian rupa?

Tidak boleh- kah perasaan berparti itu di-ketepikan buat sementara waktu, sa-hingga ke ini mengizinkan adaan negara kita perasaan berparti itu di-hidupkan, ber- yang ini.
dan bertumboh chambah dalam masharakat kita.

Ini-lah satu hal yang patut benar pehak Kerajaan ini meng- awasi-nya.

Saya tidak perchaya ketua2 yang melakukan tindakan saperti itu mendapat arahan daripada Kementerian yang tertentu—tidak saya perchaya dan tidak saya hendak menudoh, tidak—tetapi kalau tidak di-beri arahan supaya mereka itu melakukan sa-chara adil, jangan memileh parti, neschaya hal ini boleh berlaku dengan berluas2 dan boleh berlaku dengan sewenang2- nya.
lagi Yang kedua, dalam soal discipline, bukan sahaja latehan menembak, tetapi juga latehan discipline ini pun perlu.

Banyak hal2 yang berlaku baharu2 ini, heboh konon-nya ada tentera Indonesia mendarat di-Pasir Puteh, kawasan pilehan raya saya sendiri, sa-hingga heboh konon-nya—sa-orang tua telah menemul itu, sa- hingga dua hari kemudian oleh kerana heboh-nya dan sa-sudah di-lakukan suatu penyiasatan oleh pehak Pasokan Radio Keselamatan, Malaysia menyiarkan satu berita yang menapikan hal itu.
terpaksa-lah Indonesia tentera Apa yang berlaku, Tuan Yang di- Pertua?

Petang itu Tentera2 Wataniah berlateh, malang-nya sa-tengah dari- pada-nya tidak pulang ka-rumah, sebab jauh, atau leteh, maka bermalam-lah mereka entah di-rumah siapa.

Pukul lima pagi dia turun daripada rumah itu, lalu di-chelah2 kampong waktu dia bertemu dengan orang tua yang turun kerana menunaikan kadza hajat.
Di- tanya oleh orang tua itu, dia jawab dengan bahasa Indonesia—mengguna- kan kalimah Indonesia sa-olah2 me- nakutkan orang tua itu.

Orang tua itu lantas meraong, dan akhir-nya melapor- kan kapada polis, maka heboh konon- nya yang tentera Indonesia ada di-sana.

ia-lah Tentera Yang Wataniah terkena kapada orang yang tidak mempunyai discipline.
Demikian pula yang berlaku dua hari yang lalu di-Bulut Susu di- Jajahan Pasir Mas, Tuan Yang di- dengan Pertua—Tentera Wataniah memakai ka- kampong yang kebetulan orang tengah heboh pada malam itu; ada sa-buah kapal terbang terbang rendah dan tidak sa-benar-nya yang uniform-nya masok kebetulan 1781 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1782 berlampu, maka di-hebohkan orang konon-nya tentera payong terjun sudah turun di-Jajahan Pasir Mas.

Bertemu- lah dengan dua orang yang berpakaian hijau pukul dua malam.
Kebetulan tuan rumah mendengar bunyi angsa terlalu bising, maka heboh-lah orang mengatakan yang tentera Indonesia— tentera payong terjun Indonesia—sudah masok ka-kampong.

Bila di-siasat kemudian, rupa-nya Tentera Wataniah datang menchuri angsa—tidak semua- nya, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, dalam beribu2 hanya sa-orang dua yang menerbitkan kejadian yang saperti itu, tetapi itu-lah satu perkara yang patut di-jaga nama baik discipline dan sa- bagai-nya.
sa-buah kampong tegas bahawa dalam Tuan Yang di-Pertua, dalam soal Kawalan Kampong ini kami di-negeri Kelantan, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, Alhamdulillah, dapat-lah saya nyatakan dengan soal menubohkan Pasokan Kawalan Kam pong ini dapat di-lakukan dengan chara yang lichin dan chara yang terator.
Telah di-arahkan supaya dalam memi- leh anggota2 Pasokan Kawalan Kam pong ini jangan-lah di-pileh daripada satu parti sahaja, jangan oleh kerana kebetulan yang menjadi Penghulu itu orang yang chenderong kapada Parti PAS maka semua anggota Kawalan Kampong di-ambil daripada Parti PAS, maka lagi oleh kerana Penghulu-nya chenderong ka pada Parti Perikatan di-pileh daripada anggota2 Parti Perikatan.
Maka sa- sudah saya mengkaji dan menyiasat keadaan itu di-negeri Kelantan saya dapati dari jumlah lebeh kurang 72,000 anggota Pasokan Kawalan Kampong yang telah di-beri tauliah sekarang ini boleh-lah saya katakan terdiri dari hampir sama banyak dari anggota PAS atau pun anggota Perikatan atau pun orang yang tidak berparti, sa-hingga dengan demikian, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, perasaan berparti itu dapat di-lenyap- kan dan dapat di-ketepikan dan mereka telah menunjokkan kesunggohan kerja- sama atas nama ra'ayat yang chintakan kapada sayangkan kemerdekaan tanah ayer kita ini.
keamanan dan Tuan Yang di-Pertua, pada masa mula2 di-perentah menubohkan Paso kan Kawalan Pantai, di-negeri Kelantan telah di-tubohkan Pasokan Kawalan Pantai sa-ramai 8,000 orang, tetapi sa- sudah berlaku-nya kejadian di-Labis dan sa-sudah mendapat arahan dari pada pehak Kementerian, maka se karang ini jumlah anggota itu telah meningkat kapada lebeh kurang 72,000 orang, sedangkan orang yang memohon untok menjadi Pasokan Kawalan Kam pong, tua dan muda, laki2 dan perem- puan, berjumlah hampir2 1/4 juta orang, hampir sa-paroh daripada pendudok negeri Kelantan itu.
Bukan-lah saya cheritakan ini untok bermegah dengan jumlah yang ramai daripada Pasokan Kawalan Kampong di-negeri Kelantan itu—tidak sama sa-kali, tetapi saya nyatakan ini ia-lah untok memberi satu pernyataan bahawa pehak Parti PAS ada-lah sunggoh2 dan benar2 bersama dengan seluroh ra'ayat dalam negeri ini untok menjaga dan mempertahan- kan kedaulatan dan kemerdekaan tanah ayer kita sa-barang ini daripada anchaman luar dan dalam.
Ini-lah, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, dalam soal ini fitnah2 satu perkara yang harus di-kawal dengan rapi.

Dua hari yang lalu, Tuan Yang di- Pertua, pehak pegawai tinggi kerajaan negeri Kelantan menerima panggilan talipon daripada Kementerian Kese- lamatan Dalam Negeri menanyakan kenapa negeri Kelantan tidak buat apa2 lagi dalam soal menubohkan Pasokan Kawalan Kampong?

Maka tinggi negeri bertanya-lah pegawai Kelantan itu siapa yang melaporkan?
Maka dia pun cheritakan: di-hadapan saya ini ada sa-orang bernama—saya tidak mahu sebutkan nama-nya—si-anu ia-itu-lah salah sa-orang bin si-anu, daripada Ketua UMNO Bahagian di- negeri Kelantan, mencheritakan kapada pegawai tinggi Kementerian, bukan ka pada Menteri, minta ma'af, kapada tinggi Kementerian bahawa pegawai tidak berbuat apa2.

negeri Kelantan Maka langsong di-terangkan oleh pe gawai tinggi negeri Kelantan tadi kita telah berbuat, bukan tidak berbuat apa2.
Kenapa-kah satu kenyataan dari pada orang itu chukup untok meragu2- kan kita, sa-hingga akhir-nya 5 minit kemudian sahabat saya Ketua UMNO Bahagian yang tertentu itu menalipon sa-mula kapada Setia-usaha Kerajaan 1783 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1784 negeri Kelantan meminta ma'af, sebab sa-benar-nya dia tidak tahu apa yang telah berlaku di-negeri Kelantan sa- lama ini.

Ini satu fitnah.

Ini-lah rupa- nya kalau tidak di-adakan penyiasatan.
Mithal kalau takdir datang sa-orang berjumpa dengan Yang Berhormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri mencherita- kan hal2 sa-demikian, kalau kebetulan Yang Berhormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri itu menaroh keperchayaan sa- penoh-nya kapada orang yang melapor- kan, apa jadi?

Timbul-lah perasaan shak wasangka dan perasaan tidak per- chaya-memperchaya'i antara kita sama kita, sedangkan hal itu sangat2 tidak di- kehendaki di-waktu negara kita sedang menghadapi bahaya ini.
ada-lah sempadan Baik-lah, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya kembali kapada soal Kawalan Kampong.

Soal senjata dan soal alat2 bagi tiap2 anggota Kawalan Kampong.

Bekerja, siang dan malam dengan jam2 Syang tertentu uritok mengawal atau menjaga kok2 ada sa-barang penda- ratan baik dari laut atau dari udara satu atau dari tugas yang terlalu berat dengan tidak mempunyai senjata dan dengan tidak mempunyai alat hatta lampu suloh atau pun baju hujan di-waktu hujan, terlalu sangat-lah maka kita ini tidak mengambil berat.
Dan saya ter- tahu pehak Kementerian, utama-nya Yang Berhormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri sendiri ada mempu nyai persediaan bagi mengatasi soal2 ini, sebab estimates sedang di-minta kapada tiap2 Negeri supaya menentu- kan berapa jumlah barang yang di- kehendaki dan berapa harga-nya.

Itu Alhamdulillah-lah akan dapat perha- tian hendak-nya dan dapat pengawal2 kampong itu alat2 yang sa-mesti-nya.
itu erti-nya akan soal ia-lah Tetapi senjata—senjata bagi orang kampong yang sa-lama ini ada bagi mengawal harta-benda-nya dan rumah-tangga-nya senapang ya'ani senapang kampong, senapang patah.

Apa yang berlaku dalam sa- bulan dua baharu2 ini hampir 3/4 dari- pada pemegang2 senjata yang berlesen dari negeri Kelantan telah di-rampas berjumpa senjata-nya.
Bila dengan Menteri2 Besar negeri lain, di-negeri rupa-nya bukan sahaja saya Kelantan di-negeri2 lain pun di-rampas dan tidak di-sambong atau di-perpan- jangkan lesen memegang senjata api itu.

Di-sa'at negara saperti ini hal ini sangat mengkechiwakan.
Saya minta- lah dengan jasa baik pehak Yang Berhormat Perdana Menteri atau Yang Berhormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri dengan jasa baik mereka berdua ini dapat-lah senjata2 api itu di-pulang- kan kembali kapada tuan yang em- terang2 kita punya, kechuali dengan itu merbahaya kapada dapati orang negara, jika itu saya pun tidak suka senjata itu di-pulangkan kapada me reka itu.
Di-pulangkan-lah senjata itu kapada orang2 yang benar berhak tuan yang empunya dan kita atau perchaya dia tidak merbahaya kapada negara, dengan di-beri suatu sharat bahawa dia mesti-lah meng- gabongkan diri-nya ka-dalam Pasokan Kawalan Kampong dan, mesti berkhid- mat dengan menggunakan senjata yang di-berikan itu.

Saya perchaya dengan chara saperti demikian dapat dua faedah.
Sa-lain daripada faedah yang pertama orang itu merasa1 senang hati dengan hak milek-nya dapat kembali dan mengawal harta milek- nya dan faedah yang kedua Pasokan Kawalan Kampong kita akan memi- leki senjata, sa-kurang2-nya satu pa sokan satu atau dua.

Ini satu.

itu tugas mereka Yang kedua patut-lah pehak Ke menterian mengadakan senjata2 tam- bahan yang di-beri kapada Pasokan chara Pengawal Kampong dengan bergeler2 mengikut itu berjaga.
Tiap2 pengawal kampong di- tesen untok memegang senjata beri api, kalau perlu kapada lesen mengi kut peratoran biasa, kechuali kalau dengan Undang2 Dharurat tidak per- lukan lesen, itu pun lagi baik.

Maka senjata satu di-beri sa-kurang2-nya 4 Pasokan Kawalan atau 5, mereka bergeler2 memerhati- kan api mengikut geleran mereka berjaga.

Sebab, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, bahawa tidak mustahil mereka itu akan menghadapi bahaya2.
Kalau benar2-lah tentera penchero- bohan dari Indonesia itu mendarat sama ada dari udara, dari laut atau dari sempadan, mereka tidak menda kosong, rat tangan yang kapada dengan senjata api 1785 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1786 mereka mesti mendarat dengan alat senjata yang serba moden.

Bagaimana kita menghadapi-nya?

Betul ada orang berkata bahawa ta'kan-lah kita hen- dak suroh Pasokan Kawalan Kam- pong itu melawan.

Apa yang kita kehendaki mereka itu apakala melihat hal itu melaporkan kapada Pasokan Keselamatan.
Itu betul.

Tetapi semen- tara hendak melaporkan kalau ter- tembong dan kalau tempat Pasokan tidak Keselamatan semua kampong ada pos atau pun pusat keselamatan.

Ini satu perkara yang mustahak, daripada mati bodoh elok-lah mati berlawan, ada nilai dan perjuangan ada mempertahankan tanah ayer.

jauh, sebab harga-nya dalam itu itu yang chara pentadbiran-nya Kalau mati dengan tidak bersenjata itu terok sangat.
Yang kedua, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, patut-lah Kerajaan mengadakan suatu undang2 berkenaan dengan Pasokan Kawalan Kampong kalau ini, tidak ada undang2 pun tetapi apa supaya mempunyai per- sahaja-lah atoran meliputi chara kawalan atau sa-bagai-nya.

Dan satu perkara yang mustahak ia-lah jaminan, jaminan ter- hadap orang2 ini.

Dengan ada-nya jaminan itu dua faedah mereka akan dapat.

Yang pertama kesunggohan orang kedua bergerak, keadilan masharakat itu dapat di-beri- kan kapada-nya.
Kalau mereka itu chedera bila kena atau berlaku sa- suatu kejadian, apa-kah mereka itu akan di-beri layanan atau bagaimana layanan yang akan di-berikan—ka- Hospital mereka di-bawa, dan bagai mana layanan kalau mereka itu mati, bagaimana pula hal-nya; betul-lah mati dalam perjuangan kerana mem pertahankan tanah ayer, mati yang mulia tetapi walau pun mulia nama- nya anak2-nya yang tinggal itu perlu- kan kapada bantuan, ini yang perlu mendapat timbangan dari pehak kita.
Kita boleh menyeru semangat ra'ayat supaya berjuang tetapi sa-suatu mesti kita hulorkan kapada ra'ayat di-sam- ping semangat yang di-tunjokkan oleh ra'ayat dan tenaga suka-rela yang di- tidak berikan oleh ra'ayat.

;Mereka berkehendakkan gaji—mereka tidak berkehendakkan upah, mereka ber kehendakkan senjata, mereka berke hendakkan layanan, mereka berke sahaja hendakkan jaminan, yang mereka kehendaki dalam kerja2 mengawal kampong2-nya.

ini-lah tetapi hendak bahawa sa-barang keselurohan-nya sekarang.
Akan orang2 Melayu Tuan Yang di-Pertua, oleh kerana telah Tunku Perdana Menteri kita menyebutkan hal2 yang berlaku di- Singapura baharu2 ini maka saya pun ikut-lah menchampori soal2 itu.

Saya tidak champor masaalah Singapura itu sa-bagai satu masaalah saya yang itu champorkan masaalah Singapura sa-bagai satu masaalah yang tersen- diri.
Saya ikut bersedeh-lah atas keja dian itu dan memang-lah sa-pendapat antara saya dengan pehak Perdana Menteri, keka- chauan yang berlaku di-sa'at saperti ini kalau tidak pun sa-chara langsong, sa-chara tidak langsong, boleh meng- kaitkan dengan hal2 politik yang ber laku tetapi walau bagaimana pun saya terkenang pada satu masa dahulu kenyataan Yang Berhormat Menteri Muda Perda- gangan dan Perusahaan waktu beliau bergiat baharu2 ini dalam soal penyer- di-lapangan taan ekonomi, beliau telah memberikan satu pandangan yang chukup menarek perhatian saya sendiri.
Sa-lain dari pada menarek, dapat saya mengatakan chukup menawan hati saya sendiri, ia-itu sa-barang kejadian boleh jadi; ini di-keluarkan sa-sudah kenyataan di-Singapura berlaku-nya yang pertama; kejadian boleh jadi sa-kira-nya perseimbangan ekonomi masharakat dan kehidupan ra'ayat tidak di-perbetulkan; demikian- lah tetapi kalimah2 itu saya tidak dapat meng- ambil itu-lah maksud-nya.

Saya akui benar dan patut-lah pehak Cabinet pun me- peristiwa ngakui benar.
Sa-barang boleh perseimbangan ekonomi masharakat dan kehidupan tidak di-perbetulkan.
Bukan ra'ayat bahawa saya kejadian yang berlaku di-Singapura itu membangkitkan perseim bangan ekonomi, sa-barang hal boleh membangkitkan hal2 demikian, kalau tidak-lah kejadian Singapura itu ber sedang di-sa'at negara kita laku hendak mengatakan lebeh kurang sa-biji2-nya sa-barang ayat-nya kejadian tetapi kalau soal jadi 1787 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1788 menghadapi konfrantasi, kalau tidak- itu berlaku lah kejadian Singapura di-sa'at negara kita di-cherobohi oleh negara asing, saya perchaya pernya- taan Menteri Muda itu akan bertam- bah tetapi apa boleh buat dia berlaku di-sa'at kon frantasi.
ba- ngunan konfrantasi, rupa konfrantasi itu menguasai segala2-nya.

jelas gambaran-nya konfrantasi, Suasana sadikit patut-lah ini, saya di-Pertua, Tetapi walau bagaimana pun, Tuan pehak Yang tidak hendak Kementerian tetapi saya hendak minta kenyataan minta perlaksanaan.
dan tindakan Jaminan Yang Teramat Mulia Tunku Perdana Menteri waktu lawatan-nya ka-Singapura baharu2 ini ada-lah satu jaminan yang baik yang kalau di- susul dengan perlaksanaan yang baik, sa- maka dia akan dapat banyak memberi ubat yang mujarrab bagi mengatasi sa-barang hal keka- chauan2 yang mungkin akan berlaku pada masa2 yang akan datang.
Chuma ia-lah apa yang saya dukachitakan kenyataan Perdana Menteri mengkait- kan beberapa orang dari kalangan terlibat dalam PAS yang di-katakan peristiwa kejadian di-Singapura itu.

tahu hal di-Singapura, Saya tidak tetapi akan jangan-lah hendak-nya kalau terdapat satu dua orang dari kalangan partai PAS atau partai apa sahaja, mengkaitkan diri partai itu gerakan—tindakan sendiri activity tiap2 sa-orang atau personal activity.
Boleh jadi mungkin ada dari kalangan PAS, mungkin ada dari kalangan Party Ra'ayat, mungkin ada di-kalangan PMS, mungkin ada di- kalangan UMNO yang melakukan activity persendirian dalam hal2 yang berlaku di-Singapura itu tetapi tidak- lah boleh melibatkan partai politik itu menjadi anggota- di-mana orang tidak boleh melibatkan parti nya, PAS mithal-nya di-dalam kejadian Singapura itu.
Ini harus-lah di-ma'a- lumi dan di-fahami, parti PAS sendiri itu ikuti bersedeh dengan kejadian dan kita bersama2 berdiri dengan pemerentah kejadian perpechahan perkauman tidak lagi ber laku.
dengan supaya hal Sa-bagai mithal-nya, Tuan Yang di- ini Pertua, kalau-lah kira-nya kita tempat-nya atau hendak menonjol2kan perasaan den- dam kesumat dan perasaan membalas sakit hati mithal-nya hendak di-hidup- kan, perasaan perkauman itu di-negeri Kelantan-lah tanah- nya yang subor sa-kali boleh meme chahkan keadaan sa-bagai communal disturbance itu.
Kalau di-Singapura orang Melayu kurang orang bangsa perkelahian, lain berlaku banyak, orang Melayu habis, itu-lah diayah yang timbul, di-Kelantan orang bangsa lain kurang, orang Melayu banyak, kalau sa-titek ayer sahaja beneh itu boleh sebab timbul dengan tanah-nya terlalu subor.

subor dapat ka-sesa'at di-Pertua, bersama2 Mr Speaker: Berapa minit lagi?

Enche' Mohamed Asri bin Haji Muda: Ada dua minit lagi.
Tetapi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, oleh kerana PAS yang merasa diri-nya benar2 ber- bagi mengelakkan tanggong-jawab sa-barang kejadian yang tidak di- ingini ini, maka saya boleh-lah mem beri pengakuan kapada Perdana Men teri dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri serta Menteri2 lain semua-nya, bahawa di-negeri Kelantan di-kawal dan di-jaga-nya.
Saya sendiri, Tuan dengan Yang tin pehak Pegawai Polis mengambil terpaksa bergerak dari dakan kilat, sa-sa'at dapat apakala sahaja ada bunyi khabar angin yang boleh memechahkan sa-suatu keadaan, perhubongan yang memechahkan antara kaum, maka terpaksa di-ambil tindakan.
Ini pun chukup menjadi bokti, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, bahawa PAS sendiri tidak ingin kejadian sa- perti ini berlaku, sebab itu-lah, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, jangan-lah di-kaitkan kalau ada orang PAS mungkin telah di-tangkap kerana di-shaki ada mem- punyai kejadian pertalian jangan kekachauan di-Singapura di-kaitkan dengan parti PAS.
Kita, parti PAS mempunyai pendirian sen diri tetapi kalau ada satu dua orang PAS yang bertindak mengikut kehen- tindakan dak dengan kehendak sendiri dengan tidak arahan dari parti, maka itu di-luar tanggong-jawab parti.

Demikian-lah, barangkali pun juga.

Ta'kan-lah Perikatan demikian ada hendak menyanggup hati-nya—melakukan Perikatan kira-nya dengan pehak itu, 1789 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1790 ahli-nya melakukan, di-luar kehendak sendiri.
Jadi, pada dasar parti-nya akhir-nya, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, PAS memberi-lah sokongan sa-penoh- nya kapada pengishtiharan dharurat di-negeri ini (Tepok).

Mr Speaker: Meshuarat ini di- tanggohkan sa-hingga 4.30 petang ini.

Sitting suspended at 1.00 p.m.


Sitting resumed at 4.30 p.m. (Mr Speaker in the Chair) EXEMPTED BUSINESS (Motion) The Minister of Local Government and Housing (Enche' Khaw Kai-Boh): Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, That, notwithstanding the provisions of Standing Order 12, the House shall not today until consideratign of all adjourn Government business set out on the Order Paper has been completed.

The Minister of Works, Posts and Telecommunications (Dato' V. T. Sambanthan): Sir, I beg to second the motion.
Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved, That, notwithstanding the provisions of Standing Order 12, the House shall not adjourn today until consideration of all Government business set out on the Order Paper has been completed.

ADJOURNMENT SINE DIE (Motion) Enche' Khaw Kai-Boh: Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move, That, at its rising this day the House shall stand adjourned sine die.

Dato' V. T. Sambanthan: Sir, I beg to second the motion.

Question put, and agreed to.


Resolved, That, at its rising this day the House shall stand adjourned sine die.

PERISHTIHARAN DHARURAT— (PROCLAMATION OF EMER GENCY) Command Paper No.

25 of 1964 Debate resumed.

Dato' Donald Stephens (Sabah): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to give full support to the Proclamation of Emergency.

Sir, we have been patient.


We have allowed our cheeks to be slapped by the enemy and, instead of seeing a penitent enemy, we have merely whetted his appetite for more bullying, and all we get is more slapping.

Soekarno's gangsters have time and again com mitted aggression in Sabah and Sara wak; they have invaded our territory and killed our people.

Murder and arson have been committed.


Now, not being satisfied with using his so-called "guerillas" and "volunteers" and terro rising the innocent people along the border Sarawak, Soekarno has embarked on unmistak able aggression, daylight aggression, by landing troops at Pontian and dropping his paratroopers at Labis and what is more Soekarno's Defence Minister has taken pride in announcing that his forces had committed aggression against Malaysia.
Sabah and of the right of Mr Speaker, Sir, the Honourable Member for Batu has used the word "dispute" in referring to Indonesia's action against us.

I take exception to the use of this word because, in fact, there is no dispute; there is only aggres sion on the part of Indonesia against Malaysia.

The peoples of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah had decided that they wanted to be united as a nation in Malaysia.
After long and careful deliberations, they had managed to agree on the basis on which Malay sia was to be established, and Malaysia was established.

Why should anyone dispute the people of Malaysia to be united in Malaysia?

The words "Dispute", "guerillas" and to "volunteers" Soekarno's aggression.

These "guerillas" and "volunteers" are, in fact Soekarno's soldiers.
Some of them may have originated from the States of Malay from sia—I know Sabah—but they are in the pay of Soekarno and they have been trained to help Soekarno to crush Malaysia.

This makes them traitors to Malaysia, and they have no right, therefore, to be known as Malaysians.

They are traitors and should be treated like traitors and called traitors and not "guerillas" or "volunteers".
there are none respectability lend All the repeated acts of aggression by Soekarno have naturally made it 1791 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1792 increasingly necessary that we take all possible steps to defend ourselves, and the Declaration of a state of Emergency throughout Malaysia, is, therefore most timely.
I hope that this Declaration of a state of Emergency will bring home to every Malaysian the fact that the time has come when everyone, of all parties, should rally round the Govern ment of Malaysia and to stand firmly behind the Prime Minister in the face the danger which confronts our of nation, to be solidly united and to be prepared to give everything we have in thwarting the evil designs of Soekarno and his stooges.
I would also like to suggest, most humbly, that we should declare a moratorium in politics, especially on racial politics, which can only lend strength to our enemy.

Let us stop jockeying for position with an eye to the next elections knowing that unless we stick together and defeat the enemy, there may not be any next elections.
Mr Speaker, one question, I know, to be paramount in the minds of many in Malaysia is this: how long are we going to sit back and allow the enemy to hit us as and when and where he pleases?

I know that the patience of the people of Malaysia is at an end and they are now waiting to see that we give back to the enemy the sort of medicine that they have been giving to us in the past.

There are many also who consider it a great privilege to be asked to undertake the work of retaliat ing against the enemy.
I hope it may not be too long before they are given the chance to do so.

Force must be met by force.

We must hit back.

Dictators know only one language, and that is the language of force; and the language which we must use in our in future dealings with Jakarta.

the dictator this is The Honourable Member for Batu, again, this morning took great pains to that we are weak impress on us militarily—that I do not agree.
I do not think that we are all that weak, and we must not forget that we have right on our side.

We also have friends who are committed to our defence, and I see no reason for us to be in any way the ashamed to invoke the help of Agreement made in especially Soekarno's aggression.
this our for our defence, fight against in Of course, we must go on fighting in the diplomatic field, the United Nations, but even the worst pacificist among us must by now realise that in the final analysis, if Soekarno persists in his aggression—and all signs indicate that he intends to go on with his dream of "Indonesia Raya"—there can only be one answer to Soekarno's use of force, and that is counter-force.

Wishful thinking on our part will get us no where.


Soekarno's intentions are as clear as daylight and we must plan accor dingly.

Putting our heads in the sand, ostrich-fashion, will only allow our enemy to have the advantage which he craves.

What I mean to say is that we should not think or pretend to believe that the worst that is likely to happen to us is to have this state of emergency imposed on us.

We must, in all fairness to ourselves, be prepared the worst—for war.

I am no warmonger.
I am no warmonger.

I have gone through one war, one terrible war, and have always prayed that the good God would spare us any more wars, but for our nation, for our to Malaysia, we must be prepared sacrifice everything.

We will never allow our newly gained independence and freedom to be taken away.

A long time ago an American patriot said, "Give me liberty, or give me death."

is how every This I am sure true Malaysians today about our feels nation.
for indication is a clear The Proclamation of Emergency therefore throughout Malaysia should be most welcome to all of us, because this that our Government intends to take every step necessary for the defence of our coun try.
I would like, Mr Speaker, Sir, to take this opportunity to support the motion before this Honourable House and also to say that the people of Sabah are solidly behind our Prime Minister and the Federal Government in all the steps which the Government has taken and are taking in the defence of our nation.
I know that Sabah is prepared to make every and any sacri the nation and will follow fice for faithfully our Bapa Malaysia, who with right on his side, with God's help and 1793 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1794 blessing, will yet lead us out of the Emergency, crush our enemies and bring us all into the harbour of peace, prosperity and happiness (Applause).

Mr Speaker: Ahli2 Yang Berhormat, saya perchaya ramai daripada Ahli2 yang hendak berchakap dalam masa alah ini.
Saya minta dan saya merayu lah kapada Ahli 2 yang akan dapat berchakap itu, chuba-lah berchakap dengan sa-berapa ringkas supaya dapat Ahli2 yang lain berchakap untok meng ambil bahagian dalam perkara ini; dan lebeh kurang pukul enam, saya akan memberi peluang kapada Menteri2 untok menjawab satu persatu apa yang telah di-datangkan oleh pehak Ahli2 tadi.
Dr Lim Chong Eu (Tanjong): Mr Speaker, Sir, I rise to associate myself in support of the motion moved by the Honourable Prime Minister this morning, and in so doing right from the very beginning of this important and grave debate, I would like to take the opportunity to state that the party to which I belong, the United Demo cratic Party, also reaffirms our full support for the Government's proposal of the Proclamation of a state of Emergency in this country.
I sincerely hope that this point is clearly under stood by all my Honourable friends in this House so that they will not mis construe the real purpose of what I shall have to continue to say in my speech in trying to represent what we consider a loyal and democratic Oppo sition must effectively do under these circumstances.
Until such time as suggested by last Honourable speaker, when a moratorium is pro that there are posed, I am afraid certain things that have to be done and said and they should be taken in the spirit of the security of the nation and not just as backbiting in this House.

the Publicly, Sir, our party has already declared our support of the Govern ment's emergency measures.
We have also stated that we consider that these measures were inevitable, and further more we have stated that in these times of danger the Government should further consider not only taking these steps but also that they should take more positive measures to develop the security, the wellbeing and the unity of our nation.
It was succinctly pointed out by· the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore earlier on this morning that the Proclamation of Emergency, and under it the Bill which we shall in due course pass, will confer great powers on the Government and he has already pointed out in his own way that the exercise of such overwhelming powers require great restraint and great con trol.
We are not an irresponsible Opposition and whatever suggestions and criticisms we may make now in this debate are made with every inten tion to help the Government and to co-operate with the Government in every way we think correct, so as to preserve the integrity and the sove reignty of Malaysia, which today is being attacked by our neighbour Indo nesia under Soekarno's regime.
How ever, we would like to make it quite clear the United Democratic Party, is also firmly dedi cated to the preservation of the demo cratic institutions of our country based upon the principles of equality and justice for the people of our country.
Without any doubt, we feel that our party, that nobody in this country, and certainly no one in this House, including the Honourable Prime Minister himself, the would have willingly declared present state of Emergency without the extenuating circumstances which prevail today.
Since we all realise that the state of Emergency will undoubtedly to some extent curtail the forms of that we would normally democracy practise in our country as guaranteed by our Constitution, therefore, we consider that it is the proper function of a loyal Opposition that it should do everything that it can under the conditions of emergency in which we live in order not only to help preserve the defence of our nation but also at the same time we must always be vigilant that whatever steps that the Government will necessarily have to undertake in these emergency condi tions will not unduly deprive our people of the rights and the liberties which are guaranteed to them by our Constitution and which they have been acc~st.omed t?
accept as the ideal way of hvmg.

It ts not our intention at a 1795 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1796 try time like this to review how the state of emergency has come about; unlike other members of Opposition groups whose loyalties are less tangible than ours, we will not harp back on the immediate past history of the forma tion of Malaysia and with a sense of smartness and righteousness to remind the Government, "There, I told you so."
After all, the United Demo cratic Party from the very day of its inception had advised the Government to go slow with the formation of Malaysia, because we had anticipated the very state of affairs which we face today and we had also queried the rosy pictures of greater peace, greater prosperity and greater happiness that Malaysia will bring to the people of this country which were at one time brightly painted by some of the leaders of the Alliance Party, particularly those from the Malayan Chinese Association they went round the country when trying to gain the support of the people for the Constitution of Malaysia.
of territory Indonesian When we use the word "inevitable" we are not trying to refer back to the past when we were openly critical of the M.C.A.

the naive promises of leaders about what the plan of Malaysia really meant.

When we used the word inevitable, we mean that this emergency measure must be pro mulgated now in view of the open by aggression our Soekarno's troops.
As a matter of fact, even when this session of the House first met, troops were already attacking parts of Malaysian territory in the borders of Sarawak and Sabah, but our people were still new to this concept of a new Malaysian nation.

Therefore, what had then taken place in Long Jawi, in Tebedu, in Tawau seemed very far away to us.

Even the Government had not yet fully awakened itself to the grimness of the situation that has already overtaken us.
Let me recall that at the first meeting of this session of the House, when we were debating His Majesty's Gracious Speech, I stated then that whereas in the past we, in the United Democratic Party, had urged the Government to proceed more slowly with the plan for the formation of Malaysia, we now Now urge the Government to act with a sense of greater urgency to bring the unity of Malaysia into reality, and we further urged that everyone of us must think of ourselves as Malaysians.
Admittedly, at that meeting I made that statement arising out of reference to the the educational policy of Government, but the principles were meant to be general, for it is the truth that until all the people in this country think, live and act as Malaysians, then the unity and integrity of our new nation will only be words written on paper and not be fully effective.
that Malayan territories, or rather the territories of the States of Malaya, have been directly violated by the the dropping of paratroopers in the Labis area, the people of all the States of the Federation have begun to appreciate the full significance of what confronta tion mean.

At last, we are beginning thoroughly to react as a nation.
The inevitability of the process, therefore, Mr Speaker, Sir, to which we refer, is that anything that happens to us today, from the Siamese border all the way down the Peninsula to Singapore, and across the sea to the States of Borneo right down to the farthest point in Sabah, must affect each and every one of us in this country who honestly and truly declares himself to be a Malaysian.
in Pontian and landings full that confronts us Today, under these times of danger, is the challenge whether or not the new nation of Malaysia shall survive.

It is in this light that we consider the Government's action of declaring a state of emergency as a measure to safeguard our nation to be inevitable, and it is in this spirit that we offer our support.

(Applause).
(Applause).

It is to our mind not enough merely to go on talking about inter goodwill amongst racial harmony, and so on, as indeed is still being used again and again by various Members and leaders of the Government themselves.

The important thing today is that we must no longer think of ourselves as Malays, Chinese, Indians, Ibans, Kadazans, Dayaks, Kenyahs, Muruts, or any of the other single community, who together form races, the 1797 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1798 further the Malaysian people.
Not only must we not think of ourselves any further as members of any single community, but we must also not think of ourselves any in division as natives, Malays, and non-native Malaysians.

Not only must we not do this, but we must no to go on longer continue thinking of ourselves as Malayans, Borneans or Singaporeans.
The inevit ability of the challenge today is simply this: we must think and act as Malay sians, as a united national community under our new Constitution, or else we shall be divided amongst ourselves to perish piecemeal under the aggression of a totalitarian foe.
Therefore, I wish here to take this opportunity to pledge again the support of members of our Party, and all those who support the United Democratic Party this country, in any action that this Govern ment may consider fit and necessary to adopt, to uphold and preserve the sovereignty of Malaysia and the dignity of His Majesty, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as the consti tutional symbol of this sovereignty.
We fully con fronting our nation and, together with every other loyal Malaysian, we shall be prepared to lay down our lives, if and when necessary, in the defence of our nation under the present aggression.

However, we con sider that it is our loyal duty to our King and to our country to stress and, if necessary, to restress that we either exist as Malaysians or not at all.
the threat of the dangers appreciate in order in somewhat Under these circumstances, Sir, we that certain remiss feel quarters of leadership, the Alliance under the present stress and dangers to our nation, still continue to think and harp upon their former chauvinis line.
We have tic and communal earlier today accepted the warning from the Honourable Prime Minister to the Opposition parties that they must act in national terms, but in accepting the warning from the Government we also ask the Alliance Party in power should look into their own house and try to settle their own affairs—for example, with every sincerity in our hearts we criticise the recent statement by an important the Government and that the necessity of backbencher of the Alliance, who still thinks of confrontation and of our resistance to Soekarno's aggression in terms of those Malaysians of Chinese origin to have to once again prove their loyalty to this nation, when he said that for the the Chinese have past twelve years been suspect and the present that emergency has given the Chinese a chance to further prove their loyalty to this nation.
Mr Speaker, Sir, such a frame of mind is not consistent with the situation as it confronts us today; nor is it in consonance with the realities of what Malaysia means today to all of us.
If, indeed, we were to allow our selves to think along such chauvinistic and communalistic line, then if a group of people in this country are to be suspect at all, it would be logical that those Malaysians who by ties of blood and of culture and of political inclina tion are intimately associated with the Indonesian people.

But we the United Democratic Party do not con sider it realistic to pursue such a line of thought or such a line of action.
I reiterate that the crux of the matter today is whether as loyal citizens of Malaysia we shall live and think and act as Malaysians, so that the nation of Malaysia can exist, or whether we shall perish from this earth, the face of because we cannot transcend the racial differences that have hindered us in the past.
Therefore, we consider that under these dangerous times we can either cement the unity of the peoples of Malaysia or, if we fail to do so by failing to adopt the proper attitude and proper policies, our new nation shall break up into the various fragments from which we started our new life as a new nation and be destroyed by an unreasonable tyrant.
in Sir, I therefore urge that in exercising the powers conferred upon them by the declaration of a state of emergency in our country, the Government will act, and shall act, only in the context of the Constitution of Malaysia, under which circumstances there are only either loyal citizens of Malaysia, or those who are traitorous and disloyal to our nation.
In the face of our present danger, where every single loyal citizen 1799 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1800 should be and must be prepared to do everything in his power, if needs be even the to lay down his life, for preservation of our national sovereignty, inevitably the situation demands that every single citizen must be accorded equality of status as a Malaysian—and for that we must try and eliminate as quickly as possible the discrimination, the discrepancies and the communal feelings that still, unfortunately, prevail in certain quarters of our population, who still think in terms of racial origin and in terms of State divisions.
to withstand thereby convert It is our opinion that the Govern ment is today in a position to take the positive leadership of providing a truly Malaysian climate and attitude of mind once and for all, and to forge the unity of the concept of the Malaysian nation, the dangerous and and terrible consequences of Indone sian confrontation into a basic instru ment for welding our peoples together into a single nationhood.

It is not enough for us just to declare a state of emergency to control our people.
We must do something more positive— and at this juncture of our history, the Government has the opportunity.

To a large extent, the powers conferred upon it shall be in its hands.

United, I feel sure and I am certain that most of us in this House feel sure, we shall be able the onslaught of Soekarno's ambition, but divided we shall be destroyed.
By preserving as best as we can the democratic institu tions of our country under a state of emergency, we shall not only survive but we shall, with God's grace, provide the kind of leadership which will lead South-East Asia from the present state of turmoil and conflict into a more stable and happier state of affairs.
If at any time should we lose sight of the fundamental democratic nature of our country during the period of the state of emergency, we may survive, but we shall certainly lose the essential charac the world teristics an as respect recognise us important democratic nation the in past.

Sir, I am confident—and I am sure the vast majority of the people in Malaysia are confident—that, under of Tunku Abdul the that have made and leadership seriously future development.
Rahman as our Prime Minister and as the Leader of our nation, we have every chance of coming out of these trying greater circumstances with prestige and with brighter prospect of our (Applause).

We hope that God will grant him the health, strength and the long life to lead us for many more years to come.

(Applause).

However, as I have warned earlier, we have to be very careful, and in particular the Government of the Alliance Party in power have to be especially careful.
Whilst expressing this fervent hope I would still, never theless, urge the Honourable the Prime the Minister deleterious effect that may be caused to the rest of the nation by occasional statements made by quarters close to him his Prime relinquishing Minister.

A positive action on the part of the Government, therefore, will be to make sure that in future no such statements be allowed to emanate, except through the Prime Minister himself.
Everybody throughout the length and breadth of Malaysia agrees that in this one unique man we have the nucleus of our nation.

So, do not let us play with all these tales of his resigning, or possible resigning, especially in these times of danger.
the possibility of post to consider emanate, shall over his as or In this respect, Sir, we also consider that it is our duty to point out that the recent statements made by the newly appointed Political Secretary to the Prime Minister have created an increased sense of uncertainty instead of a greater sense of assurance, which we can only presume they were meant to provide.
If we may offer a critical appraisal of statements, we these would like to say that it does appear somewhat queer, if not senseless, for from to be made statements such influential quarters the Deputy that Prime Minister is not "anti-Chinese".

This kind of double negative statement, at is disheartening, unenlightening, and easily misunder stood.
We must presume and accept that all the members of the Govern ment are true Malaysians and, there live and act as fore, its very best, think, they 1801 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1802 the Government this country by Malaysians, and are not only not pro any one section of the diverse racial components of Malaysia, but certainly they are not in any way anti any one of them.
Under these circumstances, would it not have been better, would it not have been more proper, for propaganda of such a nature not to have been made?

If it must be made, it should be made in a truly positive manner—for example, by stating that the Deputy Prime Minister is entirely pro-Malaysian, rather than by putting it in this feeble and double negative way.
Further, Sir, one would have thought that if it were really necessary to make such for statements, then the statements, if they are to be effective, should be made by some responsible and respected Mem bers of the Government, such as the Information, who has Minister of achieved his proper and rightful place in the process of democratic elections into this House, and not by a Political Secretary whose one claim to a place in our nation's parliamentary history has so far been that he had gained his present position and status by the peculiar method of losing as a candidate in the parlia mentary elections.
(Laughter).

I realise, Sir, when I say this, that there will be those who may interpret or misinterpret my intention as being mischievous and harmful.

Therefore, I immediately wish to say that it is with a deep sense of responsibility and duty to this House and it necessary to say what I have to say, no matter how unpleasant it may be.
I am not trying to re-open issues over matters which had been debated during the previous meeting of this House, although I must remark that it is unfortunate that one has to to a Political Secretary who refer cannot be present here to rebut my statement.

Sir, I am not trying to re open that debate, neither am I con cerned with the person of the Political Secretary, for after all the gentleman I refer to is one whom I have, up to this day and in the past, been happy to call a friend.
What I am concerned over is the impact and the reaction statements have made which to our nation already such find that I it this kind, upon the public mind.

Whether it is true or not, I ask those active Members of the Alliance to go to the coffee shops, to the kampongs and to all the various places to find out.

People have asked, "Who has been spreading rumours that the Deputy Prime Minister is anti- Chinese?"
Sir, I suggest to you that if you make a double negative statement of is deleterious and harmful.
But, perhaps, it is just the newness of his present position which has led to the unrestrained enthusiasm, but without doubt, Sir, these statements have been widely misinterpreted, and we consider that in future the Govern ment could act in a more positive manner to ensure that such equivocal opinion should be carefully screened, because in these times of danger the Government must provide the leader ship and the rallying point for all quarters of the nation.
We can ill-afford statements of this type to circulate and to stir up speculation among the masses of our people.

Mr Speaker, Sir, there are yet more important positive actions which the Government can take.
In the past, we in the United Democratic Party have often urged the Government to define it means by the more clearly what word "subversive" when the Govern ment employs the powers under the Internal have advocated again and again that those the who had been detained under powers of the Internal Security Act should be given due and fair trial, so that the people of our country will be able the Government and to judge for them selves what is good for the country and what is not.

Security Act.
Security Act.

We the actions of follow to With the proclamation of the state of Emergency, and later on when we pass this Bill which is before us, it is even more important for the Govern ment to put into practice what we have been advocating all along.

Under the terms of the Emergency Proclamation, we shall not only be dealing with those persons who are subversive but also with those who are openly traitorous and overtly disloyal to this country.
Since, under the Emergency, we shall be bringing to trial those who have 1803 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1804 been traitorous and disloyal, as you will find on page 2 of the proposed Bill—Clause 2 (2) (c)—we consider that the Government should do every thing it can to dispel any suspicion and fear that may still exist among our people over what is subversive and what is not, and what the Internal Security Act really means.
In our opinion, there is no better way and nor surer way of achieving this than by giving those who have been detained under the Internal Security Act due and fair trial.

Sir, there is one point which I wish to stress very clearly.

There are im the portant and useful aspects of Internal Security Act.

To some extent, in its earlier form, I was associated with that Act.
In respect of the recent riots that have taken place, I think most of us will agree that it was through the powers conferred upon the Central Government by those sections of the Internal Security Act, that the Govern ment was able to act rapidly and effectively and to control and stop the rioting.

To some extent, the Internal Security Act, particularly those sections which refer to trouble in this country, arose early experience we had of rioting in Penang in 1957.
So, not everything is bad or wrong about the Internal Security Act, and we should make it clear to the people that it is so.

But, in so far as individual liberties and rights of citi zens are concerned, under the circum stances of the Emergency, I think, if the Government is willing to bring to trial the traitors, we should at least give our own citizens fair and due trial.
the unfortunate from it In law, which the past we have also openly championed the basic principle of the rule of is generally accepted as one of the fundamental criteria of the democratic institutions which we cherish under our Constitu tion, that no one shall be presumed guilty until so proved.
Therefore, we have advocated that the Government should not go on casting aspersions, doubts, about the integrity and loyalty of the Opposition parties, but that the Government, in times of national crisis and danger, should take the Opposition parties into its confidence, whenever it deems it is necessary to act under the Internal Security Act.
We have advo this, because we have always cated believed that basically the vast majority of our citizens are loyal only to this country, although we realise that there are "black sheep" even in the best of established nations and even in the best of established parties.

I do not wish at this moment to refer to the riot in Bukit Mertajam and the riot in Singapore, because the Govern ment has announced its intention to hold commissions of enquiry into these riots.
However, I feel sure that when and if these commissions of enquiry make their reports, the Alliance will have much heartsearching and much house-cleaning to do.

So, do not just cast aspersions on the Opposition parties—certainly not under these times of national danger!
Our belief in the basic loyalty of all our citizens has been clearly borne out by the recent turn of events when, upon the open and flagrant aggression of our territory by Soekarno, even those who previously were the bitterest in their opposition to the policies of the Government, have immediately and openly rallied to the support of the action of the Government to safeguard the sovereignty of our nation.

I do not wish here, Sir, to refer to the Socialist Front or to the statement it has made in the Press.
The members of the Front are capable of speaking for themselves, but they were openly bitter, and the Honourable Member for Batu said that they were the people who suffered the most.

Yet, on this aggression, they have immediately rallied to the Government.
Therefore, we suggest that another very important positive step which the Government can consider it should take during the state of Emergency, will be for the Government not to declare just a moratorium on political life in this country but for to bring leaders of the Opposition parties into and more confidence intimately in contact with the deve lopment of events, so that the country can more strongly respond against further aggression of our territory, not only in loyalty but also with a better sense of integration and unity of pur pose and effort.
the Government closer 1805 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1806 to present to preserve Sir, as we understand it, the Govern the case of ment seeks Soekarno's aggression to the United Nations.

To this we give all our sup port and our blessings for success.

But, nevertheless, we feel that it is necessary for us to urge the Govern ment to spare no efforts, and not to hold on to any position of false pride or arrogance, to secure the peace not only of our nation but also the peace of the whole of South East Asia.
We have heard earlier the Honourable Chief Minister of Sabah talking about having had our cheeks slapped again and again—Sir, that is only a way of talking.

But, do not let ourselves in these times of danger to be carried away by our own propaganda and, to whilst we resolve with our heart do what we can the integrity of our nation, let us keep our wits about us, so that our nation can still exist in this earth.

Let us not forget our history.


Let us not forget that in the past it was the animosity, the perpetual bickering between the States in South East Asia that led to the establishment of the colonial era in this area of the world.
Now that we have newly independent emergent nations in South East Asia, each one of them still inexperienced in their own way of life, we must do everything that we can to ensure that all of us who have just regained our independence should learn to understand the pro blems confronting ourselves, and more important still, should learn how best we can solve these problems between ourselves without the interference of nations who have no immediate intimate interest in the welfare and wellbeing of the peoples living in this part of the world.
to When the Government published the the Manila Agreement prior establishment of Malaysia, although we did not agree with the principles of Maphilindo, nevertheless, we hailed the meeting held at Manila as a step in the right direction for the peoples in South East Asia by providing an opportunity for the representatives of the three neighbouring, though dissent ing, countries to meet directly and discuss openly the basic disagreements in the in order correctness the Government that prevail amongst us and to try to find a solution for them.
As a matter of fact, the United Democratic Party at that time also advocated that we should bring other neighbouring inde pendent nations in South East Asia into such a conference to the base of such a confe broaden fully rence.
Today even whilst we support the and wisdom of in pre senting the case of Soekarno's aggres sion to the United Nations Security Council, even as we are fully aware of the important significance of the Anglo/Malaysian Treaty and our role and part the Commonwealth, nevertheless in view of the unhappi- ness, disaster and ruin which open conflict and war will inevitably bring to all the peoples in South East Asia, and not just to ourselves, we urge the Government to take the positive step, even at this late stage, even in the face of the flagrant expression of Soekarno's ambition, to reconvene a meeting of the Manila Agreement countries where lay we should openly and directly down our righteous grievances against the military aims of Indonesia.
We realise that the pros pects may appear dim and such argu ments may be open to criticism.

But we suggest that we should never be to confront our bitterest foes afraid over the conference table.
Certainly, in the wider context, we should also the Afro-Asian to take our case nations with the righteousness of our case and moti vated by the knowledge that once war is unleashed no matter which side wins, the peoples of both sides will reap only sufferings and sorrow, and by the principle that whenever possible we should leave no avenue unexplored to avoid war.
expansionist just belief the in Mr Speaker, Sir, I fully understand that some quarters in this House may misunderstand, or deliberately mis interpret what I have just said.

But once again I reiterate that we fully support all the actions that the Govern ment has already taken.
However, we still consider it our duty to ask the Government to re-evaluate these posi in tive measures which we propose 1807 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1808 to look through fully able try and solve order the present unhappy state of affairs in our region of the world.
After all, when we look further abroad to the Western nations, even to those from whom we today seek support, in spite of their longer history in modern civilisation, in spite of their industrial progress, they pre sent a history of conflict and mis they have not understanding which been to solve amongst themselves in the last 500 years.
If the history of you Europe as taught to all our children in our schools the today—through kindness of the Minister of Educa tion—we read about the seven years the hundred years war, war, about about the forty years war 'that pre vailed in Europe.

Sir, perhaps the key to the situation is to be found in an honest application of the principles of the United Nations Charter, particu that no nation larly should the political doctrine and aspirations of another nation's Government another nation's people.
So, just as we right fully and Soekarno should not attempt by mili tary force to try and tamper with the democratic institutions of our nation, we too can help somewhat to ease the situation if we are not too insistent over the character, colour and nature of the Indonesian Government or the trend of their political beliefs.

We only have to think back interfere with the principle Indonesia claim .

.

.. that and Mr Speaker: How long are you going to take to finish your speech?
Dr Lim Chong Eu: Not long, Sir.

I am very nearly through.

Mr Speaker: I want to give a chance to other members to speak.

Dr Lim Chong Eu: I realise that, Sir.
We only have to think back to nations in the last half century or so, where at one time Soviet Russia with their Communist and Soviet principles themselves at variance and in found open hostility against the rest of the Western world, and yet today Russia under Khrushchev, still guided by her Communist-inspired policies, can estab lish a modus operandi with the rest of the the Western world, including United States of America and the New Frontier capitalism of Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson.
Nearer home, and in more imme diate context, we must quickly learn from the older nations the subtleties of diplomacy, i.e.

the subtleties of the relationship between nation and na tion.
After all, the United Kingdom, who are the co-architects, if not the principal consulting engineers of our Malaysian nation, even as they had their embassy burnt in Jakarta, even as they now pledge us full support and aid against Soekarno's confrontation, still they maintain diplomatic relations with Indonesia and they still carry on trade and business with the Indonesian people.
Furthermore, the United States of America, whom our Prime Minister recently approached for support for they have an our nation, although nounced their full moral support for Malaysia, nevertheless they still main tain their diplomatic relations with Indonesia and they still maintain their trade and their business with Indone sia.

As a matter of fact, they are still giving aid, although limited now with their new change in policy, to Indo nesia.
This, Sir, is the nature of dip lomacy in our modern world, and this is the nature of the relations between Government and Government and all nations.

Therefore, perhaps with greater restraint, with greater patience on our part, even at this very critical state of affairs, we may yet live through this present storm and emerge with greater triumph and with greater hope not only for ourselves but also for the rest of the world.
take under Further, Sir, I would like to bring to the attention of the Government that another positive step which they the present circum can stances is to be very careful with regard to our relations with other nations, and we should not do anything or say anything the feelings of those nations who are not directly involved in this present con flict between Indonesia and ourselves either by unrestrained actions or state ments.

This is the time, Sir, when we need more friends and not to make more enemies.
Unless the Government that might antagonise 1809 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1810 type of takes steps positively to be more careful over its statements and actions, we will find ourselves fighting not just Indonesia but perhaps the rest of the whole world.

Sir, it may seem pecu liar, but I suggest that before any kind of statement is made we should be very careful to consult the Ministry of External Affairs.
I refer to the unfor tunate circumstances which led to the banning of British goods to Malaya at a time when we are talking of co operation; to the proposal of banning of Dutch goods, and so on.

Sir, it is this technique which can create havoc and reap havoc to our foreign policy.
It may well be for the in the United States state of affairs that its Secretary of Defence can be in a position to indulge in a challenge to the rest of the Communist world, but surely in full realisation of the smallness of our nation and the res trictions of our resources, our Minister the of Defence can hardly emulate Secretary of Defence of the United States.
It is in this light, Sir, that we urge the Government to be very care ful and to appreciate that other na tions have their particular reasons for their relationship with Indonesia even at this time.

We should not make to the kind of ourselves vulnerable propaganda which can weaken our relationship with those who are trying to be our friends.
Certainly, Soekarno is doing his best to lead us into this kind of unnecessary attitude by using American-made planes and arms when he sends his troops into our territories.

Other such circumstances easily come to mind, and the Government should positively be aware not to get into such pitfalls.

It is in this light, Sir, that we urge the Government finally to in take more positive measures this state of emergency to consolidate the strength and unity of our nation.
that is our opinion the Government laws are framed the emer It in such a gency manner whereby is given greater power to exercise more direct control over our citizens, but they do not by themselves enable the Government to weld our people and our nation into a more unified force with greater unity and strength of purpose in action.

We appreciate that in the past the Alliance Government had made creditable advance in trying to unify the Federation of Malaya.
Today, with the creation of the new nation of Malaysia, with the Emer gency, and with the unbridled confron tation of Soekarno, time is running out against us.
We, therefore, urge the Government that in exercising the powers conferred upon the Emergency Regulations to temper its actions with a dedication to the con cept of Malaysia as a nation of peoples with diverse racial origins by practising justice and equality amongst all the citizens of Malaysia the light of our Constitution and by eschewing all further references to the chauvinistic and communal tendencies, which have hindered our development as a united nation in the past.
it by in that they, rigidly discipline We consider that the most funda mental and positive step the Government and the members in the Government can take in the face of dangers created by this emergency is and one where collectively, them selves to think and to act as Malay sians, and only as Malaysians, without fear or favour to the community to which they were born.

In the face of our present danger there can be only one community, and that is the na tional community of Malaysians.
individually In our resolve to dedicate our lives to the preservation of our nation and of our King, let us once and for all determine to live and act as Malay sians, for this is our only salvation.

Just as I have said earlier, the only way whereby we can successfully surmount the dangers of Soekarno's aggression is for us to become truly Malaysians.
There is no time left for us to manoeuvre politically in com munal or chauvinistic terms either as Malays, Chinese, Indians, Ibans, Ka- dazans, Muruts, Kenyahs,, Dayaks, etc; nor, indeed, can we afford at this time to constitutionally manoeuvre our selves as citizens of the States of Malaya—that is as Malayans, or as the States of North citizens of is as Sarawakians or Borneo—that 1811 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1812 Sabahans, or as citizens of the State of Singapore—that is as Singaporeans.
Enche' Kam Woon Wah (Sitiawan): Sir, may I interrupt on a point of order?

Standing Order 44 (1) says: "The Chair, after having called the atten tion of the House, or of the Committee, to the conduct of a member who persists in " irrelevance, or in tedious repetition Sir, I think the whole of his speech is very tedious and most of us might fall asleep.

Enche' Lim Kean Siew (Dato Kramat): Mr Speaker, Sir, may I make a short comment?
This is a very important debate and you have given us up to six o'clock after which time the Ministers will reply.

The Honour able Member for Tanjong has occupied the House for three-quarters of an hour.

There are only twenty-five minutes left.

The S.U.P.P.

has not spoken, the Barisan Sosialis has not spoken, and the P.P.P.

has not spoken.

It would appear that in respect of the Opposition they have not Members or Parties spoken at all.
In view of this, would you not reverse your decision and extend this debate until all the Members of the Opposition parties have spoken?

Dr Tan Chee Khoon: Mr Speaker, Sir, I fully support the request of my colleague.

Mr Speaker: (To Dr Lim Chong Eu) I think you have taken very long in this debate.

I will give you thirty seconds more for that.

Dr Lim Chong Eu: Sir, may I crave your indulgence.

I had fully accepted your view.


As a matter of fact, until I was interrupted, I have already come to the last bit of my notes.

Mr Speaker: There are still many Honourable Members of the Opposition who would like to take part in this debate.

Dr Lim Chong Eu: I know, Sir.

I am just finishing .

.

.. Mr Speaker: Order, order.

Do not interrupt me when I am speaking!

I want to give a chance to other Members to speak on this of the Opposition twenty-five motion.

There are only minutes more to go.


So, I will only give you another thirty seconds, then I will give a chance to somebody else.

Dr Lim Chong Eu: Sir, it is with the fervent hope that this House shall lead this nation today and create Malaysia as a unity and a reality that we support the the motion of Prime Minister.

Sir, I hope it is within thirty seconds.

(Laughter).
(Laughter).

the Honourable Enche' S. P. Seenivasagam (Meng- lembu): Mr Speaker, Sir, in the face of criminal acts of aggression com mitted by the Indonesian Government against the people of Malaysia, we have no option but to extend our full support and to endorse the proclamation of the emergency.

We endorse and support the Proclamation of Emergency.
We do not associate ourselves with the remarks of the Honourable the Chief Minister of Sabah that we must welcome the Proclamation of Emergency, because even the Government, I am sure, finds it distasteful that they have to proclaim a state of emergency.

Nobody likes it, regrettable but we accept necessity in the circumstances.

it as a I do not intend to trace the history of the policy of the Peoples' Progressive Party in relation to confrontation by that Indonesia.
We have spoken on more than once before, and it is not necessary for us to repeat it.

I think it is safe to say that the Peoples' Progres sive Party, right from the beginning, even before the Government, realised the menace of Indonesia to this country, and we had done our propaganda against Indonesia, because we knew what was coming.

I do not agree with those Honourable Members who have suggested that a new approach must be made to meet the situation, that new negotiations should be tried, and so on.
I think that stage has gone.

The indications are that there is no room for negotiation, and I think the clearest indication came the other day, when Soekarno more or less appointed his successors, because he said Indonesian freedom owed a debt of gratitude to the Communists.

So, it is quite clear that when Soekarno goes, the Communists will take over—lock, stock and barrel—in Indonesia and there will be no room for negotiation 1813 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1814 with the Indonesian Communist Party.

(Applause).
(Applause).

In-so-far as the Proclamation of Emergency is concerned, that in itself is a very short document, but what will concern the people of this country more will be when the Essential Regulations are promulgated—and what is contained in those Regulations is a matter which concerns every man in the street, and it is in the light of that that I wish to make a few observations.
the powers through liberties and With the proclamation of a state of dictatorial are emergency, assumed by the Government as a matter of necessity.

To that any demo cratic country has to submit, to save its very existence.
But it is important for the Executive, for the Cabinet, for the Government, to understand that the Essential Regulations to the Proclama tion of Emergency is an instrument to be used against our enemies and that in the use of these Regulations there must be no oppression or suppression legitimate of civil rights of the law-abiding citizens of this country.
That, Mr Speaker, Sir, must be made clear and emphasised not only to the top level but also to the rank and file, to every Police officer in this country, because we who have lived last Emergency the know—and as one who was concerned with Emergency cases know—how with the these Emergency Regulations Government can, to put it bluntly, do anything it likes.

All it has got to do is to add a tab—"it is expedient in the public interest"—and it can do anything it likes.
It can even prescribe a death penalty for stealing a chicken and no court of law can declare it ultra vires.

I am not anticipating a debate on this Bill, but it is quite clear, one can see the writing on the wall, that very, very extensive inroads are going to be made, affecting the civil liberties of the people of this country.

I for one do not see why the Government wants power to provide for special rules of procedure in relation to civil cases.
What on earth have civil cases to do with the prosecu tion of the war against Indonesia?

These are wide extensive powers and probably copied from some other piece of legislation, without thinking what is really necessary to meet the present situation.

I hope that before this Bill comes into this House for debate, those responsible in the Attorney-General's Department will only ask for powers that are necessary, and not ask for an omnibus or a blank cheque to be given over by this House to the Executive.
Now, in the prosecution of this, what I would like to call, war against Indo nesia, it is important that the Govern ment must do nothing to antagonise the people, or any section of the people in this country.

And at the lowest level I think the thing that most stirs the mind of the public against authority in this country is the action of junior Police officers.
Throughout the last Emergency, and even right up to this day, we have got cases of Police officers unneces sarily—I say unnecessarily—bullying the public, causing suffering to relatives, and so on.

Even the other day, there was a case in Lumut, where a person was arrested, detained for two weeks by an order of the court.

The poor mother and father wanted to go to a Lumut Police Station to see him, but they were chased away by the O.C.P.D.

in Lumut.

What did they do then?


They had to take a car to come right up to Ipoh to see me, and I had to telephone the D.P.P.

; the D.P.P.

had to telephone the O.C.P.D.

; and then they were allowed to go and have a look.

This sort of thing must not happen.

There are going to be a lot of arrests under this Internal Security Act on suspicion, on information, and it is that proper directives be important issued suffers that people are not unnecessarily, denied their basic fundamental rights.
that nobody to see An attempt will be made, I am sure, to provide for special boards for people arrested under these Regulations.

That is an obnoxious thing.

It is not neces sary, and I hope the Attorney-General will not ask for it.

We have not reached such a stage in the war against Indo that we must set up special nesia courts, that we must reduce the standard of proof to hang people.
In the last Emergency one of the things the British Government did was to say that a man could be hanged if there were reason able grounds to suspect that he had 1815 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1816 committed a certain offence.

In this Emergency I hope the Government is not going to hang people, because somebody can give evidence that there is reasonable suspicion that he has committed an offence.
to start a very systematic Now, Mr Speaker, Sir, I am not making speech because I am bearing in mind your request that we should not take too much time, and therefore I am jumping from another—any important point that occurs to my mind.
one point to to On the question of detention, wide powers will undoubtedly be given— again that is the root cause of dissatis faction in this country, the root cause of animosity the Government— because we acknowledge the fact that it may be necessary to detain people, but we refuse to subscribe to the view that the man who is detained should not be given a reasonable chance to exonerate himself, and the only way you give a man a reasonable chance is to let him call evidence, to let him be represented by a lawyer, to let him face his accusers—not to lock him up in a gaol, serve notice on him saying, "In the interests of the Federation you are detained; go and defend yourself if you can".
That sort of thing caused a great deal of hatred during the last Emer gency in power at that time; and I hope a more efficient system of review of these cases will be devised.

It is not beyond, I hope, the Attorney- General of this country.

the Government the ability of towards I think I will refer to only one more point, and that is the formation of these vigilante corps.

It is important that we must not arm bands of people and let them roam around the country.
It is important, if you want to arm these people, to set up a central organi sation.

There must be discipline and there must be officers with a sense of responsibility.

It will be a tragedy if we encourage armed bands to roam about in the countryside on the pretext of looking for Indonesians.

You will have a crop of gang robberies, you will have a crop of murders, and so on.

I hope that no serious consideration will be that arms the suggestion given to to should be these thrown away vigilante corps.
We do not know their history, they have not been screened, and probably those who want to be subversives, those who want to use the arms against the Government, will be among the first to volunteer to receive these arms.

With those observations I conclude by saying that the Peoples' Progressive Party will endorse and will continue to support the Government to the fullest of its ability in the struggle against Indonesian criminals at present in this country.

(Applause).
(Applause).

Enche' Ong Kee Hui (Sarawak): Mr Speaker, Sir, we are here in res ponse ta your summons and in answer to a call by the Government to rally behind it under circumstances of a national emergency.
We have come urgently, Sir, from the far flung part of Malaysia and some of us, like my Honourable friend here from Baram, have to travel overland, by river and by air to be here today to give parlia mentary sanction to the special powers which the Government had already taken under emergency regulations to cope with recent developments.

I am, therefore, grateful, Sir, for the oppor tunity the views of my to express Party on this occasion.
We in Sarawak, Sir, have been living the under similar regulations under colonial regime since the Brunei revolt and these have been perpetuated after Malaysia Day.

We are, therefore, very conscious, Sir, of the restrictionsi which imposed on personal can now be liberties and normal political life and the ever-present danger of the abroga tion the principles of democratic government which we all to which other hold so dear and speakers before me have alluded.
thereby of I do not wish, Sir, to dwell on actions which the Government in Sa rawak had taken from time to time which, in our view, had gone beyond what we consider necessary even under circumstances of the day.

I would however, Sir, add my voice to that of others on the need for caution on the part of the Government on the appli cation of these emergency regulations.
1817 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1818 Government must resist any tempta tion to take advantage of the current situation or circumstances to weaken or eliminate the Opposition in Parlia ment or in the State, for to succumb to such a temptation, Sir, is to destroy the whole basis of our democratic system of government and, maybe, of the nation itself.
At this time in the history of our young nation of Malay sia we will only survive as a nation if we can maintain national unity and sink our political and other diff erences of race, culture, religion, etc.

If the Government allow party politics to come first, or try to advance party interests at the expense of the Opposi tion, it will only result eventually in destroying all by dividing the people when unity is so vital in the face of a common enemy or external aggres sion.
in In this respect, Sir, we the S.U.P.P.

have made our stand quite clear before, and that is as a respon to sible Opposition, it is our duty see to it that the Government carries out its functions or duties fairly and efficiently and that the voice of the people is heard.
But at a time of national crisis such as this, we are to sink our party differences ready and rally behind the Government in the defence of our nation on the understanding the Government, that on its part, will accord to us the treat ment to which we are entitled as a responsible Opposition in a democra tic country.
It is in this light and in that spirit that we reiterate our stand that much as we dislike the restriction to personal liberties and the danger of curtailment of our political life, or restriction on our political life, that these necessary measures we accept which put forward.

the Government has As the pioneer political party the spearhead of in in the Sarawak and nationalist movement, we the S.U.P.P.

have made inter-racial har mony and unity the foundation on which the whole platform of our Party rests.
The composition of our people and our society in Sarawak, Sir, is than more complex and multi-racial in other States of Malaysia; and in the even politically this context the task of welding the diverse races into one people or one nation is rightly our aim.
We have been able, despite intrigues of colonial officials, who tried to keep us divided, to impart to a large number unsophisticated of people an awareness and acceptance of the need for regarding and working together as one people whatever their racial origin.

I mention this, Sir, not as a S.U.P.P.

propaganda but because it was at that time when we were trying to build in Sarawak a nation the out of our diverse races that Malaysia Plan was mooted.
At that time it was our firm conviction that before we join others, we should put our own house in Sarawak in order.

There was nothing sinister this.

desire or aim, and we think that much the difficulties and troubles now of experienced in the formative stages of this new nation might have been avoided, had what we advocated been followed or was possible.
in Now that Malaysia has been formed and we now face a situation which might or might not have been fore seen by its architects or those others responsible, the need for the spirit of unity or sa-hati, as we like to call it is even greater for its survival.

If, instead of shouting "Hidup Malaysia" or "Merdeka", we are prepared to sink our differences and shout "Sa- the hati", without having S.U.P.P.

or the U.D.P., our chances to hidup might be more certain.
join to be should the peculiarities In conclusion, Sir, I would sincerely suggest, as a matter of urgency, that better the Ministers informed of and sensitivities of the Borneo people.

I say this because of recent statements made by Ministers.
Far be it for me to champion the cause of the former expatriate colonial civil servants, but I am perturbed at the accusation which had been labelled on them by these officers, that some Ministers who were largely responsible in the first place for fostering the formation of Malaysia, now are consciously or otherwise separating the people of the Borneo States from the rest of Malay sia.
This accusation had been denied 1819 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1820 in by others the Government, but, nevertheless, the fact that such state ments could be made, which causes in a certain amount of confusion Borneo, suggests very the strongly point which has been brought out by the Honourable Member my friend, time of for Tanjong, this national crisis, statements such as tend to rouse feelings, those, which which the people, to divide tend should not be made and should be more seriously considered before they are made.
that at Enche' Chia Thye Poh (Singapore): Mr Speaker, Sir, as it is an important issue, I beg you to give me sufficient time to deliver my speech.

Mr Speaker: Please speak a bit louder.

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: I beg you to give me sufficient time to deliver my speech, because it is nearly 6 o'clock.

Mr Speaker: I will give you 10 minutes.

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: Mr Speaker, Sir, if you take the wrong turning, you must lose your way.
If you plant a poisonous plant, you must not be surprised if the fruits are poisonous.

Sir, this is the logic of events.

Simi larly, those who have led this country into the neo-colonialist path must be the country held loses its* way.

Those who have planted the poisonous plant of Malaysia must be punished if its fruits poison our children.

responsible when We had warned of the consequences of this foolish Malaysia venture, but the Alliance Government arrogantly refused to listen.
Now the price must be paid.

Sir, everybody knows that Malaysia is dying.

This artificial crea tion of the British cannot survive, because the people do not want it.

Malaysia is finished {Laughter), and the people who created Malaysia will be finished with it {Laughter).

Enche' C. V. Devan Nair: On a point of information .

.

.. Mr Speaker: Do you give way?

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: No, no!

Mr Speaker: He does not give way.

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: Do not allow Malaysia to cause any more damage.
The ruling party is afraid of its own political skin.

That is why they insist on clinging to Malaysia, although it is really rotting.

We must not allow them to drag our whole country down with them.

Today when in Malaysia is further deteriorating and when the people realise the evil of Malaysia, the ruling parties are trying to bluff and intimidate the people.

We must point out to the ruling clique that the eyes of the people are wide open.

They can no longer trick them as they have seen the truth.
We have steadfastly repeated that as a political party loyal to the people it is our responsibility to tell this truth to our people.

the situation Sir, in the last undemocratic general election in Singapore {Laughter) .

.

.

Enche' C. V. Devan Nair: Radio Jakarta!

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: Despite all the dirty methods employed by the P.A.P., we, an anti-Malaysia political party, had gained the support of 210,000 voters.
If anti-Malaysia means anti- national, as branded by the Govern ment, then how large is the number of the anti-national people!

And more over, the people who supported the P.A.P.

out of ignorance {Laughter) are coming to realise the evil of Malaysia.

It obviously indicates and that threats intimidation has not frightened the people from distinguishing the good from the evil.

The number of people holding anti-Malaysia views are ever increasing.
the method of fear or Sir, today in the face of such a deteriorating situation only two ways the Alliance.
They can are left for either proceed with their policy of military expansion and use armed forces to retain Malaysia, or turn over a new leaf at this critical juncture to accept the will of the people by returning the right of self-determination to the people of the Borneo territories, release all political detainees, pursue a non-aligned foreign policy, stamp out all colonial remnants and solve the Malaysia issue politically.
1821 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1822 ONE HONOURABLE MEMBER: Hand over Malaysia to the Communists!

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: The former way means more hardships and sufferings to all the peoples of these territories and complete isolation inter nationally, but the latter is the way that promises a bright future for the country as well as to its people.

Sir, today Malaysia has still not gained support from Afro-Asian countries and even the Government admits this.
Malaysia has merely gained verbal promises from some pro-Western countries, and those who promise to render arms assistance imperialist to Malaysia are Western countries, namely, Britain, U.S.A., Australia, etc.

If the Alliance continues to follow the imperialists down this blind alley, then it is craving for its doom and preparing to share the grave with Malaysia.

Mr Speaker, Sir, the first year of Malaysia has brought about too many catastrophes and sufferings to the people of Singapore.
The Assistant Minister of National and Rural Development (Enche9 Abdul- Rahman bin Ya'kub): On a point of order under Standing Order 35 (6).

The Honourable Member reading a speech written by his Big Brother!

(Laughter).

is Mr Speaker: Proceed!

the Enche' Chia Thye Poh: There is severe and crippling loss of trade, loss of business, loss of jobs as well as loss of the means of livelihood for tens of thousands of workers.
According to the figures issued by the British Board of the Government of Trade, which the Singapore has been hiding from people of Singapore, trade of Singapore has been hard hit by the formation of Malaysia.

The Board of Trade reported that Singapore's export trade was down by more than 10 per cent while imports decreased by almost 25 per cent compared with the first quarter of last year.
Imports dropped from £102 millions to £77 millions and exports dropped from £71 millions to £45 millions for the January/March quarter in 1963 and 1964 respectively.

In sharp contrast, in the rest of the overseas sterling areas exports increased by nearly 14 per cent and total imports by about 11 per cent.

Mr Speaker: You have one more minute left.

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: I think one more minute is too short.

Mr Speaker: I will give you one more minute.


Enche' Chia Thye Poh: I think it is most unfair for me to complete my speech in one minute.

I beg you to .

.. Mr Speaker: No, I will give you one minute.

Enche' Chia Thye Poh: Sir, when the Prime Minister talks of defending our country, we find it hollow.

This Government has betrayed all the vital interests of the people to the British.

It has no right to talk of defending the nation.


This Government is oppressing the people; more than 200 political leaders and trade unionists are in the jails of Singapore.

Our Secretary- General, Mr Lim Chin Siong, is in Changi and political dwarfs like Mr Lee Kuan Yew can strut around and talk big only when giants like Mr Lim Chin Siong are kept out of the political arena (interruption).

Mr Speaker: Do not disturb him.


Enche' Chia Thye Poh: The Prime Minister has spoken about the com munal riots in Singapore.

He says that the Indonesians and the Communists caused it.

We are from Singapore and we know that this is just to cover up the real culprits.

The Prime Minister of Singapore is telling, in Europe, that the UMNO politicians have caused it.

The UMNO in Singapore says that the P.A.P.

has caused it.
has caused it.

We who are in Singapore know the communal that riots were the work of the UMNO and the P.A.P.

who were indulging in a bitter fight for power.

All this nonsense about the Indonesians and the Com munists causing these riots is just to hide the truth that the main culprits belong to the ruling parties.

SOME HONOURABLE MEMBERS : Nonsense!

Lies!

1823 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1824 Enche' Chia Thye Poh: We challenge to have a public the riots this.

When the Government enquiry started into .

.


.. Mr Speaker: Order, order!

Your time is up—it is already one minute.

Mr Speaker: Saya beri peluang kapada sa-orang Ahli lagi dari pehak perempuan yang belum lagi bercha- kap.

Datin Fatimah binti Haji Hashim (Jitra-Padang Terap): Terima kaseh, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya bangun untok memberi sokongan atas usul yang di-kemukakan oleh Perdana Menteri.
Saya hendak memberi sokong an dengan sa-penoh-nya, bersetuju menyokong Perishtiharan Dharurat, kerana dari segi pandangan dan pen- dapat saya, ia-lah sa-lagi ketenteraman negara ini tidak dapat di-kembalikan, maka kaum2 perempuan-lah yang banyak kelak menderita dengan per- buatan2 Kerajaan dan ini.

kominis dalam masa dharurat Akibat-nya perpisahan berbangkit antara suami-isteri dan anak dengan ibu-bapa kerana mereka pergi ber- juang.
Kita ra'ayat negeri ini telah atau menghadapi pun menempoh masa dharurat tahun dengan itu di-harap jangan-lah ber- laku lagi hendak-nya.

sa-lama 12 Indonesia Kami kaum perempuan sukakan kapada keamanan dan berkehendak- kan kapada keamanan.
Maka Per ishtiharan Dharurat negeri ini ada-lah satu daripada chara untok kita me- matah dan menyekat dan supaya keamanan dapat di-kembalikan sa- mula yang mana kita tahu pengkhia- nat2 yang hendak membuat kachau- bilau dan huru-hara dan bagi hendak menjahanamkan keamanan negeri kita yang ini.
telah dapat kita adakan Juga, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, dengan keadaan yang ada saperti hari ini maka saya bermohon hendak-lah Kerajaan segera mengadakan undang2 atau pun peratoran berkenaan dengan menjaga dan mengawal barang2 ma- kanan dan lain2 yang perlu daripada naik harga supaya jangan memberi peluang kapada kaum perniagaan mengambil kesempatan menchari laba yang melampau dalam masa kesela- matan negara kita ini terancham.
Pengalaman yang berlaku di-Singa- pura dalam masa pergadohan yang pertama, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, ber kenaan dengan kenaikan harga ba rang2 makanan mungkin akan berulang lain bila di-adakan lagi di-tempat sekatan berkurong.

Ini-lah kebim- bangan kaum perempuan, Tuan Yang di-Pertua.

Tuan Yang di-Pertua, ra'ayat selalu berseru memohon panggilan tanah ayer untok mereka berkhidmat mena- han negara daripada anchaman musoh.
Ra'ayat memohon senjata, dengan itu harap-lah Kerajaan beri peluang dan kesempatan kapada ra'ayat, pemuda dan pemudi untok menunjokkan ta'at setia kapada negara-nya.

Saya pernah menyatakan bahawa bagi kami kaum perempuan sedia dan sanggup bergan- ding bahu dengan kaum laki2 walau memikul senjata demi untok memper- tahankan kedaulatan dan keselamatan negara kita.

Beri-lah kami sakalian berkhidmat dalam lapangan kechemasan, jururawat dan lain2 perkara yang layak bagi kami kaum perempuan.
sa-kurang2-nya Tuan Yang di-Pertua, dalam keadaan yang ada pada masa ini tidak guna kita berchakap banyak mengkeritik Kerajaan.

Apa yang di-kehendaki ia- lah pengorbanan dan ta'at setia ka pada negara.

Semua ra'ayat mesti berdiri di-belakang Kerajaan sa-masa keselamatan negara di-ancham.

Semua kaum mesti mengenepikan perasaan sentimen perkauman kerana musoh kita yang telah mengambil kesempatan ini dengan mengadakan keadaan huru-hara.
Bila ini berlaku maka sudah tentu keselamatan negara tidak dapat di-tenteramkan lagi.

Maka senang-lah musoh2 dari luar dan kominis dari dalam menumbangkan Kerajaan yang di-pileh ra'ayat dan kemudian mereka memerentah kita.

dan Hari ini semua dunia memandang dan mendengar perbahathan kita, timbul-nya kerana Malaysia berma'ana tenggelam dan timbul-nya chara pemerentahan demo- kerasi yang tulin di-Tenggara Asia.
tenggelam atau 1825 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1826 ini tidak kasehkan Saya tidak perchaya negeri yang ber- chorak demokerasi yang bersahabat dengan kita itu akan membiarkan per- ini berlaku.

Sa-sunggoh yang kara demikian tidak berma'ana yang kita sakalian ra'ayat negeri ini akan melepaskan pertahanan tanggongan negara kita ini sa-mata2 kapada sa- habat kita.
Pengorbanan dari ra'ayat sendiri ada-lah lebeh besar erti-nya dan sangat2 di-kehendaki supaya seka- lian dunia tahu yang ra'ayat negeri ini bukan-lah satu ra'ayat yang bachul dan tanah ayer-nya sendiri.

Pengorbanan kewangan dan harta-benda ada-lah sangat di-kehen daki juga untok perbelanjaan perta ini, Tuan Yang negara hanan itu Kerajaan mesti di-Pertua.
Dari tindakan undang2 juga mengambil untok mendapat lagi banyak hasil daripada sa-bahagian kekayaan negeri lagi ada di-tangan ini yang maseh orang perniagaan dan hartawan.

Jika di-kampong2 ra'ayat sedia berkorban jiwa untok keselamatan negara sudah sa- yang wajar-nya-lah kaum yang senang yang berharta- benda dan kaya menyumbangkan dan mengorbankan sa-bahagian daripada wang-nya itu untok kesela matan negara ini.
di-saimbangkan yang miskin tenaga dan sadikit Dato' V. T. Sambanthan: Mr Spea ker, Sir, this morning the Honourable Member for Batu held our attention for the better part of an hour, and yet at the end of it all—when we had heard his whole speech—he refused to face facts, he refused to face the truth.

And throughout that speech, if we had noted carefully, we would have found that his main blame was on our foreign policy.
Over and over again, he has said that we have got to live together with Asian countries, we have got to survive with goodwill and tolerance, and we have got to go any number of times to get this peace—but he has forgotten the number of times that our Prime Minister went almost cap in hand, almost with a begging bowl in hand to get this peace which we all the wanted.

Has he not number of to Bangkok, to Tokyo, to Manila and to Pnompenh?
Is his memory so short that times we had been forgotten the he did not realise that we had made very serious and systematic efforts to bring peace to our country?

He has only to look back into our Estimates for the past nine years to realise that we were gearing our country to peace, to building up more schools, more hospi tals, and such like, so that we could give our people what they needed.

We thought to us imposed upon us a duty to improve our economy to meet our own wants.
We thought that freedom was not an opportunity for us to wage war.

All these facts, surely, the Honourable Member should have known, and yet he does not choose to know them.

He was saying that Asian countries should not fight Asian countries.

True, but who wants to fight—we or they?

Who has been the aggressor?

freedom given Dr Tan Chee Khoon: On a point of clarification, Mr Speaker, Sir, I did not say that we want to fight, neither did I say we have not pursued the path of peace.
I merely stated that we should continue to pursue the path of peace.

Perhaps, the Honourable Minister of Works did not hear me correctly.

to recognise Dato' V. T. Sambanthan: Indeed "Yes", Mr Speaker, Sir, to pursue the onerous path of peace.

How do you go ahead from here?

Who has been guilty of all this aggression?

Who has been doing all these acts of aggression?

Surely, not us!

Surely, we have enough reasons that we have walked the last mile?
Surely, he does not want us to fall absolutely flat and say, "Look, this country is yours now.

You can do what you want.

We will not utter one word against what you say, nor act in retaliation to what you have done."

If this is his concept of nationality, or of national freedom, or national dignity, surely we this House have a different concept.

in I think the Honourable Member for Batu is very wrong in all that he has said.
Throughout that speech of his, how much did we hear about condem nation of I was surprised that not one word was said this Indonesian by him condemning aggression.

Surely, an Honourable Member of this House should have that this aggression?

1827 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1828 amount of patriotism for this country to condemn this act of aggression!

(Applause).

Why is he drawing a red herring across the whole country in this House?

What is he trying to prove?


Is he trying to prove that if the Socialist Front had been masters of this country, then everything would have been all right?

How?

That is the question.

Yet if you go through this line of argu mentation, you will find one or two very simple facts—that is, you have got to be non-aligned, you have got to be neutralists.

If you are neutralists— well, we are neutralists—and suppose somebody comes and causes aggression, how do you get out of it?
This is a question which I would like to ask the Honourable Member for Batu.

I am sure he has no reason, no answer, for it.

like the Member Some other Honourable Members of the same type of thinking say that if any country has been with us, it is pro- Western; if any country is against us, then it is all right; if any country gets aid from Red China or Russia, it is neutralist; if it gets assistance from the West, it is imperialist.

We now know whose line they are toeing.


I only wish for the goodness of this country that for Batu people should look into history.

He mentioned, I think, about our being at a very important juncture in history.

If he did that, he would realise that the many times the Prime Minister went to these meetings he went almost like a Cham berlain; he was almost on the throes of selling this country through his peace ful methods; he was almost at the episode of Munich.

We were indeed!
We were indeed!

And unless we fight back, history will be repeated here.

Dictatorship knows no limit, and it has never known limits.

A dictatorship, a ruthless one, devoid of any democracy, as that which exists in Indonesia, has an insatiable appetite such as Hitler's fascism had.

These are fundamental friend's knowledge of geography may be good, but he ought to improve on his know ledge of history.

(Laughter).
(Laughter).

If he did that, I am sure that the Honourable Member for Batu, and people of his thinking—be they Barisan Sosialis or others—would mend their ways, would concepts.

My fact the matter realise that today, at this very important juncture in our history, there is only one way, and that way is to fight back.

We have tried every little bit, and we have gone the whole distance.

We have tried to appease this man Soekarno.

We have tried our best.


But, as happened after Munich, it has hap pened here.

The ways of dictator ship are always the same.

You may call our policy wishy-washy, our foreign policy wishy-washy; you may call it anything you like; but the fact of is that we have not wanted it.

Our economy has not wanted it.

We have been geared for peaceful production.

We have been geared for improving this country by peaceful methods—that is un deniable.

Whatever anybody may say, that fact is undeniable.


It is borne, every little bit of it, by our estimates the past nine years.

Maybe we for were wrong.

Maybe we should have thought that freedom meant also the right to arm ourselves and to be pre pared to fight back anybody.

Maybe, if we had done it, we would have been in a better position.

But we know, if we had done it, Members like the Member for Batu would have said: "Look, you have become an aggressor nation.
Why do you want so many planes, why do you want so many fighters, why do you want this, and why do you want that?"

And so, throughout these years, this has been the our policy.

Honourable Member—it an appeal—that even at this late stage, let him do some serious thinking.

Let him think seriously within himself.


Let him ask his own Party comrades to think again, again, and again, and then come back to the fact that we as patriots have only one way ahead of us—and to defend our truly and faithfully, and not nation to draw a lot of red herrings across the road and to say that this is wrong and that is wrong.
The right thing to do is to fight back, and for that, Mr I hope Honourable Speaker, Sir, Members who still now express dis satisfaction, or come to this House with certain cliches that they wanted to throw around, would now re-think and mend their ways.

Thank you.
I only appeal to is that is 1829 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1830 yang askar2 sa-benar-nya The Minister of Transport (Dato' Haji Sardon bin Haji Jubir): Tuan saya Yang di-Pertua, tidak hendak berchakap tetapi oleh kerana Ahli Yang Berhormat dari telah berchakap panjang pagi Batu terutama sa-kali atas uchapan tadi saya waktu saya berada di-Pontian, saya suka menerangkan waktu saya melawat ka-Pontian pada 19 hari- bulan Julai, saya telah pergi sa-bagai Wakil Ra'ayat Pontian Utara yang mana kawasan saya telah di-langgar oleh kita Indonesia ketahui telah pun sa-tengah2-nya di- tangkap dan di-tawan dan sa-tengah- nya askar2 orang2 Indonesia itu telah di-tembak.
Yang Berhormat wakil Batu ini sa-bagai ketua Socialist Front Malaya yang besar sa-kali, mari-lah sama2 saya pergi ka-Pontian sana dan tengok betul2 pemuda2 China yang di-Pontian itu tidak kurang dari tiga empat puloh orang yang telah menye- berang dua tiga bulan dahulu sa- belum-nya naik askar2 Indonesia itu, maka antara-nya yang kena tangkap itu beberapa orang juga yang datang dari Pontian, siapa dia tidak payah saya chakapkan di-sini, pergi-lah ber- tanya sendiri siapa dia.
Tetapi yang membawa saya chukup susah hati ia-lah Indonesia yang naik dari Sanglang yang mana dapat pimpinan daripada yang kita tahu dahulu-nya daripada ketua2 di- kawasan2 tetapi sudah berhenti kalau mereka itu menjadi Ahli2 S.P.

lain kesah.

itu Dan orang2 di-situ tahu, nampak dan kita sedang mengejar askar2 Indonesia itu sampai hari ini belum lagi dapat.
Patut wakil Batu kalau betul2 menyo- kong usul pada hari ini walau pun ia kata "Necessity of evil; we have to support this motion it does not matter; it is a matter of life and death now (Tepoky.

rombongan askar2 itu Socialist Front; Mari-lah tolong bersama saya me- itu nangkap dua tiga puloh orang itu kalau pun di-katakan mereka sekarang bukan ahli2 Socialist Front tidak apa, mari kita pegang askar2 Indonesia itu hidup2.
Jangan bercha kap sahaja di-dalam Rumah yang bahagia ini berdegar2 macham itu dan ini.

Waktu kita berchakap macham ini menguchapkan sudah habis, patut Yang Berhormat2 terutama sa-kali ketua2 sakalian parti2 sa-tinggi2 hari terima kaseh kapada anak buah saya yang di-Pontian itu sudah menyela- matkan dan telah menangkap hidup2 tidak bersenjata, menangkap dengan askar2 Indonesia yang bersenjata ini bukan satu perkara yang main2.

Saya tidak dengar sa-patah wakil Batu itu member!


terima itu bahkan kaseh kapada mereka hentam balek lagi, ini tentu-lah tidak patut.

rasa dan timbang Dr Tan Chee Koon: Mr Speaker, Sir, on a point of clarification.

Dato' Haji Sardon bin Haji Jubir: Tidak ada waktu, saya hendak ber chakap sadikit sahaja.

Yang kedua- nya, saya merayu-lah kapada sakalian ketua2 parti2, parti Socialist Front— wakil Batu, sila-lah bersama2 saya kita boleh pergi ka-Pontian.
Kedua- nya, PAS siapa wakil-nya, sila-lah bersama2 saya, pergi ka-Pontian kerana ada juga di-sana parti PAS dan parti Socialist Front.

Mari kita pergi ber sama2, berjumpa anak buah kita di-sana dengan kerajaan supaya menghapuskan saki baki askar2 Indonesia yang ada lagi di-Pontian itu kerana hendak meng- amankan negara kita.
Kalau betul2 chakap2 mereka itu ikhlas dan betul2 hendak bekerjasama dengan pehak Kerajaan, dengan pehak Polis, Ten- tera dan dengan pehak orang ramai tetapi jangan-lah sadikit2 dengar che- rita sudah marah, perkara yang sah di-sembunyi2kan.
bekerjasama dan sa-tinggi2 Yang kedua-nya, bagi pehak pen- dudok2 Pontian yang mana saya wakil-nya yang mereka telah buat kerja2 yang di-wajibkan kapada me reka untok negara, sa-bagai sa-orang yang ta'at setia kapada negara meng uchapkan kaseh kapada Yang Amat Berhormat Per- dana Menteri Tunku Abdul Rahman telah membagikan perkataan2 yang yang manis, yang indah, mudahan2 ini akan membagi lagi bukan sahaja kapada pendudok2 di- Pontian sahaja tetapi di-seluroh Ma laysia.
Tadi saya dengar juga pehak tidak ada senjata, bagaimana PAS, lebeh semangat terima 1831 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1832 kita hendak berjuang?

Kami pun telah tidak ada senjata di-Pontian, berjuang, alham dulillah dengan izin Tuhan selamat kami, hidup kami dan dapat menangkap askar2 Indo nesia itu hidup2, terima kaseh.
saya The Deputy Prime Minister (Tun Haji Abdul Razak): Tuan Yang di- Pertua, suka menjawab pan- dangan2 yang di-datangkan oleh Ahli Yang Berhormat daripada pehak ter- utama sa-kali Ahli Yang Berhormat dari Pasir Puteh.
Ahli Yang Berhor mat dari Pasir Puteh beruchap dengan panjang lebar dan sunggoh pun dia ada memberi akuan yang parti-nya, diri-nya dan Kerajaan Kelantan yang di-ketuai-nya akan memberi sokongan kapada pehak Kerajaan dalam meng- ambil langkah2 untok menjaga kese- lamatan dan keamanan negara kita ini, akan tetapi saya dukachita dan pehak Kerajaan dukachita dalam uchapan- nya yang panjang tidak sadikit pun dia mengecham perbuatan yang di- Indonesia—pencherobohan terhadap datangkan oleh kita di-Malaysia ini.
Sa-balek-nya, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, kita dengar penyokongan parti PAS di-Kelantan pada masa mendengar pendaratan dari Indonesia di-Pontian pehak dan juga di-Labis, mereka itu telah bersorak suka yang tentera Indonesia itu datang.

Jadiy Tuan Yang di-Pertua, kita menghadap keadaan yang sangat ini—kita menghadapi kechemasan daripada anchaman musoh, pehak Kerajaan mustahak mendapat kerja- sa-penoh2-nya sama daripada warga negara yang ta'at setia kapada negeri kita ini.
sokongan yang pencheroboh Indonesia dengan tentera sebab lebar itu itu Ahli Yang Berhormat dari Pasir Puteh ada-lah mengetua'i satu Kera ini, negeri jaan—satu di-Malaysia kita mendapat jadi mustahak-lah keterangan atau akuan yang tegas daripada-nya bukan sahaja menyo- langkah2 yang di-ambil oleh kong Kerajaan untok menghadapi dan me- nentang musoh yang ada di-hadapan kita pada hari ini bahkan menchela perbuatan khianat, perbuatan yang salah daripada segi Undang2 dunia yang di-jalankan oleh Soekarno dan rakan2-nya terhadap negara kita ini.
Sa-balek-nya, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, itu uchapan wakil dari Pasir Puteh nampak-nya tidak berlainan dengan uchapan yang di-perbuat oleh Ahli Yang Berhormat dari Batu.

Kedua2- nya itu nampak menyalahkan kapada pehak Kerajaan di-dalam beberapa perkara, menyalahkan luar negeri kita, menyalahkan dasar per tahanan negara kita, menyalahkan Perjanjian Pertahanan yang kita buat dengan pehak Kerajaan British.
dasar Saya suka menyebutkan di-sini, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, jika tidak ada tentera British, Australia dan New Zealand menjaga pertahanan negara kita ini, harus sudah lama negara kita ini di- ta'alok oleh President Sukarno.
Jadi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sunggoh pun kita ada-lah negara yang kechil dan sa- benar-nya kita tidak mempunyai tentera yang besar yang boleh menghadapi musoh yang besar saperti Indonesia itu, akan tetapi tentera kita ada mem punyai latehan yang sempurna, tentera kita mempunyai senjata yang modern, sama juga, kalau tidak lebeh, agak-nya daripada yang di-punyai oleh tentera2 itu dalam Indonesia.
Dengan sebab tentera kita pertemporan di-antara dengan sentiasa tentera kita dapat, sama ada menawan mereka itu, atau membinasakan mereka itu, sentiasa kita dapat kemenangan bila berlawan dengan tentera mereka itu.

(Tepok).

Indonesia tentera Jadi, saya suka mengambil peluang ini menguchapkan sa-tinggi2 tahniah tentera2 kita.
Saya sa-bagai kapada Menteri Pertahanan berasa bangga tentera2 kita men- di-atas chara-nya jalankan tugas masing2 mempertahan- kan tanah ayer, baik di-Sabah dan di-Sarawak atau pun di-Pontian dan Labis.

Jadi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saperti yang saya katakan tadi, kita mempunyai tentera2 yang tidak bagitu besar, jadi mustahak kita dapat bantuan dan pertolongan daripada negeri2 lain, negeri2 yang suka hendak menolong bukan-lah menghadkan kita.
Kita kapada negeri British, Australia atau Canada, bahkan mana2 negeri pun kalau hendak memberi pertolongan kapada kita, kita terima.

Jadi bukan-lah kita menghadkan saperti kata Yang tadi kapada negeri2 yang Berhormat 1833 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1834 berkulit puteh sahaja.
Kita terima bantuan daripada mana sa-kali pun, sebab kita berkehendakkan bantuan yang saya kata sa-belum Indonesia menjalankan dasar konfrontasi terhadap kita, kita tidak minta pertolongan dari pada tentera British, bahkan tidak ada tentera British di-Sabah dan Sarawak, oleh sebab ada konfrontasi daripada Indonesia, sebab Indonesia menchero- boh negara kita, maka terpaksa kita menggunakan Perjanjian Pertahanan kita dengan British dan terpaksa kita minta pertolongan daripada pehak British.
Tadi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, Ahli Yang Berhormat itu ada juga berkata pendaratan di-Pontian dan juga di- Labis, barangkali di-sebabkan ke- chuaian dari pehak tentera kita atau pun pehak Kerajaan sendiri.

Saya suka menerangkan bahawa kita mempunyal sempadan yang luas dan dalam chara pertahanan zaman modern ini, tentu- lah sukar kita hendak menjaga seluroh kawasan udara di-negara kita ini.

Kita ada-lah berdekatan dengan Indonesia.


Malaya dengan Sumatra chuma 15 batu, atau 20 batu, dengan kapal terbang, dari Sumatra boleh datang ka-mari 15 minit atau 20 minit, atau \ jam sahaja, boleh sampai tentu-lah tidak susah bagi Indonesia hendak menyerang kita, atau hendak mendarat dengan chara kapal terbang.

Kita juga kalau hendak menyerang Indonesia tidak susah bila2 masa kita boleh serang (Tepok) kerana 15 batu dan 20 batu dari negara kita.
Tetapi kita tidak bertujuan atau tidak berniat yang tidak baik.

Kita bukan berniat hendak mena'alok mana2 negeri, kita tidak berniat hendak bermusoh dengan siapa2.

Kita berniat dan berkehendakkan kedudokan negara kita aman dan tenteram, dan mem- pertahankan negara kita.

Dengan sebab itu kita ada-lah hendak mempertahan- kan tanah ayer kita, jika di-serang oleh pehak musoh, dan pagi ini pendaratan di-Pontian dan Labis itu bukan-lah di-sebabkan oleh kechuaian daripada mana2 pehak.
Bagitu juga Ahli Yang Berhormat dari Pasir Puteh mengatakan, kenapa kita tidak mem itu kapada Majlis bawa perkara Keselamatan Bangsa2 Bersatu sa-belum daripada itu.

Jadi saya suka terangkan sa-belum daripada itu rakan2 kita dari Thai dan President Macapagal suka hendak mengadakan penyelesaian de ngan chara berunding dengan pehak Indonesia.

Kita dengar is berkata yang mereka itu sedia hendak berselesai dengan chara berunding.
Jadi kita chuba hendak tengok sama ada pehak Indonesia ikhlas dengan berchakap yang sa-macham itu.

Dengan sebab itu kita jalankan perundingan di-Manila, di-Tokyo, dua kali di- Tokyo dan di-Bangkok.

jujor atau ia-itu Jadi sa-lepas daripada Persidangan Kemunchak baharu ini, nyata-lah pada tidak ber kita, President Sukarno kehendakkan keamanan, dan tidak berkehendakkan supaya di-selesaikan bagitu.
Jadi, kemudian daripada itu sudah ada pendaratan di-Pontian dan Labis, jadi nyata-lah bahawa Indonesia berazam hendak menghanchorkan negeri kita.

Dengan sebab itu-lah kita sedang mengambil langkah membawa perkara itu kapada Majlis Bangsa2 Bersatu.
Jadi, sa-hingga pendaratan di-Pontian dan Labis, Indonesia telah menghantar tentera2 dan gurila2 di- tetapi di- Sabah dan di-Sarawak, telah Pontian dan Labis Indonesia menyerang satu negeri ia-itu Malaysia dahulu, satu negeri yang Indonesia telah akui sa-bagai negara yang merdeka dan berdaulat.

Jadi terang kapada dunia bahawa perbuatan itu ada-lah perbuatan yang melanggar Undang2 dunia dan melanggar Piagam Bangsa2 Bersatu.
Jadi itu-lah sebab- nya, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, kita telah mengambil langkah membawa perkara itu kapada Bangsa2 Bersatu.

Ahli Yang Berhormat juga mengatakan patut-lah kita chari jalan lain membawa kapada Majlis Kesela matan Bangsa2 Bersatu untok menye- lesaikan perkara itu dan menchadang- kan membawa perkara itu kapada negara Afro-Asia.
Kita, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, sedia hendak mengambil apa juga langkah yang patut untok hendak menyelesai- kan perkara ini, tetapi perkara yang penting sa-kali pada hari ini ia-lah ada-nya yang di- datangkan terhadap negara kita oleh ini Indonesia.

Kalau pencherobohan pehak Kerajaan pencherobohan itu 1835 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1836 boleh di-tarek balek, perkara ini boleh selesai.

Perundingan boleh di-jalankan.


Apa juga ikhtiar boleh di-buat untok hendak mengembalikan balek per- hubongan baik antara kita dengan Indonesia, tetapi perkara yang meng- ini halang penyelesaian di-atas hal ia-lah pencherobohan yang di-perbuat oleh Indonesia terhadap kita dengan tidak ada apa sebab sadikit pun.
Jadi, ini-lah perkara yang penting sa-belum boleh di-adakan apa juga commission— Reconciliation Commission-kah, Afro- Asian Commission-kah, atau apa juga sa-kali pun, mustahak-lah pencherobo han ini di-berhentikan.

Kalau maseh ada, bagaimana-kah pencherobohan perkara ini hendak di-rundingkan?

Bagaimana-kah pehak kita dapat menyelesaikan perkara Jadi, itu-lah chara kedudokan kita pada hari ini.

ini?
ini?

Dan juga; lagi, Tuan Yang di-Pertua, di-atas hal keselamatan dalam negeri, saya telah sebutkan ia-itu kita sedang mengambil langkah hendak membesar kan tentera2 kita—tentera laut, tentera darat, tentera udara dan kita suka hendak mendapatkan pertolongan dari- pada semua negara yang suka hendak memberikan pertolongan, bukan sahaja pertolongan alat senjata bahkan per tolongan wang pertolongan tentera bagi sementara ini, pertolongan kapal dan pertolongan kapal terbang.
Ahli Yang Berhormat dari Pasir Puteh tadi ada berkata, mengapa kita tidak meminta pertolongan senjata, sebab kita ada banyak pemuda2 dan pemudi2 yang juga boleh memegang senjata untok mempertahankan negara kita ini—itu saya faham.
Kita ada banyak pemuda pemudi yang redza hendak mempertahankan negara kita ini, tetapi yang penting-nya ia-lah, kalau kita tentera negara hendak membesarkan kita dengan sa-berapa segera, neschaya kita terpaksa membelanjakan wang dengan banyak, dan kalau ta' dapat bantuan wang dari luar, terpaksa-lah kita mengurangkan, atau pun member- hentikan ranchangan2 kemajuan yang kita sedang jalankan.
Dan jikalau kita hendak membesarkan tentera kita lebeh lagi yang di-chadangkan oleh Kerajaan terpaksa-lah kita pada hari meminjam wang daripada mana2 ini, pehak.

Kita tidak berada wang bagi hendak membesarkan tentera2 kita dan melateh tentera2 kita saperti mana yang kita kehendaki.

Jadi, dengan sebab itu-lah bagi sementara ini, terpaksa kita bergantong kapada pertolongan daripada rakan2 kita dari luar, atau pun dari negeri2 Commonwealth yang suka hendak memberikan pertolongan kapada kita.
Saya telah sebutkan kerap kali dalam Dewan ini bahawa sa-belum confrontasi, dasar kita dalam lapangan pertahanan ia-lah hendak mempunyai tentera yang chukup untok menjaga keselamatan dalam negeri, menjaga perayeran laut yang berdekatan dengan pantai2 kita, menjaga keamanan di- kawasan2 kita dan kita tidak mem punyai tentera untok hendak berperang, hendak berlawan dengan mana2 pehak.
Jadi, dengan sebab itu-lah kita dapat menumpukan wang ringgit dan tenaga kita untok kemajuan negara; dapat menjalankan ranchangan pembangunan dengan besar2an, dapat menambah dan mengadakan kemajuan2 dalam lapang an pelajaran, kesihatan dan sa- bagai-nya.

Kalau kita mengadakan tentera2 yang besar pada masa dahulu sa-lepas kita menchapai kemerdekaan, tentu-lah kita tidak dapat menjalankan ranchangan2 yang kita telah jalankan yang kita ini kehendaki.
Jadi, dengan sebab kita terpaksa menghadapi confrontasi dari pencherobohan Indonesia pada hari ini, maka terpaksa-lah kita membesar dan meluaskan tentera kita dan ini tentu-lah mengambil masa sadikit, dengan sebab itu-lah pada masa ini terpaksa kita mendapatkan bantuan dan pertolongan daripada rakan2 kita.
ra'ayat negeri tahu ishtiharkan Berkenaan dengan Pasokan2 Kawalan yang di-sebutkan oleh Ahli Yang Berhormat dari Pasir Puteh itu, saya telah ia-itu kita akan membesarkan Pasokan2 Kawalan ini dan saya harap Kerajaan2 Negeri akan dapat menubohkan Pasokan2 Kawalan ini di-serata tempat, tetapi mustahak- lah kita mendaftarkan nama bagi orang yang hendak menjadi ahli Pasokan2 Kawalan ini sa-belum kita senjata kapada dapat memberikan ini akan di-jalankan mereka.
Jadi, 1837 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1838 dengan sa-berapa segera, sebab kita tidak dapat hendak mem- tentu-lah berikan senjata kapada sa-siapa juga yang berhendakkan senjata, mereka ini kena-lah kita kawal, sebab kita tahu ada musoh dalam negeri kita, ada orang daripada warga negara kita ini yang menolong Indonesia yang menjalankan pekerjaan2 subversive, yang menjalan kan kehendak2 musoh itu.
Dengan sebab itu-lah kita terpaksa mengator sempurna-nya dengan perkara mengikut chara Home Guard yang kita buat pada masa dharurat dahulu, dan dalam hal tidak-lah ini, Kerajaan hendak mengutamakan ahli2 daripada mana2 parti; asalkan mereka itu ta'at ini.

Jadi, setia kapada negeri kita dalam hal pertahanan ini, kita ber- kehendakkan semua ra'ayat negeri ini untok memberi kerjasama dan menun- jokkan ta'at setia mereka itu kapada negara kita ini.
ini the Opposition Benches, Mr Speaker, Sir, I only wish to reply very briefly to some of the comments the Honourable Members made by from in particular the Honourable Member from Batu.
My Honourable friend, the Minister of Works, Posts and Telecom munications has replied to certain of the points he raised, but I would like to say that I am too greatly surprised with the fact that in his long, very well prepared speech, in which he blamed for a number of this Government things—blamed for the present state of Emergency, blamed our foreign policy, blamed our defence policy, blamed our Defence Treaty with the United Kingdom—he did not Indonesia.
He say a word against knows, this in country knows this Government think everybody I Dr Tan Chee Khoon: May I clarify the Government one point.

I think wishes deliberately to misunderstand me.

I have repeatedly stated in this House that we condemn Indonesian country this against aggression (Applause), that we will support the Government in its measures and—when the Minister of Transport would not allow me to speak—I paid a tribute to the good work done by the Army and the Police.
Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Well, Sir, that is very assuring, because I have got a written text of the Honourable Member's speech here, in which he did not mention a word about condemning Indonesian aggression.

I am glad that he has had second thoughts over it (Laughter) and it is reassuring to us.

I am very pleased, Sir, that as a result of hearing speeches from Government Benches the Honourable Member has thought greatly (Laughter).
improved his in Sir, the Honourable Member alleged that our defence forces are inadequate and that our troops are not armed with modern weapons.

As I have explained, it is true that we have a small armed force, but our armed forces are well trained and are well equipped with the most modern weapons.

The Honour able Member also alleged that we have a derelict Navy.
Again, I wish to say that although we have a small Navy, after although we only achieved Independence—when independence we had no Navy; we started with a small Navy which we obtained from Singapore—but we have now improved that Navy.

We have replaced the old ships with modern patrol crafts, with modern patrol boats, and although our Navy is still small, but they are well equipped with modern boats and modern weapons.
started we it Mr Speaker, Sir, the Honourable Member for Batu also alleged that the recent landings in Pontian and Labis were perhaps due to the carelessness or negligence on the part of our Air Force, or the R.A.F.

or the R.A.A.F.

I have explained just now in Malay that under modern conditions is to have hundred per cent difficult defence proof attacks.
against Sumatra is only about 15 to 20 miles from here and a plane can travel from any part of Sumatra to Malaya within 20 minutes, less than half-an-hour.

So it is very easy for Indonesians to land in this country either by plane or by boat.

In the same way, it is very easy for us to make landings in Sumatra or in Rhio by boat or by plane.
Sir, under those conditions it is extremely difficult to have 100 per cent defence proof against the possibility of landings by air 1839 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1840 Indonesia.

However, Sir, the moment we heard of the landings our forces went into action and I am pleased to say that we have been able now to eliminate most of those members of the enemy who have landed either in Pontian or in Labis.

to our The Honourable Member spoke at length about our foreign policy.
I am sure the Honourable Prime Minister will reply to him adequately on this point.

But I would like to say this, Sir: whatever our foreign policy has been, the policy that we have been following has been an independent foreign policy.

that we have never He has alleged realised that we are Asians living in Asia.

I must say that the first thing we did after we achieved independence was to have the Treaty of Friendship with Indonesia, our nearest neighbour.
And what is the result of that, what is Soekarno's reply friendship?

Confrontation.

Again, we established the Association of South-East Asian States with Thailand and the Philip pines, in order to have economic co operation and friendly consultations.

We have done all these to bring the countries together.

We did attempt to have a consultative organisation with Indonesia and the Philippines at the meeting in Manila.
That proposal ended in failure, because Indonesia had started its aggression against us.

We to have done maintain close and friendly relations with our neighbours in Asia, because we know that we live in Asia and we have got to work with our neighbours.

But if our neighbours choose to carry out acts of aggression against us, what can we do other than to defend our selves and carry out whatever measures necessary to protect our country and our people.
everything possible Now, the Honourable Member and, I think, the Honourable Member for Menglembu, also spoke about the Emergency Regulations.

As a result of the Proclamation of a State of Emergency under Article 150 of the Constitution, the Government is now being given wide powers.
We do realise that the powers given to us, to the Government, by His Majesty under the in peace time, but as Constitution are wide powers—and these are not the powers which we would like to invoke in a democratic country the Honourable Prime Minister has ex plained in this motion this morning, the situation is serious, the threat to our security is serious.
However, I can assure the House that the most careful consideration will be given to the need of any regulation before we formulate one, taking into consideration that the powers are really necessary.
But I would like to say to the House that it is necessary to bear in our mind, in the forefront of our mind, that the over riding consideration in the present state of emergency must be the public good, the safety and security of this country, and the desirability of defeating the enemies, their agents and their colla borators.
This, Sir, are the principles which will guide us in formulating the Emergency Regulations, and we shall take no more powers than are con sidered absolutely necessary for pro secuting the Emergency.

At the same time, Sir, I must say that we would not hesitate to take whatever powers (as are necessary, and to use those powers, if we feel that it is necessary in the interest of our country and in the interest of the safety and security of our people so to do.

This is our position, Sir.


As I said, it is very necessary for us to have these Emergency powers in the present position to deal with the present grave situation.

I say, Sir, this is not the time for talking.

This is the time for action.

The country is facing a national crisis, and it is not the time either for recrimination.

If we want to recrimi nate, let us do it after we have defeated the enemy.

This is the time for us to proceed and prosecute the Emergency.
I agree that if Honourable Members want to criticise the Government, they can do so, but let their criticisms be constructive, let their criticisms be for winning this Emergency, because our first task, now that we have declared a State of Emergency, must be to end this Emergency, to win the war and to defeat the enemy, because without that there will be no survival for us, for Malaysia.
I would like to say, Sir, that 1841 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1842 this is the position of the Government, and I hope the Members of this House as a whole will give the Government full and undivided in all measures that we may have to take to prosecute this Emergency.

Thank you, Sir.

(Applause).

support from few days all something.


However, The Prime Minister: Mr Speaker, Sir, so much has been said in the course of debate, which we have this morning until now, and I am sure that if this debate were to be open for another the speakers would like to have the opportunity to say as my colleague has pointed out just now, this is not the time for talking but that this is the time for action.

Never theless, those who have spoken have made their views heard and their points clear.
If I have missed some of the points that have been brought up by Members, I would like to say that it was not due to my inattention, but as during the course of the debate I have been called away to attend to so many other things.

So, if there is anything that I have left out in my reply to the many points raised by the Honourable Member, I would ask to be excused.
I the was here Honourable Member for Batu had his say and, as my colleague has pointed out just now, he made a well prepared speech with which to launch a severe attack on the Government, but at the same time and with the same breath he has suggested that his Party is all out in support of the Government.
When my colleague referred to his speech, he said that there was nothing said, or nothing written, in the text of the Honourable Member's speech to say that he is going all out to support the Government—nevertheless, I am happy to know that he and his Party have now changed their minds and have come out openly to do so.

(Laughter).
(Laughter).

this morning, when their stand and From the speech, couched in terms which perhaps require a little bit of study, it is not for me to take up some of the issues which he raised now, because I have got to be sure what was intended rather than what was said.
Let us hope, however, that the least we fodders support of can expect from the Opposition parties, the Honourable the parties which Members represent, is that they will take measures the in Government and also discourage their men from mixing up with the undesir ables, the handful of traitors, and also the enemy personnel whom we find in this country in large numbers.
I hope that they will not go round the country and tell the people that the Alliance Government is trying to use them as cannon in our war with Indonesia, or in our fight with Indo nesia, and also that they will not stop their youths who are sympathetic to the their Party from registering for National service.
Further, I hope that they will try to give information, or at least encourage their members to give information, that will lead to the arrest of some of the collaborators and the arrest of some of the enemies.

If they can give just this help, or the assurance that they will give this help, I think that is all the help and support we need from them.
I must warn the Opposi tion again that I do not doubt their words, but on the other hand, if they do not do these things but continue to work against the Government, they do so at their own risk.

I, or this Govern ment, cannot play about nor can afford to be lenient when the happiness and security of the people are at stake, and when the fate of this nation is being threatened—the fate, security and so vereignty of the nation is being threa tened—by the enemy from within and without.
All these matters perhaps mean very little to some people, but to the nation as a whole it is a matter of life and death.

Much has been said by the Opposition in the course of speeches in the debate, and Opposition Members have been trying to put the this blame on trouble which we are facing now.

My colleagues had dealt with the Honourable Member for Pasir Puteh and to save time there is no need into this.
As for me to go further I have said, nothing has appeared the speech of the Honourable from Member for Pasir Puteh, or from for Batu— that of either by implication or otherwise—to the Government for the Member 1843 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1844 to like suggest that Indonesia is at fault.

I inform Honourable would Members of a message which I have received just now from our representa tive in the United Nations.

It is to the effect that Indonesia has accepted all the blame for aggression.
Therefore it will be a waste of words for any Mem ber to say, our even to think, that we are to blame for it.

Many Honourable Members of the Opposition who have spoken in the course of the debate have suggested that our foreign policy is at fault, just because we do not side with the Afro- Asian group.

I think that is an over statement of fact.


As far as I know, we have always taken the side of the Afro-Asian group, whether it affects our foreign policy, or in the course of discussion in the precincts of the United Nations Headquarters.

How ever, it is very difficult to know which group of the Afro-Asian people that the Honourable Members suggest that we should join.
As far as we are con cerned, our policy has been indepen dent, and it has been clearly stated by His Majesty in His Gracious Speech to this House of Parliament early in the year.

And all I need say is that we are an Afro-Asian nation, or Asian nation—there is no getting away from it.

But at the same time, we have got to look after our own interest, the interest of our people, and to know and to pursue a policy which is best suited for our people and our country.
I have left no doubt, when discussing this matter at my meetings with and President President Soekarno Macapagal, that nothing would please us more than to work in line with our to leave all Afro-Asian groups and affairs security, our affecting country, in the hands of Asian groups.
But Honourable Members will remem ber that even as early as 1949, I think, our neighbour Indonesia had in mind that rich country of Malaya with its ordered way of life should be, perhaps, a useful acquisition to Indonesia, and that it should be made a territory of Indonesia under Soekarno's ambitious plan of Indonesia Raya.

Therefore, trouble which we are meeting this is from is not new—it Indonesia our on our that that happening—is something of which I have informed the House from time to time.
How ever, since the Opposition has chosen not to listen to me and not to under stand what I have tried to convey to them, there is nothing that I can do, except that I hope and pray that, in course of time, they will be able to look back at all those events that led to this present confrontation and to comprehend this themselves trouble, which we are meeting today, is not of our doing, but is the diabo lical act of our enemy across the sea—Indonesia.
As my Honourable colleague has said just now, to suggest that we could prevent Indonesian air planes from coming across and drop ping some of their men, goods and territory—to belongings prevent quite possible had we been on the alert, or if our Allies had been ready to meet it, I think, is to suggest a miracle, because with the short distance that an aeroplane would take to get here and within the short time involved, it is not possible for our machines to take off from takes only 12 minutes for the Indonesian aeroplane to get to Labis—and within the period of 12 minutes it is not possible for us to stop them.
How ever, as has been pointed out by my colleagues, we can do the same thing as they do, but we want to maintain peace in this part of the world and, therefore, we do not do it.

If we chose to do it, even our little plane, travel ling at a speed of 105 miles an hour, could still bomb and strafe Indone installations.

sian airports and We have not done so, because we want peace.
We have been devoting most of our time, our attention, our money for peaceful development in this country, because we felt it would be a sheer waste of time, sheer waste of money, to try and build up a force strong enough to meet any threat or attack from outside, because no coun try that aims to attack us would do so unless it is satisfied that it is at least ten times stronger than we are.

Therefore, we have only the choice of either to be ready to fight the enemy to feed, clothe and house our or people.
And which do the people of the ground.

It their 1845 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1846 this country prefer?

We have felt the the nation and we know pulse of exactly what the people want.

There fore, we have chosen the course of carrying on with the peaceful deve lopment of the country, in order to satisfy the needs, the wants and the desire of our peace-loving people.

Now, what is in fact the policy of this Afro-Asian group that our Opposition talked about so glibly, I personally do not know.
I have met quite a number of Afro-Asian people in the course of my travel, in the course of my visit to the United States, in the course of my conferences with Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth, but still it is not pos sible for me to say what in fact is that policy.

Some of them have chosen to call themselves "non-aligned" whilst at the same time take great pride in being a member of the Commonwealth.
In the course of the Conference of Commonwealth Prime Ministers, they talked of how nice it would be to have a Commonwealth Secretariat to do the work of collating and co-ordinating all the Commonwealth matters affecting countries, but none of talked them about the Eastern bloc, and none of them appeared to show any desire to lean towards the other bloc.

Therefore, I take it that they prefer to be in a bloc from which they can get the greatest advantage for their respective country and for their people.
So, it follows that we have chosen the side which, we feel, can fit in with our way of life, can help us to improve the lot and the happiness of our people, can give us a sense of security against threats from outside.

We would have liked to leave our fate in the hands of our Asian brothers but, as I said earlier on, their very intention, as far as we could judge from their overt acts, or assess from their overt acts, is to destroy rather than to help us.
Let us take Indonesia: its aim is to destroy or crush us, but before it can achieve that purpose, it has already destroyed and crushed its own people.

There is no prospect, there is no hope, for the people of Indonesia.

What Soekarno has done for them is to destroy them.
When he was in Tokyo and in Manila enjoying himself, I was the to myself, "Here thinking is to to this that than while played statement scoundrel things in the order of modern Nero—(Laughter) Nero, the old Roman scoundrel (Laughter) who, his while Rome burned, fiddle—Soekarno Indonesia starves, he sings and enjoys himself thoroughly."

I thought that he was a the Roman bigger scoundrel, Nero.
That is, the man, who has been saying things every day, every hour of the day, every day of the week, but what he is saying today fits in quite well with what is working in his mind.

He said, "The commu nists in Indonesia are the pillars of revolution"; and also he went on to ignore say the communists ignore seven hundred would be million Chinese communists and that Indonesian revolution was a revolution of the people and the peasants were the people.
I think he said, "We know the communists are in open rebellion this against world"—and from Soekarno shows that if he is not a communist, he is well on the way to be one.

Therefore, where is the so- called non-alignment of Indonesia or Soekarno?

If he can choose his bloc without being criticised by the Oppo sition here, why then cannot we choose which bloc we should belong to?

Why should we be told by the Opposition, or the Honourable Mem ber for Batu, that we have made a mistake?
The people have chosen.

It is not we who have chosen, because to people that issue has been put during the recent elections, and the people have returned us by a large majority.

Therefore, it is obvious that the people want us to remain in this bloc, the people want us to run things in the way we have been doing.

On the other hand, if the Socialist Front were to get the support of the people, I would not question what policy they would adopt either internally or exter nally.
to do so because the people have returned them to power—but I do pray that they will never be in power.

(Laughter).

So, I am satisfied that the course we have chosen is the right one, and I feel that only time can tell that what I am saying now is correct.
We may have troubles for some time—God knows how far long it will be—but I am right their is It 1847 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1848 sure that as there is God above, we will get over these troubles and our nation will grow in strength and good health, and that this country will be able to give happiness and protection to us and for all our descendants to come.
Further, this Proclamation of consultations between the Police as it has been suggested—I think by the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore and some other Members of this House—that the Proclamation, perhaps, will give to the Police and the Military wide powers.

It is true, but as my Honourable colleague, Tun Abdul Razak, has explained just now, every power that they will use will be given to them and that there will be constant the Military and to how that power will be used.
It is for us to see to it that they will never abuse this power, because the sole intention of the Emer gency is not to deal with the peaceful citizens of this country, or the law- abiding citizens of this country, but to deal with those elements whose aim is to destroy this country, whose only purpose is to see how best they can cause disturbances and chaos in this country—and this is the reason why to be made.
this Proclamation has It never has been to reduce this country into a police State and, as I have said, the Emergency to enable Regulations are designed the authorities to act swiftly against the enemy and to enable the peaceful, loyal citizens of this country to live in peace without fear for their own safety.

In order to do this, we have got to remove the enemy from our midst and the only way we can do this, sad as it might seem, is by making this Proclamation.
Before we advised His Majesty to issue this Proclamation we had to satisfy ourselves that there is a real grave state of emergency in this country, and having satisfied ourselves only have we advised His Majesty to declare this State of Emergency by Proclamation.

those members who expressed certain con cern about the trial and the detention of those who it will be necessary to arrest, that there will be no abuse of authority or powers in dealing with intention assure can the I them.
We will have them enquired as soon as we can; and also in the case of those who have been brought to trial, we will see that the trial is carried out according to our law, with the exception those cases of in Emergency they will have to be carried out according to the Emergency laws as laid down under the Regulations.

All trials will be carried out as quickly as possible.
that It was also by the suggested from Tanjong Honourable Member that that the Constitution demands every single citizen must be accorded equality of status as a Malaysian.
The Constitution has in no uncertain terms set out the rights of every citizen in this country and we have proved to this country that all these years that we have been in power we have upheld this Constitution, and that was what I said this morning—that so long as the Malays feel that their rights under the Constitution are protected they should respect the right of others, t h at has been the mutual understanding existing in this country.
That is why I felt that all this trouble that had broken out in Singapore was not due to any cause other than that created by our enemy, the Indonesians, who had planted all these feelings of hatred and feelings of suspicion one against the other when they were here before.

That is why I am concerned.

Without the instigation from this enemy this trouble would never have occurred, because this is one of the countries in the world that has enjoyed so much harmony.
From the people in this time immemorial country have always lived in peace and in harmony, as I had occasion to say when I was in America when I was asked, "What is your greatest achieve ment since independence?"

I said the greatest achievement indepen dence has been the goodwill, friendship and mutual understanding which exists in this country among the people of all races and creeds.

And no sooner said then in Singapore.

I have never felt such an idiot in all my life (Laughter).
Sir, I hope and I pray that all the Honour able Members who have the interest of and concern for the people at heart this trouble broke out since 1849 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1850 in must try and do everything possible to try and maintain this harmony among this the various people country, because there is no need for trouble.

As I have said this morning, there is plenty of land and plenty of scope for everybody to carry out his activities.

But there must be mutual respect between the people of all races.
It is too much to expect that everybody will feel himself absolutely and one cent Malaysian or hundred per Malayan at this stage.

It takes time, it takes education, but with the help of every member, every community in this country and all the responsible people in this country, I am sure that goal will be achieved in quicker time than we think.

It is also suggested that divided we fall—that is sure enough.
That is why we should stick together and we should fight Indonesia and after we have done that, then we should settle down and plan again for the reconstruction of this country in a way we feel best suited to this nation.

It was suggested by a Socialist Front member from Singapore that Malaysia is dying.

Dr Tan Chee Khoon: On a point of explanation.

The Prime Minister has mentioned the Socialist Front member from Singapore.

There is no Socialist Front member from Singapore.


is Barisan Sosialis The Prime Minister: I am so sorry, I beg your pardon (Laughter).

Well, actually it is the translation.

Only one is Socialist Front in English; the other in Malay one (Laughter).

Speaking I called it Socialist Front.

So I apologise for it.

However, if the Honourable Member takes exception to it, I don't blame him either (Laughter).

in English Malaysia has not gained support from the Afro-Asian countries.
I may tell the very Honourable Member that we have got all the support we need.

The others who do not give, I don't think it matters very much.

I had occasion to say the same thing at the Common wealth Conference.

It was also sug gested that since this trouble began with Indonesia, many people of Singapore have lost their livelihood, there has been a loss of trade and there has been drop in the imports, etc.

That is not brought about by us.


The Honourable Member must satisfy himself that all this has been brought about by Indonesia.

If we have suffered this much, I would assure the Barisan Sosialis member that Indonesia suffers more.

But that is neither here nor there.

I must say that we are sad and in sorry Singapore, but since we have to fight an enemy we have got to make sacrifices, and here I would ask the Honourable Member to help us in putting things right in Singapore as best as we could.
is happening for what is the work of Then it was suggested here—it is not for me to reply—that the Prime Minister of Singapore is telling the people in Europe that the disturbance in Singapore the UMNO.

AH I need say is that it is not the work of the UMNO, but I am not there to reply to the Honourable Prime Minister of Singapore.

But I do not think he quite said that.

He said it is due to some irresponsible politicians.

Whether he referred to UMNO or to Barisan Sosialis, I do not know (Laughter).
But I am inclined to think that the reference which he made was rather more to the Barisan Sosialis.

The Honourable Member from Barisan Sosialis in Singapore suggested that Malaysia is dying.

I think he is wrong and it is what I would say just wishful thinking and it is a prayer which will never come into being.

He also suggested that the number of people who are anti-Malaysia are ever-increasing or ever-growing.

That may be so, but not in this country but camps perhaps in (Laughter).
It was also suggested that the detention Then, there was a challenge from the Honourable Member that we should have a Commission of Inquiry to inquire into all these disturbances in Singapore and to find out the cause of these disturbances.

I can assure the Honourable Member that that will be done.

When it will be done, I do not know—but it will be done.
In fact this Government has already appointed a Committee, or suggested certain names to be on this Committee, and we have 1851 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1852 already agreed on reference for this Committee.

the terms of integrity of It was also suggested by the Honourable Member for Tanjong that there should not be any talk about giving up my leadership at this time.
I must thank the Honourable Member for Tanjong for thinking so highly of me and, as I have said in the UMNO General Assembly, as long as the people want me, as long as I feel I am of service to the nation, I will remain as the servant of this Government.

(Applause).

I do not doubt the sincerity and the Opposition Members.

I know what they feel, how they feel, about this situation obtaining in this country.
I think they realise, as well as we do, that it is only under our system of democracy that we are able to have different parties and to speak our minds as we want to, uninterfered and uninterrupted.

But once this country ceases the practice of demo cracy, then there will be the end of everything for us all.

And it is in order to uphold democracy that we feel that these Emergency Regulations are necessary, to remove the in order enemy from our midst—the enemy who has no respect, no love, for democracy.
Sir, I beg to move.

(Applause).

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved, That this House fully endorses and sup ports the Proclamations of Emergency laid before the House as Command Paper No.

25 of 1964.

CUSTOMS DUTIES (AMENDMENT No.

6) ORDER, 1964 Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move— (2) of section 10 of That this Houses resolves that in accor dance with the powers vested in it by virtue of sub-section the Customs Ordinance, 1952, the Customs Duties (Amendment No.
6) Order, 1964, which has been laid before the House as Statute Paper No.

64 of 1964 be confirmed.

Sir, although the meeting of this Parliament is especially called to dis cuss the first motion on the Order Paper, but as it is made mandatory by law to have this order confirmed at the first meeting of Parliament, it is necessary for me to bring two motions before this House.

Now, the primary purpose of this Order is to provide protection for a domestic manufacturer refined sugar.
The Government, Sir, is satis fied that without protection it would not be practicable for the refinery to operate as low cost foreign producers can very easily flood our market with their product.

of The House will also note that the Order has changed radically the tariff classification of sugar for the purposes of collecting Customs duty.

Hitherto, sugar has been rather unsatisfactorily classified regardless of the sugar con tent.
Sugar was classified according to whether it was meant for further refining or whether it was imported for consumption.

This Order seeks to reclassify its degrees of polarisation i.e.

the exact extent to which the sugar is refined.

It is an accepted system of classifica tion commonly adopted in countries where there are sugar refineries.
Now, this change in the nomenclature not only improves the tariff classification but also assures that the protection accorded to the domestic refinery is used to the maximum advantage.

according sugar to Sir, I beg to move.

Dato' Haji Sardon bin Haji Jubir: Sir, I beg to second the motion.

Question put, and agreed to.


Resolved, That this House resolves that in accor it by the powers vested dance with virtue of sub-section (2) of section 10 of the Customs Ordinance, 1952, the Customs Duties (Amendment No.

6) Order, 1964, which has been laid before the House as Statute Paper No.

64 of 1964 be confirmed.

in CUSTOMS DUTIES (AMENDMENT No.


7) ORDER, 1964 Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move— That this House resolves that in accor dance with the powers vested in it by virtue of sub-section (2) of section 10 of the Customs Ordinance, 1952, the Customs Duties (Amendment No.

7) Order, 1964, which has been laid before the House as Statute Paper No.

65 of 1964 be confirmed.


1853 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1854 Now, Sir, the House will recall that in April last year, the duty on alumi nium stripes and sheets was raised from 10 per cent ad valorem to 30 per cent ad valorem in order to provide protection for a domestic industry.

Since this increase was made, it was found that large quantities of aluminium sheets have been coming into the country at prices below those existing in the exporting country.
The result of this under-valuation is that the protection given to the domestic industry was completely nullified.

In order to overcome this difficulty, it was found necessary to amend the duty from an ad valorem basis to a specific basis.

The Order before the House seeks to do this.

That is to say, the duty of 40 cents per lb works out to approximately the same as the old duty of 30 per cent if the aluminium sheets are imported at fairest prices.

just Sir, I beg to move.


The Assistant Minister of Commerce and Industry (Tuan Haji Abdul Khalid bin Awang Osman): Sir, I beg to second the motion.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved, That this House resolves that in accor dance with the powers vested in it by virtue of sub-section (2) of section 10 of the Cus toms Ordinance, 1952, the Customs Duties (Amendment No.

7) Order, 1964, which has been laid before the House as Statute Paper No.

65 of 1964 be confirmed.


SUSPENSION OF STANDING ORDER 48 (Motion) Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Mr Speaker, Sir, with your permission, I beg to that Standing Order 48 be move suspended for the duration of this meeting.

This is necessary in order to enable me to move the second and third reading of the Emergency (Essential Powers) Bill which I presented to this House on a certificate of urgency this morning.

Dato' Haji Sardon bin Haji Jubir: Sir, I beg to second the motion.

Question put, and agreed.


Resolved, That with the consent of Mr Speaker, the Standing Order 48 be suspended for duration of this meeting.
BILL THE EMERGENCY (ESSENTIAL POWERS) BILL, 1964 Second Reading Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Mr Speaker, Sir, I beg to move that the Bill intituled "An Act to confer certain powers on the Yang di-Pertuan Agong which it is expedient that His Majesty should be enabled to exercise in the emergency proclaimed on third day of the September, 1964, under Article 150 of the Federal Constitution" be read a second time.
Sir, this House has had a full debate on the motion moved by the Honour able the the Prime Minister on Proclamation of Emergency and now the House has fully endorsed and supported the Proclamation.

Therefore, Sir, this House is now fully aware of the circumstances that made it neces sary for the Government to proclaim this state of emergency.
Sir, it is indeed a sad thing for this Government—the Alliance Govern ment—to have to advise His Majesty to proclaim a state of emergency throughout Malaysia because it was this Government just four years ago that brought the previous Emergency to an end and put an end to all the the restrictions and hardships people of this country had to endure for 12 years.
that it that However, as has been fully explained the debate on the motion of the in Honourable the Prime Minister, the Government is considers necessary, in view of the serious threat to the safety and security of our country, that a state of emergency that should be proclaimed Government should be vested with the necessary powers under the Constitu tion to enable the Government to take adequate measures this country and to fight the enemies.
to defend and 1855 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1856 from Sir, the Emergency was proclaimed under Article 150 of the Constitution and section 2 of the Article gives His Majesty all the powers to promulgate Ordinances necessary for prosecuting the emergency.

However, it is felt that series of instead of making a Ordinances time, a proper way would be for Parliament to empower His Majesty by an Act of Parliament to make Essential Regula tions.
Honourable Members will remember the previous Emergency, Essential Regulations were made under similar power by the High Commissioner before Independence and later by His Majesty.
that under time to to carry out I would like once again, Sir, to assure this House that the Government will give very careful consideration to any Regulation is considered that necessary to be made; also, I can assure the House that the Government will see to it that the powers under these Regulations will be exercised most carefully, and also justly.
I think this House and the country know fully well how this Government had exer cised the Emergency Regulations, the powers under the Emergency Regula tions, during the four years that this the Government had Emergency; and also, this House and the country are fully aware of the way in which Government had exercised the powers, fairly wide powers, conferred by the Internal Security Act which was passed by this House.
Therefore, Sir, this House and, I think, this country need have no fear that the Emergency Regulations that may be promulgated will be abused or misused.

But I must say again here, Sir, that although we will exercise careful consideration before promul gating any regulation, I must make it to clear promulgate any if we consider it necessary for the interest and for the security of our country.

that we will not hesitate regulation Sir, I beg to move.
Dato' Haji Sardon bin Haji Jubir: Sir, I beg to second the motion.

Dr Lim Chong Eu: Mr Speaker, Sir, we have already spent one whole day over the question of the emergency and, I think, throughout this House we have heard expressions, except one, that everywhere in this country people will rally round the Government.
No matter how much we quarrel over the words that are written into this Bill, unless the Government implements it and acts in the manner that it has assured this House, no quarrel between us over the words of the Bill can lead us anywhere.

Sir, the only thing I would like to raise is one which I have pointed out earlier on.
We understand the wide powers that we are giving to the Government by the passing of this Bill, and so I do urge the Honourable the Mover of the motion to remember again that, in essence, parliamentary democracy which is the characteristic of our nation depends upon the fact that ultimately all legislation will pass through this House.
It is admitted that under the terms of emergency and crisis, the Government shall have full powers to act, but I do hope that not only will the Government act only as and when necessary but, if and wherever possible, it would try to refer to this House Bills which do not amount to Bills of utmost urgency in so far as time is concerned.
Sir, it is only by this careful preservation of our dedication to parliamentary democracy that we can hope to weather through this period of emergency and come through with the same spirit as we today abandon what powers we have in this House and entrust it to the care of those in Government.

Dr Tan Chee Khoon: Mr Speaker, Sir, I fully endorse what the Honour able Member for Tanjong has just so very lucidly put before the House the fears of we on this side of the House.
It is expressed not only by the Honour able Member for Tanjong but also by the Deputy Prime Minister of Singapore that, if these powers that we are now conferring on the Government are abused, it may well lead to a police state, and it may well be the death- knell of democracy which these powers seek to preserve.
Mr Speaker, Sir, if I remember the Member for rightly, just now 1857 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1858 in Menglembu pointed out this little pass age written here on page 2—I think he referred to section 2 (d)—-"make special provisions respect of procedure (including the hearing of proceedings in camera) in civil or criminal cases."
Mr Speaker, Sir, I can understand the need for such power in the case of criminal cases, but I do not see the relevance of it in the case of civil cases; and it is things like this that rouse the fear and apprehension not only of we on this side of the House but of a large section of the people of this country.
It is very reassuring to hear every Govern ment Front Bencher that these powers will not be abused, and I hope these solemn promises given by the Honourable Ministers will be solemnly kept and preserved by them.

telling us that sa-dalam2-nya Tuan Haji Ahmad bin Abdullah (Kelantan Hilir): Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya bangun mengambil bahagian di- atas perbahathan ini.

PAS menyokong Bill yang ada di-hadapan kita ini dan saudara saya dari Pasir Puteh dalam membahathkan Bill ini telah menyo kong polisi Kerajaan.
Chuma di-sini walau pun kita telah dengar perbaha than tadi bahawa jaminan dari Timba- tiap2 undang2 lan Perdana Menteri, yang akan di-buat terlebeh dahulu akan di-timbangkan supaya jangan-lah undang2 itu akan menimpa- kan atau pun menjadi satu tanggongan berat atau kedzaliman kapada ra'ayat.

Kita juga berpuas hati di-atas jaminan yang telah di-berikan oleh Yang Ber hormat Timbalan Perdana Menteri.
Tetapi sunggoh pun bagitu suka-lah saya hendak mengingatkan bahawa sa- nya ada-lah kuat-kuasa yang kita akan beri kapada Kerajaan ada-lah satu kuat-kuasa yang paling besar yang di-dalam ini Kerajaan kuat-kuasa juga boleh mengambil tindakan apa ka-atas siapa2 pun yang Kerajaan shak telah menjalankan perkara2 yang boleh merosakkan keamanan negeri.
Tuan Yang di-Pertua, saya meng ingatkan Kerajaan supaya mengambil berat di-atas segala undang2 yang akan di-buat untok memelihara dan menja- minkan keadaan keamanan dalam negeri ini dan kemerdekaan tanah ayer itu suka-lah kita, tetapi di-samping saya mengingatkan bahawa sa-kira-nya ada aduan2 daripada pehak ra'ayat bahawa sa-nya ada undang2 yang di- buat oleh Kerajaan itu di-salah guna- kan, maka pehak Kerajaan akan mengambil berat dan menyelidek sama ada aduan itu betul atau tidak.
Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Tuan Yang di-Pertua, bagi menjawab perkara yang di-bangkitkan oleh Yang Berhormat dari Kelantan Hilir, saya telah memberi tidak akan akuan bahawa Kerajaan mengadakan undang2 itu melainkan jika mustahak, dan Kerajaan meng adakan sa- mata2 hendak menyelamatkan negeri ini dan mempertahankan negara kita ini daripada anchaman musoh.
Jadi, saya boleh-lah beri akuan jika ada apa2 aduan dari mana2 pehak yang mengata- kan undang2 tidak di-gunakan dengan sempurna maka Kerajaan akan menyiasat dalam perkara itu.

undang2 ada-lah ini ini in to Sir, reply to that the Honourable Member for Tanjong and also the Honourable Member for Batu, I have this already given an assurance House on the two occasions Government will give very careful consideration before promulgating these Regulations.
As I have said, we realise that the powers conferred under this Act, the Emergency Regulations are wide, and they are not the powers which one would like to invoke in a democratic country in a peace-time.

However, in view of the serious threat to our country, the Government con siders it necessary that it should have this power in order to deal with the enemy, to defeat the enemy and to deal with enemy's agents and the enemy collaborators throughout the country.
In reply to the Honourable Member for Batu, and also the Honourable Member for Menglembu, when he raised the matter in respect of Clause 2 (2) (d), i.e., on the subject of making special provisions in respect of proce dure in civil or criminal cases, I would like to say that most of the cases con nected with Emergency are criminal cases, but there are occasions when the Government officials or other persons sue or are sued in civil cases; and it sometimes happens that in the course 1859 10 SEPTEMBER 1964 1860 of such proceedings, evidence, either documentary or oral, has to be pro duced in Court, and such evidence cannot possibly be withheld by a plea that it is a privilege.
Therefore, it may be necessary, through normal course of justice, to produce this evidence, and obviously in a normal trial such evi dence will be published, and it may happen that the publication of such such document may evidence or the Government seriously embarrass efforts for the defence and security of this country.

I do not say that it may happen, but it is possible that it may.

That is why it is necessary to have this provision to cover such eventualities.
I would like to explain, Sir, that these powers were also provided under the 1948 Emergency Regulations.

So, I consider it necessary to retain the word "civil" here for cases which I have just mentioned.
in promulgating I would like to assure this House, again, that the Government will be these most careful Regulations and, as I have said in moving this Bill for the second reading, this House and the country have only to judge the record of the Government in exercising the powers both under the Emergency Regulations for four years from 1955 to 1960 and in exer cising the powers under the Internal Security Act, which is still in force in this country.
Dr Tan Chee Khoon: Sir, I would like to ask one more question, and I do not like to delay the proceedings very much longer.

We have just heard the Deputy Prime Minister explaining on the question of necessity for these Regulations to cover civil cases as well.

But the previous line in Clause 2 (2) says, " .

.

.

.

including the hearing of in camera .

.

."


Conse proceedings quently, if there is anything in the civil the that may well embarrass suit Government or any parties concerned, it may be held in camera.

So, I do not see any reason why we should have civil cases included here.

The previous line confers these powers.

Why should a civil case be covered by the Emergency Regulations since it has nothing to do with the Emergency?
the Government to hear civil cases Tun Haji Abdul Razak: Sir, normally we only hear in camera criminal cases.

Obviously, it has seldom been the prac tice in camera.

That is why, we have had this provision for cases which I have just!

mentioned.
mentioned.

Although such cases may be rare, in view of the state of Emergency we are in now, it is necessary to make this provision in case the Government or the Government officials or members of the Government are asked to produce the document or evidence in civil cases which we cannot normally resist or claim privilege.

That is why we have to make this provision.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill accordingly read a second time and committed to a Committee of the whole House.
House immediately resolved itself into a Committee on the Bill.

Bill considered in Committee.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair) Clauses 1 to 6 inclusive ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Preamble ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Bill reported without amendment: read the third time and passed.

House resumed.

Mr Speaker: The House adjourned sine die.

stands Adjourned at 8 p.m.